Kers Will 2006 Migration Language

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Kerswill, Paul (2006). Migration and language. In Klaus Mattheier, Ulrich Ammon & Peter Trudgill(eds.) Sociolinguistics/Soziolinguistik. An international handbook of the science of language andsociety, 2nd edn., Vol 3. Berlin: De Gruyter.

Migration and language

Paul Kerswill

1. Isolating the linguistic and sociolinguistic consequences of

migration

Language change may be thought of as having internal (intra-systemic), external

(contact-based) and extra-linguistic (socio-political and economic) motivations

(Farrar/Jones 2002, 1). It is reasonable to suppose that the migration of people is a

leading cause of contact-induced change; in other words, migration is a key extra-

linguistic factor leading to externally-motivated change. In every case of migration,

except where a homogeneous group of people moves to an isolated location, language

or dialect contact ensues (Thomason/Kaufman 1988; Trudgill 1986).

Migration also has far-reaching consequences for the social fabric of the three

communities affected: the society of origin, the society of destination, and the

migrants themselves (Lewis 1982, 25, summarising Mangalam (1968)). It follows that

migration has profound sociolinguistic consequences, as the demographic balance of

the sending and receiving populations is altered (migrants are typically young and

economically active), and as the migrants are uprooted from familiar social and

sociolinguistic set-ups, perhaps forming an ethnolinguistic minority which has to

relate sociolinguistically to a new, host speech community which in its turn

becomes transformed by their arrival (Kerswill 1994).

Until recently, the study of the (socio)linguistic effects of migration has been

conceptually separated from that of the spread of linguistic features by means of

geographical diffusion, the simplest manifestation of which is the wave-like spread of

a linguistic innovation from its point of origin. This is an example of the geographical

phenomenon known as expansion diffusion (Britain 2003), and by definition does not

implicate population movements. The study of this type of diffusion was central to the

concerns of 19th and 20th century dialect geographers, later refined by the application

of models from human geography, particularly hierarchical diffusion (Trudgill 1983;


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Britain 2002, 622-627; 2003). The geographical models applied were asocial in

character (Britain 2003), while the linguistic focus was on individual features viewed

within a mechanistic theory of change (the regularity hypothesis (Hock 1991, 35)). A

parallel research tradition, focusing on pidgins and creoles (Schuchardt 1980) but also

on language islands (Bohnenberger 1913; Schirmunski 1928), investigated the

linguistic consequences ofrelocation diffusion (Britain 2003), by which cultural

elements (including language) are transmitted to non-contiguous locations by human

migration. From the outset, this tradition has taken social conditions into account,

particularly in pidgin/creole linguistics: Holm (2000, 30) cites Schuchardts 1882

study of So Tom Creole Portuguese, which opens with a discussion of the social

history of the language. It was only recently that the relationship between the two

types of diffusion was acknowledged: both involve the varied psycholinguistic and

sociolinguistic processes resulting from language and dialect contact (Trudgill 1994).

At linguistic borders and within linguistic areas (Sprachbnde; Chambers/Trudgill

1998, 168-170), expansion diffusion results in language contact, as do almost all cases

of relocation diffusion. In these circumstances, we may find pidginisation,

creolisation, second-language acquisition, multilingualism, borrowing and language

shift. Dialect contact (Trudgill 1986) is characteristic of expansion diffusion within a

dialect area (L. Milroy 2002). It is also characterises relocation diffusion when the

migrants move to a place where the majority language varieties are mutually

intelligible with their own, or when speakers of different, but related varieties

converge on linguistically virgin territory, as in a new town or in many colonial

settlements. Here, the processes involved are second-dialect acquisition (Chambers

1992; Britain 2003; Kerswill 1996), accommodation (Trudgill 1986, 1-38), mixing,

simplification, levelling, hyperdialectalisms and reallocation (Trudgill 1986;

Britain/Trudgill 1999). The extent and manifestation of each of these processes

depends on the nature of the contact and the types of communities involved (Trudgill

2002); however, their manifestations will be more extreme in cases of relocation

diffusion than expansion diffusion (Britain 2003).

In this chapter, I shall treat relocation as equivalent to migration. The focus

will be on the parameters of migration as identified by human geographers. The

linguistic and sociolinguistic consequences of each will be illustrated with examples.


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2. Migration: parameters and consequences

The importance of migration in human affairs is suggested by the observation that:

variation in migration levels between places [tends] to be much greater than

differences in births and deaths (Lewis 1982, 9). Within a single place, it is possible

that the net migration change [is] generally of much greater importance than natural

change in its contribution to population change (White 1980, cited in King 1993, 29).

However, migration is not a single process, and there are definitional problems once

a precise description is attempted (Boyle/Halfacree/Robinson 1998, 34), though

there is usually agreement on the parameters that must be examined in describing and

categorising cases of migration. These include:

space

time

motivation

socio-cultural factors

(Lewis 1982, 9-19; Boyle et al. 1998, 34-38)

We will present each of these separately, along with discussions of their

sociolinguistic repercussions.

2.1 Space

Boundaries

The concept of space in migration studies relates, primarily, to whether administrative

boundaries are crossed. Migration is defined as movement across the boundary of an

areal unit (Boyle et al. 1998, 34), whereas a move within an areal unit is, simply, a

local move (Lewis 1982, 10). Obviously, the larger the areal unit considered, the

fewer moves will be classified as migrations, though this may not reflect the impact

of the moves on the communities concerned. A move across a boundary within a

country is termed internal migration, the people involved being in-migrants to the


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areal unit, those moving out of it (to whatever destination) being out-migrants (Boyle

et al. 1998, 34-5).

Sociolinguistically, the distinction between moves within and across

administrative boundaries within a state is of little consequence except insofar as the

boundaries reflect, or in some cases shape, differing allegiances. For example, Llamas

(2000) reports that younger people in Middlesbrough in northeast England have

ceased to identify themselves as being from Yorkshire, the county to which it had

belonged until boundary changes in 1968. This is reflected in the fact that the local

accent has taken on features from the city of Newcastle to the north, even though self-

expressed identities are aligned not with Newcastle but with the town itself. Whether

these changes were causedby the boundary changes or by, say, economic changes is a

moot point. Where the boundary separates states, significant differences of culture,

economic conditions, education and language may be involved, and the impact of the

migration will be greater. Omoniyi (1999) notes that in Idiroko and Igolo, villages on

either side of the border between Nigeria and Benin, language attitudes differ within

the same ethnolinguistic group, the Yoruba. On the Benin side, the population is more

positively disposed towards Yoruba than are the Nigerians, while often sending their

children across the border to be educated through the medium of English instead of

French. At the same time, the twin villages have attracted numerous incomers, such as

traders, smugglers and money-launderers, in addition to the presence of border

officials.

Distance

Space is also reflected in distance. Short-distance migration differs from long-distance

migration in the degree to which individuals can maintain links with the point of

origin, as well as in the amount of personal commitment (resources, motivation)

needed to move and maintain links. As with expansion diffusion (Hgerstrand 1952;

Trudgill 1983; Britain 2003), gravity models have been applied to migration

(Hgerstrand 1957, cited in Lewis 1982, 51-2). The model is the same, and predicts

that migration flows will be a function of the size of populations at the points of origin

and destination, and the distance between them (Lewis 1982, 53). However,

geographers point out that perceived distance is not the same as Euclidean distance,


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with a logarithmic transformation to some extent matching economic and

psychological distance. This is in line with the claim that nearby places are seen as

strongly differentiated and those further away as more uniform (Lewis 1982, 50).

While short-distance moves enable existing social ties to be maintained, intermediate-

distance moves are often to a socially similar area and allow new ties to be

established. On the other hand, long-distance moves may involve a very different

environment (Lewis 1982, 51), and establishing new ties will prove problematic

(though cultural differences are small in the case of Europe and distant former

European settler colonies such as those of Australasia, Canada, the USA and parts of

Latin America).

The factor of distance is relevant sociolinguistically, but is not an explanatory

variable because there are a number of intervening variables. Primarily, distance

relates to the extent to which social ties can be maintained, as already noted. Weekly

face-to-face contacts will serve to maintain dialect and language better than annual

home visits. However, beyond a certain distance (Lewis rather arbitrarily mentions

1,000 miles (1,600 kilometres)) and a certain level of difficulty of travel to and from

the home region, absolute distance is less relevant: direct contact will be relatively

rare, and the cultural difference between the migrant and host groups will be

relatively great. There are, however, a number of intervening variables, including

wealth (reflecting ability to pay for travel). Two factors, in particular, are likely to

have powerful sociolinguistic consequences, overriding distanceper se: motivation

and socio-cultural factors (2.3.). Distance seen in isolation from other variables is

unlikely to show anything other than a weak association with language behaviour.

Long-distance, long-term labour migration from less to more developed

countries has been characteristic of the period since c. 1950, and is discussed under

long-term migration, below (2.2.). Sociolinguistic issues are taken up there as well.

Direction

Finally, space also involves direction. Historically, mass migration in Europe and

North America has been from rural to urban areas, starting in Britain in the late 18th

century with the Industrial Revolution (Boyle et al. 1998, 5-9). The process was

complex, with a good deal of short-stay migration (circulation; see below), as well as


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return migration over a lifetime (Boyle et al. 1998, 9; see below). This was followed

in the early 20th century by suburbanisation, with commuting made possible by

improved transport links and the motor-car. From the 1960s, we find counter-

urbanisation, with quality-of-life decisions and industrial relocation playing their part.

However, recent years have seen an urban revival, with strong population growth in

US metropolitan areas (Boyle et al. 1998, 14).

Sociolinguistically, the critical directional parameter is that of in- vs. out-

migration, since these alter the demographic balance of the location under scrutiny in

terms of age, socio-economic class, ethnicity, other socio-cultural factors and

language. At the same time, social network densities will change, both for the

migrants and the destination societies, with the result that language change and

language shift may be accelerated.

For Europe and North America, the historical picture is one of considerable,

mainly citywards movements, followed by more geographical mobility through

internal migration and circulation in the shape of commuting. Within present-day

western cities, differences have been noted in the pattern of migration among inner-

city residents (mainly local moves, with no predominant direction) and suburban

residents (moves over a greater distance, outwards from the centre within their own

geographical sector) (Balderson 1981, quoted in Lewis 1982, 52). In inner cities,

this pattern allows for the maintenance of close-knit networks as well as non-standard,

localised language varieties (L. Milroy 1980), while more mobile outer-city speakers

are more levelled in the sense of using fewer strongly local features (J. Milroy 1982;

1992, 100-109; see Kerswill & Williams 2000a on dialect levelling among mobile

populations). In Great Britain, the establishment of new towns from the 1950s

onwards led to the possibility ofkoineised(mixed, levelled and simplified Trudgill

1986, 127) new dialects (Kerswill/Williams 2000b).

In Europe, initial urbanisation, the loosening of individuals network ties

following greater geographical mobility and the formation of new towns are thought

to have resulted in regional dialect levelling or dialect supralocalisation, which can

be understood as the rise of distinctiveness at the wider, regional level at the expense

of local distinctiveness, as well as the emergence of regional versions of the standard

(cf. chapters in Foulkes/Docherty, eds., 1999; Milroy/Milroy/Hartley 1994; L. Milroy

2002; Trudgill 1999; Sobrero 1996; Hinskens 1996; Kerswill 2001; 2002;

Andersson/Thelander 1994; Thelander 1982; Auer/Hinskens 1996, 4).


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In the developing world, ruralurban mass migration is a phenomenon of the

latter part of the 20th century, with Sub-Saharan Africa the latest region to be affected

(Boyle et al. 1998, 20-23). In West Africa, the dominant sociolinguistic effect appears

to be an increase in individual multilingualism and the spread of lingua francas.

Accra, the capital of Ghana, has seen massive in-migration. This has led to the

indigenous ethnolinguistic group, the Ga, becoming a minority in the city (300,000

out of a population of 2 million (Grimes 2000)), with Akan/Twi now the main lingua

franca with considerable numbers of L2 users. However, among northern migrants in

Accra, Hausa is increasing its use as a lingua franca, reflecting its existing lingua

franca status in the North (Kropp Dakubu 2000). Kropp Dakubu (2001) argues that

the influx to Accra of people from the North has led to a conflict of sociolinguistic

practices: the Ga share with other southerners (including the Akan) the custom by

which visitors and hosts exchange news using spokesmen. This is not practised by

northerners, who thereby remain outsiders. In Maiduguri, in northeast Nigeria, mass

in-migration has led to Hausa being used as a lingua franca, particularly by L2 users,

replacing the indigenous Kanuri. A new form of Hausa, separate from L1 varieties

spoken elsewhere, is emerging (Bro forthcoming).

Extreme political circumstances lead to directional mass migration. The

Spanish occupation of Antwerp in 1585 led to the flight of over half the citys

population to the western provinces of todays Netherlands, and has had a lasting

effect on the dialects there (Auer/Hinskens 1996, 18). The resettlement in Germany of

German speakers from the eastern provinces of the formerReich after World War II

led to loss of dialect (Auer/Hinskens 1996, 20), while the post-war migration of

people from eastern to western Poland led to dialect levelling (Mazur 1996).

The relatively short-distance in-migration of rural people to local towns/cities

has been the subject of sociolinguistic research. Bortoni-Riccardo (1985) considers

the qualitatively different networks of Caipira (rural) speakers in Brasilia, Brazil;

Kerswill (1994) considers dialect contact, long-term accommodation, network and

integration among rural migrants in Bergen, Norway; Omdal (1994) examines

attitudes and long-term accommodation among rural migrants in Kristiansand,

Norway. A variation on this sociolinguistic approach is van Langenveldes (1993)

quantitative migration-based study of the province of Friesland in the Netherlands.

Here, there is in-migration of Frisian speakers to the towns, leading to a temporary

increase in the number of Frisian speakers there. As these people and their


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descendants are urbanised, many will switch to Dutch. At the same time, there is

counter-urbanisation led by Dutch-speaking town dwellers; this has the effect of

decreasing the proportion of Frisian speakers in the countryside. The result is the

potential for language shift to Dutch both in the country and in the towns.

2.2 Time

Migration implies a degree of permanence in the move; migrant groups tend to be

committed to the project of living in other peoples countries, despite in many cases

retaining diasporic yearnings for a return to the homeland (Rex 1997, 17). An

absolute definition of migration in terms of temporal patterns is, however, not

possible. Four temporal categories have been recognised: daily, periodic, seasonal and

long term (Gould/Prothero 1975, cited in Lewis 1982, 17-18). Daily movements

include commuting, while the latter three categories involve overnight stays.

Circulation

A further category is usually made cutting across these three: this is the concept of

circulation, which includes a great variety of movements usually short-term

repetitive or cyclical in character, but all having in common the lack of any declared

intention of permanent or long-standing change of residence (Zelinsky 1971, cited in

Lewis 1982, 18). Examples of circulation include African nomads and western

business people who spend regular periods every year working abroad (Boyle et al.

1998, 35). To these may be added the European Roma (see Rger 1995 and Matras

2000 for approaches integrating circulation and language contact). Students returning

to their home towns during university vacations may find themselves with dual

allegiances resulting in new dialect-mixing patterns that are not characteristic of the

stay-at-homes (Blom/Gumperz 1972). As both insiders and outsiders, such individuals

form a potential bridgehead for the introduction of innovations or for dialect levelling

(language missionaries (Trudgill 1986)).


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Periodic and return migration

The distinction between circulation and migration proper is, perhaps, arbitrary; the

United Nations suggests a residence of at least one year in the host community as

defining migration (Lewis 1982, 18). Turkish guest workers working in Germany in

the winter but returning to Turkey in the summer are best regarded as temporary

(periodic) migrants or seasonal workers (Boyle et al. 1998, 35). Guest workers and

their families formed sufficiently large and permanent groups for code-switching

norms to emerge (di Luzio 1984).

Guest workers took employment in Germany expecting to leave permanently

at the end of a work contract; for those who did indeed leave, the myth of return

(the failure to complete the intended migration route (Boyle et al. 1998, 35)) was

transformed into an actual return. Many migrants who have moved from a poorer to a

richer country return to their place of birth at a later life-stage, either having

accumulated enough money, or on reaching retirement; these are known as return

migrants (Boyle et al. 1998, 35; Lewis 1982, 18). Others return, having failed to find

work or an improved lifestyle, as was the case for many after the US stock market

crash of 1929. The scale of return migration is shown by the fact that one quarter of

those who migrated from Norway to the USA after 1880 eventually returned home

(Engester 2002).

Sociolinguistically, periodic and return migrations are significant for the

country of origin and for the migrants themselves. Some 20% of the population of

Puerto Rico are returnees from mainland USA, and 10% of children are English-

dominant. This has led to a conflict between the attitudes of Puerto Rican educators

and commentators, who deplore the mixing of Spanish with English, and the return

migrants offspring, who believe that it is possible to combine a Puerto Rico identity

with English dominance (Zentella 1990). A rather different example is the Norwegian

Arctic territory of Svalbard (Spitsbergen), where by law residents must remain

registered as domiciled on the mainland and where no one is permitted to remain after

retirement. The average duration of stay is 10 years, with the result that stable

linguistic norms have not emerged. Families normally spend long summer holidays on

the mainland. Children who grow up there speak using often idiosyncratic dialect

mixtures, and express dual allegiance to Svalbard and to their official domicile in

Norway (Mhlum 1992).


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Long-term migration

The distinction between return and quasi-permanent migration rests on whether the

individual actually enacts the myth of return. However, there may be no intention to

return. This will be true for religious minorities, such as the German Mennonite

communities in North America (MacMaster 1985; Kraybill 1989) and Russia, which

have practised extensive cultural separation over two centuries or more and have

formed language islands (Sprachinseln). But by far the largest category is that of

the migrant with miscellaneous, though mainly economic motivations. The mass

migration from Europe to the USA in the 19th and early 20th centuries is the clearest

example of the intention to establish a new life, with no return envisaged.

We can see the circulatory or seasonal migration patterns noted above

merging, over time, with long-term migration. Starting in about 1950, western Europe

saw large-scale long-distance unskilled labour migration from its former colonies

(North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, India, Pakistan, the West Indies), from eastern and

southern Europe (Italy, Yugoslavia, Greece) and from Turkey (White 1993). These

migrants were mainly men who came without families, and many, particularly in

Germany, Austria and Switzerland, were on fixed contracts. As Giddens (2001, 260)

points out, this reflected not only macro-level economic circumstances, but alsomicro-level decisions taken by individuals, who used information gained from family

and friends and the promise of a support network to inform their decision to migrate

to particular countries and towns. Thus, Turks tended to migrate to Germany, in a

series ofchain migrations (Boyle et al. 1998, 36) by which individual pioneers

were followed by others who knew them. A well documented case of chain migration

is that of the Sylheti-speaking Bangladeshi community in the London borough of

Tower Hamlets, where their 17,000 children form over 50% of the school population

(Gregory/Williams 2000, 38-9, 154).

From about 1970, restrictions began to be placed on immigration, and a

second stage of migration followed, that of family reunification (White 1993, 49-50).

Initially, agencies such as employers and governments determined the source of the

migrant workers and made provision for their housing. The subsequent reduced need

for unskilled labour coincided with the obligation to support arriving families. With


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the encouragement of market-led housing, immigrant communities became more

reliant on poor-quality and/or social housing. A third migration wave has followed,

that of asylum seekers and refugees on the one hand and highly-trained workers on

the other. Combined with the effect of socio-cultural differences between immigrant

groups, different times of arrival and widely differing degrees of cultural and

economic integration, all these factors have now led to considerable residential

separation of ethnic groups in European cities approaching that already found in the

USA (White 1993, 52-59).

There has been considerable linguistic and sociolinguistic research on the

German language islands of North America and elsewhere, much of it summarised

in Rosenberg (forthcoming). Burridge/Enninger (eds., 1992) and Enninger/Raith

(1988) are treatments of Pennsylvania German. Key issues are: dialect levelling

(Schirmunski 1930); language contact with English on the syntactic level

(Brjars/Burridge 2003); language contact and maintenance (Fuller 1996); cultural

motivations for maintenance (Gal 1995).

The mass migration from Europe to the USA spawned much early

sociolinguistically-informed bilingualism research, notably that of Haugen (1953).

The more recent long-distance labour migration to European (and North American)

cities has obvious sociolinguistic consequences for the recipient communities, which

have become increasingly multilingual. Thus, 33% of the primary school children of

London (a city with a population of 8 million) do not have English as a first or home

language (Baker/Eversley 2000). 10 languages have more than 40,000 speakers in

London, and 40 more than 1,000.

Sociolinguistic studies of migrant communities in western Europe vary widely

in their approaches. Some are linguistic in their aims, with linguistic distance an

explicit factor (e.g., Perdue 1993a,b). TheDutch Science Foundation Program on

Language and Minorities explicitly combines socio-cultural and linguistic

comparisons, focusing on two languages (Turkish and Moroccan Arabic) in the

Netherlands (e.g., Extra/Verhoeven 1999). The projectLanguages and Cultures in the

Utrecht Neighbourhoods Lombok and Transvaal is concerned both with linguistic

aspects (e.g., Boumans/Caubet 2000) and with inter-ethnic contacts within a

multilingual neighbourhood (e.g., Jongenburger/Aarssen 2001). Similar projects in

Stockholm areLanguage and Language Use among Adolescents in Multilingual

Urban Settings (Bijvoet 2003; Fraurud/Bijvoet 2003) and an earlier study reported in


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Kotsinas (1998). In London, more survey-based studies are those of theLinguistic

Minorities Project(1985) and Baker/Eversley (eds., 2000). A network study of

language shift and maintenance in Newcastle, England, is Li (1994). Work on the

language of the 250,000-strong Finnish immigrant community in Sweden has focused

on syntactic change resulting from dialect contact and the development of separate

Sweden-Finnish norms (Lainio/Wande 1994; Lainio 1993).

2.3. Motivation and socio-cultural factors

Forced migration

The best known case of forced migration is that of the estimated 10-12 millionAfricans who were sent as slaves to the Caribbean, the West Indies and the Americas

in the 16th19th centuries (Iliffe 1995, 131). There is evidence that slave ship captains

deliberately took on board speakers of different languages to reduce the likelihood of

insurrection (Dillard 1975, 19). The eventual outcome of this enforced

multilingualism was the emergence of pidgins for communication with the masters

and related creoles as the L1s of the slaves. In the 20th century, forced migration is

again widespread, with an estimated 20 million of 100 million international migrants

in 1992 being involuntary, as a result of persecution, war, environmental change anddevelopment projects. Africa contains some 47% of all refugees, though many of

these migrations are short-lived (Boyle et al. 1998, 32). These movements contribute

to the increasing urban multilingualism on that continent.

Economic and cultural factors affecting orientation to migration

However, the distinction between forced and voluntary migration may be hard to

draw, because of the complex motivations in an individual case. According to Boyle

et al. (1998, 36), Different sub-groups of the population have different migration

propensities, and there is a relatively small group who continue to move frequently

(movers) and a larger group who rarely move (stayers). This is related to the idea

that some migration is innovative, that is, exciting and challenging, while other


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instances are conservative, meaning that migrants want to preserve as much as

possible of what they had before (Boyle 1998, 37). There are few sociolinguistic

studies of migration addressing these largely social psychological parameters. One

that does is part of a larger project on eastern German migrants to western Germany

in the 1990s (Auer/Barden/Grokopf 1998). In a case study of an individual migrant,

it was found that his orientation towards living in western Germany changed

drastically over time, as a result of losing his job following an industrial accident

(Auer/Barden/Grokopf 2000). His network changed, along with his attitudes. In the

first period, before the accident, he had acquired standard variants of a number of

phonological variables. As he lost his work-based contacts, he reactivated his eastern

German ones, and reverted to many of the Upper Saxon dialect features of his home

province.

It is possible to distinguish two broad types of relationship with the host

society on the part of a minority group, one emphasising segregation, the other

participation. Coleman (1997) points out that these two types may be the (automatic)

result of socio-economic and demographic attributes related to education, income

and occupation type. Alternatively (or in addition), they may be to with the minority

groups orientation in terms of their response to the host society. Thus, a

segregationist group, fearing extinction, maximises its reproductive potential and

minimises contact with the outside world, through segregation and by limiting

outmarriage (Coleman 1997, 1471), while one that is more participatory attempts to

overcome the disadvantages of life as a new minority and to maximise social

mobility and material standing by delaying marriage and ensuring a low birth-rate.

The latter orientation does not entail assimilation, though in time it may lead to it.

These orientations are related to cultural factors which may be independent of socio-

economic differences, for example, the maintenance of religion, different gender

roles, and the practice of arranged marriages (Coleman 1997). Sociolinguistically, the

practice of sending young men to visit the country of origin to participate in arranged

marriages has the effect of continually refreshing the supply of L1 speakers. A

strongly segregationist orientation, supported by external and internal institutions,

legislation and a favourable economic climate, can lead to language maintenance over

many centuries, as with some of the Pennsylvania German groups.


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Ethnolinguistic vitality and saliency

All the factors discussed above are related to the notion ofethnolinguistic vitality

(Allard/Landry 1986; Sachdev/Bourhis 1993; Landweer 2000), measured in terms of

a range of indicators such as number of speakers, strength of ethnic identity, strength

of economic base and range of domains of use. However, a languages ethnolinguistic

saliency (Fishman 1999) is affected by the context in which a language group exists:

this is to be seen both at the level of the immediate (i.e. conversational) setting and in

terms of overall relations between groups. Saliency is increased by the presence of

conflict, as well as by a high degree of perceived cultural difference, as a kind of

figure-ground contrast (Fishman 1999, 154).

3. Migration and new-dialect formation

Apart from pidginisation and creolisation, the most striking purely linguistic effect of

migration is the formation of new dialects by the process ofkoineisation. Through

koineisation, new varieties of a language are brought about as a result of contact

between speakers of mutually intelligible varieties of that language. Typically, this

occurs in new settlements to which people, for whatever reason, have migrated from

different parts of a single language area. Examples of what are known as new dialects

(Trudgill 1998) or immigrant koines (Siegel 1985, 364; Kerswill 2002) include the

Hindi/Bhojpuri varieties spoken in Fiji, Mauritius and South Africa, New Zealand

English, and the speech of new towns such as Hyanger, Odda and Tyssedal in

Norway and Milton Keynes in England (Trudgill 1986; Mesthrie 1992; 1993;

Kerswill 2002; Siegel 1987; Britain 1997; Trudgill/Gordon/Lewis/Maclagan 2000;

Kerswill/Trudgill forthcoming; Kerswill/Williams 2000b). Less clear cases are those

of the Dutch of the reclaimed land of the Polders (Scholtmeijer 1992) and the English

of the Fens of eastern England following 17th century land reclamation (Britain 1997).

Koineisation is composed of the mixing of elements from different dialects,

followed by levelling, which refers to a process whereby, in a dialect mixture

situation, those elements disappear which are marked either universally orin terms of

the particular language undergoing koineization (Trudgill 1986, 143). This leads,

eventually, to the reduction in the number of different realisations of the same


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linguistic element (a phonological variable, a grammatical morpheme or a lexical

item) found as a result of prior mixing. Koines are also simplifiedwith regard to the

input dialects, usually having smaller phoneme systems, more invariant word forms,

and simpler morphophonemics.

3.1 Fiji Hindi

One of the major population movements of the late 19th and early 20th centuries was

the shipment of people from the Indian subcontinent to work as indentured labourers

in the European colonies (Mesthrie, 1993). This resulted in new varieties of Indian

languages, particularly Bhojpuri, being established across a wide region ranging from

the West Indies and the Caribbean to South Africa (Mesthrie, 1992) and Fiji (Siegel,

1987). Table 1 (discussed in Kerswill 2002, 672-3) illustrates the mixed nature of the

koine known as Fiji Hindi in one area of its grammar.

Table 1: Indian Hindi dialects and Fiji Hindi definite future suffixes (from Siegel,1997, 115)

Bhojpuri Avadhi Braj Fiji Hindi

1sg bo, ab bu, ab ihau, ugau ega

1pl ab, b, iha ab iha, agai ega

2sg (masc.) be, ba be, ihai (a)ihai, (a)igau ega(fem.) b, bis

2pl (masc.) b(h) bo, bau (a)ihau, augau ega

(fem.) bu

3sg , ihai, e (a)ihau, agau

3pl ih, e, ihen iha, a (a)iha, agai

The form egaclearly comes from Braj; in fact, it appears to be a compromise between

the various forms available in Braj. The form presumably comesfrom Bhojpuri or

Avadhi. The manner in which variants have been selected from the range of

possibilities provided by the input dialects is an example of levelling. At the same

time, the table shows extensive simplification, involving the loss of distinct suffixes


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for the first and second persons singular and plural, the third person singular and

plural, and, predictably perhaps, a failure to adopt the gender distinction in the second

person found in one of the contributing dialects (Bhojpuri).

3.2 Milton Keynes

The southeast English new town of Milton Keynes was designated in 1967 in a

location roughly 80 kilometres from London, Oxford, and Cambridge (see fuller

discussions in Kerswill/Williams 2000b; Kerswill 2002; Kerswill/Trudgill

forthcoming). From that date to 1991, the population of the area rose from 44,000 to

176,000, rising further to 207,000 by the 2001 Census. Recordings were made of

children (aged 4, 8 and 12) and their female caregiver in 1991-2, some 24 years, or

one generation, after its foundation. Almost all the child speakers in the samples were

the offspring of adult migrants to the town. We consider first the degree to which this

first native generation hasfocused(Le Page 1980) its speech by settling on a new

norm, in comparison with that of the migrant caregivers.

The variable (ou) refers to the realisation of the offset of the vowel // as in

GOAT, which is currently being fronted in south-east England. The parents of the

children originate from various parts of Great Britain, and would therefore be

expected to show a range of pronunciations for this vowel, from both the southeast

and elsewhere. In order to see whether any focusing among the children has occurred,

we can compare the fronting scores for the female caregiver (in almost all cases the

mother) with those of their children. The variable has the following values:

(ou) - 0:[o], [o] score: 0 (Northern and Scottish realization)

(ou) - 1: [], [] score: 1 (older Buckinghamshire and London)

(ou) - 2: [] score: 2 (fronting)

(ou) - 3: [] score: 3 (fronting and unrounding)


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An index score was calculated for each speaker, on a scale from 0 to 3, in interview

style. It was hypothesised that the 4-year-old children would be measurably closer in

their speech to their caregiver than are either the 8 or the 12 year olds. Figure 1 shows

the correlation of the 4 year olds index scores with those of their caregivers. Taking

the caregivers scores first, we note that they cover a very wide range. Four of the 16

have scores close to 0, indicating high-back rounded pronunciations characteristic of

the north of England and Scotland. The remaining twelve are all from the south of

England, and show different degrees of fronting. Like the adults, the children fall into

two groups: those using high-back northern variants, and those favouring southern

diphthongs. However, all the children are Milton Keynes-born, so we have here a case

of some young children acquiring their parents dialect, while others have either not

acquired it or have already accommodated to southern speech before the time of the

interview. In fact, we have direct evidence of this type of accent mobility in this age

group: one of the two boys at bottom left of the figure, the offspring of Scottish

parents, was using a mainstream south-eastern accent by the time he was recorded for

a second time eighteen months later.

Fig. 1. Correlation of 4 year old children's and caregivers'

(ou) indices

0

0.5

1

1.5

2

2.5

0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5

Caregivers' (ou) indices

Children's(ou)ind

ices

girls age 4

boys age 4

For these four year olds, the choice between a high back variant and a central

or fronted diphthong is a binary one. Some follow their parents, others turn away from

them. However, there is a further, more subtle pattern in the data. Among the 12


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children who have southeastern parents (represented by the large cluster in the centre

and top-right of the figure), and therefore do not have a gross binary choice to make,

there is a strong positive and significant correlation with the degree of fronting of

their caregivers, with an r2 of .355 (Pearson; significant at p


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Not only is there greater homogeneity, but there is also focusing on a different

norm even from that of the southeastern caregivers: the mean fronting is significantly

greater than that of the parents, as shown in Table 2.

Table 2 Index scores for (ou): children and caregivers in Milton Keynes

Childage

group

(ou) index:southeasterncaregivers

(ou) index:children withsoutheasterncaregivers

Standarddeviation

Significance(paired t-test)

r2

4 yearolds

1.47 1.52 0.4887 p=.628 .355(p=.04)

8 yearolds

1.44 1.80 0.3545 p=.004 .045 (p=.4)

12 yearolds

1.31 1.70 0.3124 p


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Documents

Kers Will 2006 Migration Language