LEFT TRIBUNELEFT TRIBUNE

LABOUR’SLABOUR’SROLE IN 1916ROLE IN 1916

www.LabourYouth.ie

Joanne ReinstatedOn February 25th, JoanneDelaney received a letter fromDunnes Stores management,advising her that her situationhad been reviewed, and shewas being offered her jobback. This letter came aboutas a direct result of a concert-ed effort by the left in Ireland,and provides us with proof (ifany were required), that directaction remains a viable tool fordelivering radical change.

Back on February 2nd, Labour Youthstaged the first protest in support ofJoanne, outside the George’s Streetbranch of Dunnes in Dublin. Followingon from that action, we proceeded toorganise further protests outsidebranches in Ashleaf, North Earl Street,Grafton Street, Cork and Maynooth.Furthermore, with Dermot Looney asour representative to the JoanneDelaney Support Group, we joinedforces with members of other leftgroups, Community and Workers ActionGroup, MANDATE and independentmembers of the left, to protest outsidethe Ashleaf branch on a weekly basis,garnering huge local support for Joanneand her campaign. This campaign hasshown that, when inequality is appar-ent, the left can readily move to worktogether on a rights based agenda. Ontop of the afore-mentioned protestsOrganise! held several protests inBelfast.

It remains a damning indictment ofDunnes’ management behaviour, that ittook this level of national action, beforethey gave in and returned Joanne to herposition. They have yet to compensateher for the three month period whichshe spent unemployed and fighting forher right to organise in the workplace.One victory which Joanne holds dear, isthat she now has permission to wearher union badge at all times in the work-place. However, Dunnes continue to

punish her, reducing her weekly hoursto just 15 – enough for her to earn justover the amount she was receiving onunemployment benefit. Her unfair dis-missals case continues at the time ofwriting, and Joanne has vowed to con-tinue with that action until such time asshe is recompensed for her three monthperiod of unemployment, and returnedto the roster on a full-time basis.

In the March edition of GCN, columnistStephen Meyler writes: “Public protestshave had their day and it’s about time,because they are ineffective at produc-ing political change.” He goes furtherwith: “Despite the visceral appeal of adirect action, in the end everyone goeshome and the system continues on itsmerry way.” That may be the opinion ofa magazine columnist (incidentally, onewho was appointed to fill a gap left byIvana Bacik), but to my mind, it couldn’tbe further from the truth.

On 3rd October of last year, members ofLabour LGBT and Labour Youth took tothe streets alongside members of USS,USI, BelongTo and Johnny, as well asmembers of the gay community, toprotest against hate crimes committedagainst members of the community,

including Ciarán McKenna. Almost as adirect result of this single protest, thepolice force immediately sought to con-sult the community on how the situationcould be rectified. To do so, specially-trained liaison officers, are to makethemselves more accessible to thecommunity, and thereby better able toadapt to LGBTQ-specific needs. Laterin 2005, the number of people who tookto the streets in support of Irish Ferriesworkers demonstrated once again thepower of direct action, as Irish Ferriesmanagement backed down, and cameto an agreement with the unions.

For as long as the left has been utilisingdirect action as a means of seekingincreased rights, members of the righthave been dismissing it as an unneces-sary, ineffective tool. Through ouraction in support of Joanne, we haveonce again proven that to be a fallacy.For as long as successful results can beachieved through direct action, the left,and Labour Youth in particular, will con-tinue to use this viable form of action toits highest degree. Once again, I’d liketo extend my thanks to all the membersand supporters who made this anothersuccessful Labour Youth campaign.

Neil Ward wrties about the campaign which led to Joanne Delaney being reinstated as a Dunnes Stores employee

Cllr. Eric Byrne and Pat Rabbitte T.D. protesting with

Joanne outside the Dunnes Stores where she was sacked

The rebellion of 1916 has toooften been associated with thepolitics of nationalist parties.However this is far removed fromreality, as it was the alliance ofPearse’s nationalism coupledwith Connolly’s idea of a socialistrevolution that formed the looseband of insurgents that weredoomed from the outset.

James Larkin’s Irish Transport andGeneral Workers Union was estab-lished in January 1909. In many ways itheralded a new beginning in Irish indus-trial relations. The subsequent 1913

strike saw Larkin, aided by a youngJames Connolly, take on the employersled by William Martin Murphy. This wasthe century when elaborate edifices hidthe poverty and filth that permeatedDublin.

James Connolly had tried to establish asocialist movement in 1903.His IrishRepublican Socialist Party had beendescribed as having “more syllables thanmembers.” His writings often made refer-ence to the sense of community in CelticIreland and the equality for all citizens thatwas fundamental to Wolfe Tone’s 1798rebellion.

The Irish Citizen Army was formed that year.It was a worker’s defence force, and mem-bers drilled with hurley sticks. Described asthe world’s first Red Guard, Connolly saidthat “Now, with arms in their hands they pro-pose to steer their own course, to carve theirown future.”

With the outbreak of the World War inEurope, Ireland’s yearning for Home Rulewas put on the backburner of Westminster’spolitics. Connolly advocated insurrectionaryactivity and was critical of the procrastinat-ing Volunteer leadership, describing them as“would-be Wolfe Tones who were legallyseditious and peacefully revolutionary.” Hisassertion that Pearse was a “blithering idiot”related to Pearse’s glorification of battle. TheScots-born socialist began to study guerrillatactics and street warfare. He was all tooaware that any insurgency would stand littlechance against the might of the British Army.

The I.R.B. made Connolly a member on the22nd January, and elected him to its militarycouncil. The rising plans were precise, andrelied on the entire volunteer movement tak-ing part. Dublin rebels were to seize keylocations in the city while those in theprovinces were to seize garrisons. Orderswere sent to the volunteers to take part in“three days of manoeuvres” over the EasterWeek period. This message was then con-tradicted in a newspaper which led to confu-sion as to the exact status of the militaryarrangement.

The Irish proclamation was read out onEaster Monday 1916.It was met with muchderision from the onlookers, there was asense that these men had lost their minds. It

was only when the Royal Dublin Fusilierscharged the rebels that people began to payattention. The day before Connolly had toldthe Citizen Army that they had very littlechance of a victory stating that “the oddsagainst us are a thousand to one.” As thefighting raged throughout the week a youngMichael Collins confiscated alcohol from themen inside the G.P.O. He declared that“they said we were drunk in 78.There’s noway they’ll say that now.”

The actual fighting lasted almost a week.140 members of the British army were killedand 64 rebel volunteers lost their lives. Atotal of 1480 people were interned after theRising. Prisoners being sent to internmentcamps in Wales were jeered and spat uponby angry Dubliners. It was only when theseven signatories were shot by the Britisharmy that public opinion began to change.

Lenin would later defend Connolly’s alliancewith the bourgeois elements; he felt thatCommunists would have to unite with otherdisaffected members of society to overthrowthe ruling order. Towards the end of theirpolitical relationship Pearse had also begunto accept the socialist policies of Connolly.

The founder of the Labour Party’s influenceon the wording of the Proclamation is obvi-ous; seen in the ideas of equal rights for allits citizens and equality when calling uponIrish women as well as men. It is an indica-tor of the man that Connolly was, that 90years after his death his writings and view-point still have an influence on Irish politics

today.

Labour’s Role in 1916Conor Tannam writes about the central role of the

Labour movement in the 1916 Rising

James Connelly

Labour Party Founder

Iran’s Nuclear QuestionEoin Pattison examines the unsettling issue of

Iran joining the nuclear weapons clubWhere does the world stand inthe nuclear stand-off betweenIran and the West? It seemsthat reason and peace areonce again consigned to theroles of dumbstruckbystanders.

As the US pushes the UN SecurityCouncil into military confrontationmode, right-minded people are over-come with a sick sense of déjà vu. Iranmeanwhile, no stranger to belligerentoutbursts, chooses to evoke 9-11 byretorting that the US ‘is susceptible toharm and pain.’ So how did we get tothis position once again? And why is theage-old political art of diplomacy failingus so dramatically yet again?

We could situate the beginning of thecrisis process in 2003, when theInternational Atomic Energy Agency‘outed’ Iran’s secretive nuclear program.The IAEA announced in 2003 that Iranhad hidden a uranium enrichment pro-gram for the past 18 years. In lay terms,enriched uranium is the higher-gradematerial extracted from the original oreand provides fuel for a nuclear powerstation. Iran has consistently declaredthat it is only enriching its uranium for itselectricity needs, but somehow thathasn’t convinced many observers. Thefact that Iran has such huge oil and gasreserves leads us to believe mere elec-tricity is not the goal of their nuclear pro-gram. However, under the terms of theNuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT),a country has the right to enrich its ownfuel for civil nuclear power, under IAEAinspection. Here is the crux of the issue:Iran concealed its program from IAEAinspection in the past, and so is seen tohave lost its right to enrich its own fuel.

This is certainly the way the Westernpowers view the situation but the issueof trust is two-faced, and Iran can legiti-mately claim to have ‘trust issues’ withthe Western powers. The US, for

instance, has recently asserted that itwill develop India’s nuclear technolo-gies, despite the fact that India is noteven a signatory of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Israel andPakistan are two further examples ofstates which have developed nuclearweaponry outside the confines of anyinternational treaty.

A double standard seems to be built intothe very fabric of the NPT. It is this dou-ble-standard that undermines anyappeal to ethical considerations by theWestern states.

Instead, the argument advanced by theUS et al centres on the notion that Iran,home of the ‘Mad Mullah’ hell-bent onthe destruction of Israel, simply is notresponsible enough to have nuclearweaponry. A further argument is that theinherent instability of the Middle Eastimmediately rules Iran’s plans out.However, we need only look at the caseof India and Pakistan – two states keento test out their nuclear arsenals oneach other – to realise that responsibili-ty is not really the acid test of a nuclearpower.

A note of caution should also be sound-ed lest we make the mistake of over-stating Iran’s nuclear program. TheIAEA, while it has criticised Iran’s ‘lackof transparency’ has also stated that ithas not discovered "any diversion ofnuclear material to nuclear weapons orother nuclear explosive devices.”Furthermore, most experts state thatregardless of its motives, Iran is stillseveral years away from making its ownnuclear weaponry.

Still, none of this analysis is intended todeny that Iran is seeking its own nuclearweaponry capacity. The question is: cananything be done to stop it? So far,attempts by both the EU and Russia toengineer a diplomatic solution havefailed. The Russians thought they hadhit on a solution when they offered tocarry out the uranium enrichment for theIranians. However, the Iranians decidedto have their cake and eat it – acceptingin principle the Russian offer but alsoprotecting their own right to enrich. Allthis leaves us with the terrifying vista ofanother All-American solution in itsplayground, the Middle East.

The current state of play is prettyvolatile but isn’t that always the case ina nuclear world? The signs are that it isonly getting more volatile – the Non-Proliferation Treaty is almost an objectof derision. It has certainly become tobe seen not as a neutral code, but asthe weapon underpinning the nuclearweaponry of the nuclear powers. ArticleVI of the NPT commits all nuclear pow-ers (even the ‘good ones’) to bringabout the cessation of the nuclear armsrace, and indeed to total nuclear disar-mament. That is the pertinent point thatshould not be forgotten, either now orwhen the next belligerent or friendlynation decides to go nuclear.

George Bush and the Indian Prime

Minister after signing thier nuclear

agreement

Not many articles will tell you tostop reading them but that'sexactly what I'm going to do now.So, stop reading for a secondand consider what you're wear-ing. If you can, take off one ofyour shoes (I know this is strangebut follow me for a second), andhave a look for the label inside.On the label it should say whereit was made. Guess what, mostof you just found out somethingnew about your shoes. Shoesyou've probably had for quite awhile now.

Now think about your wardrobe athome. How much do you really knowabout the rest of your clothes? Sure,you bought them in a shop, and paid afair bit of money for them I bet, but howmuch do you really know about them?Do you know where they came from orhow they were made? Most peopledon't and that's the main reason thatsweatshops still exist today. Nobodywith half a mind or half a heart wantstheir clothes to be made in slave-like

conditions. Few if any are willing tostand up and defend sweatshops as agood idea, because we all know thatthis is not the way things should bedone. But yet it is the way things aredone.

Sweatshops continue tothrive, but why?There are two major problems in tack-ling sweatshops - ignorance and lack ofchoice. Many people just don't thinkabout where their clothes come from(think back to what you just found outabout your shoes) and often ethicalgoods are just not available to people.Now these problems are not as big asthey appear to be. There is a tool at ourdisposal that eliminates both of themstraight away. A way that isn't that diffi-cult at all – in fact, you could say it's NoSweat.

No Sweat is a clothing company with adifference. It's just one of many groupsthat have been set up to offer choice tothose who don't want to exploit others.No Sweat can account for every articleof clothing, produced at every stagewith fair practices and fair wages, rightback to the cotton growing in the field.

Founded by trade union activists, NoSweat describes itself as an ‘opensource company,’ a company that does-n't hide its production but rather is proudof its working conditions. It's these con-ditions that are the real value of ethicalconsumerism.

Ethical Consumerism has been growingover the last few years and is becominga revolution in its own right. Whole citiesare falling under the spell of people whowant trade to be mutually beneficial andnot based upon the plundering arrange-ments of the past. With large corpora-tions influencing so much of the worldwe live in, many have realised that theymust use every tool available to makesure the world becomes a fairer place.By watching what they wear and whatthey eat, they are sending a message tothe sweatshop owners that they will notstand idly by. Multinationals like to keeptheir practices secret so they can main-tain 'consumer confidence.' There'sample grounds to have confidence inthe consumer and believe that they willmake the right choice when they aregiven the opportunity.

Slaves to FashionDonal O’Liathain writes about sweatshops in the

clothing industry and the movement to combat them

Sweatshops like these are still far too common place

SHOULD THERE BE RESTRICTIONS ON THE FREEDOM OF THE PRESS?YES SAYS Jose Jaman

What good is a free press if it’snot fair and balanced? The car-toons depicting the prophetMohammad as a terrorist are con-sidered by some to be exercisingthe right of free speech. In otherwords, it’s making a statement forthe sake of making a statement.The reality however is that it’s anexample of the abuse of freespeech.

The media’s role in society is thesearch for the truth. It exists toinform, to give opinion and toanalyse. Naturally not everyonewill agree with everything written,but as long as the truthforms the base of anargument then it is wor-thy of publication orbroadcast. However,should the truth get sub-stituted for lies then ithas no business in themedia.

If it is legitimate tospread these lies aboutMuslims then why notreopen the debate onwhether the Holocaustactually happened?Well, it’s not allowed. In manyEuropean countries anti-Semiticliterature and Holocaust denialsor broadcasts are outlawed.Why? Well, because theHolocaust happened and anti-Semitism is racist. So why was itokay to print a cartoon thatgrossly misrepresents Muslims?These cartoons were offensive,ignorant and had nothing enlight-ening to add to the debate aboutIslamic terrorists. If anything,these cartoons seem to highlightthe double standards that exist inthe media which doesn’t do any

justice to the term ‘free speech.’

Surely our society has learned the les-sons of the deadly potential that theNazis’ propaganda machine fulfilled.Which begs the question; where do youdraw the line when it comes to censor-ship? It’s simple, you must not print alie and certainly you cannot print some-thing racist. Obviously democracydemands active and fearless debate,but in order to correctly facilitate suchdebates we must cast away the cloud ofignorance. It is a poor reflection on oursociety if we allow such offensive car-toons to be printed especially in thename of free speech. Must we lowerourselves to defend the people whoincite such hatred?

The lesson that I hope Western societyrelearns from all this is tolerance. It’s alesson which Europe learned the hardway over the 20th Century. Indeed it’s alesson that the West is trying to educatethe nations of the Middle East in.However it is hard to promote toleranceif the West does not practice what itclaims to preach.

The reason why there was such a pub-lic outcry in the Muslim world is becauseof the close relationship that Muslimshave with God. Christians and Jewshave an evolving and ever changingrelationship with God. Muslims’ rela-tionship with God is absolute and is notopen to any other interpretation other

than what is written in the Koran. So toeven make the slightest insult is consid-ered to be blasphemous.

It’s true that in Iran there are disgracefulanti-Semitic cartoons being publishedbut two wrongs do not make a right.Also, it’s worth noting that many ofthese Islamic governments make nosecrecy of their hatred of Jews. Yet theWestern world says it toleratesMuslims, but at the same time raciallyabuses them.

These cartoons aren’t just a ‘Life ofBrian’ type satire. They basically sticktwo fingers up at Muslims. The riotsand protests that followed were

appalling but what elsecan you expect aftermocking a people whohave such an absoluterelationship with God. Incertain Islamic republicsthere is little understand-ing of a free press anddemocracy. So thisbrings me back to ask-ing, why print these car-toons in the first place?Was this newspaper try-ing to make a point?Where did they see thisending?

It’s the ignorance of theeditors of that Danish

newspaper which blinded them to thereaction that these cartoons wouldreceive in the Muslim world.

A pure democratic society needs a freeand equally fair media. A free and fairmedia will always ask questions of itselfwhich is what a democracy is supposedto do. Tolerance is essential in a freesociety because without it our democra-cy is subject to abuse. Free speech isthe oxygen of democracy but it canequally be its cancer unless the mediaacts responsibly.

Muslims protesting

S ON THE FREEDOM OF THE PRESS?NO SAYS Daithi MacSithigh

Sometimes, debates about funda-mental rights and freedoms -which can seem quite abstractand philosophical, more suited toan academic seminar than theups and downs of political cam-paigning - enter into the popularconsciousness through unpleas-ant or unfortunate circum-stances. The recent debate thatwe've seen about the right to free-dom of expression and freedomof the press, triggered by the infa-mous Danish cartoons, hasinvolved some people and politi-cal views that we in the LabourParty and movement aren't com-fortable with. However, I arguehere that our belief in theimportance of a free pressand of freedom of expres-sion more generally shouldcontinue, not because ofsome idiots with a differentagenda to ours, but despitethem.

Virtually every European countryhas signed up to the EuropeanConvention on Human Rights,which offers protection to variousfundamental rights, including theright to life, to be free of torture,to a fair trial, and in article 10, tofreedom of expression. Theseare real rights that affect realpeople, and have influence notjust in Europe but globally, suchas the absolute ban on the death penal-ty that is now contained within theConvention, which influences extradi-tion and other issues. However, formost rights guaranteed under theConvention, a balance must be struckbetween this important protection andother possibly conflicting rights (such asthe reputation of others), which are setout in article 10(2).

It's true to say that the fight for freeexpression isn't just about the decorumof courts and judges, but what's disap-pointing is that the attention given toone situation in Denmark vastly out-

weighs so many other interesting andrelevant controversies about the role ofthe media in a democratic society.

Take for example the violence againstjournalists in the Ukraine, which wascondemned by the Council of Europeon numerous occasions. The ability ofpoliticians there to use the libel laws toinhibit free debate (something withwhich Irish observers are most familiar!)was also found to breach the basicstandards of the Convention. Put sim-ply, the European Court of HumanRights, and most bodies concerned withhuman rights, accepts that the mediadeserve a special position within theframework of fundamental rights, andtherefore any attempt to restrict thisfreedom is subject to the strictest of

scrutiny. Advertising and commercialspeech, on the other hand, is capable offurther restrictions, without violating arti-cle 10. And long may that last.

Pragmatically, too, it's in the interest ofsocialists and social democrats to advo-cate for the freedom to harass, to criti-cise, to provoke, to agitate, and to beable to hold the powerful and thewealthy to account, without fear ofoppressive civil or criminal sanctionsbeing used to shut down dissent. And ifI'm starting to sound a little over the tophere, perhaps it's because of some ofthe relativist nonsense that's come outof the pens of commentators and the

mouths of TV talking heads in the lastfew weeks (although, of course, Idefend their right to be so foolish, andhope that they will see the light soon).

The very idea that speech should onlybe free when it conforms to a socialexpectation of what is 'fair' or 'responsi-ble' strikes at the heart of activism andpolitical campaigning. The idea thatbecause one group of citizens finds aparticular drawing offensive to their(honestly held) beliefs, others shouldsuppress their own (non-harmful andalso honestly held and expressed)views is a manifesto for oppression andorthodoxy. Rather than try and controlthe content of the communicationsmedia, we should focus our efforts onissues like the concentration of owner-

ship in a number of powerfulcompanies and individuals, theimportance of ensuring accessto the broadcast spectrum for awide range of voices and cul-tures, protecting and promotingpublic service broadcasting, andabove all, speaking up the free-dom to discuss and to be contro-versial.

Where laws allow the suppres-sion or limitation of media andexpressive freedoms, powerfulcorporations and their battalionsof lawyers are in like a shot.Restrictive copyright lawsempower multinationals like inthe case of McLibel whereMcDonalds took two environ-

mental activists to court. Our movementis mature enough to agree with the UKMuslim Council head Sir Iqbal Sacranieover issues like Iraq and repressivepolice tactics against Muslims, whileutterly and unreservedly condemninghis thirst for Salman Rushdie’s head ona plate for the crime of free expression.When it comes to the current controver-sy, we should hold our heads high andsupport a free press, recognising thatthis principle is worth defending, andthat it is not about cartoons or prophets,but something more powerful than that.Liberty.

Free Speech Activists

was that those who have been silentwould remain silent. And as long asthese riots are in hindsight dismissed asmere ‘thuggery’, the silence remains.The participation of the previously silenturban poor in these riots is symptomaticof a systemic and continual disaffectionand disenfranchisement which must beacknowledged and addressed.

Key figures, the government and themedia have repeatedly failed to high-light the social origins of this counterprotest. Minister for Justice MichaelMcDowell referred to its cause as‘naked sectarianism’, while Irish Timescolumnist Kevin Myers referred to oursas a ‘deeply sectarian society.’ Whilethere is no excuse for such extreme vio-lence, the causes must be examined ina broader social context. These riots arethe most recent in a wave of urban civilviolence to occur in Europe of late.

The Parisian riots in 2005 highlightedanother case of urban poor rivallingauthority in a desperate attempt tobreak their silence. In the month ofNovember 2005, firebombs, torchingand other violent evidence of civil unresttook place in Germany, Greece,Denmark, Belgium, the Netherlands,Spain and Switzerland. In March riotstook place in Spain at protests at laws toban young people drinking in publicsquares while French youth riotedagainst planned laws to make it easierto sack young people. The origins ofthese incidences can as a whole beseen in light of the urban poor’s struggleagainst increased isolation in our capi-talist environment. Anti-police feelingand a distinct rejection of authority hadmanifested itself in a violence that couldnot be ignored.

On the day in question, the streets ofDublin witnessed an alternative protestto that expected. The protest thatoccurred was no less political than thelatter. However, its roots must not beseen in the light of sheer hooliganism orsectarianism. The events were rathersymptomatic of a social divide moredeeply felt on its less privileged side.

key approach to policing was taken forthe event. The Taoiseach, Bertie Ahernalso said that Gardaí could initially havebeen fitted with riot gear but ‘if they didthat, they’d be accused of over-react-ing.’ The latter statement is clearly inreference to Mayday 2004, when that isexactly what happened.

The clear message from the underesti-mation of policing requirements in thiscase is that when a political stance is inquestion, and it is guessed that therewill be those prepared to fight for thatstance, they will be quelled, but whenthere is no expectation of disturbance,the government will not prepare.However, the point has largely beenmissed. The government’s assumption

On Saturday 25th February,republicans gathered at ParnellSquare at approximately 11am.Some republicans laid a wreathat the monument marking theDublin and Monaghan bombingsin Talbot Street. At noon, roughly350 members of FAIR gatheredat the square, preparing tomarch. However, from noononwards counter demonstrators,largely made up of the urbanpoor from surrounding areas,slowly joined the republicans andbegan to verbally abuse andthrow missiles at the Gardaí inattempts to disrupt the parade asit prepared to move. The GardaPublic Order Unit was subse-quently deployed in efforts todeal with the disturbance, butcame under attack by the sameprotestors. As Gardaí wereinjured and brought to hospital,the Chief Superintendent ofPolice decided to move themarch to Kildare Street. TheLoyalist protestors complied.Petrol bombs were thrown duringthe disturbances and looting alsooccurred. 300 protestorsattempted to make their way tothe Dáil, resulting in furtherclashes with police.

The above is merely a summary of aday rife with turmoil, a day that resultedin many conflicting opinions as to thereasons for the events that took place.Opposition claims were made to thegovernment, stating that the riots werea direct result of incompetence onbehalf of the Gardaí. A briefing from theGarda Commissioner to Minister forJustice Michael McDowell outlined thefact that intelligence reports fromSpecial Branch did not indicate causefor great concern. Subsequently, a low-

Riots in DublinAnna Coleman writes about the disturbing events that rocked

Dublin and examines why this happened

1. Do you think that young peopleare portrayed quite negatively in themedia today? Why?

I think they are and I think a lot ofthe coverage is sensationalist andas a result misleading about thelifestyles and attitudes of today’syoung people. A lot of it is to sellpapers and play on parents’ fearsabout what their child could be up towhen they are out socialising etc.

2. Do you think that ASBOs are ashort term solution to what is a longterm problem in our society?

I think there are lots of other thingsthat need to be done that are moreurgent than bringing in ASBO's.That being said anti-social behav-iour means that some people literal-ly cannot leave their homes for fearof being abused or having thingsthrown at them; pensioners livingalone have their windows brokenand lots of other damage done totheir property. Some people sufferso badly from anti-social behaviourthat they feel they have no opportu-nity but to leave their homes andmove elsewhere (sometimes givingup council houses and becoming asa result homeless!).

I have come across this type of situ-ation many times, and the peopleinvolved because of the nature ofthe 'crime,' usually carry on withoutany fear of prosecution, etc.ASBO's could be a mechanism forbringing people like that to accountwithout a criminal conviction. Butthere must be steps taken toaddress the problem before anASBO is made. In the UK they haveAnti Social Behaviour Contracts thatare signed to avoid an ASBO beingmade. In addition there would needto be help provided to the person

who agrees to the Anti SocialBehaviour Contract so that theymeet their promises under the con-tract. Other things that need to bedone more urgently than ASBO'sinclude implementing and resourc-ing provisions of the Children’s Act,community policing, more communi-ty facilities and programmes aimedat young people. I think if possible,ASBO's should be brought in on apilot basis because as there arefears about them because of thecriticisms of their use and effectfrom some quarters in the U.K. andin Irish commentary.

3. What will the Labour Party do toimprove the quality of life for youngpeople around the country?

When I was in Labour Youth whatwas important to me was gettingthrough my education and gettingfrom A to B. So I think investment inEducation and Public Transport willimprove young people's quality oflife. But this type of investment andthe philosophy of education as aright and that all people should haveaccess to public transport that wouldunderpin such investment alsoimproves that quality of life of every-body else too, not just young peo-ple.

More investment in education at alllevels and putting lifelong learning atits heart will benefit young peoplebut also help those who missed outalong the way and deserve a sec-ond chance. Investment in the typeof decent public transport systemthat other countries take for grantedwill greatly improve the lives of stu-dents who currently have poor pub-lic transport options but is alsosomething that will improvelifestyles generally, tackling conges-tion and the amount of time peoplespend stuck in traffic. I think in gen-eral Labour is about improving thelives of everyone including youngpeople.

4. The Dublin riots was partially asa result of the growing number ofyoung people in the inner city whohave been marginalised in our soci-ety. What do you feel is the bestway of reversing this trend and tack-iling this marginalisation from Irishsociety?

I don't know if that was the cause ofthe riots to be honest. But in termsof Labour tackling marginalisationwe need to continue and increaseour presence in areas that havebeen neglected and in Governmentwe have to deliver for these commu-nities.

5. Do you think politicians today aremore out of touch with young peo-ples issues compared to 15 yearsago?

No. I think generation gaps havenarrowed and that politicians wouldbe as subject to that as anyone else.I think they could do better thoughand need to try and get out andhave contact with young people andnot to talk down to young people.

Joanna TuffySenator Joanna Tuffy is one of the Labour Party’s youngest oireachtasmembers. She is the Labour Party’s candidate in the Dublin Mid West con-stituency. LabourYouth asks her about the Dublin riots, ASBO’s and howyoung people are portrayed in the media.

SUNDAY INDEPENDERANT

REVEALED: Republican plot to Blame forIreland’s World Cup Failure

Michael McDowell Interview Inside:“I cannot understand why I keep getting snubbed for theNobel peace prize. Once I lock up all the kids with my

ASBO’s legislation, it will be the biggest Peace break throughsince Good Friday”

News: pages 2 to 4Opinion / Analysis / Comment: pages 5 to 42

Look. We have lots of pic-

tures of pretty ladies inside

Word on the street is thatRepublican socialists aredirectly responsible forIreland’s world cup qualifica-tion failure. The journalists ofthis quality rag have gatheredenough suspicions to suggestthat republicans were givingout free tri colours duringIreland’s crucial world cupqualifying match againstSwitzerland last October.

It seemed obvious that the Irish playerswere intimidated by the neo republicanatmosphere created by the massiveamount of tri-colours in the stands.This distracted the boys in greenagainst their neutral hungry opponents,Switzerland. The game finished 0-0which was not enough to earn qualifica-tion to a world cup play-off. The play-ers appeared to be over stimulated withnational pride (shame on them) whichwas uncomfortable for some playersbecause they are actually English.

Sources close to our sources havebeen rumoured to obtain near concreteevidence that this was a concerted andorganised attack by Republicans as anumber of men were seen talking onmobile phones before the match in theproximity of Landsdowne Road.

Senior sources who we can never iden-tify because we are making them uptold us in the pub last week that a num-ber of “womble” type characters whowear sandals were also involved in thisplot to bring shame on our proud nation.

These self styled womble activists tam-pered with the water supply into theIrish dressing room which resulted in alack of concentration on the pitch andpoor decisions made on the side linesresulting in Gary Doherty being subbedon as a striker.

So what is the Sindo solution toIreland’s world cup woes? All rightminded citizens must call for no coloursto be worn at Lansdown Road and aban on an intake of liquids at half time.

An exclusive and shocking poll conduct-ed by our crack investigation team ofjournalists (a transition year student onwork experience in our offices textingthree of her mates) shows that under-age teenagers have tried a drop of alco-hol at least once. Advertisements innewspapers, magazines, billboards andsports sponsorship are however nothingto do with it. Read inside to find outmore sensatonalist scare mongering...

The return of the D4 Girls

These sexy n stylish writers are

back to write about the important

issues that affect real people with

real problems.

“Ummmm we are like going to total-

ly give you, right, some tips onto

how to max out your boyfriends

credit card.”

“Does having a social conscience

give you wrinkles? Read to find out”

“Why feminism and ideas like fight-

ing for equal pay and equal rights is

like so last century”

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We’re Number One: The Sunday Independerant is still the best selling ‘quality’ broadsheet in Ireland -

our reader ship is approximately twenty thousand million according to random

research conducted by the editors aunt last Saturday in the Bingo Hall.

Shock Poll Exposes

Underage Drinking

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SPORT

It’s just not good enoughPatrick Nulty examines why the FAI have letfootball in Ireland down at grassroots level

The opening match of SteveStaunton's reign as Irish nationalteam manager may have endedin a successful 3 - 0 victory overSweden but this cannot be usedto conceal the huge problemsthat exist within the game inIreland. At all levels of the gameradical restructuring, improve-ments and innovation arerequired if Ireland is to becomesuccessful in the long term. Thisrequires courage from ournational association and politicalwill on the part of the govern-ment; both of which are sorelylacking within both organisations.

At grassroots level men and womenacross the country make an out-standing contribution to their com-munity by coaching and trainingyoung footballers. These volunteersgive up their own time to teach chil-dren to enjoy sporting activity. Suchwork has numerous benefits forsociety in terms of the psychologi-cal, physical and emotional develop-ment of young people. It encour-ages young people to work within ateam, to exercise regularly and tovalue community life. Many of thesevolunteers work in marginalised andsocially disadvantaged communitiesin Ireland. Their work is critical intackling social problems like anti-social behaviour.

However both the government andthe FAI have failed to invest in thegrassroots of the game. Most localfootball clubs survive on charitabledonations, sponsorship and otherfund-raising activities.

The FAI management have failed topromote grassroots football and toeffectively lobby government for fur-ther investment. It is a great ironythat both the FAI and the govern-ment are obsessed with building anew large stadium, yet they arehappy to allow the grassroots gameto survive on a shoestring budgetcoupled with the goodwill of ordinarypeople.

Just imagine what could be done totransform under-age football inIreland if the money ear-marked forre-developing Lansdowne Roadcould be ploughed back into localfootball. Ireland already has a worldclass stadium called Croke Park; wedo not need another one. Now thatthe GAA has been persuaded toabandon its nationalist dogma boththe FAI and the Irish governmentshould focus available resources onlocal sport within local communitieswho need it, not on grandiose vanityprojects.

The second area which requiresdevelopment is the Eircom league.The FAI has failed to publicise oradequately promote the nationalleague. Most clubs still operate ona shoestring, attendances arestagnant, and in European compe-tition performances continue to bemoderate at best. The develop-ment of our national league is cru-cial. Many talented young playersare forced to move to England at ayoung age which often leads tohomesickness and failure.

A vibrant Eircom league wouldallow young players to developtheir skills domestically and to con-tinue with education and personaldevelopment near their families.Both the government and the FAIshare responsibility in this areatoo. Capital grants should be pro-vided for radical stadium develop-ment and closer ties should bedeveloped with the Irish League tostimulate competition and domes-tic interest. The creation of an all-Ireland league would benefit bothassociations and clubs throughoutthe island.

Overall, it is clear that Irish footballneeds reform. Greater investmentin the grassroots game, reform ofclub football throughout the islandand an emphasis on keepingyoung domestic talent at home arekey priorities. However both theFAI and the government are lettingthe sport down and a fundamentalchange in attitudes is required ifIrish football is to grow and flourishinto the future.

If Steve Staunton is to enjoy a success andlong era, Ireland must invest more into foot-

ball at a younger level