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KNOWLEDGE PARTNERSHIP PROGRAMME
Initial Findings Report
Residential Schooling Strategies: Impact on Girl’s Education and Empowerment
Centre for Budget and Policy Studies
Submitted to
Department for International Development (DFID)
IPE Global (P) Ltd.
July 2014
Residential Schooling Strategies: Impact on Girl’s Education and
Empowerment
Initial Findings Report
CENTRE FOR BUDGET AND POLICY STUDIES (CBPS)
July 2014
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1. The Present Study
In this study, we are carrying out a comprehensive review of the impact and
effectiveness of residential schooling facilities for girls from disadvantaged
communities. Mapping of residential schools for girls (private and public), review of
national policy on residential schooling, meta-analysis of evaluation studies, rationale
for residential schools for girls from disadvantaged sections, cost-budget analysis for
different schemes/programmes, site visits for validation and documentation of good
practices are some of the key activities being undertaken. Based on this review and
information available, a scoping review of the existing scenario at international levels,
particularly in other Asian and East African countries will also be conducted for cross-
learning. The main objectives of this study are:
a) To understand the kinds of residential schooling programmes or schemes that
exist in India, managed by either government or non-governmental bodies, and
to understand their reach, spread, target and focus;
b) To review what kind of information and knowledge exists pertaining to
residential schooling for girls, and understand the impact that have had on girls
schooling and empowerment in India through the information and knowledge
that exists; identify the gaps and review/ rank the need for research;
c) To have a comparative understanding of different schemes and programmes in
terms of their costs, scale, curricular and evaluation approaches, and impact
using the existing information and knowledge base; and
d) To trace and analyse the national policy towards residential school as a strategy
for girls schooling and empowerment especially for girls from disadvantaged and
marginalized communities/ areas, and see to what extent the schemes and
programmes have contributed to that; to place this as against policies and
practices internationally.
This Report includes the progress of the study in the last three months and the plan for
the remaining time period of the study. The Annexures elaborate upon the draft desk
review (including spectrum of documents reviewed, approach to policy, review of
schemes and programmes and limitations of the research), international examples of
residential schooling for girls from disadvantaged sections and data tables from DISE
and SEMIS.
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2. Historical antecedents of residential schools as an empowering strategy for
girls from disadvantaged communities in India
Residential schooling facilities in India, from the more traditional antecedents to early
post-independence arrangements, have typically been exclusionary, elitist or both.
Whether it was the gurukula or later pathshalas and madrasas, that were not accessible
for girls; or more modern arrangements catering to better-off sections and upper castes,
both clearly were beyond the reach of those from disadvantaged classes and
communities in Indian society (Ramachandran 2003). Whilst hostels to facilitate going
to (physically separated) schools were recognized and adopted as a strategy to
improving educational indicators particularly for SC/ST/OBC groups, in the first four
plan periods (including through special grants to state governments for the purpose
from the third plan period, through schemes implemented by (1) Department of Social
Welfare, (2) Department of Tribal Welfare, and (3) Department of Women’s Welfare)
(Dubey and Chander 1973), it was the efforts of several NGOs, particularly from the
1980s onwards that brought renewed energy, initiative, and insights to residential
schooling as an appropriate strategy to reach out to girls from disadvantaged
communities.
The empowering potential of various small initiatives, mostly in the non-government
sector, captured mainly through small scale qualitative studies (see, for instance,
(Sandhan 2011)), can be understood in relation to:
i. The way girls experience the process of negotiating with the status-quo,
particularly in relation to the: (a) cultural norms and ‘standard’ expectations
for their age and situation in life, (b) actual experience and sense of choice
and freedom (both physical and in the mind-space), (c) improved awareness
of their equality and rights and (d) institutional support from the school and
its functionaries/support structures for all of the above
ii. The extent to which these initiatives pre-empt experiences of abuse or
violence on girls and equip them to deal with the possibility of these in
domestic, work space and public spheres
iii. The manner in which they satisfy stage-appropriate academic learning
outcomes in meaningful and long-lasting ways
iv. The extent to which they are understood as and attributed to have been life-
changing in terms of positive environment/new possibilities/ tangible
opportunities for the girls concerned.
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2.1 From models to the mainstream
Residential schooling was recognised and promoted as a strategy that had the scope to
address several factors that influence girls’ participation (or lack thereof) in education
(as described, for instance, by Ramachandran (2010) and Ramachandran, Patni et al.
(2013)), particularly in the upper primary level and beyond, and when they are from
disadvantaged communities.
Gender mainstreaming to address the double disadvantage that girls from traditionally
disadvantaged communities face in relation to access (and retention) and transition in
school required moving beyond the tokenism that central government run co-ed
residential schools like Kendriya Vidyalayas (KVs) and Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalayas
(JNVs) served. The transferable nature of the jobs of Central Government employees
and a bid to meet the aspirations of rural residents in the 1970's and 80's were the main
motivating forces behind the Centre establishing quality residential schools such as KVs
and JNVs respectively, and reservation within them made residential schooling more
accessible to those from disadvantaged communities, on the side.
As Tögel (2013) rightly observes, Navodaya Vidyalayas established by the Ministry of
Human Resource Development to serve “talented and predominantly rural students”
otherwise denied good educational opportunities, have till date had no comprehensive
evaluation conducted to understand whether they serve the ‘deserving’ rural poor and
provided quality education. In 2003, they received more than 40 per cent of the Central
Government’s outlay on secondary education, yet served less than 1 per cent of students
in Classes IX-XII. Established in all districts of the country, admissions through
competitive entrance exams are reserved for 75 per cent rural students, one third girls
and proportionately to the SC and ST population of the particular district. The Central
Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) curriculum and strong academic performance in
Class X and Class XII board exams of over 90 per cent pass rates make these sought-
after schools, yet these have not been evaluated in terms of retention of girls or impact
on outcomes for them. Moreover, the claim to be benefitting girls from disadvantaged
backgrounds is suspect, given that the entrance exams pose a barrier at the entry level
itself.
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2.2 Questions of impact and effectiveness
A preliminary perusal of the literature on how these government-sponsored schemes as
well as NGO interventions have played out on the ground throw up several findings that
have a bearing on questions that need to be asked to investigate both their impact and
effectiveness.
The findings from review of literature1, as well as the gaps, indicate that a
comprehensive review of the impact and effectiveness of residential schooling
facilities for girls from disadvantaged communities would be beneficial. It is possible
to postulate several comparative as well as basic research questions such as:
1. What are the minimum quality parameters for built and social environments of
residential facilities for adolescent girls? How do existing schemes compare in
relation to these?
2. What are the implications of a single sex educational space attached to a residential
facility, as compared to a co-educational space?
3. What are the forward (say to secondary or higher or vocational choices) and
backward (say in terms of community support for girls education) linkages being
made in each of the government schemes for residential education?
4. Does residential setting offer greater opportunities for ‘empowerment’ from a
gender-equality perspective as compared to non-residential setting? Does the
additionality of living together provide space for creating learning opportunities
during beyond normal schooling hours and contribute to the empowerment of
girls?
5. What is the role of size, scale and management of the programme in terms of
determining efficiency and effectiveness of a residential schooling programme
6. Is residential schooling a cost-effective strategy for schooling and empowerment of
girls coming from disadvantaged and vulnerable sections of the Indian society?
1 The first draft of the review of literature is attached in Annexure I. This review will be further revised and re-organised based on the Framework for Review and Analysis (described in Section 3).
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2. Framework for Review and Analysis
The mapping and review of government schemes and programmes run by non-state
actors will be based on the following framework. The extensive desk review conducted
so far has informed the choice of criteria. The same framework will be used for
identification of good practices. These indicators need to be viewed in conjunction with
the research questions outlined earlier.
Tentative Framework for Review and Analysis
Criterion Indicators for the criteria
1.
Reaching girls
from
marginlaised
sections
a. Representation (e.g. SC, ST, Muslim, OBC, other forms of
disadvantage, i.e., working children, married early, etc.)
b. Identification, Enrollment / Selection processes of students
2. Curriculum/Tea
ching Learning
a. Emphasis on empowerment
b. Methods used for teaching-learning and evaluation
(classroom and outside classroom)
c. Use of residential space for increasing the time and
enhancing the variety in learning experiences
d. Teacher selection process, profile and development process
3. Management
a. Security and safety aspects
b. Basic infrastructure for living, dining, bathing, studying,
play/sports and leisure
c. management practices in tandem with teaching learning
approach
4. Influence
a. policy (whether the programme/ scheme has influenced
wider policy)
b. construct of education for adolescent girls (whether the
programme has influenced curriculum design and delivery,
especially for girls) in any particular context
c. targeting and reach (whether the programme has reached a
large number or/and most marginalised girls)
d. transforming influence on girls, families, communities
(continuing further education, postponing marriage,
questioning injustice in various forms and so on)
5.
Cost
effectiveness (if
possible)
a. the application of cost effectiveness technique is not possible
but an analysis of costs / expenditure vis-à-vis delivery would
be attempted.
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The review at its present stage, attached as an annexure, has used some of these
indicators mentioned in the framework. At the same time, the review has also informed
the development of the framework. At next level, we will reorganise the review based
on the framework and the research questions. The reorganisation of the review will be
carried out after the field validation. Field visits may also provide some pointers for the
framework and if that happens, the framework will be modified accordingly. In other
words, though we have developed the framework based on a-priori knowledge, and
though we are going to the field primarily for validation, we are open to the visits
adding to the framework itself by providing newer insights.
An important point to note at this stage is that information on all indicators are not
available / accessible for all schemes / programmes. While conducting the review and
analysis, we will also point out to and document the gaps. This will help in
understanding the limitations of this review-based analysis, and provide critical
pointers for planning next level of field based research.
3. Activities, Progress and Updates
Activity Progress/Plan (All 2014)
April to June July August September
Desk Review of existing literature on residential schools
Completed Re-organising the review based on framework
Field visits to add more info
reorganising at the time of consolidation
Mapping of schemes / programmes
Completed Field visits to add more info
Field visits to add more info
reorganising at the time of consolidation
Consultation (1st round)
One round done but it became more of an information collection exercise
See the activity titled key informant interview / consultations
Identifying good practices
Criteria identified based on review
Reorganising info for this purpose
More insights added based on field visits
Identification of good practices: either based on all criteria or specific criterion
Scoping to identify cross-learning
Web-based review of similar models in Asia and Africa
Identifying aspects for cross-learning
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Sampling for sites (Rationale and plan outlined in the next section)
Identified 5 states (Bihar, Jharkhand, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Karnataka).
Identified four specific sites in Bihar, Karnataka and Jharkhand
Specific sites in Gujarat and Rajasthan
Tools for site validation
Draft tools based on desk review analysis
Finalisation of tools
Site Visits Bihar and Jharkhand in end-July
Gujarat, Rajasthan and Karnataka
Key Informant Interviews / consultation
MHRD, Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Social Justice and Empowerment, NUEPA, Deeptha Bhog (Nirantar), Sharada Jain, Shobita Rajgopal, Vandana Mahajan, Vimala Ramachandran (proposed names)
Draft Report
Consolidation of review, site visits and interviews
National level Workshop
One month from receiving the comments on the draft report
National Workshop Report
Two weeks after the workshop
4. Rationale for the site selection and plan for site visits
As against six sites committed to in our proposal, we have identified nine sites for
validation visits. The identification of these nine sites was done keeping in mind the
spread of different schemes and programmes, run by both government and non-
government organisations. The target population aimed at and the nature of the
programme was also kept in mind while deciding the final sites. The number of states if
limited to four; this number and choice was determined by both the possibility of
covering diverse kinds of sites and ease of access.
The following matrix gives details of the sites, the state where we will visit the site, and
the travel plan. It includes six residential schools, two sites of accelerated learning and
one standalone hostel for girls. The rationale for including accelerated learning
programmes in the review as well as in the field visit is manifold: (i) they are not school
but they aim at completing one level of schooling, i.e., primary, by providing accelerated
learning experiences, (ii) they have played a major role in evolution of residential
schooling as a strategy for girls’ education and empowerment, (iii) they can act as a
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comparator in certain cases. Hostels are also included in the analysis as well as in the
site visit as they have the potential to enhance the learning experiences and act as a
residential school to an extent.
Site selection for validation visits
Scheme Scheme Type
Funded by
Target Population on the site
State Timeframe for site visit
1. KGBV (MS-run)
Formal Residential School
Govt. Muslim Bihar
20th – 22nd July
2. KGBV (SSA-run)
Formal Residential School
Govt. ST Jharkhand
23rd – 25th July
3. Aashram Shala
Formal Residential
Govt. ST Gujarat
August last week
4. Aashram Shala
Formal Residential
Govt. SC Rajasthan
August last week
5. Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalaya
Formal Residential
Govt. Rural Karnataka
August
6.
Vivekananda Tribal Learning Centre
Formal Residential
NGO ST
Karnataka August
7
Doosra Dashak/ Adarshshila/ Urmul (at least one)
Accelerated Learning Progrrame
NGO Muslim/SC
Rajasthan
August last week
8. Mahila Shikshan Kendra
Accelerated Learning Progrrame
Govt. SC / Muslim
Bihar
20th – 22nd July
9.
Eklavya Girls Residential School
Hostel attached to formal schools
Govt. ST
Gujarat August last week
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Schemes such as Aashram Shalas which target both SC and ST children will be visited in
SC as well as ST concentrated areas. Rajasthan and Gujarat have the second and third
highest number of KGBVs and therefore these two states are selected. Unlike
Chattisgarh which has the highest number of Ashram shalas, these two states also house
other examples and hence we selected these. Rajasthan has programmes like Doosra
Dashak/Urmul/Aadrashila which though small in number, are very crucial for the
“Influence”. Gujarat is the only state where the government scheme to enhance
education among tribal students through hostels attached to formal schools was found.
EGRS is another unique set-up which provides hostel facilities for tribal children
attending formal schools, ensuring that inaccessibility of schools does not mean that
children have to drop-out. This site visit will add another dimension to the analysis.
KGBV evaluations have pointed out difference in the quality of education due to
different managements. Hence KGBV schools under the managements of both Mahila
Samakhya (MS) and SSA) are included. Bihar and Jharkhand have the highest number of
KGBVs, and hence the choice. Although Jharkhand has a very high tribal population, the
state has relied heavily upon KGBVs as compared to Aashram Shalas.
JNV is completely run by the government with fixed norms and guidelines. It is open to
all rural boys and girls and is only example of a co-educational full time residential
school, and that explains the inclusion. VTLC in Karnataka, an NGO initiative for tribal
children, is one of the rare s of an NGO run full time residential school.
5. List of tools to be used for site validation and consultation
Seven different tools are being developed for site validation visits and key informant
interviews. These include:
(i) Block-level profile: This tool would help in developing the block-level profile of the
school visited with respect to population (social category, BPL, age and sex wise break-
up), literacy rates (age, sex, social category wise), number of residential schools, etc.
This will help in analysing the reach and representation aspects.
(ii) School profile: This tool will be used to map infrastructure, teachers profile,
students profile, living/dining/security arrangements and enrolment. This will help
assess the adequacy, quality, suitability and use of space and infrastructure.
(iii) Budget and Expenditure: Source of funds, process of receiving payments, expenses
against different aspects like food, library etc., delays in release of payments, audit
process will be explored. Last two years budget/expenditure accounts and audited
reports will also be collected. This tool will provide information for cost/expenditure
analysis as well as give pointers for analysis the management aspects.
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(iv) Principal’s interview: Questions relating to selection and training of teachers,
interaction with parents, performance of students from different backgrounds,
grievance redressal (for teachers and students), special provisions for children with
special needs, teaching-learning materials and methods, assessments, expenditures on
different heads, improvements in the students, governance, security and safety of
students will be asked. This also goes into the difference between residential and non-
residential schools, and the potential and challenges this leads to.
(v) Teachers’ group discussion: A group discussion with teachers will be conducted to
examine their teaching and non-teaching roles in the school, their interactions with
parents, safety of girls, changes in attitude of girls, their aspirations for the students and
challenges they face. This will also provide an idea about their understanding of
empowerment issues and how they view girls’ education.
(vi) Learner’s experience: Using activities and discussions, their motive and choice in
enrolling in this residential school, relationship with teachers and other students, food
and living experiences, sports/playtime/entertainment, duties in the school, safety and
security issues and future plans will be explored. Some activities will be aimed at
understanding their language and mathematical skills, and to get an idea about their
critical thinking and reflective skills.
(vii) Key Informant Interviews: This would include the questions related to (i) the
background of the scheme, major issues/challenges faced, rationale for budget
allocations, impact of the programme/schemes, (ii) the views on residential; schooling
as a means of schooling and empowerment of adolescent girls from marginalised
sections, (iii) the gaps in the present approach and ways to resolve those.
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ANNEXURE I: Draft Desk Review (WORK IN PROGRESS)
1. Spectrum of documents reviewed
For an extensive desk-review, five types of documents were reviewed. This included:
a) Policy and Programme Documents: Policy and Programme frameworks that include
residential schools as one of their components were reviewed. Residential Schools as an
access option for girls from marginalized communities has been part of Department of
Education policies. Apart from these, residential schools are included in policies under
the (1) Department of Social Welfare, (2) Department of Tribal Welfare, and (3)
Department of Women and Child Development). Hostels (attached to government
schools for few students) and residential schools (boarding facilities for all students)
under these departments were seen as an important strategy for improving educational
indicators, and addressing inequity in education for marginalized groups like
SC/ST/OBC groups. Apart from the formal residential schools and the hostels attached
to these, short-term condensed courses organised by NGOs have ensured empowerment
of girls and acted as bridge courses for the girls, especially those who were never
enrolled in formal schools, to continue their education. Documents related to these
individual initiatives were also reviewed and presented below.
b) Review Missions of Programmes: Multi-stakeholder, periodic Joint Review Missions
(JRM) as a ‘review or monitoring mechanisms’ were introduced under large
programmes, mostly multi-donor programmes like District Primary Education
Programme (DPEP). The tradition continued under Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA),
Government of India’s flagship programme for universalisation of elementary
education. The JRMs based their observations on the reports and documents provided
by the states, interactions with wide-ranging stake-holders and visits to schools,
communities, teacher support and administrative structures. Observations made by
JRMs were taken as valid and recommendations considered for action. Although
relevant, JRM observations remain subjective and are unable to give any trends or
deeper insights. These reports have been reviewed to get an insight about different
schemes.
c) Articles and Narratives: Articles reviewed are based on a study of small sample or
follow the JRM mode, where authors base their observations on short visits to
residential schools, which involve short interactions with the stake-holders, including
girls in the residential schools. Again, although meaningful these narratives are
anecdotal and subjective, often drawing generic inferences from these short visits.
d) Research Studies: It is observed that in the Indian context researches on residential
schools that are based on robust research methods, both quantitative and qualitative
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are few. Most of the studies reviewed had limited scope and small sample size. Most
were small surveys on a specific theme like infrastructure, pedagogy or profile of
children in residential schools. Research tools range from observation forms, interviews
of select people or Focus Group Discussions (FGDs). In this, research by Ranganathan N
and Jandhyala K stand out for their deeper probing on girls’ empowerment and psycho–
social development. Rangnathan has attempted to understand the impact of residential
school by using innovative semi-projective techniques like picture analysis, situational
analysis, gender sorting checklist etc.
(e) Budget Documents: Budget, cost and expenditure documents of selected
government schemes and few NGO-led schemes were also reviewed to understand their
per-child costs and other expenditure related aspects. The budget/expenditure for
government schemes is available through their evaluation reports and websites, budget
details for only three NGO schemes could be included due to unavailability of these
documents in the public domain. Detailed expenditure/budget analysis of one of the
NGO-led schemes, Udaan (CARE) was only possible as they shared the concerned
documents on request.
Table 1: Research Methods and Tools Used
JRMs Evaluation Studies Qualitative Studies
(Articles and Narratives)
Budget Documents
Review of reports Discussions and Interview Field Visits One time Observations Anecdotal
Review of Reports Discussion, Interview, FGDs Unstructured Observations Field Visits Anecdotal
Case Studies, In-depth Interviews Focus Group Discussions Projective and Semi-Projective Techniques Structured Observations Theme Based Analysis Ethnographic Study Narratives
Evaluation reports, Budget details shared by specific organisations, Information available on different websites,
Institutionalized, Periodic, Actions taken on recommendations Focus- Monitoring
Some are institutionalized , Some are commissioned Periodic – with no determined time gap. One time evaluations Focus – Impact, Out-reach, Cost Analysis, Recommendations
Often one time studies Focus – research and knowledge building,
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1.1 Limitations of the review conducted
The following enlist the limitations of the review conducted:
(a) Limited Research: Lack of documented research in the area proved to be a challenge.
Review of JRM reports, information on websites and studies do indicate a trend, so also
the information available on the official websites of most of the NGOs covered in the
study remains inconsistent. The documents have raised a number of issues related to
quality, access, infrastructural facilities, psycho–social development, teacher
recruitment and attendance, in different residential schools.
(b) Scale and Trends: The researchers did not come across any large scale quantitative
research studies on either status or impact of residential schools. Even the national U-
DISE data does not present segregated data on residential schools. It clubs all
government non-Ashram/KGBV residential schools together. This is a matter of concern
as substantial investments are made in Residential Schools under various departments,
but evidence of their performance and impact at macro-level is not captured by
researches. So also innovative work of NGO remains as documentation of good
practices, these have not coalesced in a accepted model for residential schools.
(c) Longitudinal Studies: The researchers did not come across any long term studies
tracking cohort of girls through their stay at residential schools and beyond. Tracking of
girls and impact on their education and life is not evident as a concern for the both
NGOs and Government programmes. Large data around enrolment and transition
somehow subsumes all other elements of change.
(d) Knowledge Building: It is observed that the four sources provide information on
some common parameters like – enrolment, infra-structure, community participation,
quality education and obvious change in girls. But these do not knit together into a
theory of change for girls’ education and empowerment. Also the diversity of emerging
good practices needs to be integrated in this knowledge building.
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2. Policies leading to Residential Schooling for girls in India
Education is the backbone of every societal development; however, the importance of
girl-child education to sustainable development cannot be over-emphasized. Despite the
continued efforts of governments, individuals, groups and organizations to bring about
world understanding and commitment to the increase access and participation as a
necessary and indispensable condition for over all societal development, women still
occupy very low scores in the educational indices of access, participation and
empowerment. Therefore, the challenges that surrounds girl-child education calls for
radical functional strategies and a committed government to move the course of the
girl-child education from paper to practice (Little, Kohm et al. 2005).
As such, different policies and programs have been designed to tackle the issue of
empowerment and inclusion of the girl child, but in varying ways. Because of the
diversity of people and the nation-states in which they are situated, it is impossible to
address all the many residential schooling policies both historically and contemporary,
with a one-size-fits-all approach. Residential schooling has had varying impacts on
different societal groups. Consequently, the demands made by civil society activists,
minority groups, the media and other non-state actors alike, concerning residential
school education have differed widely. At the same time, however, there are some
common themes that emerge among diverse residential schooling practices in the
global south. This comparative analysis explores the development and implementation
strategies of residential/ boarding education for the poor, both by national
governments and NGOs; its effectiveness in providing education and empowerment,
especially for the girl child.
Historically, there were two basic kinds of residential schools in India. One was the
‘ashram or gurukuls’ that were part of ancient India’s narrative. Children of kings and
other gentry went to stay with a ‘guru’ in ashram to learn various skills and
philosophical perspectives. However, these were only-boys ashrams. The second kind
was that of elite ‘residential schools’ of colonial times, also called the boarding schools.
Structured on lines of British boarding schools, these schools essentially catered to the
elite Indians, both boys and girls. Neither was aimed at girls from disadvantaged
sections (economically and socially backward classes). The lack of access to residential
schooling facilities (in absence of formal schools in the vicinity of their habitation) and
the traditional beliefs and practices against educating girls was a major problem for
independent India.
Motivated by political thinkers and social reformers, civil society organizations initiated
residential schools for dalit and tribal children. These, however, were few and dispersed
in different region and states of India. Residential schools as a strategy for
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universalization emerged not so much from the gender perspective but from reaching
education to socially backward groups like dalits and tribals.
A definitive national vision for girls’ education was first articulated in 1968’s National
Policy of Education, almost after 20 years of Independence. The National Policy on
Education, 1986 (GoI 1986) and the Program of Action (GoI 1992) brought the issue of
gender and girls education to the centre stage. Moving away from the narrow focus of
basic education and literacy skill, NPE for the first time linked education of women and
girls to their empowerment. NPE envisioned education to be a transformative force
which would build women’s self-confidence, improve their position in society and
enable them to challenge inequalities that are prevalent in Indian society. The policy
stated that “Education shall be used as an agent of basic change in the status of women.
In order to neutralize accumulated distortions of the past, there will be a well-conceived
edge in favour of women. The policy committed that the national education system
would play a positive, interventionist role in the empowerment of women”. NPE became
the key framework for all the subsequent programmes and policies of the state. The
women empowerment Mahila Samakhya Programme which influenced a number of
girls education programme framework was an outcome of the NPE policy.
Residential schools for the girls from disadvantaged sections are essentially viewed as
an access strategy for the unreached whereby children, especially girls from remote
areas, scattered hamlets, socially excluded groups and poor households get an
opportunity to formal schooling. Secondly, residential schooling is viewed as a welfare
approach with residential schools becoming a means of provisioning food, shelter and
incentives. In a way residential schools become an environment that compensates and
overcomes factors that do not allow girls to participate in schools like poverty, poor
nutrition and domestic work etc.
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2.1 Impetus to Residential Schooling
2.1.1 Education for All (EFA): The EFA Goals brought the spot light on girls’ education
with emphasis on gender parity and equality. There are six internationally agreed upon
goals of EFA. One of the goals aims at ensuring that by 2015 all children and especially
girls, children living in difficult circumstances and those belonging to ethnic minorities
gain access to free and compulsory primary education of good quality. It also aims at
eliminating gender disparities in primary and secondary education by 2005, and
achieving gender equality in education by 2015 with a focus on full and equal access to
quality education for girls.
The Dakar Framework for Action called on the world community to find appropriate
strategies for educating underprivileged groups and those children who live under
difficult circumstances. Wide ranging access options emerged in the post EFA scenario
– community schools, alternative schools, flexi timing and bridge courses. Experiments
with residential schools as a strategy for girls’ education and empowerment emerged in
the decade of nineties, the post EFA phase. Some of these initiatives were Lok
Jhumbish’s Balika Shikshan Shivirs, M.V.Foundation’s bridge courses and District
Primary Education Programme (DPEP)2.
2.1.2 Right to Education Act 2009: In August 2009, the Indian Parliament passed the
Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education (RTE) Act, 2009 which made access
to free and compulsory elementary education a fundamental right of every child. The
Act provides a justiciable legal framework that entitles every child between the ages of
6-14 years to free and compulsory elementary education of comparable quality, based
on principles of equity and non-discrimination.
Under RTE 2009, Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), India’s flagship programmes for
universalizing elementary education, ensures: (a) universal access and retention (b)
bridging of gender and social category gaps in elementary education; and (c)
enhancement in learning levels of children. SSA provides for a variety of interventions
including opening of new schools and alternate schooling facilities, construction of
schools and additional classrooms, toilets and drinking water, provisioning for teachers,
periodic in-service teacher training and academic resource support, textbooks and
support for learning achievement.
Residential Schools are seen as a strategy for wide-spectrum of vulnerable children,
including girls. It is important to accommodate the special needs of children living in
desert areas or remote tribal areas. Residential facilities is viewed as a solution in
2 DPEP was a pilot scheme with special emphasis on teacher training and management in selected districts. This was incorporated into Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan in 2000-01.
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making education accessible to children from dispersed, remote and difficult locales like
desert areas, mountainous region or tribal children in dense forests, or children living in
internal strife situations.
The RTE 2009 also mandates enrolment of out-of school children (OoSC) into age-
appropriate classes. This calls for accelerated bridge courses called ‘special training’ in
SSA to enable older OoSC children join their age appropriate grades. The previous
experiences of SSA and other government programmes have been used to develop
strategies for bridging the educational gap and mainstreaming of OOSC. For this
purpose, both residential as well as non-residential bridge courses (accelerated
curricula) were started. It was found that residential bridge courses were more effective
than non-residential as they have enabled the creation of intensive teaching learning
environments that is conducive to accelerated learning. Residential facilities have also
been effective for preventing dropout amongst girls, children with special needs and
children living in difficult circumstances.
The RTE in its different sections makes reference to gender and girl’s education both
explicitly and implicitly. Some of the relevant provisions are: (a) No discrimination
against children from ‘disadvantaged groups and `weaker sections’ on any grounds; (b)
Inclusion of women in school monitoring committees; and (c) Provision of good quality
education that includes equity issues, curriculum development in conformity with
constitutional stipulations, training and enrolment in age appropriated classes.
One of the major goals of SSA is to bridge the existing gender and social gap. The
programme has undertaken several measures to improve girls’ access to schooling and
retention and addressing issues of quality and equity. Improving the school
infrastructure, providing support (e.g. scholarships, free textbooks, uniforms etc.) to
girls coming from disadvantaged communities, appointment of female teachers,
sensitisation of teachers on gender issues and assigning gender focal points are some of
the ways in which the programme aims to ensure enabling environment to the girls.
Regular monitoring and reporting of the progress being made on gender and girls
education is also undertaken.
As per the 10th SSA-Joint Review Mission (SSA 2009), there are around 89 million girls
attending elementary schools (64 million in primary and 25 million in upper primary
grades) compared to 96 million boys. Girls constitute 48.4 per cent of primary
enrolment and 47.6 per cent of the upper primary enrolments. The mission noted that
nationally, gender parity in gross enrolment rates in government schools was reported.
The Gender Parity Index (GPI) has shown improvements from 0.90 at primary in 2005
to 0.94 in 2009 while at upper primary levels the GPI has improved from 0.84 to 0.91
during the same period.
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The fact that girls still constitute half of the out of school children (OoSC) – three
percentage points more than their share in the population – points towards the still
existing gaps in gender wise provision of education. Two notable interventions to
improve girls’ education have been the Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalayas (KGBV) and
National Program for Education of Girls at Elementary Level (NPEGEL). The formulation
and implementation of NPEGEL and KGBV are among the important measures taken up
by the programme to reach out to the girls from marginalised social groups in over
3,282 educationally backward blocks in the country.
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3. Schemes and Programmes related to Residential Schools for girls
Table 2: Different Schemes and Programmes for Residential Schooling
Type of Scheme/Programme
Government funded NGO run
Full Time Formal Residential Schools
1. Kasturba Gandhi Ballika Vidyalaya (KGBV) (O)
2. Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalayas (JNV) (C)
3. Aashram Schools (AS) (C)
4. Eklavaya Model Residential Schools (ERMS) (C)
a) Spruthi b) Eklavya Parivartan
Vidyalaya c) Adivasi Ashram
Shala d) Kedi Residential
School e) Schools run by
Navsarjan f) Aadarshila
Residential School g) Viveka Tribal Centre
for Learning
Hostels attached to formal schools
i. Babu Jagjivan Ram Chhatrawas Yojana (C)
ii. Scheme of Strengthening Education among Scheduled Tribe (ST) Girls in Low Literacy Districts (O)
Accelerated Learning Courses
1. Mahila Shikshan Kendras (C)
a) Balika Shivirs (Urmul)
b) Udaan (CARE)
Bridge Courses
i. SSA run residential bridge courses (12 month, 6 month and 3 month Residential Special Training) (O)
I. Doosra Dashak
II. Nari Gunjan
III. M.V.Foundation
IV. Seva Mandir
C: denotes ‘closed’ implying that these schemes are funded, managed and run completely by the government; O: denoted ‘open’ implying that these schemes receive government funding while management/implementation can be done by both government and NGO.
There are different schemes and programmes managed/run/funded by Government
and/or non-state actors. These schemes/programmes can be classified as following:
(i) Formal residential schools: Government formal residential schools include Kasturba
Gandhi Ballika Vidyalaya (KGBV), Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalayas (JNV), Aashram Schools
(AS) and Eklavaya Model Residential Schools (ERMS). These are formal schools with
residential facilities for the students. NGO-run formal residential schools are Spurthi,
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Eklavya Parivartan Vidyalaya, Adivasi Ashram Shala, Kedi Residential School, schools
run by Navsarjan and Aadarshila Residential School. Swami Vivekananda Youth
Movement (SVYM) runs Viveka Tribal Centre for Learning (VTCL) a semi-residential
school, provides benefits of basic education to 450 children (primarily first generation
learners) from surrounding tribal colonies.
(ii) Hostels attached to formal schools: These schemes ensure hostel facilities for
girls/boys from disadvantaged sections so that they can attend formal schools. Babu
Jagjivan Ram Chhatrawas Yojana and Scheme of Strengthening Education among
Scheduled Tribe (ST) Girls in Low Literacy Districts are two government schemes under
this category. The second one is funded by the government but can be managed/run by
NGOs as well.
(iii) Accelerated Learning Programmes (ALP): These courses aim at completion of
certain specific education levels (e.g. class 5, class 8) in a condensed manner. Mahila
Shikshan Kendra, run by Mahila Samakhya (Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, MHRD) is an eleven-
month condensed course for girls from disadvantaged sections. This course aims at
accelerated learning for OoSC and never enrolled girls. Post-completion of this course, it
is expected that at least some of the girls, if not all, will enrol in formal schools. NGO run
accelerated programmes includes Balika Shivirs (Urmul) and Udaan (CARE).
(iv) Bridge Courses: These are short-term camps for mainstreaming OoSC and never
enrolled children into age-appropriate classes in formal schools. Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan
(SSA) runs 12-month, 6-month and 3-month residential special training for enrolment
of OoSC and never enrolled in elementary classes. NGO run bridge courses include
Doosra Dashak, Nari Gunjan, M.V.Foundation and Seva Mandir.
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3.1 Introducing the schemes and programmes
Table 3: Basic parameters of schemes under Govt. of India
Formal Residential School Hostels with formal
schools ALP
JNV AS EMRS KGBV BJRCY EGRS^ MSK
Year of initiation
1985-1986
1990-1991;
revised in 2008-2009
1997-1998
2004 2008^^ 2008 MS* - 1988
Girls/Boys Both Both Both Girls only Separate for boys and girls
Girls only
Girls only
Ministry concerned
MHRD MTA*** MTA MHRD** MSJE& MTA MHRD
Funding
Completely financed by Dept. of School Education, MHRD
100 per cent for AS (girls) by Centre#
Funding by Centre upto 12 crore@ (non-recurring cost) and Rs 42,000 per child (recurring cost)
Centre: 65 per cent; State: 35 per cent
100 per cent assistance to state/UTs, 90 per cent assistance to NGOs/Deemed universities for expansion
Fully funded by Centre
Fully funded by the National Programme
Strength per school
560
Depends upon the
layout plan
480
Three types:
I:100; II: 50; III:50
100 (primary
) 150 (upper
primary and high school)
30 trainees per MSK
Source: Compiled from different sources listed in the Bibliography;
^ Scheme of Strengthening Education among Scheduled Tribe (ST) Girls in Low Literacy Districts
^^ In operation since 1989-90 but revised and renamed in 2008
*Mahila Samakhya;
** Ministry of Human Resource Development;
*** Ministry of Tribal Affairs & Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment
# 100 per cent funding for all AS in Union Territories and Construction of AS for boys in naxal areas while
50:50 share for other AS for boys. @ upto 16 crore in hilly areas/desert/islands
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3.1.1 Formal Residential School Schemes:
(a) Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalays (JNV): JNVs were one of the first residential schools to
be established for talented girls and boys from rural areas (at least 75 per cent of
students enrolled must be from rural areas). At least one JNV was established in each
district, leading to sanctioning of 576 JNVs across the country. Additionally, 10 JNVs
were sanctioned in districts with large populations of SC and ST respectively. The total
number of JNVs sanctioned is 596 (Sharma 2012). Selection test is conducted for
enrolling students in these schools. These schools were fully-funded by the Department
of School Education and Literacy, MHRD.
(b) Ashram Shalas: These were started by the Ministry of Tribal Affairs (MTA) in 1990-
91 (revised in 2008-09) to provide residential schools for tribal children (girls and
boys) in an environment that is conducive for learning. The main idea behind the
scheme was to increase the literacy rates among the tribal students and bring them at
par with non-ST population. This scheme is implemented in twenty-two states and two
union territories that have been identified under the Tribal Sub-Plan by the MTA.
Currently, there are 862 sanctioned and 616 completed Ashram Schools across the
country (GoI 2013-2014). However, there seems to be some discrepancy in the number
of Ashram Shalas operating the in the country. District Information System for
Education (DISE) 2012-13 data (DISE 2012-13) lists 7,753 Ashram Shalas wherein Uttar
Pradesh, Odisha and Madhya Pradesh have the highest number of ASs.
(c) Eklavya Model Residential Schools (EMRS): MTA also initiated Eklavya Model
Residential Schools (EMRS) along the same lines as JNV. These co-educational schools
were set up to enable ST students to avail reservation in high and professional
education courses as well as jobs in government sectors. Admission to these schools is
done through competition with preference given to children belonging to Primitive
Tribal Groups and first generation learners. An upper limit for capital (non-recurring)
and recurring costs have been set by the Centre, beyond which state/UT governments
need to contribute. Currently, there are 153 EMRS operational across 22 states
(Jagranjosh 2013).
(d) Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya: KGBVs were established under the Sarva Shiksha
Abhiyan (SSA) by MHRD in 2004 to enhance the enrolment and completion of upper
primary education amongst girls from disadvantaged sections. These were set up in
Educationally Backward Blocks (EBBs) with rural female literacy below national
average as per Census 2001. Enrolment was targeted towards girls from SC, ST, OBC and
other minority communities. There are more than three thousand operational KGBVs in
the country with an enrolment of 3.49 lakh girls (GoI 2013). Three basic models of
KGBV exist: Model I included hostels for 100 girls and Model II included hostels for 50
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girls. Both Model I and II indicated setting-up of new schools. Model III hostels for 50
girls in existing schools (GoI 2010).
(e) Spruthi: This is a residential school for mild and moderately mentally challenged
children in Bangalore, Karnataka. With an intake capacity of 75 children at a time,
Spruthi ensures that the teachers and other personnel in the school are duly trained to
handle these children. Additionally, regular medical assessment of the children and
guided nutrition programmes are also carried out. There is no fee charged for the
services provided at Spruthi. (Vidyaranya not-dated)
(f) Eklavya Parivartan Vidyalaya: This residential school was started by Vidhayak
Sansad, an organisation that works for the socio economic development of tribals,
women and other deprived sections in the society. This school reaches out to girls from
the Katkari tribe, largely the children of migrant workers. (VidhayakSansad not-dated)
(g) Adivasi Ashram Shala is a regular residential school that runs classes 1 to 9 for girls
and boys from the tribal families in Kamshet near Pune. Plans are on to ensure that girls
can complete class 10 also from the same school.
(h) Kedi Residential School for tribal girls in South Gujarat focuses on slow learning
girls, who need extra help and facilitation to comprehend concepts/lessons. The girls
are provided middle level schooling with residential facilities to prepare them for high
school. With multiple reasons that are likely to hinder their higher studies, a vocational
training system is inbuilt wherein the inmates get equipped with skills required to work
and live in their own villages. Alternative methods used for teaching are further
supported by workshops, educational trips and seminars, allowing the girls to
experience learning at different levels. (Kedi not-dated)
(i) There are also three residential schools run by Navsarjan in Katariya, Rayka, and
Sami, Gujarat to provide primary education for dalit children, who prefer to be drop
outs, rather than meeting the humiliation from teachers and students from upper
castes. These schools by Navsarjan are an effort to retain dalit children in mainstream
education. (Navsarjan not-dated)
(j) Aadarshila Residential School: in Rajasthan caters to girls who had been married
very young. These girls falling in the age group of 8-13 years are provided education
from pre-primary up to middle school education, using alternative teaching methods.
(Prayas--PratirodhSansthan not-dated)
(k) Viveka Tribal Centre for Learning (VTCL): is a semi-residential school, based in
Mysore district of Karnataka that aims to bring benefits of basic education to 450
children (primarily first generation learners) from surrounding tribal colonies. The
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school is affiliated with the State education department and has thus adopted Kannada
as the medium of instruction. (SVYM various years)
3.1.2 Hostels attached to formal schools:
(a) Scheme of Strengthening Education among Scheduled Tribe (ST) Girls in Low
Literacy Districts: MTA introduced a special scheme to strengthen education among
tribal girls in low literacy districts in 2008. This scheme gave preference to naxal
affected areas as well as those inhabited by Primitive Tribal Groups (PTGs) (GoI 2008).
The scheme primarily envisages the running and maintenance of hostels linked with
schools running under Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan or other schemes of Education
Department. Where such schooling facilities are not available within a 5km radius, the
scheme has provision for establishing a complete educational complex with residential
and schooling facility. The scheme has provision for tuitions, incentives and periodical
awards after passing class VIII, X and XII to encourage the ST girls. The scheme does not
provide construction cost and prescribes fixed financial norms. The scheme also
envisages the establishment of District Education Support Agency (DESA), which would
be a non-government organization or a federation of non-governmental organizations,
for varied functions like ensuring 100 per cent enrolment, reducing drops outs,
arrangement of preventive health education, monitoring the performance of NGOs, etc.
54 districts and 21 blocks (outside the districts) have been identified, based on the ST
population (at least 25 per cent) and ST female literacy rate (below 35 per cent)
criteria, for setting up hostels for ST girls (upper limit: 100 girls for primary and 150
girls for upper primary and secondary classes) (GoI 2008). Although the scheme is
funded by the Centre, it is implemented by Voluntary Organisations or/and NGOs
(based on approval on criterion laid out) (GoI 2008). In Gujarat, the hostels sanctioned
for tribal girls under this plan are called Eklavya Girls Residential Schools (EGRS).
Currently, there are 35 functional EGRS in Gujarat, run by the Gujarat State Tribal
Development Residential Educational Institutions Society (GSTDREIS) (GoG 2014)3.
(b) Babu Jagjivan Ram Chhatrawas Yojana (BJRCY): BJRCY is implemented by the
Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment with primary objective of attracting the
implementing agencies for undertaking hostel construction programme, especially for
SC girls towards the broader vision of containment and reduction of their dropout rate.
The Scheme aims to provide residential accommodation facilities to SC boys and girls
studying in middle schools, higher secondary schools, colleges and Universities. The
Scheme is implemented through the State Governments/Union Territory
Administrations and the Central & State Universities/institutions. They are provided
3 We tried to map the existence of hostels under this scheme across states but only found details in
Gujarat. It is possible that they have been re-named at state levels (like in Gujarat, they are called EGRS).
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central assistance for fresh construction of hostel buildings and for expansion of the
existing hostel facilities (GoI 2008).
3.1.3 Accelerated Learning Programmes (ALP)
(a) Mahila Shiksha Kendra (MSK): The Mahila Samakhya (MS) programme was launched
in 1988 in order to pursue the goals of the New Education Policy (1986) and the
Programme of Action (1992) as a concrete programme for the education and
empowerment of women in rural areas, particularly of women from socially and
economically marginalised groups. MS programme, fully funded by the Department of
Education and Literacy, MHRD was initially implemented as a pilot in 10 districts in the
states of UP, Karnataka and Gujarat (representing three regions of the country). The
selected districts were low on female literacy, enrolment and retention of girls in
schools. The project was later extended to Andhra Pradesh at the end of 1992 and in
two districts in Kerala in 1998. The effectiveness of the MS strategy in mobilising
women for education has resulted in it being adopted by other basic education projects
in Bihar, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh and Assam. MSK was started as an eleven-month
bridge course for dropped-out/never enrolled girls and older women in the age-group
16-35 years. Currently, 95 MSK are functional in 121 districts (563 blocks) in the ten
states where MS is functional (GoI 2013).
(b) Balika Shivirs: in Rajasthan (run by Urmul Jyoti Sansthan) offer an accelerated
learning programme with residential facility, where girls from marginalised groups,
who were either drop outs or had never attended school, are readied for class 5 exams
in a span of 7 months. If the students do not get to enrol in a government school after
passing this exam, for different reasons, they attend another residential camp that
prepares them for class 8 exams. Although the girls are not charged any fees, parents
pay one rupee per day for the 210 days of the camp or donate kitchen groceries and
provisions to help Urmul meet the costs of the camp. (URMUL not-dated)
(c) Udaan (CARE): in Uttar Pradesh also run residential accelerated learning camps that
help out of school/never enrolled girls aged 9-14 years, complete their primary
education in 11 months. Every year a batch of 100 girls go through this programme and
almost 90 per cent of them are then absorbed in mainstream schools. The success of this
model also saw its replication in Bihar, Orissa and Haryana, with teachers being trained
in participatory approaches. (CARE not-dated)
With Udaan, these girls get an opportunity to break the vicious circle of illiteracy and
complete class 5 level primary education in a period of 10 months. The camp was
designed after visits to camps run by inspiring programs of MV Foundation and Lok
Jumbish. The curriculum and transaction approach was unique to Udaan which were
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developed keeping in mind the concerns of equity, social justice and quality of education
as the central core of the program. The strong bond that existed between Sarvodaya
Ashram and the community in running a residential school provided a strong base for
Udaan.
3.1.4 Bridge Courses
(a) SSA run Residential Special Training: Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan organises three types of
residential special training/courses to mainstream out-of-school-children and those
never enrolled in age-appropriate classes in formal schools. There are 12-month, 6-
month and 3-month special training courses organised, in association with different
NGOs, usually during the summer months. (MHRD--GoI 2013)
(b) Seva Mandir (SevaMandir not-dated) in Rajasthan has also adopted learning camps
as a strategy to impart literacy to never enrolled children, who can then enrol in the
formal schools. Three camps of 60 days each are organised during a year for 200
children in the 6-12 years age group, from the outskirts of Udaipur (largely from tribal
families). 57 per cent of children, who had never been enrolled in regular schools
before, were enrolled after attending a learning camp. (Philipose March 2012)
(c) M V Foundation in Andhra Pradesh runs residential bridge course for 9-14 year olds
who are rescued child labourers. These orientation camps equip them with the ability to
read and write, readying them for age appropriate admission in the nearby government
schools. Once the children are enrolled in the formal schools, they also get admitted to
the Social Welfare Hostels. (M.V.Foundation not-dated)
(d) Doosra Dashak in Rajasthan also runs residential bridge courses for 11-13 year olds
who then get admitted to government schools. Respecting the pace of learning of the
children, Doosra Dashak goes to the extent of organising additional camps to finish
curriculum in case it is not completed in the planned period of four months. Students for
the following batch are usually selected by the older participants. (DoosraDashak not-
dated)
(e) A similar approach can be seen in Bihar, but the girls are housed at the
organisation’s residential facility itself. Nari Gunjan runs 50 educational centres where
girls from the Musahar (rat eaters) community are educated on basic subjects like
personal hygiene, health care and also taught simple skills. 100 girls from these centres
are then selected to avail the Prerana Residential facility for further studies, while
regularly attending government school. The Prerana School runs programmes using
activity based teaching and personality development, to compliment what is learnt from
the government schools. (Narigunjan not-dated)
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Below is a table comparing different features of the schemes and programmes explained
in this section:
Table 4: Comparative Review of schemes
Free of cost
Special training for personnel
Vocational courses inbuilt
Medical assessment
Alternative teaching learning methods
Single sex (S)/ Co-ed (C)
Formal Residential schools
KGBV √ ? √ √ ? S
JNV √ √ x √ ? C
EMRS √ ? x √ ? C
Ashram Shala √ ? ? ? ? C
Spruthi √ √ x √ ? C
Eklavya Parivartan Vidyalaya
√ ? x ? ? S
Adivasi Ashram Shala
? ? x ? ? C
Kedi ? √ √ ? √ S
Navsarjan ? ? x ? ? C
Aadarshila ? ? x ? √ S
Accelerated Learning Programme
MSK √ √ x ? √ S
Balika Shivir √ ? x ? ? S
Udaan ? √ x ? √ S
Bridge Courses SSA Special Training
√ x x x √ C
Seva Mandir ? ? x ? √ C
M V Foundation
? ? x ? ? S
Doosra Dashak
? ? x ? ? C
Nari Gunjan ? ? √ ? √ S
√: Yes; x: No; ?: Not specified Source: Compiled from different scheme related documents;
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3.2 Budgets and costs for different schemes
A basic cost-expenditure analysis of different government schemes depicted that the
JNVs, meant for students based on selection, has highest budget allocations and per-
child expenditure norms. Kumar and Gupta (2008) undertook the exercise of comparing
per capita costs for target groups under KGBV and JNV, and found the former to be
much less under each budget head, a systemic exercise to compare inputs between the
various arrangements intended to benefit girls from disadvantaged communities seems
not to have been undertaken yet. Such disparities in budget allocations do have some
degree of impact on the quality of education imparted in these schools.
(a) Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalayas: JNVs are completely financed by the Department of
School Education, Ministry of Human Resources Development. Trends in Expenditure
show that the plan component has always been higher the non-plan component (refer
table below).
Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalayas : Trends in expenditure (Rs in Crore)
Year Plan Non-Plan Total
2007-08 920.7 197.2 1,117.9
2008-09 1,208.36 273.39 1,481.75
2009-10 1,311.32 362.94 1,674.26
2010-11 1,311.04 387.72 1,698.76
2011-12 1,141.6 431.76 1,573.36
The above table depicts that the non-plan component has increased in the 2011-12 but
the plan component has decreased for the same financial year.
(b) Ashram Schools in Tribal Sub Plan Areas: Ashram Schools draw their funds from the
Ministry of Tribal Affairs, also partly from the State Governments as detailed below:
Criteria Funding norm Girls’ Ashram Schools in the States 100 per cent Central assistance Boys’ Ashram Schools in naxal affected areas
100 per cent Central assistance
Boys’ Ashram Schools in other areas 50:50 sharing pattern between Centre and the respective State
Ashram Schools in Union Territories (irrespective of being girls’ or boys’)
100 per cent Central assistance provided
It has also been provided that if any State is unable to meet its share for the
establishment of Ashram Schools, ‘any MP/MLA can provide the State's share from
his/her MPLADS/MLALADS fund’.
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Budget for Establishment of Ashram Schools (Rs in crores)
Year BE* RE** Expenditure
per cent
spent
2008-09 30 30 30 100
2009-10 41 41 41 100
2010-11 75 65 65 100
2011-12 75 75 75 100
2012-13 75 61 61 100
2013-14 75 - -
Source: GoI (2013-2014) *BE: Budgeted Estimate; **RE: Revised Estimate
Trends in expenditure for establishing Ashram Schools in Tribal Sub Plan Areas does
display a neat picture, while there are other concerns in the funding pattern as
enumerated in many evaluation reports. However, the revised estimates for 2012-13
depicted a reduction than the budgeted estimate. This is a concern as budget cuts
impact the quality of education and overall experience in the Ashram Schools. Currently,
the recurring cost of Rs. 22,000 per child per annum for managing these schools is being
borne by the respective state governments. Studies have recommended that the Centre
should finance the recurring costs, as the burden on the States has led to poor
management, lack of basic facilities and acute shortage of teachers among others.
(c) Eklavya Model Residential Schools: Ministry of Tribal Affairs finance EMRS in the
States under Article 275(1) of the Indian Constitution. The funds under this Article are
allocated to States to assist their efforts in promoting the welfare of STs in that State or
improving the level of administration of Scheduled Areas in the said State.
Since implementation of the RTE, EMRS have been required to follow the prescribed
norms for establishing the school buildings. Other specifics in terms of layout and
structure are provided in the guidelines updated in 2010 (GoI 2010).
Budget figures provide only the total sum allocated under this Article, while the break
up for the schemes that are supported through these funds is not available. The
guidelines estimate the non-recurring cost for a school complex at Rs 12 crores (can go
up to Rs 16 crores in hilly areas; additional expenses must be borne by the State
Governments) and recurring cost per child at Rs 42,000.
(d) Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya: KGBV is a centrally sponsored scheme with 65:35
sharing pattern between Centre and states. KGBV, a part of the SSA programme, is
directly influenced by the changes in allocation/releases for SSA. In fact, a 32 per cent
decline was observed in the total allocations for SSA between 2012-13 and 2013-14.
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Although overall allocations remain a concern, the proportion of funds that was being
utilised raised questions of efficiency on the other hand.
Funds Released for KGBV 2008-09 to 2013-14
Year GoI Release (Rs. in lakhs) State Release (Rs. in lakhs)
2008-09 60,819.37 25,479.07
2009-10 25,126.22 17,048.49
2010-11 24,246.33 16,091.97
2011-12 46,939.79 13,179.74
2012-13 31,544.92 15,937.61
2013-14 13,558.31 8,876.26
Source: GoI (2013)
State Governments in some of the states have been able to allocate more funds to ensure
a wider reach of this scheme. In Jharkhand, the state government has upgraded all
KGBVs to class 12 by allocating more funds and also by utilising funds from RMSA. In
Gujarat, KGBVs have been opened even in the non-Educationally Backward Blocks
under the scheme Gujarat KGBV, completely financed by the State.
(e) Mahila Shikshan Kendras: MSKs are managed and monitored by the Mahila Sanghas,
with finances flowing from the Department of School Education and Literacy, MHRD.
Budget figures can be tracked for Mahila Samakhya Programme as a whole from the
Demand for Grants for this Department. However, the figures of the constituents like
MSK are not available. According to the guidelines, an MSK caters to 30 trainees at a
time with non-recurring and recurring costs per centre budgeted at Rs 3.00 lakhs and
Rs 6.72 lakhs respectively.
(f) Others: So far, we have been able to collect budgetary information only for the
following NGO run residential school programmes. Of these, Spruthi is a full time
residential school that caters to 75 children presently, training them on daily living
skills and other basics. Spruthi also offers regular medical checkups and related
facilities, which also add up to the cost component. From their website, it can be learnt
that the cost per month is Rs 2,500. (Vidyaranya not-dated)
Seva Mandir, on the other hand, runs three learning camps in a year covering 200
children, preparing them to be mainstreamed in formal schools. Although disaggregated
budget figures could not be traced, cost per student per month was found to be Rs 141.
(SevaMandir not-dated)
Udaan provides accelerated learning programmes using alternative teaching methods
and participatory approaches. With 100 girls getting trained every year in primary
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education, cost per student per month works out to be Rs 1,390.85 (operational costs)
from the budget for 20144.
Unique from all these, is Mitraniketan in Kerala that focuses on the integrated education
and training needs of children from the tribal families in Wayanad district. Completely
dependent on donations, cost per child per month runs up to Rs 1,250 (converted from
USD considering USD 1 = INR 60) including tuition, educational materials, room and
board, clothing.
4 Udaan had shared their budget documents with CBPS. From the budget prepared for 2013-2014, Rs.16,69,020 was the amount estimated for operational costs for 100 girls, for 12 months. This works out to be Rs.1,390.85 per child per month.
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3.3 Quality parameters for schemes and programmes5
Quality parameters pertinent to non-residential schools are equally relevant to
residential schools. In general terms these include quality learning material, progressive
curriculum, teacher pupil ratio, teacher child relationship child-centred teaching
learning and assessment. A UNICEF paper lists the following as key
indicators/determinants of quality in education (UNICEF 2000):
a) Healthy, well-nourished learners with supportive families and communities
b) Safe, protective and gender-sensitive environments with adequate resources and
facilities
c) Relevant curricula and materials for acquisition of basic skills
d) Trained teachers using child-centric teaching approaches
e) Well-managed classrooms and schools
f) Skilful assessment to facilitate learning and reduce disparities
g) Outcomes linked with national goals for education and positive participation.
Enactment of RTE makes residential schools accountable to quality norms specified in
the Act. Further, RTE is very explicit in its norms on infrastructure and facilities at
school. However the Act does not have any such specified norms for residential schools.
Infrastructure related norms are very scheme specific. Infrastructure, safety and water-
sanitation facilities in residential schools are important and integral to quality.
5 This sub-section will be revised and re-organised based on the framework for analysis and review explained in Table 1.
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3.3.1 Infrastructure and other facilities
Most of the government schemes have clear norms and specifications for infrastructure
facilities (See Table 5 below). However, norms do not necessarily translate in reality
according to the specifications. A number of factors determine the quality of the
infrastructure that is actually available to the girls. The research scan unfortunately
shows that most review/evaluation studies have not paid much attention to this aspect
of the program. Information on infrastructure and facilities is largely anecdotal and
descriptive around specific visits and observations. Quantitative information on quality
and adequacy of infrastructure remains confined to small geographic scale. It is difficult
to build a pan India picture from these studies.
Table 5: Infrastructure norms for Government Residential Schools
Norms KGBV JNV ERMS AS
Building/Classrooms Building for 50/100 girls
Yes Sufficient number of classrooms
Yes
Boundary Wall √ √ √ √ Drinking Water √ √ √ √ Electric Installation √ √ √ √ Uniform √ √ Library (Books and Teaching-Learning Materials)
√ √ √ √
School Bag √ Bedding √ √ √ Teachers resource room
√ √
Laboratories √ √ Recreation Room √ √ Sick Room √ √ Housing for teachers and warden
√ √
Dormitories √ √ Warden Office √ √ Kitchen with storage √ √ √ √ Rainwater harvesting √ √ Reliable sewage system
√
Accessible infrastructure
√
Source: Compiled from different scheme documents
(a) Living in Residential Schools: Living space usually consists of dormitory (separate
for boys and girls in case of co-education residential school program) with wooden
planks, storage space and mirror at bedside. There is optimal living space for
girls/children in the form of dormitory. However the range is wide in terms of actual
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per child allocation of space. In some programs a separate bed and a small storage space
is provided for children to keep their clothes and items for daily use.
KGBV Evaluation Study (GoI 2009) observed in many states, KGBVs were being run in
rented spaces. Out of six sample states, four had very poor infrastructural facilities. In
Assam, it was found, that the government had rented a building where there were
inadequate toilets and the insufficient space. The study also reported that budgets
provided for construction of building was insufficient in the states of Uttarakhand,
Tripura and Jammu and Kashmir.
Review committee for Ashram Schools also noted that there was “dangerous
overcrowding” of students in some schools with inadequate personal space, due to lack
of fixed norms on sharing rooms.
(b) Water, Sanitation and Cleanliness Matters: “The loudest message emanating is that
the overall environment of the camp - infrastructure, cleanliness, hygiene and nutrition
exerts a significant influence on cognitive as well as non-cognitive outcomes. Creating a
conducive learning environment is as important as the actual teaching-learning
process”(Ramachandran 2004).
Some of the earlier studies had observed considerable variation in the infrastructure
and facilities. A study based on visit to Ballika Shiksha Shivirs in Rajasthan observed
that in Pilu Kheda BSS were poorly endowed in terms of facilities and also the worst in
terms of security, cleanliness and overall environment for learning. For all practical
purposes this camp was not residential, students went home to sleep, to have a bath and
often for meals. Vas (Udaipur) was managed indifferently and the quality of hygiene was
poor. Conversely the quality of infrastructure, overall cleanliness, quality of food was
quite exceptional in six of the ten camps visited, notable among them being Pugal, Sam
and Tabiji. (Ramachandran 2004)
The issue of infrastructure and sanitation facilities in girls’ residential schools seems to
somewhat of a lingering issue. A 2007 KGBV Evaluation observed that ‘the condition of
the building, sanitation and availability of toilets and maintenance of buildings remain
big issues. The evaluation team found a number of design inadequacies in the new
buildings, for e.g.: kitchen not provided with storage facilities, platforms, chimney etc.
There is no provision of common room or activity room for girls, store, library, etc. in
the hostel buildings. The plans for the school buildings often do not include provisions
for Head Teachers’ room or teachers’ room, science laboratory, library, store room etc.’
(GoI 2007).
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The 2009 KGBV Evaluation Study conducted in 12 states of India reported that in their
study cleanliness/hygiene issues emerged significantly in Uttarakhand. They found out
that there was improper ventilation, cramped spaces, shortage of toilets and difficulties
in accessing water. It was observed that in one KGBV in Chhattisgarh, girls were going to
the nearby pond to bath and wash clothes and many girls had gastro-intestinal
problems. In West Bengal and Tripura sanitary towels were not being supplied to the
girls and menstrual hygiene was not given adequate attention (GoI 2009).
The availability of safe drinking water and toilet facilities seem to be hugely different in
each of the programs covered in the study. Sanitation units in KGBVs remain a big issue
in some states where girls go out into the field thereby affecting their security. Even
adequate water supply for bathrooms, kitchen and cleaning of premises is a concern in
some states like Bihar and Jharkhand. This may be due to the lack of budget or inability
in prioritizing provision of toilets in rented premises. In one KGBV, the girls went to a
nearby river to bathe and to answer the call of nature, because there were no
bathrooms in the hostel. The quality of construction is also a matter of concern as the
evaluation teams observed newly constructed buildings with severe seepages and
cracks (GoI 2013).
In contrast, there are also well-planned spacious and well-provisioned buildings in
some of the states. The kitchen and toilets are adequate, are kept clean and have
running water. The biggest advantage in some of the residential schools is the
availability of large playgrounds. In fact, in some of the states a minimum area of land
has been provided for establishing the Model I KGBVs, leaving adequate scope for
development. The provision of Rs 40,000 per annum for maintenance has been used for
repairs, procurement of generators etc. But this is inadequate for major repairs or
replacement of fittings, as is required in some older KGBV hostel buildings (GoI 2013).
In most cases the location and outreach of the program by the NGOs, play important
role in the provision of these facilities. For an example programs such as Udaan, MVF
and Doosara Dashak some efforts have been made to ensure safe toilet facilities for
girls. Types of toilet facilities in residential schools range from pit toilet, flush toilet, to
open field. Similarly the bathing facilities include from close door, temporary makeshift
space to open spaces. However in most of the programs there is substantial scope for
improvement for reinforcing desired personal hygiene behaviours. Although there is no
specific mention on the status of drinking water facilities, most of the programs seem to
have borewells and hand pumps as the key source of water including for drinking. In
some programs the running tap water is also available.
The 10th Joint Review Mission recommends revisiting and appropriate revision of the
norms and guidelines of KGBV - financial, physical and others including for design.
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(c) Cooking, Dining and Nutrition: An important requirement of the residential school
program is to provide balanced, nutritious and culturally appropriate food to children.
Some of the reviews have highlighted the adherence or lack of maintaining minimum
standards for the preparation of food. In some programs like Udaan, Kedi Residential
School for Tribal Girls, girls take turns in being on the kitchen management/monitoring
committees. The practice not only helps girls taking on managerial and leadership roles
but also ensures their nutrition awareness and ownership in the program.
The KGBV evaluation teams in 2013 came across students (most of whom are from
socially and economically disadvantaged sections of society) who complained of
persistent hunger and inadequacy of food. Many evaluation team members expressed
concern and shock at the situation they encountered in some of the KGBVs visited –
there was one instance where the girls were beaten for complaining they were hungry,
o