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ADVANCING INNOVATION IN NEWFOUNDLAND AND LABRADOR KNOWLEDGE SYNTHESIS Heather M. Hall & Jaqueline Walsh, Memorial University October 2013

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Page 1: Knowledge Synthesis

ADVANCING INNOVATION IN NEWFOUNDLAND AND LABRADORKNOWLEDGE SYNTHESIS

Heather M. Hall & Jaqueline Walsh, Memorial UniversityOctober 2013

Page 2: Knowledge Synthesis

P a g e 1

Fellow

[email protected]

[email protected]

Geography

[email protected]

(Grenfell)

[email protected]

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INTRODUCTION

This knowledge synthesis is part of the Harris Centre ‘Advancing Innovation in Newfoundland and Labrador Project’. It provides a summary of the latest research on innovation, providing insights for advancing innovation policy and practice in Newfoundland and Labrador. More information on this project can be found at www.innovationnl.ca

Over the last several decades, the topic of innovation has captured the attention of

policymakers and researchers alike. Being innovative is now widely seen as paramount

for competitiveness, economic growth, and prosperity. Within the innovation literature,

size matters. Large city-regions offer diversity and dense concentrations of people, firms,

and institutions with global reaches (Wolfe 2009). On the other hand, rural regions and

smaller cities and regions located on the periphery are often ignored or perceived as

unfavourable places for innovation to occur (Polèse et al. 2002; Johnstone and Haddow

2003; Hayter 2005; Tödtling and Trippl 2005; Virkkala 2007; Doloreux and Dionne

2008; Hall and Donald 2009; 2012; Fitjar and Rodríguez-Pose 2011). These regions are

often described as ‘locked-in’ to old industrial sectors or institutionally ‘thin’ (Tödtling

and Trippl 2005; Wolfe 2009). However, there is a growing movement to understand and

pursue strategies for innovation in more rural and peripheral regions (see for example

Doloreux and Dionne 2008; Fitjar and Rodríguez-Pose 2011; Coates 2012). This report

explores the innovation literature and its insights for advancing programs, policies and

best practices throughout Newfoundland and Labrador.

WHAT IS INNOVATION?

Firm level innovation is a complex subject that has commanded much attention in the

academic literature. The OECD (2005) categorizes four types of innovation: product

innovation, process innovation, organizational innovation, and marketing innovation.

More specifically, the OECD (2005: 46) states: “an innovation is the implementation of a

new or significantly improved product (good or service), or process, a new marketing

method, or a new organisational method in business practices, workplace organisation or

external relations”. Innovation is also often classified as incremental or radical. For

example, incremental innovation occurs when products, services, and processes are

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significantly improved while radical innovation involves the introduction of new and

unique products and processes (Wolfe 2006; Sternberg 2009; Slaper et al. 2011).

The OECD definition of innovation noted above is often used when discussing

innovation on a macro-economic level. At the firm level, researchers often define

innovation in a more task and goal oriented manner. Among the many definitions of

innovation used in the literature, Drucker (2002: 95) defines innovation as “the means by

which the entrepreneur creates new wealth-producing resources or endows existing

resources with enhanced potential for creating wealth”. This definition highlights the fact

that change has to be purposeful and focused on enhancing the firm’s potential to

prosper. Change can come from all areas of the business, through new or existing

resources, whether it relates to products, processes, strategies, marketing, human

resources, organizational structure, management or technology.

In terms of measuring innovation, as Sternberg (2009: 487) argues, “innovation research

is still searching for the ideal data”. Patent activity is most commonly used, however, as

Slaper et al. (2011) explain, patents are insufficient when used as the sole indicator of

innovation. As they further describe, there are geographic issues related to using patents

including the availability of smaller, disaggregated geographic data. As we have outlined

elsewhere (White et al. 2013) other innovation indicators include: R&D expenditures,

educational attainment, GDP, utilization of technology, occupational mix, industrial mix,

proximity to an urban area, government provisions, applications for funding, training

programs, productivity, venture capital, and access to broadband (see also Slaper et al.

2011).

These definitions and indicators present a number of issues for rural regions and smaller

cities on the periphery. First, is the debate over what constitutes ‘new’ – new to the

world or new to a region (OECD 2005). In many rural regions and smaller cities on the

periphery, innovations are new to the region versus new to the world. This means that

innovations might be overlooked or ignored in these regions. In terms of indicators,

many are simply not available at smaller units of geography (i.e. local and regional).

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Without access to good data, many rural regions and smaller cities are once again passed

over. There are also a number of studies that point to the limitations of R&D investments

as an indicator of innovation specifically in peripheral regions. For example, Fitjar and

Rodríguez-Pose (2011) argue that southwest Norway is one of the most innovative

regions in the country despite low levels of R&D investment. Another significant issue is

that innovations in these regions are often disregarded because they occur within sectors

tied to natural resources (i.e. forestry, oil & gas, mining, fisheries). Ultimately, this

creates a perception that rural regions and smaller cities on the periphery are deficient or

devoid of innovative firms and activities (Polèse et al. 2002; Hall and Donald 2009;

2012).

INNOVATION AND FIRMS

Research on business innovation is largely concentrated on the manufacturing sector and

high technology companies and much of this literature relates to product innovation as

opposed to process innovation (Becheikh et al. 2006). Although much of the early

literature focused on large firms, small and medium size firms have generated significant

interest among academics in recent years. Major arguments stemming from this research

include: small firms innovate differently than large firms due to their scarcity of

resources (Marion et al. 2012); conclusions drawn from the manufacturing sector

research may not be relevant to service sector firms (Hipp and Grupp 2005); and the

challenges that firms face vary depending on such factors as the competitive

environment, location and industry (Touringy and Le 2004).

This research also confirms that innovation is a complex process and success is

influenced by a number of variables that are both internal and external to the firm.

Becheikh et al. (2006) reviews existing literature on innovation in the manufacturing

sector and identifies the following external factors that affect firm innovation: customer

demand; industry concentration; regional infrastructure; specialized workforce; proximity

of potential partners such as universities, R&D and financial institutions; networking;

knowledge and technology acquisition; government policies and government financial

support programs. In the same study, the following internal factors are identified: use of

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export, differentiation and intellectual property protection strategies; organizational

flexibility; transformational leadership; managers’ qualifications, experience and

perceptions; R&D activity; acquisition of sophisticated equipment and production

technologies; an educated, experienced, diverse and technically qualified workforce; use

of HR strategies such as training and motivation; good financial performance; and funds

dedicated to innovation-related activities.

Another important internal characteristic of innovative firms is the role of management.

Managers must have effective innovation project management skills (Sanchez et al.

2011); create a climate for innovation to occur (Kmieciak et al. 2012); pay special

attention to the hiring and development of employees, as well as strategic HR practices;

and employ the proper organizational structure to enhance communication and decision

making (Cosh et al. 2012; Koski et al. 2009). Companies that have increased learning

capabilities are more likely to identify, assimilate and exploit knowledge from their

external environments and to successfully utilize their internal resources to create product

and process innovations (Amara et al. 2008). Such firms have cultures in which

employees are encouraged to take risks, ask questions, accept feedback, seek novel

solutions, take time to be creative, collaborate and engage in team work, and share

knowledge. Such companies are known as “learning organizations” (Marsick and

Watkins 2003). The creation and sustainability of a learning organization requires an

integrated, continuous and fluid approach (Farooq 2012).

The two preceding paragraphs highlight the need for both enhanced management skills

and superior leadership skills to create an innovative firm. In the social sciences

literature, there is a distinction often drawn between transformational leadership and

transactional leadership. Transactional leadership involves managing employees,

ensuring that employees have the resources needed to perform, hiring employees,

implementing human resource strategies and ensuring overall organizational efficiency.

Transformational leadership, on the other hand, involves leading, motivating and

empowering, communicating strategic vision, changing corporate culture and creating a

learning organization. Clearly both types of leadership are important for the creation and

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sustainability of innovative firms. There is a substantial amount of literature examining

the impact that transformational leadership has on firm-level innovation. For example,

Aragon-Correa et al. (2007) find that transformational leadership had a strong influence

on organizational learning; Gumusluoglu and Ilsev (2009) find that transformational

leadership enhances creativity at both the individual and organizational level; and

Michaelis et al. (2010) find that transformation leadership has a significant impact on

whether employees commit to using a particular innovation.

There are many obstacles that prevent firms from engaging in innovative activities

including firm size, industry characteristics and previous experience (Blanchard et al.

2012; D’Este et al. 2012). Tourigny and Le (2004) report that the most significant

impediments in the manufacturing sector in Canada include: an inability to devote staff

to specific projects on an on-going basis; high cost of development; lack of skilled

personnel; lack of financing; and organizational rigidities. In another study, the

Conference Board of Canada surveyed 1000 large and small firms from various sectors in

2012 and asked them to report major barriers to innovation (Conference Board of

Canada, 2013b). Financing is considered the most significant impediment, mainly due to

cash flow issues and lack of metrics to show value. Other major challenges to innovation

include: managers’ belief that their firm is too small to innovate; industry specific

characteristics (supply of skilled labour, regulatory environment, level of competitiveness

in market, and government support for innovation); corporate culture and lack of risk

taking; technical difficulties in innovation; low cost competition; and poor capacity to

implement ideas. In discussing the gap between innovative ideas and commercialization,

the findings suggest a lack of commercialization and management skills; a weak culture

of collaboration; and an insufficient competitive drive are among the key issues.

Firms generate innovative ideas from a variety of sources. Conference Board of Canada

(2013b) reports that “customer needs, market structure, demographics, industry structure,

and the state of scientific and technical know-how are the principal triggers for

innovation” (p24). Innovative ideas can originate internally from executives, managers,

salespeople, marketing people, operations people or technical personnel. Externally, the

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supply chain partnerships with suppliers and distributors, as well as customers, academic

institutions and competitors can provide the foundation for new innovative products,

services or processes. The Conference Board of Canada (2013b) survey reveals that

senior level executives and customers are the major source of innovations in small firms,

but not so much for larger firms. Large firms are more reliant on production, operation

and R&D departments, business partners, suppliers and competitors as sources of

innovations.

INNOVATION AND REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT

One of the most significant arguments emerging from the innovation literature over the

last several decades is that innovation is not a linear process. As Sternberg (2009: 481)

explains, “for a long time, the innovation process … was presented as a linear process

consisting of the phases of scientific discovery (invention), product development

(innovation in its true sense), market introduction, and diffusion.” However, “innovation

is increasingly recognized as a social process” (Wolfe 2009: 15) or simply put “firms do

not innovate in isolation” (Nauwelaers 2011: 468). Related to this, was the ‘rediscovery’

of the ‘region’ as the prime site for innovation and learning to occur.

A number of territorial innovation concepts have emerged since the 1980s including

industrial districts (Becattini 1990), clusters (Porter 1990), learning regions (Florida

1995; Morgan 1997), triple helix/quadruple helix (Leydesdorff 2012), and regional

innovation systems (Cooke 1992; Cooke and Morgan 1998) (see Table 1 for an overview

of these concepts). The common link between these concepts is the emphasis on

interaction and learning between a wide variety of actors including individuals, firms,

industry associations and supporting institutions like government, universities, colleges

and innovation centres (Asheim et al., 2011; Tödtling and Trippl 2011; Nauwelaers 2011;

Rodríguez-Pose 2013).

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Table 1: A Brief Overview of Territorial Innovation Concepts

Industrial Districts

• Originates in the work of Alfred Marshall in the late 1800s • “Factory without walls” • 1980s and 1990s renewed interest in the Third Italy • Cooperation among competitor firms to share risk, stabilize

markets, and share innovation • Emphasis placed on agglomeration, embeddedness, trust and

flexible specialization versus mass production

Clusters

• Michael Porter – The Competitive Advantage of Nations (1990) & On Competition (1998)

• Geographic concentrations of interconnected firms, supplies, firms in related industries, and other institutions

• Cooperation and competition

Learning Regions

• Most often associated with Richard Florida and Kevin Morgan • Emphasis placed on the presence, absence, and quality of research

institutions and their networks and/or • The contributions of social capital and trust in supporting dense

networks of inter-firm relationships as well as the process of interactive learning

Triple Helix/Quadruple Helix

• Loet Leydesdorff and Henry Etzkowitz • Triple Helix – university-industry-government relationships • Quadruple Helix – university-industry-government-civil

society/community users of innovation

Regional Innovation Systems

• Most often association with the work of Phillip Cooke and Kevin Morgan

• Emphasis placed on the institutional context, importance of place, ‘social process of innovation’

• Collaboration and cooperation between firms, universities, research labs, public and private governance/government organizations, financial institutions etc.

Source: Amin 1999; Becattini 1990; Porter 1990; Florida 1995; Morgan 1997; Cooke 1992; Cooke and Morgan 1998; Wolfe 2002; Arnkil et al. 2010

This territorial innovation literature also stresses the importance of institutions, place-

based assets, and learning. For example, Ash Amin and Nigel Thrift (1994; 1995) use the

term ‘institutional thickness’’ to take into account not only the ‘hard institutions’ (i.e. the

presence of institutions) but also the ‘soft institutions’ (i.e. social and cultural factors)

that play a role in regional economic success (Harrison 2006). They suggest four main

characteristics: 1) a strong institutional presence (in the form of institutional

arrangements between an array of actors including firms, local authorities, labour unions,

research centres etc.); 2) a high level of interaction between these institutions to

encourage networking, cooperation and exchange; 3) the presence of well-defined

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structures of coalition-building and collective-representation; and 4) inclusivity and

collective mobilization, or in essence a common sense of purpose on a widely held

agenda or regional development project (Amin and Thrift 1994: 14; see also Martin

2000; Goodwin et al. 2002).

Meanwhile, Michael Storper’s (1997) work highlights the ‘region as a nexus of untraded

interdependencies’ or the distinct regional assets that impact competitive advantage. As

he (1997) describes,

‘untraded interdependencies’, which take the form of conventions, informal rules and habits that coordinate economic actors under conditions of uncertainty; these relations constitute region-specific assets in production. These assets are a central form of scarcity in contemporary capitalism, and hence a central form of geographical differentiation in what is done, how it is done and in the resulting wealth levels and growth rates of regions (5).

Storper (1997) further argues that firms and institutions become attached to particular

regions due to these ‘untraded interdependencies’. These assets are also said to have a

direct impact on a region’s competitive advantage because they help firms and

institutions develop a capacity for learning which enables them to adapt to change (Amin

1999; MacKinnon et al. 2002; Cumbers et al. 2003).

This emphasis on learning is further explained in the work of Philippe Cooke and Kevin

Morgan (1998; Morgan 1997). They stress, “knowledge is the most strategic resource and

learning the most important process” (Cooke and Morgan 1998: 17). As MacKinnon et

al. (2002: 301) explain despite increasing efforts to codify knowledge, regions that

become sources for tacit knowledge can derive considerable economic advantages

through the importance of ‘being there’ (Gertler 1995). More importantly, firms and

organizations need to be constantly learning from within and open to outside sources of

knowledge to prevent lock-in (Nauwelaers 2011). In this sense, innovation is stimulated

by what Bathelt et al. (2004) describe as ‘local buzz and global pipelines’ (see also Wolfe

and Gertler 2004). As Asheim et al. (2007) explain, buzz includes “rumours, impressions,

recommendations, trade folklore, and strategic information” (660) while global pipelines

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take into account information and knowledge flows between firms and institutions in

different regions (Bathelt et al. 2004; Wolfe and Gertler 2004).

A significant debate in the territorial innovation literature focuses on whether regions

with highly specialized economies or regions with more diversified economies are more

conducive to innovation and growth (Asheim et al. 2011). More recently, the importance

of ‘related variety’ has been emphasized in response to this debate. As Asheim, Boschma

and Cooke explain (2011: 896), related variety “implies that the long-term development

of regions depends on their ability to diversify into new applications and new sectors

while building on their current knowledge base and competences”. Proponents of this

concept argue that innovation is more likely to occur when knowledge flows or spills

over between related sectors versus within a single sector (Boschma 2008). Related

variety also combats the risks associated with overspecialization and overdiversification

(Tödtling and Trippl 2011).

INNOVATION IN RURAL AND PERIPHERAL REGIONS

One challenge in the innovation literature is that it is largely based on the experiences of

large cities and core regions. While this literature does offer important insights there are a

number of significant differences that face rural and peripheral regions. For example,

Hall and Donald (2009; 2012) describe a number of ‘peripheral realities’. This includes

geographic isolation, which is exacerbated by high transportation costs, limited

transportation options, and infrastructure constraints. These regions often also experience

challenges with attracting and retaining talented individuals due to limited education and

economic opportunities. Entrepreneurs in rural and peripheral regions also encounter

difficulties with accessing capital and institutions promoting innovation. Their work

further describes how innovations often become ‘locked-in’ peripheral regions, supplying

local and regional markets but failing to connect to national or global markets. Likewise,

Tödtling and Trippl (2005) argue that a major characteristic of many peripheral regions is

institutional thinness while older industrial regions are locked-in to mature industries (see

also Lagendijk 2011).

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Another significant issue is what Oughton et al. (2002) call the ‘regional innovation

paradox’. As they describe, this paradox “refers to the apparent contradiction between the

comparatively greater need to spend on innovation in lagging regions and their relatively

lower capacity to absorb public funds earmarked for the promotion of innovation and to

invest in innovation related activities, compared to more advanced regions” (98).

Similarly, Lagendijk (2011) explains how many peripheral regions lack the financial and

human resources to make adequate plans or match funding opportunities for regional

innovation. Perhaps more importantly, rural and peripheral regions often try to copy

regions like Silicon Valley, typically ignoring their own regional strengths and

challenges.

More recently, however, increased attention on innovation in rural and peripheral regions

has provided a number of important insights. For example, Fitjar and Rodríguez-Pose

(2011) found that firms in Southwest Norway with a wide range of international partners

were more likely to create new products than those in other parts of the country. The

regional economy, much like the Northeast Avalon in NL, includes maritime industries,

petroleum-related industries, shipping, ICT, fisheries, and agriculture. Specifically, this

region is home to the oil and gas industry including the dominance of large multinational

firms. Fitjar and Rodríguez-Pose argue that by building strong cooperative international

networks, firms in this region are able to combat the challenges of being located on the

periphery. More importantly, they discovered that firms “that cooperate with a wider

range of international partners tend to have managers who are open-minded about the

potential of learning from foreign cultures and who are open to change and new ideas”

(571). They suggest strategies focused on creating regional hubs with “strong connections

to international collaborative networks” (556).

In La Pocatière, Quebec, Doloreux and Dionne (2008) discovered a number of important

insights for innovation in rural regions. This is a small region, with a strong history tied

to agricultural research and teaching, located about an hour and a half from Quebec City.

The industrial structure is made up of transport equipment, engineering technologies, and

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agri-business and related activities. Doloreux and Dionne (2008) discovered a number of

important factors contributing to La Pocatière’s success. First, they found a strong

presence of institutional actors who have capacity to respond to economic and

technological change over time. They also found community entrepreneurs who

mobilized around initiatives emerging from public institutions and a common desire to

initiate new business activities based on La Pocatière’s strengths. Finally, they

discovered the importance of knowledge exchange and collaboration between

institutions, between firms, and between firms and institutions. Their work highlights the

significant role of public institutions for encouraging firm innovations in smaller

peripheral regions. Their case study also demonstrates how the small size of La Pocatière

actually facilitated trust and collaboration. Doloreux and Dionne (2008) do, however,

note difficulties with attracting highly skilled workers especially when taking into

account the professional integration of a partner.

Another example from rural Norway, critiques the notion that “innovation process to be a

phenomenon that can be controlled and guided” (Fløysand and Jakobsen 2010: 329).

They also take issue with the arguments that innovation requires a business ‘milieu’ and

advanced knowledge infrastructure from postsecondary research in stitutions. Fløysand

and Jakobsen (2010) focus on Ellingsøy in Norway using a social fields approach to

demonstrate the importance of family and community in innovation versus the

cooperation between local firms and postsecondary research institutions, which did not

exist. They also discovered that in Ellingsøy, “innovative practices are influenced by tacit

knowledge and dynamics characterized by a strong corporate responsibility or

commitment to the local community” (341-342).

One final example worth noting is the Developing Europe’s Rural Regions in the Era of

Globalization (EU DERREG) project led by Michael Woods. This research initiative was

focused on four themes, of which two are particularly relevant for the AINL project:

capacity building, governance, and knowledge systems; and global engagement and local

embeddedness of rural businesses (Woods and McDonagh 2011). The first theme was

concerned with determining how to support learning and innovation in rural grassroots

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development initiatives using 61 grassroots initiatives in six case study regions,

including: Lithuania, Spain, Germany (x2), Ireland and the Netherlands (see Roep and

Wellbrock 2011). Their findings suggest that the ‘learning region’ and ‘triple helix’

concepts are too narrow for rural regions due to the number of diverse actors trying to

implement a variety of place-based development initiatives. As seen in Figure 1, they use

the nexus of region, public administration, and knowledge support structures to capture

rural regional learning versus the industry, academia, and state arguments seen in the

triple helix model. The region is seen as the ‘arena’ for grassroots development

initiatives, while knowledge support structures take into account a wider array of

knowledge infrastructure supports, and public administration includes the support

policies and the actors who facilitate and implement them (Roep and Wellbrock, 2011).

Figure 1: Governance of Rural Regional Learning from DERREG

Source: Adapted from Roep and Wellbrock, 2011: 17.

Other findings from their research suggest that support for learning and innovation in

rural regions requires political commitment, a place-based approach, and support –

Regional Learning

Region

Grassroots Development

Initiatives

Facilitating agents and agencies

Knowledge Support

Structure

Supporting Policies

Public Adminstration

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including financial support, knowledge and skills, physical infrastructure and social

infrastructure. In addition, they highlight three different considerations for supporting

learning and innovation in rural regions. This includes:

the scope of operation (i.e. the type of beneficiaries targeted and geographical position), the formal shaping of the operational space (i.e. the type of support and facilitation provided, rules, regulations and procedures attached to obtaining it, and the resulting shape), and the delegation of tasks and roles to operational agents and agencies (Roep and Wellbrock, 2011: 83).

This research also argues for delegating decision-making to regional operators in an

effort to prevent grassroots development initiatives from becoming overly bureaucratic or

politicized.

In the second theme, global engagement and local embeddedness of rural businesses,

researchers were focused on the impacts of business networking in rural regions (Copus

et al. 2011). Researchers in this domain were focused on five case study areas involving

the Czech Republic, Sweden, Slovenia, the Netherlands, and Lithuania. This research

offers a number of important insights. First, rural businesses can derive considerable

benefits from “networking economies”. This argument is important because traditional

theories of innovation and economic development emphasize the importance of

“agglomeration economies” or the benefits of spatial proximity. This is largely seen as a

competitive advantage in urban areas. However, networks in rural regions can act as a

“surrogate for agglomeration” and support the transfer of entrepreneurial knowledge.

In this research, networks included local, regional, national and international businesses,

customers, suppliers, and support institutions. Motivations cited for business networking

included: joint marketing approaches; learning about new opportunities for development;

complying with rules and regulations; improving production processes; and reacting to

customers needs. Overall, this study found that the major benefit from networking was

acquiring market intelligence. This was followed by gaining information to improve

products or production processes. This research also identified the importance of having

face-to-face contact with support institutions. Finally, this study emphasized the role of

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network brokers who act as match-matchers and forum facilitators.1 While this research

is more focused on informal networks, in one case study more formal networks organized

by government or other support organizations were viewed as ‘stepping stones’ for

making new business contacts.

As mentioned earlier, institutions, place-based assets, and learning are all important for

regional innovation. More recently, an approach termed Research and Innovation

Strategies for Smart Specialization or RIS3 has captured the attention of policymakers

across Europe, including the European Union and OECD. In fact, it will form the basis

for EUs Structural Funds as part of the Cohesion Policy for 2014-2020. Rooted in the

regional innovation systems literature and discussions on related variety, RIS3 are

described as “integrated, place-based economic transformation agendas” (Foray et al.

2012: 8). The RIS3 approach includes six steps: first, the analysis of the regional context

and potential for innovation; second, creating an inclusive governance structure to ensure

participation and ownership; third, creating a shared vision for the future of the region;

fourth, identifying a small number of priorities for regional development; fifth, defining

appropriate policies, a road map and an effective action plan; and sixth, integrating

monitoring and evaluation mechanism (for more detail see Foray et al. 2012; see also

Figure 2).

1 The authors define forum facilitators as bringing “together groups of firms with a common interest, with the ultimate objective of strengthening trust between them, and of fostering ‘collective learning’ (23).

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Figure 2: RIS3 Approach

Source: Foray et al. 2012

The EU Commission has created a website with a variety of tools to assist regions in

planning for RIS3 (see http://s3platform.jrc.ec.europa.eu). One tool is the RIS3

Assessment Wheel designed to assist regional actors with assessing where their region is

in each of the six steps (see Figure 3). This includes a scaling system from 0 (no

information on a certain element) to 5 (excellent).

Analysis of Regional Context

Governance

Shared Vision

Identification of Priorities

Policy Mix

Monitoring & Evaluation

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Figure 3: RIS3 Assessment Wheel

Source: European Commission, 2013

The RIS3 approach also emphasizes, “an entrepreneurial process of discovery” defined

as “a learning process to discover the research and innovation domains in which a region

can hope to excel” (Foray et al. 2009: 2). Entrepreneurial actors are broadly defined and

include firms, post-secondary education institutions, public research institutions and other

individuals/institutions involved in innovation-related activities. Harnessing this

entrepreneurial knowledge is essential because it includes “market growth potential,

likely competitors and the entire set of input and services required for launching a new

business activity” (Foray et al. 2012: 12). Entrepreneurs are best situated to identify what

a region does best in terms of R&D and innovation and new domains of specialization

0

1

2

3

4

5

Informal assessment - region XXX

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that might be useful (Foray et al. 2011). To encourage this entrepreneurial process of

discovery, Foray et al. (2011: 12) recommend research service vouchers, which “could

be provided to firms to commission an R&D project from a public research institution or

any specialised R&D organization.”

INNOVATION IN CANADA

Several recent reports provide a bleak picture of the landscape of firm level innovation in

Canada. The first, the World Economic Forum’s 2012 Global Competiveness Index,

shows that Canada’s global competitiveness ranking has dropped for the third year in a

row (Conference Board of Canada 2012). Although there are numerous factors cited to

explain this decline, one of the main reasons is weak business innovation performance

(Conference Board of Canada 2012; 2013a). The findings suggest, among other things,

that many Canadian companies do not have access to venture capital funding; lack

investment in training staff; do not absorb new technologies; have a narrow value chain

and unsophisticated production processes; lack the capacity to innovate using advanced

operations and strategies in such areas as marketing, branding and distribution; do not

invest sufficient monies on R&D; lack collaborative relationships with universities; and

do not derive their competitive advantage from the creation of unique produces,

processes or services (Conference Board of Canada 2012).

In 2012, the OECD released a report entitled Unleashing Business Innovation in Canada

(Bibbee, 2012). This report cites many issues that have resulted in Canada’s lagging

performance in business innovation, including: a growing commercialization gap

between academic and applied research; a high degree of risk aversion in doing business;

under-developed entrepreneurship programs in post-secondary institutions; and a lack of

management and commercialization skills. Likewise, a 2009 report, Innovation and

Business Strategy: Why Canada Falls Shorts, by the Council of Canadian Academies

argues that, “the weak innovation performance of Canadian business is due to the fact

that relatively few Canadian companies adopt innovation-based business strategies”

(209). More importantly, the expert panel behind this report “approached innovation as

an economic process rather than as a primarily science and engineering activity” (3,

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original emphasis). The report also provides a number of factors that influence business

innovation including: 1) industry structure characteristics; 2) the state of competition; 3)

the climate for new ventures; 4) the public policy environment; and 5) business ambition.

There have also been several recent Canadian reports and initiatives that support the

‘social nature of innovation’ argument. For example, the federal Innovation Canada: A

Call to Action otherwise known as the Jenkins report, which was released 2011. The final

report includes a strong role for government in supporting innovation through

procurement and a Minister for Innovation. It also encourages regional programs like

ACOA to play a strong role in supporting business innovation by assisting firms to

compete globally. In addition, like the ‘regional innovation systems’, approach the

Jenkins report emphasizes the ‘innovation ecosystem’. Likewise, the President of the

Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) argues that,

“successful innovation emerges from robust cultures of innovation” (Gaffield 2012;

SSHRC 2013). While the most recent World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness

report (2013: 4) argues that “Canada's competitiveness would be further enhanced by

improvements in its innovation ecosystem, such as increased company-level spending on

R&D and government procurement of advanced research products”. Other Canadian

insights include several reports by the Conference Board of Canada (2012; 2013a; 2013b)

and their new Centre for Business Innovation as well as the Coalition for Action on

Innovation in Canada (2010) and the Canada Foundation for Innovation (2012). All of

these organizations emphasize the importance of education and research institutions for

fostering an innovative economy. They also call for more action on strengthening our

research institutions, university–industry partnerships, and cluster developments. These

reports also highlight one significant gap in Canada, which has been the underutilization

of our colleges as part of this system.

In terms of innovation strategies, vouchers are increasingly being used across Canada in

provinces like Ontario, Alberta, New Brunswick, British Columbia and Nova Scotia.

Under voucher programs businesses receive vouchers, which can be exchanged at

universities, colleges and other institutions for expertise, other resources, and IP.

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Vouchers are important tools for enhancing innovation because they promote

commercialization in postsecondary institutions and assist firms with R&D while

building partnerships between them (see Serebrin 2013). For example, Ontario recently

introduced the Collaborative Voucher Program through the Ontario Centres of Excellence

(OCE). This program provides four types of vouchers including: commercialization,

innovation and productivity, E-Business, and an industry association R&D challenge.

The program incorporates several federal funding programs (e.g. NSERC, IRAP, and

Connect Canada) into a ‘convenient one-stop application process’ (OCE 2013).

Universities are also promoting innovation by encouraging and supporting

entrepreneurship and collaboration. Many universities across Canada now have

commercialization centres and business incubators on campus. One unique approach

worth noting is the Queen’s Summer Innovation Initiative or “entrepreneur boot camp”.

Students from a variety of disciplines learn about entrepreneurship, corporate innovation

and change management from faculty in the Queen’s School of Business and the Faculty

of Engineering and Applied Science along with alumni, entrepreneurs and other business

experts. These students are then placed in teams and work with two mentors to develop

an innovative idea. At the end of the summer, students pitch their ideas to a jury and the

top-three win money to develop their business venture. This initiative started with small

seed funding from the University and is run almost entirely on alumni donations

(Initiative Campaign 2013; Queen’s Innovation Connector 2013).

Another example is the University of British Columbia, which has just released an

innovation strategy focused on: “a new corporate relations office to work more closely

with the business sector; the creation of a central UBC agency to support faculty

consulting by 2014; growing the current ‘Campus as a living lab’ model beyond campus;

expanding and integrating UBC’s e@UBC entrepreneurship activities from education to

venture creation to seed funding, and re-engineering and streamlining the activities of the

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University Industry Liaison Office to accelerate the technology transfer process” (UBC

News 2013).2

INNOVATION IN NEWFOUNDLAND AND LABRADOR

Newfoundland and Labrador has long been considered a have-not province in the

Canadian political economy. However, the province is enjoying newfound status as a

‘have’ province. The St. John’s city-region, in particular, is experiencing unprecedented

prosperity from oil and gas development off the province’s east coast (Greenwood

forthcoming; Greenwood and Hall forthcoming). As the provincial capital and largest city

in NL the St. John’s city-region offers many of the common features expected in large

city-regions. However, the city is small and peripheral compared to national and

international urban systems. Simply put, St. John’s is a ‘metropolis on the margins’

(Lepawsky et al. 2010). Close to half of the province’s population now resides in

communities within the St. John’s commuting area. That being said, a large number of

people still reside in more rural and remote communities spread across the province.

In recent years, several academic studies have focused on innovation in NL (see

Appendix 1). This includes research in Newfoundland and Labrador that was part of a

national project looking at the social dynamics of economic performance in city-regions,

led by David Wolfe and Meric Gertler at the University of Toronto. This project was

focused on three themes: the social dynamics of innovation, talent attraction and

retention, and civic governance and inclusion. Rob Greenwood led the Newfoundland

and Labrador component, which included case studies on St. John’s, Clarenville, Corner

Brook, and Labrador West (see Lepawsky 2009; Lepawsky et al. 2010; Lepawsky, Hall

and Donald forthcoming; Hall 2010a; 2010b; Greenwood et al. 2011; Greenwood

forthcoming; Greenwood and Hall forthcoming). This research identified five industrial

clusters in St. John’s, including: Oil and Gas; Maritime; ITC Services; Business Services;

and Higher Education. Significant wealth is still generated from fisheries and mining

continues to be a major source of wealth creation on the Island and in Labrador. The

2 The Faculty of Business Administration and the Faculty of Engineering and Applied Science at Memorial University are currently exploring the strategic positioning and design of a Innovation, Entrepreneurship and Technology Commercialization Centre

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provincial economy, however, is now dominated by oil production (Spencer and Vinodrai

2006).

Another example includes a cross-Canada initiative led by Kelly Vodden (Memorial

University – Newfoundland and Labrador), Bill Reimer (Concordia University –

Quebec), David Douglas (University of Guelph – Ontario), and Sean Markey (Simon

Fraser University – British Columbia) focused on Canadian Regional Development. Five

themes are being explored including: place-based development, collaborative, multi-level

governance, rural-urban interactions, integrated development, and innovation and

learning. In Newfoundland and Labrador these themes are being explored in

Kittiwake/Gander-New-Wes-Valley and the Northern Peninsula (see White et al. 2013;

Vodden et al. 2013).

One final research example is the Networks for Business Innovation: Building Social

Capital in Corner Brook, NL initiative. This project is led by Jose Lam (Memorial

University – Grenfell Campus) and includes a team of individuals from government, the

university, community, and business. The project is designed to assess the local

innovation system (adapted cluster work for small regions) in the city of Corner Brook.

Using interviews and surveys to investigate who people talk to and work with, this study

is mapping out these connections and networks. Ultimately, this information will be used

to bring these players together to further develop social and economic innovation in the

city and region (Lam et al. 2013).

Many of theses innovation-related research projects in NL have identified a number of

barriers to innovation. This includes: a reluctance to share knowledge and collaborate;

access to capital; talent attraction and retention; population aging and youth out-

migration; infrastructure constraints; access to broadband in rural and remote regions; the

EI trap; and low learning and exposure to lessons and ideas from other regions. One

important opportunity is the strong commitment to place that exists in NL.

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These studies also identify a number of innovation-support institutions in NL. This

includes industry associations like the Newfoundland Ocean Industries Association

(NOIA), the Newfoundland Alliance of Technical Industries (NATI), the Newfoundland

Environmental Industries Association (NEIA), the Canadian Manufacturers and

Exporters (CME), OceansAdvance Inc. as well as the campuses of Memorial University

in St. John’s and Corner Brook, and the campuses of the College of the North Atlantic.

Other institutions include, Chambers of Commerce, and Community Business

Development Corporations (CBDCs) along with commercialization centres like the

Genesis Group Inc. and entrepreneurial support centres like Navigate. The Strategic

Partnership between business, labour, and government is another important initiative for

encouraging collaboration. The provincial and federal government’s are also playing a

role in encouraging and fostering innovation in the province through an array of

programs. One final institution worth noting is the Research & Development Corporation

of Newfoundland and Labrador (see Appendix 1).

Unfortunately, there is a lack of formal evaluation of business innovation within the

Province of Newfoundland and Labrador. The information that is available is consistent

with what is known at the national level. In 2006, the Government of Newfoundland and

Labrador released its province-wide Innovation Strategy – Innovation Newfoundland and

Labrador: A Blueprint for Prosperity. The report states that Newfoundland and Labrador

lags behind the other provinces in Canada on a number of measures of innovation

performance. A number of business innovation related challenges are cited including: a

relatively low level of investment in R&D by the private sector; limited access to private-

sector risk capital and financing for commercialization; limited linkages and

collaboration among post-secondary institutions, industry and communities;

entrepreneurs, managers and professionals lacking experience in using innovation and

building innovative enterprises; and a continuing out-migration of the knowledge

industry and other skilled workers (GNL Innovation Strategy 2006: 29).

The Innovation Strategy also identified four strategic directions to promote innovation in

the province, including:

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• Fostering a culture of innovation that encourages new ideas and collaboration among industry, labour, government, educational institutions and other stakeholders throughout the province; • Positioning Newfoundland and Labrador as a competitive economy with recognized international strengths and advantages; • Broadening education and skills development, and aligning them with the future economic direction and labour market development needs of the province; and • Supporting enhanced R&D capacity, and improving financing and investment tools to facilitate commercialization (INTRD, 2006: 44).

A number of new initiatives were announced under the strategy including, a new

commercialization program and a new innovation enhancement fund focused on:

supporting the development of strategic clusters; creating an innovation awards program;

forming a Federal-Provincial Innovation Team; supporting youth innovation; establishing

an innovation scholarship fund; enhancing graduate employment opportunities; informing

the business community on R&D incentives; and establishing an Advisory Council on

Innovation (INTRD, 2006: 54-56). However, this strategy lacks any kind of tailor-made

approach based on place-based development. It also fails to discuss a clear process for

growing and enhancing the innovation system by bringing together key innovation actors.

An important decision that will impact innovation in NL, are the development regulations

set by the federal-provincial offshore petroleum board whereby oil and gas producers are

required to spend a certain percentage of their revenues on research and development

(R&D) and education and training in Newfoundland and Labrador.3 This has the

potential to combat the typical ‘rip-it-out-and-ship-it-out’ mentality that plagues

resource-based regions across Canada (Hall 2012). By requiring oil and gas producers to

spend revenue on R&D and education and training investments, the province is

encouraging innovative activity to remain in NL.

3 This contribution is based on price and production volumes. Already the accumulated amounts are in the hundreds of millions of dollars (Locke 2009).

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ADVANCING INNOVATION IN NL WITH SMART & INCLUSIVE

STRATEGIES

A common argument in the innovation literature is that there is no magic one-size-fits-all

policy approach to innovation. Instead, tailor-made policies need to be encouraged that

identify specific place-based histories, challenges, opportunities, and assets (Tödtling and

Trippl 2011). Or as Lagendijk (2011: 606) argues, “instead of focussing on best practices

[from elsewhere], policy should focus on an assessment of missing strategic connections

and other development constraints”. Rodríguez-Pose (2013) also offers a note of caution,

that depending solely on local actors in rural or peripheral regions may not produce

strong innovation policies due to limited financial and human resources. However,

bringing in outside consultants is often more expensive and they lack local knowledge.

Instead, senior levels of government can empower local-capacity building by developing

general guidelines while also encouraging multilevel governance.

Ken Coates, the Canada Research Chair in Regional Innovation, recently argued that

Canada needs a more inclusive innovation strategy – one that encourages our best and

brightest in industry, academia, and government to discover what innovation strategies

will work in rural, remote and more peripheral regions. We hope that the Advancing

Innovation in NL project will generate new ideas for future directions including – What

can industry associations, firms, all levels of government, and the university/college do to

advance innovation in NL?

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White, K., Carter, K., Vodden, K. 2013. Northern Peninsula Innovation Report. Unpublished working paper for Canadian Regional Development: A Critical Review of Theory Practice and Potentials. Wolfe, D.A. 2002. Social Capital and Cluster Development in Learning Regions. In J.A. Holbrook and D.A. Wolfe (ed), Knowledge, Clusters and Learning Regions. Kingston: School of Policy Studies, Queen's University. Wolfe, D.A. 2009. 21st Century Cities in Canada: The Geography of Innovation. The 2009 CIBC Scholar-in-Residence Lecture. Ottawa: Conference Board of Canada. Wolfe, D.A. 2006. Knowledge and Innovation: A Discussion Paper. Prepared for the Ontario Ministry of Research and Innovation. Ontario: Queen’s Printer. Wolfe, D.A. and Gertler, M. 2004. Clusters from the Inside and Out: Local Dynamics and Global Linkages. Urban Studies, 41 (4/5): 1071-1093. Woods, M. and McDonagh, J. 2011. Rural Europe and the World: Globalization and Rural Development (Editorial). European Countryside, 3(3): 153-163. World Economic Forum. 2013. The Global Competitiveness Index 2013-2014: Country Profile Highlights. Retrieved from: http://www3.weforum.org/docs/GCR2013-14/GCR_CountryHighlights_2013-2014.pdf

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Appendix 1: Innovation Studies and Reports in NL

DESCRIPTION

ACADEMIC REPORTS

Greenwood, R. Forthcoming. “Embarrassment and Riches: Good Governance and Bad Governance in the St. John’s City Region,” in N. Bradford and A. Bramwell (eds.), Civic Engagement and Collaborative Governance in Canadian City-Regions, Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Greenwood, G. and C. Pike with W. Kearley. 2011. A Commitment to Place: The Social Foundations of Innovation in Newfoundland and Labrador. St. John’s: Harris Centre.

Greenwood, R. and Hall, H.M. Revised and Submitted. The Social Dynamics of Economic Performance in St. John’s: A Metropolis on the Margins. In D.A. Wolfe and M. Gertler (eds), information forthcoming. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Hall, H.M. 2010a. Local Governance, Creativity and Regional Development in Newfoundland and Labrador: Lessons for Policy and Practice from Two Projects. Workshop report prepared for the Harris Centre at Memorial University, St. John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador.

Hall, H.M. 2010b. The Social Dynamics of Economic Performance: Innovation and Creativity in City-Regions – Newfoundland and Labrador Project Preliminary Findings – St. John’s, Clarenville, Corner Brook & Labrador West. Workshop report prepared for the Harris Centre at Memorial University, St. John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador.

Lam, J., Carter, K., McGillis, L., Pike, C., McCahon, M., and Vodden, K. 2013. Networks for Business Innovation in Corner Brook, NL.

Harris Centre Applied Research Fund Report. Lepawsky, J. 2009. “The Organization and Dynamics of Clustering and Innovation in the Ocean Technology Sector in

Newfoundland and Labrador and the St. John’s City-Region.” St. John’s: Harris Centre, September 30. Lepawsky, J., C. Phan and R. Greenwood. 2010. “Metropolis on the Margin: Talent Attraction and Retention to the St. John’s

City-Region,” The Canadian Geographer, 54 (3), pp. 324-46. Lepawsky, J., Hall, H.M. and Donald, B. In Press. Kingston and St John’s: The role of relative location in talent attraction and

retention. In J.L. Grant (ed.), Seeking Talent for Creative Cities: The Social Dynamics of Innovation. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Vodden, K., Carter, K., White, K. 2013. A Primer on Innovation, Learning and Knowledge Flows. Prepared for Canadian Regional Development: A Critical Review of Theory Practice and Potentials.

White, K., Carter, K., Vodden, K. 2013. Northern Peninsula Innovation Report. Unpublished working paper for Canadian Regional Development: A Critical Review of Theory Practice and Potentials.

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GOVERNMENT REPORTS

INTRD. 2005. Newfoundland and Labrador’s Blueprint for Sustainable Economic Growth Through Innovation: A Discussion Paper. Government of Newfoundland and Labrador.

INTRD. 2006. Innovation Newfoundland and Labrador: A Blueprint for Prosperity. Government of Newfoundland and Labrador. Stewart, D. 2007. Fostering Innovation in Newfoundland and Labrador: A Critical Approach. Locke, W., Lynch, S. and Girard, B. 2002. University Research Activity, Private Sector Collaboration and the Commercialization of

Research in an Academic Environment: Memorial University of Newfoundland as a Case Study. A Discussion Paper Prepared for the Atlantic Canada Opportunities Agency and Industry Canada.

Locke, W. and Lynch, S. 2002. The State of Innovation – An Inter-Provincial Comparison. A Discussion Paper Prepared for the Atlantic Canada Opportunities Agency and Industry Canada.

OTHER REPORTS Business Retention and Expansion Leadership and Task Force Team. 2004. Business Retention & Expansion Initiative Strategy,

Canadian Manufacturers & Exporters, Newfoundland & Labrador Division. Canadian Manufacturers & Exporters, Newfoundland & Labrador. 2013. Enhancing the Technical Development of

Newfoundland & Labradors Manufacturing Networks/Consortiums.

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Appendix 2: Examples of Federal and Provincial Innovation Programs in NL AGENCY PROGRAM DESCRIPTION

FEDERAL PROGRAMS

ACOA Atlantic Innovation Fund Designed to increase research and development (R&D) in Atlantic Canada. Focused on the development and commercialization of technology-based products, processes or service

ACOA Innovative Communities Fund

Purpose is to develop competitive, productive, strategic industry sectors; strengthen community infrastructure in rural communities; and invest in projects that enhance capacity to overcome economic development challenges and take advantage of their strengths, assets and opportunities presented

ACOA Business Development Program

Provides access to capital in the form of interest-free, unsecured, repayable contributions. Not-for-profit organizations that provide support to the business community may also qualify for non-repayable assistance

CBDC

Loan Programs Innovation Loan Social Enterprise Loan Business Counselling

Offers a variety of loan programs for youth, general business and first-time entrepreneurs Finance the costs of purchasing equipment, software, processes, licenses, and other ‘new’ technology as well as infrastructure, installation, training, and maintenance costs associated with implementing and utilizing new technology Advice to new and established entrepreneurs

NRC

Industrial Research Assistance Program (IRAP)

Digital Technology Adoption Pilot Program (DTAPP) Canadian HIV Technology Development (CHTD)

Provides innovation assistance for small and medium sized enterprises. Includes advisory services, funding, and networking and linkages Industrial Technology Advisors (ITAs) work with firms to assist them through the process of implementing new digital solutions Encourage and support SMEs in the development of an HIV vaccine and other technologies related to prevention, treatment, and diagnosis

BDC Provides financing, venture capital and consulting services to entrepreneurs

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PROVINCIAL PROGRAMS

RDC Business-led Programs

Available for small-and-medium sized business to improve access to researchers, facilities and equipment as well as reduce the technical and financial risk of pre-commercial R&D

Programs include: R&D vouchers, R&D proof of concept, petroleum R&D accelerator, GeoEXPLORE, ArcticTECH; and Industrial R&D fellowships

RDC Academic-led Programs

Focused on strengthening R&D capacity by investing in the development of highly qualified researchers; aligning R&D activities with business needs, competitive advantages and development opportunities; and investing in R&D infrastructure

Programs include: LeverageR&D, IgniteR&D, CollaborativeR&D, GeoEXPLORE, ArcticTECH, Oceans industries student research awards, research inspired student enrichment awards, RDC Mitacs accelerate internships, R&D infrastructure

IBRD

Business Development Programs

Business Investment Fund

Business Sector Development

Assists firms with funding for new technologies, processes, products and services

Three components: business investment [funding includes term loans and/or equity investments]; business development [funding includes non-repayable contributions]; and investment attraction [funding includes term loans, forgivable loans, conditionally-repayable loans, or equity investment]

Focused on eight strategic sectors: aerospace and defence; agrifoods; craft, gifts and apparel; environmental industries; ICT; life sciences/biotechnology; manufacturing; and ocean technology

IBRD

Non-Commercial Programs Regional Development Fund

Non-repayable contributions to support non-commercial organizations in activities related to regional and sectoral development, diversification and innovation Two components: regional development and partnership and capacity building

Source: White et al. 2013; IBRD 2013; ACOA 2012; NRC 2012; 2013; BDC 2013; CBDC 2011, RDC 2011

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THE LESLIE HARRIS CENTRE OF REGIONAL POLICY AND DEVELOPMENT1st Floor Spencer Hall, St. John’s, NL Canada A1C 5S7Tel: 709 864 6170 Fax: 709 864 3734 www.mun.ca/harriscentre