Knysh Lisan Al-Din Ibn Al-Khatib-libre

C H A P T E R 1 9

I B N A L - K H AT· I B

Alexander Knysh

The great Andalusi polymath and statesman Abu �Abd Allah Muh· ammad ibn�Abd Allah ibn Sa�ıd al-Salamanı, better known as Lisan al-Dın ibn al-Khat·ıb, was a bright star in the pleiad of great minds of his age, which con-sisted of such luminaries as �Abd al-Rah·man and Yah· ya ibn Khaldun, IbnMarzuq, Ibn Bat·t·uta, and Ibn Zamrak.1 He was born in 713/1313 in the townof Loja of a family of Arab notables, whose members had traditionally beenemployed in the religious and civil service of Andalusi rulers (al-Maqqarı5:50). When Ibn al-Khat·ıb was only several weeks old, his father was invitedto take a high post at the court of the new emir of Granada, Isma�ıl I (r.713/1314–725/1325), and the family moved to the capital. In Granada, Ibn al-Khat·ıb received an excellent education under the guidance of the best schol-ars of the epoch, whose biographies he gratefully included in his works(al-Maqqarı 5:189–251, 350–603). He studied a broad variety of subjects:Arabic language and grammar, sharia and exegesis, adab and poetry, medicineand falsafa, history, and Sufism. Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s breadth of background is mir-rored in a dazzling multiplicity of the topics treated in his writings. His vastknowledge, noble pedigree, and the high post of his father, combined with hisunique literary talent and extraordinary memory, destined him for a splendidcareer at the Granadine court.

In 741/1340, Ibn al-Khat·ıb suffered a severe personal crisis, when his fatherand elder brother were killed in the battle of T· arıf (Salado). Fortunately,despite Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s young age, his former teacher Ibn al-Jayyab, vizier ofthe emir Yusuf I (r. 733/1333–755/1354), decided to appoint Ibn al-Khat·ıb hispersonal secretary. Upon Ibn al-Jayyab’s untimely death of plague in749/1349, Ibn al-Khat·ıb became head of the royal chancery with the title ofvizier.2 He was put in charge of the emir’s diplomatic correspondence and wasoccasionally sent as ambassador to Andalusi and Maghribi rulers. In addition,he was responsible for formulating and editing royal decrees and edicts,which he later collected in the book Rayh· anat al-kuttab wa-nuj�at al-muntab(Sweet Basil of the Secretaries and the Provision of the Seekers) and which,

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along with his diplomatic epistles, were praised by the historian al-Maqqarı asthe pinnacle of literary perfection (5:404–46). To these functions he lateradded those of master of the royal household, which in his own words gavehim full authority over the financial, military, administrative, and politicalaffairs of the Granadine court and state as a whole (Ih· at·a 1:22, 2:17–18). Ibn al-Khat·ıb retained all these posts and titles under the new emir Muh· ammad Val-Ghanı bi-llah (from 755/1354 to 760/1359), his former disciple and confi-dant. Moreover, it appears that Ibn al-Khat·ıb was instrumental in ensuringthe young emir’s ascent to the throne and soon became his right-hand man(Bencheneb 76). He further distinguished himself by successfully accom-plishing an important diplomatic mission to the Marinid ruler Abu �Inan,who, impressed by Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s spirited panegyric, pledged to support theGranadine emir in his struggle against the Reconquista (Ibn al-Khat·ıb, Ih· at·a1:23–24). From then on, Ibn al-Khat·ıb invariably steered Granada’s foreignpolicy toward a closer cooperation and, in the long run, union with the pow-erful Marinid state (Ibn al-Khat·ıb, Ta�rıkh al-maghrib p. “lam”).

When in 760/1359 Muh·ammad V was deposed by his half brother Isma�ıland a group of disloyal courtiers and narrowly escaped with his life, Ibn al-Khat·ıb, as doyen of the deposed regime, landed in prison with his propertyconfiscated by the new ruler. However, he was soon released thanks to theinterference of the Marinid sultan Abu Salim and joined his fugitive sov-ereign in his Maghribi exile. In Fez they were welcomed by Abu Salim and hisretinue, which featured such consequential figures of Western Islamdom asIbn Marzuq and �Abd al-Rah·man ibn Khaldun (Ibn al-Khat·ıb, Ih· at·a 1:25–27;Arié 108–9). After a brief stay in Fez, Ibn al-Khat·ıb asked the emir’s permis-sion to tour his vast realm. His colorful impressions of this trip are describedin a travelogue (rih· la) titled Nufad· at al-jirab fı �ulalat al-ightirab (TheShaking of the Bag: On the Diversion of the One Who Travels Abroad) – amine of illuminating information on the political and cultural life of theMarinid Far Maghrib with an informative excursus into its recent history (al-Tit·wanı 114–40).

Ibn al-Khat·ıb finally settled in a quiet town of Salé, which he had visitedon an earlier diplomatic trip to Morocco. He spent almost two years there,immersed in writing and pious meditation yet not neglectful of his mundaneinterests. With a generous monthly stipend of five hundred silver dinarsawarded to him by Abu Salim he lived a life of ease. His calm was shattered bythe sudden death of his wife, whom he bemoaned in moving elegies. Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s residence in Salé was a rare occasion for nurturing his personal pred-ilection for Sufi spirituality.3 While in Salé, Ibn al-Khat·ıb frequented localSufi lodges and cemeteries and was favorably received by Salé’s most popularwalı, the reclusive Ibn �Ashir (al-Nas·irı 30–32; “Ibn �Ashir,” EI 2). At the same

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time, his luxurious lifestyle drew the criticism of a local notary whom Ibn al-Khat·ıb rebuffed in a lengthy treatise against the men of this legal profession(Turki).

Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s seclusion ended in 763/1362, when Muh· ammad V regainedhis throne with the help of the Marinid sultan. Ibn al-Khat·ıb returned toGranada to assume his former post at the head of the civil and militaryauthority (dhu l-wizaratayn) of the Granadine kingdom. Soon after his returnto the capital, he ran afoul of the able commander of the Maghribi volunteertroops stationed in Granada, Yah· ya ibn �Alı, whom he viewed as a rival. In aneffort to maintain his undivided control over the state politics and the mili-tary, Ibn al-Khat·ıb launched a series of intrigues aimed at besmirching thereputation of this general in the eyes of the ruler. His efforts led to the expul-sion of Yah· ya ibn �Alı and his supporters, leaving Ibn al-Khat·ıb the sole seniorexecutive of the Granadine state (Arié 205). In a similar vein, he disposed ofthe ambitious Maghribi émigrés, the Marinid prince Ibn Yaflusın and the ex-vizier Mas�ud ibn Masay, although this time he was driven by the desire toplease the Marinid sultans of Fez (Ibn al-Khat·ıb, Ta�rıkh al-maghrib pp.“lam” and “mım”; Arié 440).

His intense scheming aroused the hatred of the emir’s courtiers sympa-thetic with the banished Maghribi émigrés and, moreover, alienated hisfriends and disciples. In a drive to secure his undivided influence on the emir,Ibn al-Khat·ıb did not hesitate to trample even his most loyal friends. Thus,when Muh· ammad V showed favor to the Maghribi vizier �Abd al-Rah·manibn Khaldun, who had successfully accomplished a delicate diplomaticmission to the court of Peter the Cruel of Seville, Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s envy sent hisold friend packing to the Maghrib in 766/1365 (Arié 441; Ibn al-Khat·ıb, Ih· at·a1:30; “Ibn Khaldun,” EI 2).

In the meantime, his position at the Granadine court began to erode due tothe intrigues and hostile rumors instigated by his disciples and aides IbnZamrak and Ibn Farkun, who joined hands with his powerful enemy, thegrand qadi of Granada, �Alı al-Nubahı. The former two secretly craved theirteacher’s position, whereas the latter was offended by Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s mysticalideas expounded in the Rawd· at al-ta�rıf as well as his leniency toward thosewhom the qadi condemned as “heretics” (al-Maqqarı 5:118–22). More impor-tant, the emir, already in his forties, began to resent the vizier’s overbearingcontrol over the affairs of the state as well as his single-minded loyalty to theMarinids, which, in the emir’s mind, was detrimental to Granada’s own inter-ests (Bencheneb 77).

Apprehensive of the emir’s growing displeasure, Ibn al-Khat·ıb entered intosecret negotiations with the Marinid sultan �Abd al-�Azız, who resided inTlemcen. Having secured the sultan’s support, Ibn al-Khat·ıb left the capital

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in 773/1371 with his youngest son, �Alı, on the pretext of inspecting fortressesin the western part of the Granadine kingdom. Instead, he headed forGibraltar, from where he set sail for the Maghribi coast (Ibn al-Khat·ıb, Ih· at·a1:33–36).

Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s sudden departure infuriated his enemies, especially IbnZamrak and al-Nubahı, who hastened to accuse him of treason. The latteralso declared him a heretic who had belittled the reputation of the Prophet,espoused the “atheistic” teachings of the falasifa, and propagated the incarna-tionist doctrine (h· ulul ) of the monistic Sufis. Shortly after Ibn al-Khat·ıb’sescape to the Maghrib, al-Nubahı issued a fatwa that called for the destruc-tion of the vizier’s works and the confiscation of his property. The books wereput to torch in Granada’s market square. The qadi then sent Ibn al-Khat·ıb aletter exposing the vizier’s alleged “abominations” and excommunicating himfrom the community of the faithful. The ad hominem nature of this letter,which apart from heresy and desertion accused Ibn al-Khat·ıb of venality,unscrupulousness, and detraction from the reputation of living and deceasedscholars, suggests that al-Nubahı had a personal grudge against the disgracedvizier. This impression is corroborated by his reference to the instances of Ibnal-Khat·ıb’s unsolicited interference with, or disregard for, legal rulings andcriminal verdicts meted out by al-Nubahı.

Stung by these accusations, Ibn al-Khat·ıb wrote a refutation of his detrac-tor titled Khal� al-rasan fı l-ta�rıf bi-ah· wal abu l-h· asan (Giving Free Rein tothe Exposition of the Condition of Abu l-H· asan), in which he ridiculed al-Nubahı as an impish, apelike dwarf, grossly ignorant of the nuances of theIslamic tradition. His ungenerous treatment of the qadi contrasts sharplywith Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s earlier portrayal of al-Nubahı as the greatest scholar ofthe epoch (Katıba 146–53; Ih· at·a 1:40–41).

At al-Nubahı’s instigation, Muh· ammad V demanded that the sultan �Abdal-�Azız either extradite or execute his heretical protégé. Unconvinced by al-Nubahı’s accusations, the Marinid sultan declined the request as motivatedby personal hatred. Although the Marinid ruler died soon afterward, Ibn al-Khat·ıb continued to enjoy the patronage of vizier Abu Bakr ibn Ghazı, whobecame regent on behalf of �Abd al-�Azız’s minor son. The new ruler and hisretinue moved to Fez, where they received another letter from the Nasridemir demanding the extradition of the fugitive vizier. Ibn Ghazı’s bluntrefusal to grant his request infuriated Muh· ammad V and may have contrib-uted to his decision to support the opponents of Ibn Ghazı and his youngward, whom the Granadine emir had deliberately cultivated at his court.With his military and political support the rebels soon gained the upper handin the dynastic struggle that ensued and proclaimed Abu l-�Abbas Ah·mad al-Marını the new sultan.



With Ibn Ghazı no longer by his side, Ibn al-Khat·ıb was left face to facewith the victors who owed their triumph to the Granadine emir and wereeager to repay their debt. They threw the disgraced vizier into prison until thearrival of a delegation from Granada headed by Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s disciple-turned-enemy Ibn Zamrak, who had served as vizier since the former’s escapeto the Maghrib. Upon the delegation’s arrival in Fez, the new sultan ordered apublic hearing of Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s case, which was conducted by a council ofscholars loyal to him as well as the members of the Granadine delegation.Undaunted by the intimidation and torture, Ibn al-Khat·ıb protested hisinnocence and flatly denied the accusations of heresy and unbelief leveled athim by Ibn Zamrak. His plight was aggravated by the fact that the person incharge of the trial was his old enemy Sulayman ibn Da�ud, whom Ibn al-Khat·ıb had denied a lucrative post in the Granadine military a few yearsearlier (al-Maqqarı 5:110–11).

Although some ulama pronounced Ibn al-Khat·ıb guilty of heresy, the votewas far from unanimous and no conclusive decision was reached by thecouncil. Ibn al-Khat·ıb was sent back to prison, where he was strangled in thenight by thugs sent by the vizier Sulayman ibn Da�ud, who acted in collusionwith Ibn Zamrak’s Andalusi delegation. The next morning (the end of776/May–June 1375), his body was buried at Bab al-Mah· ruq in Fez.Unsatisfied, his vengeful enemies exhumed his body and threw it on abonfire, whereupon his charred remains were finally laid to rest. Soon afterMorocco wrested its independence from France (1956), a modest mausoleumwas erected over his grave under the orders of the Moroccan kingMuh· ammad V (al-Nas·irı 80, 141).

A detailed account of Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s last ordeal was left by �Abd al-Rah·man ibn Khaldun, who remained his friend and admirer despite the briefalienation that occurred between them at Granada. At the close of his narra-tive, Ibn Khaldun quotes the poignant verses that the imprisoned vizierreportedly composed on the eve of his assassination:

We travel far away, albeit the dwellings are nearAlthough we have a message to deliver, we remain speechlessOur breath suddenly stoppedAs if a loud prayer was followed by a silent recitationOf noble ancestry we were, but, alas, we have turned into a stack

of dry bones4

We used to feed others, but lo, now we ourselves are food [forworms]

We were like shining suns that travel high in the sky above,But, lo, the suns have set and been lamented by the [orphaned]

stars

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Many a warrior armed with the sword was felled by a rain ofsharp-pointed arrows

Many a lucky one was suddenly failed by his good fortuneMany a young nobleman, who used to don the royal mantle, was

put in his grave wrapped in ragsSo, tell the enemies: “Yes, Ibn al-Khat·ıb is gone, but is there

anyone who will not be gone one day?”And tell those of you who rejoice at this news: “Only he who

thinks he will never die can rejoice on a day like this!”(Ibn al-Khat·ıb, Dıwan 1:185; cf. al-Maqqarı 5:111–12)

ibn al-khat· i b ’s legacy

Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s work provides ample evidence of his unusual versatility andplaces him squarely among Islam’s greatest polymaths. In a vast corpus of anestimated sixty works he treated such diverse subjects as history, biography,the art of government, politics, geography, poetics, theology, fiqh, Sufism,grammar, medicine, veterinary medicine, agriculture, music, and falconry(al-Maqqarı 7:97–102). His literary heritage was popularized by the greatchampion of Andalusi culture al-Maqqarı (d. 1041/1632),5 who dedicated thesecond part of his monumental historical and literary encyclopedia Nafh· al-t· ıb min ghus·n al-andalus al-rat· ıb wa-dhikr wazıriha lisan al-dın ibn al-khat· ıb(Breath of Perfume from the Tender Branch of al-Andalus and an Account ofits Vizier Lisan al-Dın ibn al-Khat·ıb) to the Granadine vizier (1:15). With thefirst European edition of al-Maqqarı’s work in 1855, Ibn al-Khat·ıb was intro-duced to the European reader. From the outset, European scholars tended tofocus on his historical writings, which are indeed a real mine of variegatedinformation on the kingdom of Granada and its Andalusi predecessors.6 Ofthese writings, three have received the lion’s share of scholars’ attention: al-Lamh· a al-badriyya fı l-dawla al-nas·riyya (Flash of Moonlight: On the Historyof Granada), a political history of the Nasrids of Granada(634/1237–897/1492) up to 765/1364 arranged according to the dynastic prin-ciple; al-Ih· at·a fı akhbar gharnat·a (Comprehensive Book on the History ofGranada), which, in addition to dynastic history, provides detailed biogra-phies of the celebrities connected with Granada from the earliest days of theMuslim conquest up to Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s own time; and, finally, Kitab a�mal al-a�lam fı man buyi�a qabl al-ih· tilam (Deeds of the Great: On Those WhoCame to the Throne before Reaching Maturity), a general Muslim history inthree parts dealing with the central lands of Islam, al-Andalus, and theMaghrib respectively, which Ibn al-Khat·ıb started in Tlemcen between774/1372 and 776/1374 and completed shortly before his death (Dunlop, ArabCivilization 146; Arié 179–80). In these and other works,7 Ibn al-Khat·ıb made



extensive use of the historical and biographical writings of his predecessors,especially Ibn al-Qut·iyya, Ibn al-S· ayrafı, Ibn H· ayyan, Ibn �Idharı, Ibn AbıZar�, Ibn Sa�ıd al-Maghribı, Ibn al-Abbar, Ibn Bashkuwal, and Ibn al-Zubayr, whose contribution he readily acknowledged.8

In addition to the biographies of Granadine notables in his historicalworks, Ibn al-Khat·ıb compiled specialized biographical dictionaries ofAndalusi literati, which were patterned on Ibn Bassam’s al-Dhakhıra(Treasury), al-Fath· ibn Khaqan’s Qala�id al-�iqyan (Gold Necklaces) andMat·mah· al-anfus (The Desire of Souls), Ibn Dih· ya’s al-Mut·rib (TheDelightful), and Ibn Sa�ıd’s al-H· ulla al-siyara� (The Garment of Pure Silk) inpropagating the achievements of Andalusi litterateurs among EasternMuslims.9 In one such work, al-Katıba al-kamina (A Troop in Ambush),written toward the end of his life, Ibn al-Khat·ıb revised the earlier laudatorybiographies of some of his friends-turned-enemies from the Ih· at·a, presentingthem in unfavorable light. This collection of 103 biographies in florid rhymedprose is arranged according to the professional background of the men ofletters treated in it: the preachers and the Sufis; the Qur�an reciters andinstructors; the judges; and the functionaries in the royal chancery.10 Byciting selected poetic pieces from the works of his predecessors, Ibn al-Khat·ıbimplicitly attempted to convey his own standard of good poetic taste as wellas his personal sympathies and antipathies (17).

His concern for proper poetic style and imagery is even more pronouncedin his poetic anthology al-Sih· r wa l-shi�r (Enchantment and Poetry), whichwas designed by the author as a guide to good poetry and literary taste andfeatured numerous excerpts from the occasional, descriptive, and asceticpoetry by distinguished oriental authors: Abu l-�Atahiya, Abu Nuwas, Ibn al-Rumı, Ibn al-Mu�tazz. On the occidental side, Ibn al-Khat·ıb gave preferenceto Ibn Rashıq, al-Mu�tamid, Ibn �Ammar, Ibn al-Labbana, Ibn Sahl, and IbnH· amdıs (Arié 454). He was also fond of the indigenous poetic forms such aszajal and muwashshah, the best samples of which he collected in a specialanthology titled Jaysh al-tawshıh· (The Striking Army of Stanza Poetry) (seeStern).

Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s own poetry, especially at the early stage of his career, dis-plays his intimate knowledge of, and dependence on, the work of the greatcourt poets of the Muslim East, namely, Abu Nuwas, Abu Tammam, and al-Mutanabbı. The themes and genres of his poetic works are also quite tradi-tional: description of nature (was·f ), court panegyric (madh· ), love lyric(ghazal ), lamentation (ritha�), satire (hija�), epigram (tah· akkum), winepoetry (khamriyya), and ascetic and devotional poems. He also composedpolitical and didactic verses that lavishly adorn his historical works and travel-

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ogues. Much of his poetic output, which had been dispersed throughout hisvast corpus of writings, was only recently gathered under one cover (Dıwan).

A great master of rhymed prose (saj� ), Ibn al-Khat·ıb collected the mostelegant and involved samples of his diplomatic correspondence with theMaghribi rulers as well as the royal edicts he had edited in the anthologiesKunasat al-dukkan (The Sweeping of the Shop) and Rayh· anat al-kuttab,which served as models for occidental Muslim diplomats and writers for cen-turies to come. His diplomatic epistles range from the transparently lucid andconcise to the deliberately equivocal and obscure – evidence of the author’sremarkable ability to adapt to rapidly changing political circumstances andshifting diplomatic alliances.

Although an impeccable and refined saj� runs like a red thread across thetexture of Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s entire literary production, his mastery of this formreaches its culmination in his “assemblies” (maqamat), the stylistic and imag-inative sophistication of which often verges on preciosity. In a sense, Ibn al-Khat·ıb was a resuscitator of this long-neglected genre (Arié 448), although hisinterpretation of it was quite distinct from that of its classical exponents, al-Hamadhanı and al-H· arırı– the Islamic precursors of the picaresque novel. InIbn al-Khat·ıb’s Khat·rat al-t·ayf fı rih· lat al-shita� wa l-s·ayf (The Trembling ofthe Apparition: On Travel in Summer and Winter) we find neither a picaronor a traditional picaresque plot. Rather, we witness a typical Muslim travel-ogue (rih· la), in which the author recounts, in meticulous and colorful detail,the sultan’s trip across his Andalusi domain. The exquisitely refined narrativeof this “geographic” maqama is put in the mouth of the courtly companion ofthe royal traveler – an astute observer of the customs, landscape, and culturalcharacteristics of his native country (�Abbadı). The rhymed prose of themaqama is interspersed with poetic quotations and rare pieces of eruditionthat, in line with the exigencies of adab literature, are designed both to enter-tain and to edify. Here, as in many other of Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s works, we observea hybridization and intertwining of several traditional genres and trends ofmedieval Arabic literature – a fact that alerts us to the inherent limitations ofconventional taxonomy.

In his other maqamat, Mufakharat malaqa wa-sala (Boasting Matchbetween Málaga and Salé) and Mi�yar al-ikhtiyar (The PreferredMeasurement), Ibn al-Khat·ıb draws an extended comparison between therespective merits of Andalusi and Maghribi cities. In the latter work, writtenduring his stay in Salé, in the “passages that are eminently balanced”and marked by “the [skillful] choice of synonyms and the [smooth] progres-sion of rhythmical units,” Ibn al-Khat·ıb brings forth the advantages of theNasrid metropolis against its less sophisticated and spectacular Maghribi



counterpart and – perhaps unwittingly – evinces his “secret preference for . . .his Andalusi homeland” (Arié 450). The influence of the maqama genre isevident in Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s other works, such as Muthla al-t·arıqa fı dhamm al-wathıqa (The Exemplary Path: On the Condemnation of the Notaries),which, in the rather ungenerous remark of a contemporary investigator,accounts for an unfortunate combination of “the exuberance of expressionwith the poverty of idea and of the search for an exquisite and rare word withthe banality of the theme” (Turki 170).

Much more typical of the rih· la genre in its traditional sense, as establishedby Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s famous compatriot Ibn Jubayr (d. 614/1217) and developedby another Andalusi, Ibn Rushayd (d. 721/1321), is his work with the oddname, Nufad· at al-jirab fı �ulalat al-ightirab. Composed during the vizier’sfirst exile to the Maghrib following the aforementioned coup d’état, it pro-vides unique information about places in the Far Maghrib visited by theauthor. Apart from the usual poetic quotations and melancholic reflectionson the transience of life inspired by the sight of ancient ruins, this workabounds in illuminating descriptions of local notables, politics, historicalmonuments, cemeteries, mosques, madrasas and ribat· s, which makes it a pre-cious source for the historical geography of medieval Morocco. Typical of thisgenre is the following vivid description of Bedouin life in the Sahara desertcast in the usual florid and sonorous saj�:

The sun descended and waned, then [suddenly]melted and plunged headlong into the lap of thetwilight. Finally, after the hardshipwe had endured and the arduous labor we hadaccomplished – we could enjoy the award of along-awaited rest. So we dismounted nextto the tents that arched [on the horizon]like the camel’s hump – the tentswith tangled ropes, whose mounds were crowdedlike the [houses] of a city made of wool.It was a city, whose hearths were camel dung,whose walls were acacias, and whose vegetationwas not free from mud.In its vicinity [we found] the ponds overflowingwith water, the dwellings full of people, themeadows intricately embroidered [with herbage],and the swift streams that arched their silver bosoms.Then the sheikh [of the tribe] appeared;he greeted us and talked to us eloquently andwith great affection. He was a mature man,whose hair was whitened by his age . . .

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[Fa-zalat al-shams wa-malat//thumma salatwa-nharat//fı h· ijr al-maghrib wa-nhalat//wa ba�ada la�yi ma balaghna//wa-min al-kaddfaraghna//wa-minh· at al-rah· a tasawwaghna//wa-nazalna bi-iza�i khiyam//istadarat fısanam//wa-qad ishtabakat h· ibaluha//wa-taras·s·at jibaluha//. . .] (al-Tit·wanı 1:128)

In returning to the maqama genre, mention should be made of Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s Maqamat al-siyasa (Maqamat on Politics) (al-Maqqarı 6:431–45) thatbrings out the political spectrum of his multifaceted literary work. This shorttreatise on the art of government was shown by D. M. Dunlop to be a para-phrase of the Book of the Greek Testaments Extracted from . . . the Politics ofPlato by the Tulunid historian Ah·mad ibn Daya11 – about a certain king ofthe ancient Greeks, who leaves his “testament to his son, together with theparallel testaments of other fathers” (“Work” 52–53).

In the Bustan al-duwal (Garden of the States), Ibn al-Khat·ıb moves awayfrom this classical prototype and presents the functioning of the state govern-ment in the allegory of the garden of ten trees. Each tree corresponds to aninstitution or constituency of the monarchical state: the sultanate, the vizier-ate, the chancery, the judgeship and religion, the police, the governorship, theministry of war including the navy and the cavalry, the royal entourage,including the physicians, astrologists, veterinarians, royal hunters, falconers,boon-companions, chess players, poets, and musicians, and, finally, the treeof the commoners, who constitute the bulk of the sultan’s subjects. The divi-sions and subdivisions of each institution are, in turn, allegorized as the tree’sbranches, roots, trunk, bark, leaves, blossoms, and so on. The well-being ofall the trees is dependent on the tree of the sultanate. Although ingenious,this conceit is too schematic to add to our understanding of the real Andalusistate in Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s epoch.

To gain a better insight into the realpolitik of the Granadine court, oneshould look to Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s chronicles and biographical collections, whichprovide a wealth of concrete data absent from his theoretical writings on the artof government. Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s chronicles are often compared unfavorablywith the monumental history of the Maghrib by his great contemporary IbnKhaldun. Although he may have lacked Ibn Khaldun’s analytical depth, Ibn al-Khat·ıb succeeded in furnishing a lively picture of Andalusi history, whoseactors are real, down-to-earth individuals driven by the universal humanimpulses of hatred, passion, love, fear, and greed. This vivid and at timesopenly subjective historiography deliberately discards the appearance of his-torical objectivity, boldly proclaims the personal sympathies and antipathies ofits author, and passes candid judgments on historical figures. In his historical



works Ibn al-Khat·ıb focuses on the underlying motives, intellectual and moralqualities, and strengths and weaknesses of the characters whose outwardactions had previously been the sole subject of traditional Islamic historiogra-phy (Bencheneb 59).

Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s vision of historical process receives its most mature articu-lation in his A�mal al-a�lam, which was scarcely completed before his death.To Ibn al-Khat·ıb, the history of the Muslim states of the East and the Westprovides valuable lessons to be learned by every ruler and statesman, espe-cially because of history’s tendency to repeat itself in broad outlines as well asin details. This repetition, in the vizier’s view, is determined by the recurrentpatterns of human responses to similar historical circumstances, which, inturn, answer to their position in the five-stage class structure he establishesthrough a perceptive analysis of historical phenomena.

The activities of the five social strata (s· inf ; pl. as·naf ) are seen as turningaround the office of the sultan, which is equally beneficial to everyone andtherefore held sacred by all his subjects. This outward propriety, however,quickly vanishes at the time of succession, when the sultanate becomes thebone of contention of the three politically active groups – that is, the rapaciousand unscrupulous courtiers, the aristocratic adventurers and princely pretend-ers, and the materialistic and ignorant masses (awbash) – each pursuing itsvested interests. The other strata – the apolitical government officials andadministrators, the retiring religious scholars and jurists, and the idealisticascetics and mystics – remain aloof and passively accept the outcome of thewicked court politics. As the struggle over succession unfolds, all dynastic prin-ciples and rights, not to mention elementary human decency, are overshad-owed by the base instincts of greed, vanity, self-aggrandizement, and politicalexpediency (Hoenerbach, Islamische Geschichte 33–34; “Historiador” 54–56).

The complex interplay of these social forces and their egoistic instincts,combined with the passivity and aloofness of the others, determine the courseof human history. Remarkably, the masses, which had been almost totallyabsent from the historical scene in earlier dynastic chronicles, are allotted asubstantial, if not entirely independent and invariably negative, role in Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s A�lam – a fact that can be explained by the vizier’s aristocratic disdainfor profanum vulgus (Hoenerbach, “Historiador” 57). Ungrateful and hard toplease, they hate and vilify the ruler, even when he acts for their own good.This “deaf, dumb, and mindless” mass (Hoenerbach, Islamische Geschichte68–69) never comes to the rescue of its royal benefactor in times of crisis andtakes gleeful delight in his downfall.

The ignorant populace falls easy prey to sedition by all manner of trouble-makers and is quick to rebel against the legitimate government at the first signof its weakness. In analyzing the causes of the rebellious spirit of the Andalusipopulace, Ibn al-Khat·ıb offers a remarkably “modern,” almost “positivistic

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explanation” (Hoenerbach, “Historiador” 51–52). The vizier’s schemeincludes three major factors: (1) the geopolitical – the mountainous terrainand relative isolation of some provinces vis-à-vis the central government; (2)the psychological – the stiff-necked, obdurate, and undisciplined character ofthe Andalusi Arabs and Berbers; and (3) the circumstantial – the destabilizingand intrusive presence of the Christian states of the north. Curiously, Ibn al-Khat·ıb all but ignores the role of religion and messianic movements in insti-gating large-scale social and political transformations – the role that is socritical to Ibn Khaldun’s understanding of historical process (Ibn Khaldun2:192–220).

At the same time, Ibn al-Khat·ıb agrees with his Maghribi colleague in dis-cerning several distinct cycles that dominate the evolution of Muslim dynas-ties. Thus, he describes the Umayyad state in al-Andalus as a living organismor plant, which developed from a small sprout to a full-grown tree that blos-somed, bore fruit, and eventually withered. This Machiavellian concept ofsocial and political organization, based on the empirical observation ofhuman activities and psychology, implicitly deemphasizes the fideistic beliefin the arbitrary will of God as the sole cause of historical process that hadbeen taken for granted by earlier Islamic historians (Hoenerbach,“Historiador” 61).

Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s political ideal rests on the notion of a legitimate dynasticrule supported by an all-powerful vizier personified by the great Almanzor(Ibn Abı �Amir al-Mans·ur), who, ruling with the iron fist on behalf of theminor caliph, revived the decaying caliphal state and forestalled the impend-ing anarchy (Hoenerbach, Islamische Geschichte 32).

The political views of Ibn al-Khat·ıb display remarkable parallels with thoseof his younger contemporary on the Christian side, Pero López de Ayala – aprofessional court functionary who served under five kings of Aragon. In hisEl rimado de palacio Ayala summarizes his ideas regarding the politics andinternal life of the Spanish courts and provides a number of theoretical obser-vations that bear close resemblance to the conclusions reached by his Muslimcounterpart. Like Ibn al-Khat·ıb, Ayala singles out five “estates” (estados),which form the foundation of the monarchical state (Hoenerbach, IslamischeGeschichte 16–17, 37–38): the courtiers and the king’s confidants (priuados delrey e los sus allegados); the generally apolitical officials of the royal administra-tion; the noble adventurers driven by political ambitions; the aloof men ofreligion who serve as the king’s counselors and the judiciary (cf. Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s ulama and fuqaha�); and the townsfolk and petty bourgeoisie (whocorrespond to Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s awbash, yet, in Ayala’s work, are described inpositive terms) (Hoenerbach, “Historiador” 56).

Despite these striking resemblances, there are a few differences also.Whereas Ayala is generally optimistic regarding the human character and



condition and even tries to improve them in the pious sermons included in Elrimado, Ibn al-Khat·ıb takes a much more disillusioned view of mankind. Heseems to resign himself to human imperfection and to accept the cyclicalnotion of history with its vicious circle of rebellion, anarchy, cowardice,treachery, and mayhem.

Unlike Ibn Khaldun, who was preoccupied primarily with establishing thegeneral laws and stages of historical progression, the Granadine vizier wasmore concerned with the role of the human factor in history – a concern thatmakes his approach complementary, not inferior, to that of the Maghribithinker. His pessimistic world outlook must have been influenced by his owntragic experiences, especially his eventual disgrace after long years of faithfulservice at the Granadine court. Yet, unlike Ibn Khaldun, who judiciouslywithdrew from active political life into a legal career (“Ibn Khaldun,” EI 2),Ibn al-Khat·ıb did not learn from his misadventures and remained loyal to thefamiliar courtly environment after his escape from al-Andalus. For thisloyalty he eventually paid the ultimate price.

notes

1. See respective articles in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edn. (Leiden, 1954–) (here-after EI 2).

2. For the office of the vizier in the Granadine administration, see Arié 198–208.3. Ibn al-Khat·ıb’s views of Sufism and its various trends are laid out in his Rawd· at

al-ta�rıf bi l-h· ubb al-sharıf (Garden of Instruction: On Chaste Love) – a work inwhich he treats Sufism as a sympathetic outsider rather than as a practicing Sufi.See Santiago Simon.

4. A pun based on the ambiguity of the word �iz· am, which means both “nobility”and “bones.”

5. See “al-Makkarı,” EI 2.6. See, e.g., Simonet; Müller; for further references see al-Waragilı 16–18.7. I.e., T· urfat al-�as·r fı dawlat banı nas·r (The Wonder of the Age: On the History of

the Nasrid State) (no longer extant), �A�id al-s· ila (A Revision of theContinuation), following the Kitab s· ilat al-s· ila (Continuation of theContinuation) by Ibn al-Zubayr (d. 708/1308), and Raqm al-h· ulal fı naz· m al-duwal (The Ornamentation of the Garments: On the Organization of States).

8. al-Tit·wanı 76–78; for these Andalusi authors, see articles in EI 2.9. Among the works of this genre are al-Taj al-muh· alla (The Adorned Crown), al-

Iklıl al-z· ahir (The Flowery Wreath), and al-Niqaya ba�ad al-kifaya (TheSelection from the Sufficient Amount). See Ibn al-Khat·ıb, Katıba 17–18.

10. This structure was apparently borrowed from the poetical anthologies of al-Fath·ibn Khaqan; see EI 2.

11. See EI 2.

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