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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts models Christopher Potts Stanford Linguistics EMNLP 2016 Will Monroe 1 / 56

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Page 1: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Learning in extended and approximateRational Speech Acts models

Christopher Potts

Stanford Linguistics

EMNLP 2016

Will Monroe

1 / 56

Page 2: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Gricean pragmatics• The cooperative principle: Make your

contribution as is required, when it is required, bythe conversation in which you are engaged.

• Quality: Contribute only what you know to be true.Do not say false things. Do not say things for whichyou lack evidence.

• Quantity: Make your contribution as informative asis required. Do not say more than is required.

• Relation (Relevance): Make your contributionrelevant.

• Manner: (i) Avoid obscurity; (ii) avoid ambiguity;(iii) be brief; (iv) be orderly.

• Politeness: Be polite, so be tactful, respectful,generous, praising, modest, deferential, andsympathetic. (Leech)

2 / 56

Page 3: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Gricean pragmatics• The cooperative principle: Make your

contribution as is required, when it is required, bythe conversation in which you are engaged.

• Quality: Contribute only what you know to be true.Do not say false things. Do not say things for whichyou lack evidence.

• Quantity: Make your contribution as informative asis required. Do not say more than is required.

• Relation (Relevance): Make your contributionrelevant.

• Manner: (i) Avoid obscurity; (ii) avoid ambiguity;(iii) be brief; (iv) be orderly.

• Politeness: Be polite, so be tactful, respectful,generous, praising, modest, deferential, andsympathetic. (Leech)

2 / 56

Page 4: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Gricean pragmatics• The cooperative principle: Make your

contribution as is required, when it is required, bythe conversation in which you are engaged.

• Quality: Contribute only what you know to be true.Do not say false things. Do not say things for whichyou lack evidence.

• Quantity: Make your contribution as informative asis required. Do not say more than is required.

• Relation (Relevance): Make your contributionrelevant.

• Manner: (i) Avoid obscurity; (ii) avoid ambiguity;(iii) be brief; (iv) be orderly.

• Politeness: Be polite, so be tactful, respectful,generous, praising, modest, deferential, andsympathetic. (Leech)

2 / 56

Page 5: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Overview

1. Meaning from a communicative tension2. The Rational Speech Acts (RSA) model3. Learning in the Rational Speech Acts Model4. Neural RSA5. Language and action

3 / 56

Page 6: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

1. Meaning from a communicative tension2. The Rational Speech Acts (RSA) model3. Learning in the Rational Speech Acts Model4. Neural RSA5. Language and action

4 / 56

Page 7: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Scalar implicature

John Stuart Mill: I saw some ofyour children to-day invites theinference that I didn’t see all ofthem

“not because the wordsmean it, but because, if I hadseen them all, it is most likelythat I should have said so.”

some(X,Y)

all(X,Y)

5 / 56

Page 8: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Scalar implicature

John Stuart Mill: I saw some ofyour children to-day invites theinference that I didn’t see all ofthem “not because the wordsmean it, but because, if I hadseen them all, it is most likelythat I should have said so.”

some(X,Y)

all(X,Y)

5 / 56

Page 9: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Scalar implicature

Generalization: Using a generalterm invites the inference thatits more specific, salientalternatives are inappropriate.

general

specific

5 / 56

Page 10: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Scalar implicature

Generalization: Using a generalterm invites the inference thatits more specific, salientalternatives are inappropriate.

general

specific

5 / 56

Page 11: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Scalar implicature

George Bush: “As I understandit, the current form asks thequestion ‘Did somebody usedrugs within the last sevenyears?’, and I will be glad toanswer that question, and theanswer is ‘No’.”

no drugs in 7 years

never drugs

5 / 56

Page 12: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Scalar implicature

Chris Potts: Watching TV in yourunderwear – that’s a scalarimplicature!

5 / 56

Page 13: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Scalar implicature

Chris Potts: Watching TV in yourunderwear – that’s a scalarimplicature! underwear

under&outer-wear

5 / 56

Page 14: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Scalar diversity 11

0 20 40 60 80 100

cheap/freesometimes/always

some/allpossible/certain

may/willdifficult/impossible

rare/extinctmay/have to

warm/hotfew/none

low/depletedhard/unsolvable

allowed/obligatoryscarce/unavailable

try/succeedpalatable/delicious

memorable/unforgettablelike/love

good/perfectgood/excellent

cool/coldhungry/starving

adequate/goodunsettling/horrific

dislike/loathebelieve/know

start/finishparticipate/win

wary/scaredold/ancient

big/enormoussnug/tight

attractive/stunningspecial/unique

pretty/beautifulintelligent/brilliant

funny/hilariousdark/blacksmall/tiny

ugly/hideoussilly/ridiculous

tired/exhaustedcontent/happy

Figure 2: Percentages of positive responses in Experiment 1 (neutral content, dark grey)and Experiment 2 (non-neutral content, orange).

van Tiel, van Miltenburg,Zevakhina, and Geurts,‘Scalar diversity’

Also: Judith Degen,‘Investigating the distributionof some (but not all)implicatures using corporaand web-based methods’

6 / 56

Page 15: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Scalar diversity 11

0 20 40 60 80 100

cheap/freesometimes/always

some/allpossible/certain

may/willdifficult/impossible

rare/extinctmay/have to

warm/hotfew/none

low/depletedhard/unsolvable

allowed/obligatoryscarce/unavailable

try/succeedpalatable/delicious

memorable/unforgettablelike/love

good/perfectgood/excellent

cool/coldhungry/starving

adequate/goodunsettling/horrific

dislike/loathebelieve/know

start/finishparticipate/win

wary/scaredold/ancient

big/enormoussnug/tight

attractive/stunningspecial/unique

pretty/beautifulintelligent/brilliant

funny/hilariousdark/blacksmall/tiny

ugly/hideoussilly/ridiculous

tired/exhaustedcontent/happy

Figure 2: Percentages of positive responses in Experiment 1 (neutral content, dark grey)and Experiment 2 (non-neutral content, orange).

van Tiel, van Miltenburg,Zevakhina, and Geurts,‘Scalar diversity’

Also: Judith Degen,‘Investigating the distributionof some (but not all)implicatures using corporaand web-based methods’

6 / 56

Page 16: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Scalar diversity

6 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Scalar diversity

6 / 56

Page 18: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Partial-order implicature

A: Do you speakGerman?

B: My husband does.

128

AFFIRt-.t(B,rhird chaprer, BEL(B, read(B,third chapter»» 1\

ALT_SENT(read(B,ch3prec_one), read(B,thirdj:hapter),'parts of a dissertation'»=) SCALAR_IMP(B, A, I read the third, ...,BEL(B, read(B,chapter_one»,Ci)

There are no restrictions on those posers which support scalar implicamre. However, (arleast) one restriction does exist on which posers may be viewed as salient in a given exchange:Above (Section 5.1.6.3) I noted for most metrics that rank utterances. both a given metricand irs dual (converse) may be candidares for salience in an exchange. However, no metric (jiwhich orders values vi and Vj such that a) vi is higher than Vj and b} the truth of Vj entails thetruth of vi can supporr scalar implicature -- for the simple reason in such a case, a sentencePi ranked higher than a sentence Pj by (ji since then the implicature licensed would beinconsistent with the utterance licensing it. In terms of the fonnaIism presented in Chapter 2,such a meaning would not be reinforceable. Consider, for example. (212a):

(212) A: Are you planning to buy a dog?a. B: A German Shepherd.b. B: I'm buying a Gennan Shepherd and I'm not buying a dog.

While one might identify either an ordering defined by 'isa' (i.e.• a Gennan Shepherd isa dog)or by 'subsumes' (i.e., a dog subsumes the subtype Shepherd) as salient in thisexchange, only the latter permits scalar implicature here. B cannot implicate that she is notbuying a dog vla this response, since buying a Gennan Shepherd entails buying a dog. Theattempted reinforcement of (212b) fails. However, we cannot rule out 'isa' relations aspotential supporters of scalar imphcarore: In 213, for example. 8's response might evoke eitheran'isa'

(213) A: Would you like a dog?8: I'd like a German Shepherd.

hierarchy - or irs dual. Apparently, any poser can support scaiar implicature, although othertests for conversational implicature may rule out some particuJ3r posers in panicular exchanges.

5.3.2.3. Representing Scalar Implicature Orderings as Pos.ets

J have demonstrated above how part! whole re!arions can be represented. To demonstratethat L'le other orderings discussed in Section 5.1 are accounted for by a poset condition. I w;i!describe how representative orderings can be accommodated by this condition so matscalar implicatures are correctly predicted by ImPl_3'

Rdations defined by ordering the non-null members of the power of some set x byset-inclusion allow a poset representation of x and its non-null proper subsets a5 follows: Anynon-null proper subset of a set m<lY be nnked as LOWER than the set which it. and

129

set, in consequence, will represent a HIGHER value in the ordering. Subs.ets which are neitherincluded in, nor include, one another, will be ALTERNATE values in this poser. Consider howthe salient ordering in the following exchange mighr be represented:

(214) A: Do you speak: Portuguese?B: My husband does.

The inclusion ordering which supports the implicature in 214 might be represented as follows:

So, {husband,wife.chiid} wi!! be the highest value in this ordering, with the alternate doubletons(husband,wife), (wife.child), and (husband,child) lower values and the alternate values,{husband}, (wife), and {child} lower values still in this poset. By the scalar implicatureconventions, then, S may affinn. say, (husband.wife) to convey ...,BEL(S. (husband,wile.child))as well as -,BEL(S. (husband,child}) and -,BEL(S, (wife.childJ). Note, particularly, that theremay be some redundance in scalar implicatures predicted from this representation. Also, anysubsets so represented may be lexica1ized in various ways -- as, the expression (husband.wife)might be lexicalized as •couple' or as 'husband and wife'. The theory presented in this thesiswill not distinguish between these. 128

As noted in Sections 5.1.7, temporal orderings may also be represented as setS ofrernporalfor the analysis of licensed scalar implicacures. So, these orderings too wilt be defined by setinclusion, as:

{past, resent} {presenr,future} {past,furure}r---:::--{future}

Posers defined by a type! subrype metric, such as that which supports 174, may beillustrated by me (parrial) classification hierarchy:

lZ1!Sut see {CorelIa 84, Ka!ita 84) for some approaches to thtS problem.

A: Are you on yourhoneymoon?

B: Well, I was.

128

AFFIRt-.t(B,rhird chaprer, BEL(B, read(B,third chapter»» 1\

ALT_SENT(read(B,ch3prec_one), read(B,thirdj:hapter),'parts of a dissertation'»=) SCALAR_IMP(B, A, I read the third, ...,BEL(B, read(B,chapter_one»,Ci)

There are no restrictions on those posers which support scalar implicamre. However, (arleast) one restriction does exist on which posers may be viewed as salient in a given exchange:Above (Section 5.1.6.3) I noted for most metrics that rank utterances. both a given metricand irs dual (converse) may be candidares for salience in an exchange. However, no metric (jiwhich orders values vi and Vj such that a) vi is higher than Vj and b} the truth of Vj entails thetruth of vi can supporr scalar implicature -- for the simple reason in such a case, a sentencePi ranked higher than a sentence Pj by (ji since then the implicature licensed would beinconsistent with the utterance licensing it. In terms of the fonnaIism presented in Chapter 2,such a meaning would not be reinforceable. Consider, for example. (212a):

(212) A: Are you planning to buy a dog?a. B: A German Shepherd.b. B: I'm buying a Gennan Shepherd and I'm not buying a dog.

While one might identify either an ordering defined by 'isa' (i.e.• a Gennan Shepherd isa dog)or by 'subsumes' (i.e., a dog subsumes the subtype Shepherd) as salient in thisexchange, only the latter permits scalar implicature here. B cannot implicate that she is notbuying a dog vla this response, since buying a Gennan Shepherd entails buying a dog. Theattempted reinforcement of (212b) fails. However, we cannot rule out 'isa' relations aspotential supporters of scalar imphcarore: In 213, for example. 8's response might evoke eitheran'isa'

(213) A: Would you like a dog?8: I'd like a German Shepherd.

hierarchy - or irs dual. Apparently, any poser can support scaiar implicature, although othertests for conversational implicature may rule out some particuJ3r posers in panicular exchanges.

5.3.2.3. Representing Scalar Implicature Orderings as Pos.ets

J have demonstrated above how part! whole re!arions can be represented. To demonstratethat L'le other orderings discussed in Section 5.1 are accounted for by a poset condition. I w;i!describe how representative orderings can be accommodated by this condition so matscalar implicatures are correctly predicted by ImPl_3'

Rdations defined by ordering the non-null members of the power of some set x byset-inclusion allow a poset representation of x and its non-null proper subsets a5 follows: Anynon-null proper subset of a set m<lY be nnked as LOWER than the set which it. and

129

set, in consequence, will represent a HIGHER value in the ordering. Subs.ets which are neitherincluded in, nor include, one another, will be ALTERNATE values in this poser. Consider howthe salient ordering in the following exchange mighr be represented:

(214) A: Do you speak: Portuguese?B: My husband does.

The inclusion ordering which supports the implicature in 214 might be represented as follows:

So, {husband,wife.chiid} wi!! be the highest value in this ordering, with the alternate doubletons(husband,wife), (wife.child), and (husband,child) lower values and the alternate values,{husband}, (wife), and {child} lower values still in this poset. By the scalar implicatureconventions, then, S may affinn. say, (husband.wife) to convey ...,BEL(S. (husband,wile.child))as well as -,BEL(S. (husband,child}) and -,BEL(S, (wife.childJ). Note, particularly, that theremay be some redundance in scalar implicatures predicted from this representation. Also, anysubsets so represented may be lexica1ized in various ways -- as, the expression (husband.wife)might be lexicalized as •couple' or as 'husband and wife'. The theory presented in this thesiswill not distinguish between these. 128

As noted in Sections 5.1.7, temporal orderings may also be represented as setS ofrernporalfor the analysis of licensed scalar implicacures. So, these orderings too wilt be defined by setinclusion, as:

{past, resent} {presenr,future} {past,furure}r---:::--{future}

Posers defined by a type! subrype metric, such as that which supports 174, may beillustrated by me (parrial) classification hierarchy:

lZ1!Sut see {CorelIa 84, Ka!ita 84) for some approaches to thtS problem.

Hirschberg 1985, A Theory of Scalar Implicature

7 / 56

Page 19: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Partial-order implicature

A: Do you speakGerman?

B: My husband does.

128

AFFIRt-.t(B,rhird chaprer, BEL(B, read(B,third chapter»» 1\

ALT_SENT(read(B,ch3prec_one), read(B,thirdj:hapter),'parts of a dissertation'»=) SCALAR_IMP(B, A, I read the third, ...,BEL(B, read(B,chapter_one»,Ci)

There are no restrictions on those posers which support scalar implicamre. However, (arleast) one restriction does exist on which posers may be viewed as salient in a given exchange:Above (Section 5.1.6.3) I noted for most metrics that rank utterances. both a given metricand irs dual (converse) may be candidares for salience in an exchange. However, no metric (jiwhich orders values vi and Vj such that a) vi is higher than Vj and b} the truth of Vj entails thetruth of vi can supporr scalar implicature -- for the simple reason in such a case, a sentencePi ranked higher than a sentence Pj by (ji since then the implicature licensed would beinconsistent with the utterance licensing it. In terms of the fonnaIism presented in Chapter 2,such a meaning would not be reinforceable. Consider, for example. (212a):

(212) A: Are you planning to buy a dog?a. B: A German Shepherd.b. B: I'm buying a Gennan Shepherd and I'm not buying a dog.

While one might identify either an ordering defined by 'isa' (i.e.• a Gennan Shepherd isa dog)or by 'subsumes' (i.e., a dog subsumes the subtype Shepherd) as salient in thisexchange, only the latter permits scalar implicature here. B cannot implicate that she is notbuying a dog vla this response, since buying a Gennan Shepherd entails buying a dog. Theattempted reinforcement of (212b) fails. However, we cannot rule out 'isa' relations aspotential supporters of scalar imphcarore: In 213, for example. 8's response might evoke eitheran'isa'

(213) A: Would you like a dog?8: I'd like a German Shepherd.

hierarchy - or irs dual. Apparently, any poser can support scaiar implicature, although othertests for conversational implicature may rule out some particuJ3r posers in panicular exchanges.

5.3.2.3. Representing Scalar Implicature Orderings as Pos.ets

J have demonstrated above how part! whole re!arions can be represented. To demonstratethat L'le other orderings discussed in Section 5.1 are accounted for by a poset condition. I w;i!describe how representative orderings can be accommodated by this condition so matscalar implicatures are correctly predicted by ImPl_3'

Rdations defined by ordering the non-null members of the power of some set x byset-inclusion allow a poset representation of x and its non-null proper subsets a5 follows: Anynon-null proper subset of a set m<lY be nnked as LOWER than the set which it. and

129

set, in consequence, will represent a HIGHER value in the ordering. Subs.ets which are neitherincluded in, nor include, one another, will be ALTERNATE values in this poser. Consider howthe salient ordering in the following exchange mighr be represented:

(214) A: Do you speak: Portuguese?B: My husband does.

The inclusion ordering which supports the implicature in 214 might be represented as follows:

So, {husband,wife.chiid} wi!! be the highest value in this ordering, with the alternate doubletons(husband,wife), (wife.child), and (husband,child) lower values and the alternate values,{husband}, (wife), and {child} lower values still in this poset. By the scalar implicatureconventions, then, S may affinn. say, (husband.wife) to convey ...,BEL(S. (husband,wile.child))as well as -,BEL(S. (husband,child}) and -,BEL(S, (wife.childJ). Note, particularly, that theremay be some redundance in scalar implicatures predicted from this representation. Also, anysubsets so represented may be lexica1ized in various ways -- as, the expression (husband.wife)might be lexicalized as •couple' or as 'husband and wife'. The theory presented in this thesiswill not distinguish between these. 128

As noted in Sections 5.1.7, temporal orderings may also be represented as setS ofrernporalfor the analysis of licensed scalar implicacures. So, these orderings too wilt be defined by setinclusion, as:

{past, resent} {presenr,future} {past,furure}r---:::--{future}

Posers defined by a type! subrype metric, such as that which supports 174, may beillustrated by me (parrial) classification hierarchy:

lZ1!Sut see {CorelIa 84, Ka!ita 84) for some approaches to thtS problem.

A: Are you on yourhoneymoon?

B: Well, I was.

128

AFFIRt-.t(B,rhird chaprer, BEL(B, read(B,third chapter»» 1\

ALT_SENT(read(B,ch3prec_one), read(B,thirdj:hapter),'parts of a dissertation'»=) SCALAR_IMP(B, A, I read the third, ...,BEL(B, read(B,chapter_one»,Ci)

There are no restrictions on those posers which support scalar implicamre. However, (arleast) one restriction does exist on which posers may be viewed as salient in a given exchange:Above (Section 5.1.6.3) I noted for most metrics that rank utterances. both a given metricand irs dual (converse) may be candidares for salience in an exchange. However, no metric (jiwhich orders values vi and Vj such that a) vi is higher than Vj and b} the truth of Vj entails thetruth of vi can supporr scalar implicature -- for the simple reason in such a case, a sentencePi ranked higher than a sentence Pj by (ji since then the implicature licensed would beinconsistent with the utterance licensing it. In terms of the fonnaIism presented in Chapter 2,such a meaning would not be reinforceable. Consider, for example. (212a):

(212) A: Are you planning to buy a dog?a. B: A German Shepherd.b. B: I'm buying a Gennan Shepherd and I'm not buying a dog.

While one might identify either an ordering defined by 'isa' (i.e.• a Gennan Shepherd isa dog)or by 'subsumes' (i.e., a dog subsumes the subtype Shepherd) as salient in thisexchange, only the latter permits scalar implicature here. B cannot implicate that she is notbuying a dog vla this response, since buying a Gennan Shepherd entails buying a dog. Theattempted reinforcement of (212b) fails. However, we cannot rule out 'isa' relations aspotential supporters of scalar imphcarore: In 213, for example. 8's response might evoke eitheran'isa'

(213) A: Would you like a dog?8: I'd like a German Shepherd.

hierarchy - or irs dual. Apparently, any poser can support scaiar implicature, although othertests for conversational implicature may rule out some particuJ3r posers in panicular exchanges.

5.3.2.3. Representing Scalar Implicature Orderings as Pos.ets

J have demonstrated above how part! whole re!arions can be represented. To demonstratethat L'le other orderings discussed in Section 5.1 are accounted for by a poset condition. I w;i!describe how representative orderings can be accommodated by this condition so matscalar implicatures are correctly predicted by ImPl_3'

Rdations defined by ordering the non-null members of the power of some set x byset-inclusion allow a poset representation of x and its non-null proper subsets a5 follows: Anynon-null proper subset of a set m<lY be nnked as LOWER than the set which it. and

129

set, in consequence, will represent a HIGHER value in the ordering. Subs.ets which are neitherincluded in, nor include, one another, will be ALTERNATE values in this poser. Consider howthe salient ordering in the following exchange mighr be represented:

(214) A: Do you speak: Portuguese?B: My husband does.

The inclusion ordering which supports the implicature in 214 might be represented as follows:

So, {husband,wife.chiid} wi!! be the highest value in this ordering, with the alternate doubletons(husband,wife), (wife.child), and (husband,child) lower values and the alternate values,{husband}, (wife), and {child} lower values still in this poset. By the scalar implicatureconventions, then, S may affinn. say, (husband.wife) to convey ...,BEL(S. (husband,wile.child))as well as -,BEL(S. (husband,child}) and -,BEL(S, (wife.childJ). Note, particularly, that theremay be some redundance in scalar implicatures predicted from this representation. Also, anysubsets so represented may be lexica1ized in various ways -- as, the expression (husband.wife)might be lexicalized as •couple' or as 'husband and wife'. The theory presented in this thesiswill not distinguish between these. 128

As noted in Sections 5.1.7, temporal orderings may also be represented as setS ofrernporalfor the analysis of licensed scalar implicacures. So, these orderings too wilt be defined by setinclusion, as:

{past, resent} {presenr,future} {past,furure}r---:::--{future}

Posers defined by a type! subrype metric, such as that which supports 174, may beillustrated by me (parrial) classification hierarchy:

lZ1!Sut see {CorelIa 84, Ka!ita 84) for some approaches to thtS problem.

Hirschberg 1985, A Theory of Scalar Implicature

7 / 56

Page 20: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Partial-order implicature

A: Do you speakGerman?

B: My husband does.

128

AFFIRt-.t(B,rhird chaprer, BEL(B, read(B,third chapter»» 1\

ALT_SENT(read(B,ch3prec_one), read(B,thirdj:hapter),'parts of a dissertation'»=) SCALAR_IMP(B, A, I read the third, ...,BEL(B, read(B,chapter_one»,Ci)

There are no restrictions on those posers which support scalar implicamre. However, (arleast) one restriction does exist on which posers may be viewed as salient in a given exchange:Above (Section 5.1.6.3) I noted for most metrics that rank utterances. both a given metricand irs dual (converse) may be candidares for salience in an exchange. However, no metric (jiwhich orders values vi and Vj such that a) vi is higher than Vj and b} the truth of Vj entails thetruth of vi can supporr scalar implicature -- for the simple reason in such a case, a sentencePi ranked higher than a sentence Pj by (ji since then the implicature licensed would beinconsistent with the utterance licensing it. In terms of the fonnaIism presented in Chapter 2,such a meaning would not be reinforceable. Consider, for example. (212a):

(212) A: Are you planning to buy a dog?a. B: A German Shepherd.b. B: I'm buying a Gennan Shepherd and I'm not buying a dog.

While one might identify either an ordering defined by 'isa' (i.e.• a Gennan Shepherd isa dog)or by 'subsumes' (i.e., a dog subsumes the subtype Shepherd) as salient in thisexchange, only the latter permits scalar implicature here. B cannot implicate that she is notbuying a dog vla this response, since buying a Gennan Shepherd entails buying a dog. Theattempted reinforcement of (212b) fails. However, we cannot rule out 'isa' relations aspotential supporters of scalar imphcarore: In 213, for example. 8's response might evoke eitheran'isa'

(213) A: Would you like a dog?8: I'd like a German Shepherd.

hierarchy - or irs dual. Apparently, any poser can support scaiar implicature, although othertests for conversational implicature may rule out some particuJ3r posers in panicular exchanges.

5.3.2.3. Representing Scalar Implicature Orderings as Pos.ets

J have demonstrated above how part! whole re!arions can be represented. To demonstratethat L'le other orderings discussed in Section 5.1 are accounted for by a poset condition. I w;i!describe how representative orderings can be accommodated by this condition so matscalar implicatures are correctly predicted by ImPl_3'

Rdations defined by ordering the non-null members of the power of some set x byset-inclusion allow a poset representation of x and its non-null proper subsets a5 follows: Anynon-null proper subset of a set m<lY be nnked as LOWER than the set which it. and

129

set, in consequence, will represent a HIGHER value in the ordering. Subs.ets which are neitherincluded in, nor include, one another, will be ALTERNATE values in this poser. Consider howthe salient ordering in the following exchange mighr be represented:

(214) A: Do you speak: Portuguese?B: My husband does.

The inclusion ordering which supports the implicature in 214 might be represented as follows:

So, {husband,wife.chiid} wi!! be the highest value in this ordering, with the alternate doubletons(husband,wife), (wife.child), and (husband,child) lower values and the alternate values,{husband}, (wife), and {child} lower values still in this poset. By the scalar implicatureconventions, then, S may affinn. say, (husband.wife) to convey ...,BEL(S. (husband,wile.child))as well as -,BEL(S. (husband,child}) and -,BEL(S, (wife.childJ). Note, particularly, that theremay be some redundance in scalar implicatures predicted from this representation. Also, anysubsets so represented may be lexica1ized in various ways -- as, the expression (husband.wife)might be lexicalized as •couple' or as 'husband and wife'. The theory presented in this thesiswill not distinguish between these. 128

As noted in Sections 5.1.7, temporal orderings may also be represented as setS ofrernporalfor the analysis of licensed scalar implicacures. So, these orderings too wilt be defined by setinclusion, as:

{past, resent} {presenr,future} {past,furure}r---:::--{future}

Posers defined by a type! subrype metric, such as that which supports 174, may beillustrated by me (parrial) classification hierarchy:

lZ1!Sut see {CorelIa 84, Ka!ita 84) for some approaches to thtS problem.

A: Are you on yourhoneymoon?

B: Well, I was.

128

AFFIRt-.t(B,rhird chaprer, BEL(B, read(B,third chapter»» 1\

ALT_SENT(read(B,ch3prec_one), read(B,thirdj:hapter),'parts of a dissertation'»=) SCALAR_IMP(B, A, I read the third, ...,BEL(B, read(B,chapter_one»,Ci)

There are no restrictions on those posers which support scalar implicamre. However, (arleast) one restriction does exist on which posers may be viewed as salient in a given exchange:Above (Section 5.1.6.3) I noted for most metrics that rank utterances. both a given metricand irs dual (converse) may be candidares for salience in an exchange. However, no metric (jiwhich orders values vi and Vj such that a) vi is higher than Vj and b} the truth of Vj entails thetruth of vi can supporr scalar implicature -- for the simple reason in such a case, a sentencePi ranked higher than a sentence Pj by (ji since then the implicature licensed would beinconsistent with the utterance licensing it. In terms of the fonnaIism presented in Chapter 2,such a meaning would not be reinforceable. Consider, for example. (212a):

(212) A: Are you planning to buy a dog?a. B: A German Shepherd.b. B: I'm buying a Gennan Shepherd and I'm not buying a dog.

While one might identify either an ordering defined by 'isa' (i.e.• a Gennan Shepherd isa dog)or by 'subsumes' (i.e., a dog subsumes the subtype Shepherd) as salient in thisexchange, only the latter permits scalar implicature here. B cannot implicate that she is notbuying a dog vla this response, since buying a Gennan Shepherd entails buying a dog. Theattempted reinforcement of (212b) fails. However, we cannot rule out 'isa' relations aspotential supporters of scalar imphcarore: In 213, for example. 8's response might evoke eitheran'isa'

(213) A: Would you like a dog?8: I'd like a German Shepherd.

hierarchy - or irs dual. Apparently, any poser can support scaiar implicature, although othertests for conversational implicature may rule out some particuJ3r posers in panicular exchanges.

5.3.2.3. Representing Scalar Implicature Orderings as Pos.ets

J have demonstrated above how part! whole re!arions can be represented. To demonstratethat L'le other orderings discussed in Section 5.1 are accounted for by a poset condition. I w;i!describe how representative orderings can be accommodated by this condition so matscalar implicatures are correctly predicted by ImPl_3'

Rdations defined by ordering the non-null members of the power of some set x byset-inclusion allow a poset representation of x and its non-null proper subsets a5 follows: Anynon-null proper subset of a set m<lY be nnked as LOWER than the set which it. and

129

set, in consequence, will represent a HIGHER value in the ordering. Subs.ets which are neitherincluded in, nor include, one another, will be ALTERNATE values in this poser. Consider howthe salient ordering in the following exchange mighr be represented:

(214) A: Do you speak: Portuguese?B: My husband does.

The inclusion ordering which supports the implicature in 214 might be represented as follows:

So, {husband,wife.chiid} wi!! be the highest value in this ordering, with the alternate doubletons(husband,wife), (wife.child), and (husband,child) lower values and the alternate values,{husband}, (wife), and {child} lower values still in this poset. By the scalar implicatureconventions, then, S may affinn. say, (husband.wife) to convey ...,BEL(S. (husband,wile.child))as well as -,BEL(S. (husband,child}) and -,BEL(S, (wife.childJ). Note, particularly, that theremay be some redundance in scalar implicatures predicted from this representation. Also, anysubsets so represented may be lexica1ized in various ways -- as, the expression (husband.wife)might be lexicalized as •couple' or as 'husband and wife'. The theory presented in this thesiswill not distinguish between these. 128

As noted in Sections 5.1.7, temporal orderings may also be represented as setS ofrernporalfor the analysis of licensed scalar implicacures. So, these orderings too wilt be defined by setinclusion, as:

{past, resent} {presenr,future} {past,furure}r---:::--{future}

Posers defined by a type! subrype metric, such as that which supports 174, may beillustrated by me (parrial) classification hierarchy:

lZ1!Sut see {CorelIa 84, Ka!ita 84) for some approaches to thtS problem.

Hirschberg 1985, A Theory of Scalar Implicature

7 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Highly particularized implicature

(16)

R1 R2 R3

“glasses”

8 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Reference gamesFrank, Gómez, Peloquin, Goodman, and Potts 2016, 10experiments, each N ≈ 600 (4,651 participants). Thesummary picture:

https://github.com/langcog/pragmods

9 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Reference gamesFrank, Gómez, Peloquin, Goodman, and Potts 2016, 10experiments, each N ≈ 600 (4,651 participants). Thesummary picture:

https://github.com/langcog/pragmods

9 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Reference gamesFrank, Gómez, Peloquin, Goodman, and Potts 2016, 10experiments, each N ≈ 600 (4,651 participants). Thesummary picture:

betting forced_choice likert

0.00

0.25

0.50

0.75

1.00

foil target logical foil target logical foil target logicalTarget

Nor

mal

ized

mea

sure

mea

n

https://github.com/langcog/pragmods

9 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

I-implicature

Levinson: “what is simply described is stereotypicallyexemplified”.

1. At a busy marina in water-skiing country:“boat” interpreted as motorboat

2. “boat or canoe”

3. Kim is in France. (in Paris)

4. “The nuptials will take place in either France orParis.”

5. I hit the button and it started. (causation)

6. Sandy finished the book. (reading)

10 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

I-implicature

Levinson: “what is simply described is stereotypicallyexemplified”.

1. At a busy marina in water-skiing country:“boat” interpreted as motorboat

2. “boat or canoe”

3. Kim is in France. (in Paris)

4. “The nuptials will take place in either France orParis.”

5. I hit the button and it started. (causation)

6. Sandy finished the book. (reading)

10 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

I-implicature

Levinson: “what is simply described is stereotypicallyexemplified”.

1. At a busy marina in water-skiing country:“boat” interpreted as motorboat

boat

motorboat

canoekayak

sailboat

2. “boat or canoe”

3. Kim is in France. (in Paris)

4. “The nuptials will take place in either France orParis.”

5. I hit the button and it started. (causation)

6. Sandy finished the book. (reading)

10 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

I-implicature

Levinson: “what is simply described is stereotypicallyexemplified”.

1. At a busy marina in water-skiing country:“boat” interpreted as motorboat

2. “boat or canoe”

3. Kim is in France. (in Paris)

4. “The nuptials will take place in either France orParis.”

5. I hit the button and it started. (causation)

6. Sandy finished the book. (reading)

10 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

I-implicature

Levinson: “what is simply described is stereotypicallyexemplified”.

1. At a busy marina in water-skiing country:“boat” interpreted as motorboat

2. “boat or canoe”

3. Kim is in France. (in Paris)

4. “The nuptials will take place in either France orParis.”

5. I hit the button and it started. (causation)

6. Sandy finished the book. (reading)

10 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

I-implicature

Levinson: “what is simply described is stereotypicallyexemplified”.

1. At a busy marina in water-skiing country:“boat” interpreted as motorboat

2. “boat or canoe”

3. Kim is in France. (in Paris)

4. “The nuptials will take place in either France orParis.”

5. I hit the button and it started. (causation)

6. Sandy finished the book. (reading)

10 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

I-implicature

Levinson: “what is simply described is stereotypicallyexemplified”.

1. At a busy marina in water-skiing country:“boat” interpreted as motorboat

2. “boat or canoe”

3. Kim is in France. (in Paris)

4. “The nuptials will take place in either France orParis.”

5. I hit the button and it started. (causation)

6. Sandy finished the book. (reading)

10 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

I-implicature

Levinson: “what is simply described is stereotypicallyexemplified”.

1. At a busy marina in water-skiing country:“boat” interpreted as motorboat

2. “boat or canoe”

3. Kim is in France. (in Paris)

4. “The nuptials will take place in either France orParis.”

5. I hit the button and it started. (causation)

6. Sandy finished the book. (reading)

10 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

M-implicature

Levinson: “What’s said in an abnormal way isn’tnormal.”

1. a. Turn on the car.b. Get the car to turn on.

2. a. Stop the car.b. Cause the car to stop.

11 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Sociolinguistic variables

GeneralizationWhere two forms are in salient contrast, the choice ofone will lead to inferences about the other.

• Community: Community members adopt a speechstyle that is easily distinguished from themainstream, enhancing solidarity.

• Individual: An individual systematically varies theirspeech style by context to construct differentpersonae.

12 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Sociolinguistic variables

GeneralizationWhere two forms are in salient contrast, the choice ofone will lead to inferences about the other.

• Community: Community members adopt a speechstyle that is easily distinguished from themainstream, enhancing solidarity.

• Individual: An individual systematically varies theirspeech style by context to construct differentpersonae.

12 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Sociolinguistic variables

GeneralizationWhere two forms are in salient contrast, the choice ofone will lead to inferences about the other.

• Community: Community members adopt a speechstyle that is easily distinguished from themainstream, enhancing solidarity.

• Individual: An individual systematically varies theirspeech style by context to construct differentpersonae.

12 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Sociolinguistic variables

GeneralizationWhere two forms are in salient contrast, the choice ofone will lead to inferences about the other.

• Community: Community members adopt a speechstyle that is easily distinguished from themainstream, enhancing solidarity.

• Individual: An individual systematically varies theirspeech style by context to construct differentpersonae.

12 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

1. Meaning from a communicative tension2. The Rational Speech Acts (RSA) model3. Learning in the Rational Speech Acts Model4. Neural RSA5. Language and action

13 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Origin story

• Rosenberg and Cohen 1964: early Bayesian modelof production and comprehension

• Lewis 1969: signaling systems• Rabin 1990: recursive strategic signaling• Camerer and Ho 2004: cognitive hierarchy models

for games of conflict and coordination• Michael Franke and Gerhard Jäger: iterated best

response• Golland, Liang, and Klein 2010 (EMNLP): pragmatic

listeners and probabilistic compositionality• Frank and Goodman 2012 (Science): very

sophisticated pragmatic agents and a newBayesian foundation

14 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Origin story

• Rosenberg and Cohen 1964: early Bayesian modelof production and comprehension

• Lewis 1969: signaling systems• Rabin 1990: recursive strategic signaling• Camerer and Ho 2004: cognitive hierarchy models

for games of conflict and coordination• Michael Franke and Gerhard Jäger: iterated best

response• Golland, Liang, and Klein 2010 (EMNLP): pragmatic

listeners and probabilistic compositionality• Frank and Goodman 2012 (Science): very

sophisticated pragmatic agents and a newBayesian foundation

14 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Origin story

• Rosenberg and Cohen 1964: early Bayesian modelof production and comprehension

• Lewis 1969: signaling systems

• Rabin 1990: recursive strategic signaling• Camerer and Ho 2004: cognitive hierarchy models

for games of conflict and coordination• Michael Franke and Gerhard Jäger: iterated best

response• Golland, Liang, and Klein 2010 (EMNLP): pragmatic

listeners and probabilistic compositionality• Frank and Goodman 2012 (Science): very

sophisticated pragmatic agents and a newBayesian foundation

14 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Origin story

• Rosenberg and Cohen 1964: early Bayesian modelof production and comprehension

• Lewis 1969: signaling systems• Rabin 1990: recursive strategic signaling

• Camerer and Ho 2004: cognitive hierarchy modelsfor games of conflict and coordination

• Michael Franke and Gerhard Jäger: iterated bestresponse

• Golland, Liang, and Klein 2010 (EMNLP): pragmaticlisteners and probabilistic compositionality

• Frank and Goodman 2012 (Science): verysophisticated pragmatic agents and a newBayesian foundation

14 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Origin story

• Rosenberg and Cohen 1964: early Bayesian modelof production and comprehension

• Lewis 1969: signaling systems• Rabin 1990: recursive strategic signaling• Camerer and Ho 2004: cognitive hierarchy models

for games of conflict and coordination

• Michael Franke and Gerhard Jäger: iterated bestresponse

• Golland, Liang, and Klein 2010 (EMNLP): pragmaticlisteners and probabilistic compositionality

• Frank and Goodman 2012 (Science): verysophisticated pragmatic agents and a newBayesian foundation

14 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Origin story

• Rosenberg and Cohen 1964: early Bayesian modelof production and comprehension

• Lewis 1969: signaling systems• Rabin 1990: recursive strategic signaling• Camerer and Ho 2004: cognitive hierarchy models

for games of conflict and coordination• Michael Franke and Gerhard Jäger: iterated best

response

• Golland, Liang, and Klein 2010 (EMNLP): pragmaticlisteners and probabilistic compositionality

• Frank and Goodman 2012 (Science): verysophisticated pragmatic agents and a newBayesian foundation

14 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Origin story

• Rosenberg and Cohen 1964: early Bayesian modelof production and comprehension

• Lewis 1969: signaling systems• Rabin 1990: recursive strategic signaling• Camerer and Ho 2004: cognitive hierarchy models

for games of conflict and coordination• Michael Franke and Gerhard Jäger: iterated best

response• Golland, Liang, and Klein 2010 (EMNLP): pragmatic

listeners and probabilistic compositionality

• Frank and Goodman 2012 (Science): verysophisticated pragmatic agents and a newBayesian foundation

14 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Origin story

• Rosenberg and Cohen 1964: early Bayesian modelof production and comprehension

• Lewis 1969: signaling systems• Rabin 1990: recursive strategic signaling• Camerer and Ho 2004: cognitive hierarchy models

for games of conflict and coordination• Michael Franke and Gerhard Jäger: iterated best

response• Golland, Liang, and Klein 2010 (EMNLP): pragmatic

listeners and probabilistic compositionality• Frank and Goodman 2012 (Science): very

sophisticated pragmatic agents and a newBayesian foundation

14 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Pragmatic listeners

Pragmatic listener

Pragmatic speaker

Literal listener

15 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Pragmatic listeners

Pragmatic listener

Pragmatic speaker

Literal listener

l0(w |msg,Lex) ∝ Lex(msg,w)P(w)

15 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Pragmatic listeners

Pragmatic listener

Pragmatic speaker

s1(msg | w,Lex) ∝ expλ (log l0(w |msg,Lex)− C(msg))

Literal listener

l0(w |msg,Lex) ∝ Lex(msg,w)P(w)

15 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Pragmatic listeners

Pragmatic listener

l1(w |msg,Lex) ∝ s1(msg | w,Lex)P(w)

Pragmatic speaker

s1(msg | w,Lex) ∝ expλ (log l0(w |msg,Lex)− C(msg))

Literal listener

l0(w |msg,Lex) ∝ Lex(msg,w)P(w)

15 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Pragmatic listeners

Pragmatic listener

l1(w |msg,Lex) = pragmatic speaker× state prior

Pragmatic speaker

s1(msg | w,Lex) = literal listener−message costs

Literal listener

l0(w |msg,Lex) = lexicon× state prior

15 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

RSA listener example

beard 1 0 0

glasses 1 1 0

tie 0 1 1

l1s1

l0Lex

16 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

RSA listener example

beard 1 0 0

glasses .5 .5 0

tie 0 .5 .5

l1s1

l0Lex

16 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

RSA listener example

beard glasses tie

.67 .33 0

0 1 0

0 0 1

l1s1

l0Lex

16 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

RSA listener example

beard 1 0 0

glasses .25 .75 0

tie 0 0 1

l1s1

l0Lex

16 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Pragmatic speakers

Pragmatic speaker

Pragmatic listener

Literal speaker

17 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Pragmatic speakers

Pragmatic speaker

Pragmatic listener

Literal speaker

s0(msg | w,Lex) ∝ expλ (logLex(msg,w)− C(msg))

17 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Pragmatic speakers

Pragmatic speaker

Pragmatic listener

l1(w |msg,Lex) ∝ s0(msg | w,Lex)P(w)

Literal speaker

s0(msg | w,Lex) ∝ expλ (logLex(msg,w)− C(msg))

17 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Pragmatic speakers

Pragmatic speaker

s1(msg | w,Lex) ∝ expλ (log l1(w |msg,Lex)− C(msg))

Pragmatic listener

l1(w |msg,Lex) ∝ s0(msg | w,Lex)P(w)

Literal speaker

s0(msg | w,Lex) ∝ expλ (logLex(msg,w)− C(msg))

17 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Pragmatic speakers

Pragmatic speaker

s1(msg | w,Lex) = pragmatic listener−message costs

Pragmatic listener

l1(w |msg,Lex) = literal speaker× state prior

Literal speaker

s0(msg | w,Lex) = lexicon−message costs

17 / 56

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RSA speaker example

beard glasses tie

1 1 0

0 1 1

0 0 1

s1

l1s0

Lex

18 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

RSA speaker example

beard glasses tie

.5 .5 0

0 .5 .5

0 0 1

s1

l1s0

Lex

18 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

RSA speaker example

beard 1 0 0

glasses .5 .5 0

tie 0 .33 .67

s1

l1s0

Lex

18 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

RSA speaker example

beard glasses tie

.67 .33 0

0 .6 .4

0 0 1

s1

l1s0

Lex

18 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Joint reasoning

L(w,Context |msg) ∝ P(w)PC(Context)s1(msg | w,Context)

L(w |msg) ∝ P(w)∑

Context∈CPC(Context)s1(msg | w,Context)

19 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Joint reasoning

L(w,Context |msg) ∝ P(w)PC(Context)s1(msg | w,Context)

L(w |msg) ∝ P(w)∑

Context∈CPC(Context)s1(msg | w,Context)

19 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Achievements

• M-implicaturesBergen, Levy, Goodman, ‘Pragmatic reasoning throughsemantic inference’

• I-implicatures and implicature blockingPotts and Levy, ‘Negotiating lexical uncertainty and speakerexpertise with disjunction’

• Implicatures and compositionalityPotts, Lassiter, Levy, Frank, ‘Embedded implicatures aspragmatic inferences under compositional lexical uncertainty’

• HyperboleKao, Wu, Bergen, Goodman, ‘Nonliteral understanding ofnumber words’

• MetaphorKao, Bergen, Goodman, ‘Formalizing the pragmatics ofmetaphor understanding’

20 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Achievements• M-implicatures

Bergen, Levy, Goodman, ‘Pragmatic reasoning throughsemantic inference’

• I-implicatures and implicature blockingPotts and Levy, ‘Negotiating lexical uncertainty and speakerexpertise with disjunction’

• Implicatures and compositionalityPotts, Lassiter, Levy, Frank, ‘Embedded implicatures aspragmatic inferences under compositional lexical uncertainty’

• HyperboleKao, Wu, Bergen, Goodman, ‘Nonliteral understanding ofnumber words’

• MetaphorKao, Bergen, Goodman, ‘Formalizing the pragmatics ofmetaphor understanding’

20 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Achievements• M-implicatures

Bergen, Levy, Goodman, ‘Pragmatic reasoning throughsemantic inference’

• I-implicatures and implicature blockingPotts and Levy, ‘Negotiating lexical uncertainty and speakerexpertise with disjunction’

• Implicatures and compositionalityPotts, Lassiter, Levy, Frank, ‘Embedded implicatures aspragmatic inferences under compositional lexical uncertainty’

• HyperboleKao, Wu, Bergen, Goodman, ‘Nonliteral understanding ofnumber words’

• MetaphorKao, Bergen, Goodman, ‘Formalizing the pragmatics ofmetaphor understanding’

20 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Achievements• M-implicatures

Bergen, Levy, Goodman, ‘Pragmatic reasoning throughsemantic inference’

• I-implicatures and implicature blockingPotts and Levy, ‘Negotiating lexical uncertainty and speakerexpertise with disjunction’

• Implicatures and compositionalityPotts, Lassiter, Levy, Frank, ‘Embedded implicatures aspragmatic inferences under compositional lexical uncertainty’

• HyperboleKao, Wu, Bergen, Goodman, ‘Nonliteral understanding ofnumber words’

• MetaphorKao, Bergen, Goodman, ‘Formalizing the pragmatics ofmetaphor understanding’

20 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Achievements• M-implicatures

Bergen, Levy, Goodman, ‘Pragmatic reasoning throughsemantic inference’

• I-implicatures and implicature blockingPotts and Levy, ‘Negotiating lexical uncertainty and speakerexpertise with disjunction’

• Implicatures and compositionalityPotts, Lassiter, Levy, Frank, ‘Embedded implicatures aspragmatic inferences under compositional lexical uncertainty’

• HyperboleKao, Wu, Bergen, Goodman, ‘Nonliteral understanding ofnumber words’

• MetaphorKao, Bergen, Goodman, ‘Formalizing the pragmatics ofmetaphor understanding’

20 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Achievements• M-implicatures

Bergen, Levy, Goodman, ‘Pragmatic reasoning throughsemantic inference’

• I-implicatures and implicature blockingPotts and Levy, ‘Negotiating lexical uncertainty and speakerexpertise with disjunction’

• Implicatures and compositionalityPotts, Lassiter, Levy, Frank, ‘Embedded implicatures aspragmatic inferences under compositional lexical uncertainty’

• HyperboleKao, Wu, Bergen, Goodman, ‘Nonliteral understanding ofnumber words’

• MetaphorKao, Bergen, Goodman, ‘Formalizing the pragmatics ofmetaphor understanding’

20 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Limitations

• Hand-specified lexicon

• High-bias model; few chances to learn from data

• Cognitive demands limit speaker rationality

• Speaker preferences

• Scalability

21 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

1. Meaning from a communicative tension2. The Rational Speech Acts (RSA) model3. Learning in the Rational Speech Acts Model4. Neural RSA5. Language and action

Will Monroe

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

TUNA furniture example

Utterance: “blue fan small”

23 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

TUNA furniture example

Utterance: “blue fan small”

23 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

TUNA furniture example

colour:greenorientation:left

size:smalltype:fan

x-dimension:1y-dimension:1

colour:greenorientation:left

size:smalltype:sofa

x-dimension:1y-dimension:2

colour:redorientation:back

size:largetype:fan

x-dimension:1y-dimension:3

colour:redorientation:back

size:largetype:sofa

x-dimension:2y-dimension:1

colour:blueorientation:left

size:largetype:fan

x-dimension:2y-dimension:2

colour:blueorientation:left

size:largetype:sofa

x-dimension:3y-dimension:1

colour:blueorientation:left

size:smalltype:fan

x-dimension:3y-dimension:3

Utterance: “blue fan small”Utterance attributes: [colour:blue]; [size:small]; [type:fan]

24 / 56

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TUNA people example

Utterance: “The bald man with a beard”

25 / 56

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TUNA people example

Utterance: “The bald man with a beard”

25 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

TUNA people exampleage:old

hairColour:lighthasBeard:1

hasGlasses:0hasHair:0hasShirt:1hasSuit:0hasTie:0

type:person

age:younghairColour:dark

hasBeard:0hasGlasses:0

hasHair:1hasShirt:1hasSuit:0hasTie:0

type:person

age:younghairColour:dark

hasBeard:1hasGlasses:0

hasHair:1hasShirt:1hasSuit:0hasTie:1

type:person

age:younghairColour:dark

hasBeard:1hasGlasses:0

hasHair:1hasShirt:0hasSuit:1hasTie:1

type:person

age:younghairColour:dark

hasBeard:0hasGlasses:0

hasHair:1hasShirt:0hasSuit:1hasTie:1

type:person

age:younghairColour:dark

hasBeard:1hasGlasses:0

hasHair:1hasShirt:1hasSuit:0hasTie:0

type:person

age:younghairColour:dark

hasBeard:0hasGlasses:0

hasHair:1hasShirt:0hasSuit:1hasTie:1

type:person

Utterance: “The bald man with a beard”Utterance attributes: [hasBeard:1]; [hasHair:0]; [type:person]

26 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Feature representations

colour:blueorientation:left

size:smalltype:fan

x-dimension:3y-dimension:3

,[colour:blue][size:small][type:fan]

Cross-product features

colour:blue ∧ [colour:blue]colour:blue ∧ [size:small]colour:blue ∧ [type:fan]

orientation:left ∧ [colour:blue]orientation:left ∧ [size:small]

...

Generation features

colortype+ colorcolor+¬size

attribute-count = 3...

type � orientation � color � size

27 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Feature representations

colour:blueorientation:left

size:smalltype:fan

x-dimension:3y-dimension:3

,[colour:blue][size:small][type:fan]

Cross-product features

colour:blue ∧ [colour:blue]colour:blue ∧ [size:small]colour:blue ∧ [type:fan]

orientation:left ∧ [colour:blue]orientation:left ∧ [size:small]

...

Generation features

colortype+ colorcolor+¬size

attribute-count = 3...

type � orientation � color � size

27 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Feature representations

colour:blueorientation:left

size:smalltype:fan

x-dimension:3y-dimension:3

,[colour:blue][size:small][type:fan]

Cross-product features

colour:blue ∧ [colour:blue]colour:blue ∧ [size:small]colour:blue ∧ [type:fan]

orientation:left ∧ [colour:blue]orientation:left ∧ [size:small]

...

Generation features

colortype+ colorcolor+¬size

attribute-count = 3...

type � orientation � color � size

27 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Feature representations

colour:blueorientation:left

size:smalltype:fan

x-dimension:3y-dimension:3

,[colour:blue][size:small][type:fan]

Cross-product features

colour:blue ∧ [colour:blue]colour:blue ∧ [size:small]colour:blue ∧ [type:fan]

orientation:left ∧ [colour:blue]orientation:left ∧ [size:small]

...

Generation features

colortype+ colorcolor+¬size

attribute-count = 3...

type � orientation � color � size27 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Model definition

Learning through RSA

⊙ϕ θ

“beard”

“guy with the beard”

“guy with glasses”

...

S0(m|t ,θ)∝exp [θT ϕ(t ,m)]

L1(t|m ,θ)∝S0(m|t ,θ)

S1(m|t ,θ)∝L1(t|m ,θ)

28 / 56

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Optimization

Learning through RSA

“guy with the beard”

⊙ϕ θ

“beard”

“guy with the beard”

“guy with glasses”

...

∂∂θ log S1(m|t ,θ)

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Addressing the drawbacks of RSA

Goal Features

Avoid hand-built lexicon Cross-product featuresLearn quirks of production Features like colorLearn attribute hierarchies Features like color+¬sizeLearn message costs Length features and others

Cognitive and linguistic insightscombined with learning

30 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Addressing the drawbacks of RSA

Goal Features

Avoid hand-built lexicon

Cross-product featuresLearn quirks of production Features like colorLearn attribute hierarchies Features like color+¬sizeLearn message costs Length features and others

Cognitive and linguistic insightscombined with learning

30 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Addressing the drawbacks of RSA

Goal Features

Avoid hand-built lexicon Cross-product features

Learn quirks of production Features like colorLearn attribute hierarchies Features like color+¬sizeLearn message costs Length features and others

Cognitive and linguistic insightscombined with learning

30 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Addressing the drawbacks of RSA

Goal Features

Avoid hand-built lexicon Cross-product featuresLearn quirks of production

Features like colorLearn attribute hierarchies Features like color+¬sizeLearn message costs Length features and others

Cognitive and linguistic insightscombined with learning

30 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Addressing the drawbacks of RSA

Goal Features

Avoid hand-built lexicon Cross-product featuresLearn quirks of production Features like color

Learn attribute hierarchies Features like color+¬sizeLearn message costs Length features and others

Cognitive and linguistic insightscombined with learning

30 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Addressing the drawbacks of RSA

Goal Features

Avoid hand-built lexicon Cross-product featuresLearn quirks of production Features like colorLearn attribute hierarchies

Features like color+¬sizeLearn message costs Length features and others

Cognitive and linguistic insightscombined with learning

30 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Addressing the drawbacks of RSA

Goal Features

Avoid hand-built lexicon Cross-product featuresLearn quirks of production Features like colorLearn attribute hierarchies Features like color+¬size

Learn message costs Length features and others

Cognitive and linguistic insightscombined with learning

30 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Addressing the drawbacks of RSA

Goal Features

Avoid hand-built lexicon Cross-product featuresLearn quirks of production Features like colorLearn attribute hierarchies Features like color+¬sizeLearn message costs

Length features and others

Cognitive and linguistic insightscombined with learning

30 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Addressing the drawbacks of RSA

Goal Features

Avoid hand-built lexicon Cross-product featuresLearn quirks of production Features like colorLearn attribute hierarchies Features like color+¬sizeLearn message costs Length features and others

Cognitive and linguistic insightscombined with learning

30 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Addressing the drawbacks of RSA

Goal Features

Avoid hand-built lexicon Cross-product featuresLearn quirks of production Features like colorLearn attribute hierarchies Features like color+¬sizeLearn message costs Length features and others

Cognitive and linguistic insightscombined with learning

30 / 56

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Example

Train

[person][glasses]

[person][beard]

Test

31 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

.08 .25 .03 .00 .10 .11

[person]

.08 .25 .22 .10 .16 .13

[glasses]

.17 .00 .03 .00 .11 .07

[beard]

.08 .25 .03 .04 .08 .17

[person];[glasses]

.17 .00 .22 .01 .18 .08

[person];[beard]

.08 .25 .22 .74 .12 .19

[glasses];[beard]

.17 .00 .03 .00 .10 .11

[all]

.17 .00 .22 .10 .16 .11

RSA Learned S0 Learned S1

32 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

∅ .08 .25

.03 .00 .10 .11

[person] .08 .25

.22 .10 .16 .13

[glasses] .17 .00

.03 .00 .11 .07

[beard] .08 .25

.03 .04 .08 .17

[person];[glasses] .17 .00

.22 .01 .18 .08

[person];[beard] .08 .25

.22 .74 .12 .19

[glasses];[beard] .17 .00

.03 .00 .10 .11

[all] .17 .00

.22 .10 .16 .11

RSA

Learned S0 Learned S1

32 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

∅ .08 .25 .03 .00

.10 .11

[person] .08 .25 .22 .10

.16 .13

[glasses] .17 .00 .03 .00

.11 .07

[beard] .08 .25 .03 .04

.08 .17

[person];[glasses] .17 .00 .22 .01

.18 .08

[person];[beard] .08 .25 .22 .74

.12 .19

[glasses];[beard] .17 .00 .03 .00

.10 .11

[all] .17 .00 .22 .10

.16 .11

RSA Learned S0

Learned S1

32 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

∅ .08 .25 .03 .00 .10 .11[person] .08 .25 .22 .10 .16 .13[glasses] .17 .00 .03 .00 .11 .07[beard] .08 .25 .03 .04 .08 .17

[person];[glasses] .17 .00 .22 .01 .18 .08[person];[beard] .08 .25 .22 .74 .12 .19[glasses];[beard] .17 .00 .03 .00 .10 .11

[all] .17 .00 .22 .10 .16 .11RSA Learned S0 Learned S1

32 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

TUNA Results

0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0

Mean Dice

furniture

people

33 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

TUNA Results

0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0

Mean Dice

furniture

people

RSA s1 0.522

RSA s1 0.254

33 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

TUNA Results

0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0

Mean Dice

furniture

people

RSA s1 0.522

Learned S0 0.812

RSA s1 0.254

Learned S0 0.73

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

TUNA Results

0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0

Mean Dice

furniture

people

RSA s1 0.522

Learned S0 0.812

Learned S1 0.788

RSA s1 0.254

Learned S0 0.73

Learned S1 0.764

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

TUNA Results

0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0

Mean Dice

furniture

people

RSA s1 0.522

Learned S0 0.812

Learned S1 0.788

RSA s1 0.254

Learned S0 0.73

Learned S1 0.764

*

*

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Error analysis

0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350

Underproductions of attribute

[type:person]

[hasBeard:true]

(Lower is better!)

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Error analysis

0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350

Underproductions of attribute

[type:person]

[hasBeard:true]

RSA s1

RSA s1

(Lower is better!)

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Error analysis

0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350

Underproductions of attribute

[type:person]

[hasBeard:true]

RSA s1

Learned S0

RSA s1

Learned S0

(Lower is better!)

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Error analysis

0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350

Underproductions of attribute

[type:person]

[hasBeard:true]

RSA s1

Learned S0

Learned S1

RSA s1

Learned S0

Learned S1

(Lower is better!)

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Limitations

• Hand-specified lexicon

• High-bias model; few chances to learn from data

• Cognitive demands limit speaker rationality

• Speaker preferences

• Scalability

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Limitations

• Hand-specified lexicon

• High-bias model; few chances to learn from data

• Cognitive demands limit speaker rationality

• Speaker preferences

• Scalability

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

1. Meaning from a communicative tension2. The Rational Speech Acts (RSA) model3. Learning in the Rational Speech Acts Model4. Neural RSA5. Language and action

Robert Hawkins Will Monroe Noah Goodman

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Color reference

Color Utterance

xxxx violet

xxxx blue

xxxx dark green

xxxx the best color in the freakin’ world!!!

Table: Examples from the xkcd color survey

Color papers at this conference, Friday: Monroe et al.(Session 8A) and Kawakami et al. (Session P8)

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Colors in context

Context Utterance

xxxx xxxx xxxx blue

xxxx xxxx xxxx The darker blue one

xxxx xxxx xxxx dull pink not thesuper bright one

xxxx xxxx xxxx Purple

xxxx xxxx xxxx blue

Table: Example from the Colors in Context corpus from theStanford Computation & Cognition Lab

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Colors in context

Context Utterance

xxxx xxxx xxxx blue

xxxx xxxx xxxx The darker blue one

xxxx xxxx xxxx dull pink not thesuper bright one

xxxx xxxx xxxx Purple

xxxx xxxx xxxx blue

Table: Example from the Colors in Context corpus from theStanford Computation & Cognition Lab

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Colors in context

Context Utterance

xxxx xxxx xxxx blue

xxxx xxxx xxxx The darker blue one

xxxx xxxx xxxx dull pink not thesuper bright one

xxxx xxxx xxxx Purple

xxxx xxxx xxxx blue

Table: Example from the Colors in Context corpus from theStanford Computation & Cognition Lab

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Colors in context

Context Utterance

xxxx xxxx xxxx blue

xxxx xxxx xxxx The darker blue one

xxxx xxxx xxxx dull pink not thesuper bright one

xxxx xxxx xxxx Purple

xxxx xxxx xxxx blue

Table: Example from the Colors in Context corpus from theStanford Computation & Cognition Lab

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Colors in context

Context Utterance

xxxx xxxx xxxx blue

xxxx xxxx xxxx The darker blue one

xxxx xxxx xxxx dull pink not thesuper bright one

xxxx xxxx xxxx Purple

xxxx xxxx xxxx blue

Table: Example from the Colors in Context corpus from theStanford Computation & Cognition Lab

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Colors in context

Context Utterance

xxxx xxxx xxxx blue

xxxx xxxx xxxx The darker blue one

xxxx xxxx xxxx dull pink not thesuper bright one

xxxx xxxx xxxx Purple

xxxx xxxx xxxx blue

Table: Example from the Colors in Context corpus from theStanford Computation & Cognition Lab

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Literal neural speaker S0

c1 c2 cT

h h; ⟨s⟩ h; x1 h; x2

x1 x2 ⟨/s⟩

LSTM

Fully connected

softmax

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Neural literal listener L0

x1 x2 x3

(μ,Σ) c1 c2 c3

• • •

c3

Embedding

LSTM

Softmax

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Neural pragmatic agents

Neural pragmatic speaker (Andreas & Klein, here!)

S1(msg | c,C;θ) =L0(c |msg,C;θ)∑

msg′∈X L0(c |msg′,C;θ)

where X is a sample from S0(msg | c,C;θ) such thatmsg∗ ∈ X.

Neural pragmatic listener

L1(c |msg,C;θ) ∝ S1(msg | c,C;θ)

Blended neural pragmatic listenerWeighted combination of L0 and L1.

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Neural pragmatic agents

Neural pragmatic speaker (Andreas & Klein, here!)

S1(msg | c,C;θ) =L0(c |msg,C;θ)∑

msg′∈X L0(c |msg′,C;θ)

where X is a sample from S0(msg | c,C;θ) such thatmsg∗ ∈ X.

Neural pragmatic listener

L1(c |msg,C;θ) ∝ S1(msg | c,C;θ)

Blended neural pragmatic listenerWeighted combination of L0 and L1.

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Neural pragmatic agents

Neural pragmatic speaker (Andreas & Klein, here!)

S1(msg | c,C;θ) =L0(c |msg,C;θ)∑

msg′∈X L0(c |msg′,C;θ)

where X is a sample from S0(msg | c,C;θ) such thatmsg∗ ∈ X.

Neural pragmatic listener

L1(c |msg,C;θ) ∝ S1(msg | c,C;θ)

Blended neural pragmatic listenerWeighted combination of L0 and L1.

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Neural pragmatic agents

Neural pragmatic speaker (Andreas & Klein, here!)

S1(msg | c,C;θ) =L0(c |msg,C;θ)∑

msg′∈X L0(c |msg′,C;θ)

where X is a sample from S0(msg | c,C;θ) such thatmsg∗ ∈ X.

Neural pragmatic listener

L1(c |msg,C;θ) ∝ S1(msg | c,C;θ)

Blended neural pragmatic listenerWeighted combination of L0 and L1.

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Neural pragmatic agents

Neural pragmatic speaker (Andreas & Klein, here!)

S1(msg | c,C;θ) =L0(c |msg,C;θ)∑

msg′∈X L0(c |msg′,C;θ)

where X is a sample from S0(msg | c,C;θ) such thatmsg∗ ∈ X.

Neural pragmatic listener

L1(c |msg,C;θ) ∝ S1(msg | c,C;θ)

Blended neural pragmatic listenerWeighted combination of L0 and L1.

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Language and action

1. Meaning from a communicative tension2. The Rational Speech Acts (RSA) model3. Learning in the Rational Speech Acts Model4. Neural RSA5. Language and action

Adam Vogel Dan Jurafsky

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

The Cards task

You are on 2DYellow boxes mark cards in your line of sight.

Task description: Six consecutive cards of

the same suit

TYPE HERE

The cards you are holding Move with the arrow keys or these buttons.

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The Cards task

Gather six consecutive cards of the same suit (decidewhich suit together) or determine that this isimpossible. Each of you can hold only three cards at atime, so you’ll have to coordinate your efforts. You cantalk all you want, but you can make only a limitednumber of moves.

What’s going on?⇓

Which suit should we pursue?⇓

Which sequence should we pursue?⇓

Where is card X?

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

The Cards task

Gather six consecutive cards of the same suit (decidewhich suit together) or determine that this isimpossible. Each of you can hold only three cards at atime, so you’ll have to coordinate your efforts. You cantalk all you want, but you can make only a limitednumber of moves.

What’s going on?⇓

Which suit should we pursue?⇓

Which sequence should we pursue?⇓

Where is card X?

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Task-oriented dialogue corpora

Corpus Task type Domain Task-orient. Docs. Format

Switchboard discussion open very loose 2,400 aud/txtSCARE search 3d world tight 15 aud/vid/txtTRAINS routes map tight 120 aud/txtMap Task routes map tight 128 aud/vid/txtColumbia Games games maps tight 12 aud/txtSettlers strategy board tight 40 txtCards search 2d grid tight 1,266 txt

Chief selling points for Cards:• Pretty large• Controlled enough that similar things happen often• Very highly structured

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Simplified cards scenario

Both agents must find the ace of spades.

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

ListenerBot

• A POMDP agent that learns to navigate its worldand interpret language.

• Driven by its small negative reward for not havingthe card and its large positive reward for finding it.

• No sensitivity to the other player.

• Literal listeners: each message msg denotesP(w |msg) estimated from the Cards corpus.

• Bayes rule to incorporate these as observations.

“it’s on the left side”

⇒ board(left) ⇒

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

ListenerBot

• A POMDP agent that learns to navigate its worldand interpret language.

• Driven by its small negative reward for not havingthe card and its large positive reward for finding it.

• No sensitivity to the other player.

• Literal listeners: each message msg denotesP(w |msg) estimated from the Cards corpus.

• Bayes rule to incorporate these as observations.

“it’s on the left side”

⇒ board(left) ⇒

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

ListenerBot

“it’s on the left side”

⇒ board(left) ⇒

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

ListenerBot

“it’s on the left side”

⇒ board(left) ⇒

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

ListenerBot

“it’s on the left side”

⇒ board(left) ⇒

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

ListenerBot

“it’s on the left side”

⇒ board(left) ⇒

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

ListenerBot

“it’s on the left side”

⇒ board(left) ⇒

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

DialogBot

A strict extension of Listener Bot:

• The set of states is now all combinations ofÉ both players’ positionsÉ the card’s regionÉ the region the other player believes the card to

be in• The set of actions now includes dialogue actions.• Same basic reward structure as for Listenerbot,

except now also sensitive to whether the otherplayer has found the card.

• Speech actions are modeled in terms of how theyaffect the agent’s estimation of the belief state ofthe other agent.

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

DialogBot

A strict extension of Listener Bot:

• The set of states is now all combinations ofÉ both players’ positionsÉ the card’s regionÉ the region the other player believes the card to

be in• The set of actions now includes dialogue actions.• Same basic reward structure as for Listenerbot,

except now also sensitive to whether the otherplayer has found the card.

• Speech actions are modeled in terms of how theyaffect the agent’s estimation of the belief state ofthe other agent.

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Relationship to RSA

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Pursuing the ideal of Gricean pragmatics• The cooperative principle: Make your

contribution as is required, when it is required, bythe conversation in which you are engaged.

• Quality: Contribute only what you know to be true.Do not say false things. Do not say things for whichyou lack evidence.

• Quantity: Make your contribution as informative asis required. Do not say more than is required.

• Relation (Relevance): Make your contributionrelevant.

• Manner: (i) Avoid obscurity; (ii) avoid ambiguity;(iii) be brief; (iv) be orderly.

• Politeness: Be polite, so be tactful, respectful,generous, praising, modest, deferential, andsympathetic. (Leech)

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Pursuing the ideal of Gricean pragmatics• The cooperative principle: Make your

contribution as is required, when it is required, bythe conversation in which you are engaged.

• Quality: Contribute only what you know to be true.Do not say false things. Do not say things for whichyou lack evidence.

• Quantity: Make your contribution as informative asis required. Do not say more than is required.

• Relation (Relevance): Make your contributionrelevant.

• Manner: (i) Avoid obscurity; (ii) avoid ambiguity;(iii) be brief; (iv) be orderly.

• Politeness: Be polite, so be tactful, respectful,generous, praising, modest, deferential, andsympathetic. (Leech)

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Emergent pragmatics

Quality

• Very roughly, “Be truthful”.• For DialogBot, this emerges from the decision

problem: false information is (typically) more costly.• DialogBot would lie if he thought it would move

them toward the objective.

Quantity and Relevance

• Favor informative, timely contributions.• When DialogBot finds the card, it communicates its

location, not because it is hard-coded to do so, butrather because it will help the other agent.

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Emergent pragmatics

Quality

• Very roughly, “Be truthful”.• For DialogBot, this emerges from the decision

problem: false information is (typically) more costly.• DialogBot would lie if he thought it would move

them toward the objective.

Quantity and Relevance

• Favor informative, timely contributions.• When DialogBot finds the card, it communicates its

location, not because it is hard-coded to do so, butrather because it will help the other agent.

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Emergent pragmatics

Quality

• Very roughly, “Be truthful”.• For DialogBot, this emerges from the decision

problem: false information is (typically) more costly.• DialogBot would lie if he thought it would move

them toward the objective.

Quantity and Relevance

• Favor informative, timely contributions.• When DialogBot finds the card, it communicates its

location, not because it is hard-coded to do so, butrather because it will help the other agent.

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Grown-up DialogBots

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Baby DialogBots

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Experimental results

Agents % Success Average Moves

ListenerBot & ListenerBot 84.4% 19.8ListenerBot & DialogBot 87.2% 17.5DialogBot & DialogBot 90.6% 16.6

Table: The evaluation for each combination of agents. 500random initial states per agent combination.

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Scalar implicature

top right top left bottom right bottom left

top right left bottom middle,,,,,,

\\\\\

������

SSSSS

!!!!

!!!!

!!!!

SSSSS

""""""""

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Scalar implicaturetop left top top right

left middle right

bottom left bottom bottom right

Figure: Human literal interpretations54 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Scalar implicaturetop left top top right

left middle right

bottom left bottom bottom right

Figure: Human pragmatic interpretations54 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Scalar implicaturetop left top top right

left middle right

bottom left bottom bottom right

Figure: DialogBot interpretations54 / 56

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Limitations

States

Card location 231×

Agent location 231×

Partner location 231×

Partner’s card beliefs 231Total ≈3 billion

• Exact solutions are out of the question.• State-of-the-art approximate POMDP solutions can

solve problems with around 20K states.

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Conclusion and prospects

1. The RSA insight L(S(L)) is a powerful tool forachieving pragmatic language understanding.

2. RSA can be instantiated as a learned classifier.3. The intractability of these models traces to the

inherent intractability of pragmatic reasoning.4. Computational and cognitive considerations should

lead us to effective approximations.

Thanks!

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A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Conclusion and prospects

1. The RSA insight L(S(L)) is a powerful tool forachieving pragmatic language understanding.

2. RSA can be instantiated as a learned classifier.3. The intractability of these models traces to the

inherent intractability of pragmatic reasoning.4. Computational and cognitive considerations should

lead us to effective approximations.

Thanks!

56 / 56

Page 159: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Conclusion and prospects

1. The RSA insight L(S(L)) is a powerful tool forachieving pragmatic language understanding.

2. RSA can be instantiated as a learned classifier.

3. The intractability of these models traces to theinherent intractability of pragmatic reasoning.

4. Computational and cognitive considerations shouldlead us to effective approximations.

Thanks!

56 / 56

Page 160: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Conclusion and prospects

1. The RSA insight L(S(L)) is a powerful tool forachieving pragmatic language understanding.

2. RSA can be instantiated as a learned classifier.3. The intractability of these models traces to the

inherent intractability of pragmatic reasoning.

4. Computational and cognitive considerations shouldlead us to effective approximations.

Thanks!

56 / 56

Page 161: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Conclusion and prospects

1. The RSA insight L(S(L)) is a powerful tool forachieving pragmatic language understanding.

2. RSA can be instantiated as a learned classifier.3. The intractability of these models traces to the

inherent intractability of pragmatic reasoning.4. Computational and cognitive considerations should

lead us to effective approximations.

Thanks!

56 / 56

Page 162: Learning in extended and approximate Rational Speech Acts ...cgpotts/talks/potts-emnlp2016-slides.pdf · • The cooperative principle: Make your contribution as is required, when

A Gricean ideal Implicatures RSA Learned RSA Neural RSA Language and action Prospects

Conclusion and prospects

1. The RSA insight L(S(L)) is a powerful tool forachieving pragmatic language understanding.

2. RSA can be instantiated as a learned classifier.3. The intractability of these models traces to the

inherent intractability of pragmatic reasoning.4. Computational and cognitive considerations should

lead us to effective approximations.

Thanks!

56 / 56