Lenin 1917 7 Aprilie

7/31/2019 Lenin 1917 7 Aprilie

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[Introduction]

I did not arrive in Petrograd until the night of April 3, and therefore at the meeting on April 4,

I could, of course, deliver the report on the tasks of the revolutionaryproletariatonly on my

own behalf, and with reservations as to insufficient preparation.

The only thing I could do to make things easier for myselfand for honestopponentswas

to prepare the theses in writing. I read them out, and gave the text to ComradeTsereteli. I read

them twice very slowly: first at a meeting ofBolsheviksand then at a meeting of both

Bolsheviks andMensheviks.

I publish these personal theses of mine with only the briefest explanatory notes, which were

developed in far greater detail in the report.

THESES

1) In our attitude towards thewar, which under the new [provisional] government ofLvovand Co. unquestionably remains on Russias part a predatory imperialist war owing to the

capitalist nature of that government, not the slightest concession to revolutionary defencism

is permissible.

The class-conscious proletariat can give its consent to a revolutionary war, which would

really justify revolutionary defencism, only on condition: (a) that the power pass to the

proletariat and the poorest sections of the peasants aligned with the proletariat; (b) that all

annexations be renounced in deed and not in word; (c) that a complete break be effected in

actual fact with all capitalist interests.

In view of the undoubted honesty of those broad sections of the mass believers in

revolutionary defencism who accept the war only as a necessity, and not as a means of

conquest, in view of the fact that they are being deceived by the bourgeoisie, it is necessary

with particular thoroughness, persistence and patience to explain their error to them, to

explain the inseparable connection existing between capital and the imperialist war, and to

prove that without overthrowing capital it is impossible to end the war by a truly democratic

peace, a peace not imposed by violence.

The most widespread campaign for this view must be organised in the army at the front.

Fraternisation.

2) The specific feature of the present situation in Russia is that the country ispassing from the

first stage of the revolutionwhich, owing to the insufficient class-consciousness and

organisation of the proletariat, placed power in the hands of the bourgeoisieto its second

stage, which must place power in the hands of the proletariat and the poorest sections of the

peasants.

This transition is characterised, on the one hand, by a maximum of legally recognised rights

(Russia is now the freest of all the belligerent countries in the world); on the other, by the

absence of violence towards the masses, and, finally, by their unreasoning trust in the

government of capitalists, those worst enemies of peace and socialism.
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This peculiar situation demands of us an ability to adapt ourselves to the special conditions of

Party work among unprecedentedly large masses of proletarians who have just awakened to

political life.

3) No support for theProvisional Government; the utter falsity of all its promises should be

made clear, particularly of those relating to the renunciation of annexations. Exposure in placeof the impermissible, illusion-breeding demand that this government, a government of

capitalists, should cease to be an imperialist government.

4) Recognition of the fact that in most of the Soviets of Workers Deputies our P arty is in a

minority, so far a small minority, as against a bloc of all thepetty-bourgeoisopportunist

elements, from thePopular Socialistsand theSocialist-Revolutionariesdown to the

Organising Committee(Chkheidze,Tsereteli, etc.), Steklov, etc., etc., who have yielded to the

influence of the bourgeoisie and spread that influence among the proletariat.

The masses must be made to see that theSovietsof Workers Deputies are the only possible

form of revolutionary government, and that therefore our task is, as long as this governmentyields to the influence of the bourgeoisie, to present a patient, systematic, and persistent

explanation of the errors of their tactics, an explanation especially adapted to the practical

needs of the masses.

As long as we are in the minority we carry on the work of criticising and exposing errors and

at the same time we preach the necessity of transferring the entire state power to the Soviets

of Workers Deputies, so that the people may overcome their mistakes by experience.

5) Not a parliamentary republicto return to a parliamentary republic from the Soviets of

Workers Deputies would be a retrograde stepbut a republic of Soviets of Workers,

Agricultural Labourers and Peasants Deputies throughout the country, from top to bottom.

Abolition of the police, the army and the bureaucracy.[1]

The salaries of all officials, all of whom are elective and displaceable at any time, not to

exceed the average wage of a competent worker.

6) The weight of emphasis in the agrarian programme to be shifted to the Soviets of

Agricultural Labourers Deputies.

Confiscation of all landed estates.

Nationalisation ofall lands in the country, the land to be disposed of by the local Soviets of

Agricultural Labourers and Peasants Deputies. The organisation of separate Soviets of

Deputies of Poor Peasants. The setting up of a model farm on each of the large estates

(ranging in size from 100 to 300dessiatines, according to local and other conditions, and to

the decisions of the local bodies) under the control of the Soviets of Agricultural Labourers

Deputies and for the public account.

7) The immediate union of all banks in the country into a single national bank, and the

institution of control over it by the Soviet of Workers Deputies.
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8) It is not our immediatetask to introduce socialism, but only to bring social production

and the distribution of products at once under the controlof the Soviets of Workers Deputies.

9) Party tasks:

(a) Immediate convocation of a Party congress;

(b) Alteration of the Party Programme, mainly:

(1) On the question of imperialism and the imperialist war,

(2) On our attitude towards the state and ourdemand for a commune state[2]

;

(3) Amendment of our out-of-date minimum programme;

(c) Change of the Partys name.[3]

10. A new International.

We must take the initiative in creating a revolutionary International, an International against

thesocial-chauvinistsand against the Centre.[4]

In order that the reader may understand why I had especially to emphasise as a rare exception

the case of honest opponents, I invite him to compare the above theses with the following

objection by Mr. Goldenberg: Lenin, he said, has planted the banner of civil war in the midst

of revolutionary democracy (quoted in No. 5 ofMr. PlekhanovsYedinstvo).

Isnt it a gem?

I write, announce and elaborately explain: In view of the undoubted honesty of those broad

sections of the mass believers in revolutionary defencism ... in view of the fact that they are

being deceived by the bourgeoisie, it is necessary withparticularthoroughness, persistence

andpatienceto explain their error to them....

Yet the bourgeois gentlemen who call themselves Social-Democrats, who do notbelong either

to the broadsections or to the mass believers in defencism, with serene brow present my

views thus: The banner[!] of civil war (of which there is not a word in the theses and not a

word in my speech!) has been planted(!) in the midst [!!] of revolutionary democracy....

What does this mean? In what way does this differ from riot-inciting agitation, fromRusskaya

Volya?

I write, announce and elaborately explain: The Soviets of Workers Deputies are the only

possible form of revolutionary government, and therefore our task is to present a patient,

systematic, and persistent explanation of the errors of their tactics, an explanation especiallyadapted to the practical needs of the masses.

Yet opponents of a certain brand present my views as a call to c ivil war in the midst of

revolutionary democracy!
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I attacked the Provisional Government for nothaving appointed an early date or any date at

all, for the convocation of theConstituent Assembly, and for confining itself to promises. I

argued that withoutthe Soviets of Workers and Soldiers Deputies the convocation of the

Constituent Assembly is not guaranteed and its success is impossible.

And the view is attributed to me that I am opposed to the speedy convocation of theConstituent Assembly!

I would call this raving, had not decades of political struggle taught me to regard honesty in

opponents as a rare exception.

Mr.Plekhanovin his paper called my speech raving. Very good, Mr. Plekhanov! But look

how awkward, uncouth and slow-witted you are in your polemics. If I delivered a raving

speech for two hours, how is it that an audience of hundreds tolerated this raving? Further,

why does your paper devote a whole column to an account of the raving? Inconsistent,

highly inconsistent!

It is, of course, much easier to shout, abuse, and howl than to attempt to relate, to explain, to

recall whatMarx and Engels said in 1871, 1872 and 1875 about the experience of theParis

Communeand about the kindof state the proletariat needs. [See:The Civil War in Franceand

Critique of the Gotha Programme]

Ex-Marxist Mr. Plekhanov evidently does not care to recall Marxism.

I quoted the words ofRosa Luxemburg, who onAugust 4, 1914, calledGerman Social-

Democracya stinking corpse. And the Plekhanovs, Goldenbergs and Co. feel offended.

On whose behalf? On behalf of the German chauvinists, because they were called

chauvinists!

They have got themselves in a mess, these poor Russian social-chauvinistssocialists in

word and chauvinists in deed.

Nu am ajuns la Petrograd pn noaptea de 3 aprilie, i, prin urmare, la adunarea din 4 aprilie, am

putea, desigur, d raportul cu privire la sarcinile proletariatului revoluionar dect n numele meu

propriu, i cu rezerve insuficiente pentru a de pregtire.

Singurul lucru pe care am putea face pentru a face lucrurile mai uor pentru minei pentru oneti

adversarii-a fost s pregtesc teze n scris. Le-am citit, i a dat textul pentru Tovarasul ereteli. Le-am

citit de dou ori foarte lent: n primul rnd, la o reuniune a bolevicilor, apoi la o reuniune abolevicilor i menevicilor.

Am publica aceste teze personale ale mele, cu doar scurte note explicative, care au fost dezvoltate n

detaliu mult mai mare n raport.

TEZE

1) n atitudinea noastr fa de rzboi, care, sub noul *provizoriu+ Guvernul din Lvov i Co rmne fr

ndoial dinpartea Rusiei un rzboi imperialist de ruinare pentru caracterul capitalist al acestui

guvern, nu, cea mai mic concesie fa de "defensismului revoluionar" este admisibil.

Proletariatul contient poate da acordul pentru un rzboi revoluionar, care arjustifica ntr-adevr

defensismului revoluionar, numai cu condiia: (a), care trece puterea de a proletariatului i ale

pturilor srace ale rnimii apropiate de proletariat; (b) c toate anexiuni fi renunat n fapt i nu n
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vorb; (c), c o pauz complet se efectueaz, n realitate, cu toate interesele capitaliste.

Avnd n vedere onestitate nendoielnic a straturilor largi ale credincioilor n mas din

defensismului revoluionar, care accept rzboiul numai ca o necesitate, i nu ca un mijloc de

cucerire, avnd n vedere faptul c sunt nelai de burghezie, este necesar, cu meticulozitatea

special, persistena i rbdare pentru a explica eroarea lor de a le, pentru a explica exist o legtur

indisolubil ntre capital i rzboiul imperialist, i s demonstreze c fr doborrea capitalului este

imposibil s pun capt rzboiului de ctre o pace cu adevrat democratic, o pace nu impus prin

violen.

Campania cea mai raspandita pentru acest punct de vedere trebuie s fie organizate n armat, la

fa.

Fraternisation.

2) caracteristic specific a situaiei actuale din Rusia este faptul c ara trece de prima etap a

revoluiei, care, din cauza nivelului insuficient de contiin i de organizare a proletariatului, puterea

n minile burgheziei-a a doua etap, care trebuie s dea puterea n minile proletariatului i ale

pturilor srace ale ranilor.Aceast tranziie se caracterizeaz, pe de o parte, cu maximum de drepturi legal recunoscute (Rusia

este acum cea mai liber dintre toate rile beligerante din lume), pe de alt parte, prin lipsa de

violen mpotriva maselor, i, n cele din urm, de ncrederea lor incontient n guvernul

capitalitilor, cei mai nverunai dumani ai pcii i socialismului.

Aceast situaie ciudat ne cere abilitateade a ne adapta la condiiile speciale ale muncii de partid n

rndul maselor nemaipomenit de largi ale proletariatului, care tocmai s-au trezit la viaa politic.

3) Nici un sprijin pentru guvernul provizoriu, falsitatea total de toate promisiunile sale ar trebui s

fie clar, n special a celor referitoare la renunarea la anexiuni. Expunerea n loc de nepermis, iluzii

"cerere", c acest guvern, un guvern de capitaliti, ar trebui s nceteze a fi un guvern imperialist.

4) Recunoaterea faptului c, n cea mai mare parte a Sovietelor de deputai ai muncitorilor partidulnostru este n minoritate, deci acum o mic minoritate, fa de un bloc de toate elementele

oportuniste mic-burgheze, de la socialitii populare i-socialist Revoluionarii jos la Comitetul de

organizare (Chkheidze, ereteli, etc), Steklov, etc, etc, care au cedat la influena burgheziei i c

influena rspndirea n rndul proletariatului.

Masele trebuie s fie efectuate pentru a vedea c Sovietele de deputai ai muncitorilor sunt singura

form posibil de guvern revoluionar, i c, prin urmare, sarcina noastr este, atta timp ct aceasta

randamentelor guvernamentale la influena burgheziei, s prezinte un pacient, sistematic, explicaie

i persistent a erorilor de tactica lor, o explicaie special adaptate la nevoile practice ale maselor.

Atta timp ct suntem n minoritate, ducem pe activitatea de critic i de expunerea erori i, n

acelai timp ne predica necesitatea de a transfera puterea de stat ntregul Sovietele de deputai ai

muncitorilor, astfel nct oamenii pot depi greelile lor de ctre experien.

5) Nu este o republic parlamentar, pentru a reveni la o republic parlamentar de la Sovietele de

muncitoreti Deputailor ar fi un pas, dar retrograda o republic a Sovietelorlucrtorilor,

muncitorilor agricoli "i ranilor deputailor n ntreaga ar, de sus n jos .

Eliminarea din poliie, armat i birocraia *1+.

Salariile tuturor funcionarilor, toi acetia sunt eligibili i n orice moment, s nu depeasc salariul

mediu al unui lucrtor competent.

6) n greutate de accent, n cadrul programului agrar, care urmeaz s fie mutat la Sovietele de

deputai ai muncitorilor agricoli.Confiscarea tuturor pmnturilor moiereti.


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Naionalizarea din toate terenurile din ar, terenul a fi eliminate de ctre sovietici locale ale

muncitorilor agricoli i ai ranilor de deputai. Organizarea a Sovietelor de deputai din rani sraci.

nfiinarea unei ferme model pe fiecare din marile moii (variind n mrime de la 100 la 300

dessiatines, n funcie de condiiile locale i alte, i la deciziile organelor locale), sub controlul

Sovietelor de deputai ai muncitorilor agricoli i pentru un cont public.

7) unirea imediat a tuturor bncilor din ar ntr-o singur banc naional, i instituia de control

asupra acesteia de ctre Sovietul Deputailor Muncitorilor.

8) Nu este sarcina noastr imediat de a "introduce" socialismul, ci doar pentru a aduce producia

social i distribuia de produse de la o dat sub controlul Sovietelor de deputai ai muncitorilor.

9) sarcini de partid:

(A) convocarea imediat a unui congres al partidului;

(B) modificarea programului partidului, n principal:

(1) La ntrebarea a imperialismului i rzboiul imperialist,

(2) La data de atitudinea noastr fa de stat i cererea noastr pentru un "stat comuna" *2+;

(3) Modificarea programului nostru de minim out-of-data;(C) Schimbarea numelui partidului. [3]

10. A International nou.

Noi trebuie s ia iniiativa n crearea unei International revoluionar, un internaional mpotriva

social-ovinitilor i mpotriva "Centrul". *4+

Pentru ca cititorul s neleag de ce am avut mai ales pentru a sublinia ca o excepie rar "cazul", a

oponenilor de bun credin, l-am invita la a compara teze de mai sus, cu excepiaurmtor de ctre

domnul Goldenberg: Lenin, a spus el, "a plantat Banner de rzboi civil n mijlocul democraiei

revoluionare "(citat la nr 5 din Yedinstvo dl Plehanov a lui).

Nu este o bijuterie?

Eu scriu, anunta elaborat i explica: "Avnd n vedere onestitate nendoielnic a straturilor largi alecredincioilor n mas din defensismului revoluionar ... avnd n vedere faptul c sunt nelai de

burghezie, este necesar, cu meticulozitatea special, persistena i rbdare pentru a explica eroarea

lor de a le .... "

Cu toate acestea, domnii burghezi, care se numesc social-democrai, care nu fac parte nici la

seciunile generale sau a credincioilor mas n defensismului, cu fruntea senin prezinte opiniile

mele astfel: "banner-ul de rzboi civil *!+" (Din care nu exist nu este un cuvnt n teze i nici un

cuvnt n discursul meu!) a fost plantat (!) ", n mijlocul *!+ a democraiei revoluionare ...".

Ce nseamn acest lucru? n ce mod acest lucru difer de la incitarea la revolt-agitaie, de la

Russkaya Volya?

Eu scriu, anunta elaborat i explica: "Sovietele de deputai ai muncitorilor sunt singura form posibil

de guvern revoluionar, i, prin urmare, sarcina noastr este de a prezenta un pacient, explicaie

sistematice, persistente i a erorilor de tactica lor, o explicaie n special adaptat la nevoile practice

ale maselor. "

Cu toate acestea, adversarii de un anumit brand prezinte opiniile mele ca o chemare la "rzboi civil n

mijlocul democraiei revoluionare"!

Am atacat guvernul provizoriu pentru c nu a numit o dat mai devreme sau orice alt dat, la toate,

pentru convocarea Adunrii Constituante, i pentru limitndu-se la promisiunile. Am argumentat c

fr Sovietele a lucrtorilor "i soldailor Deputailor convocarea Adunrii Constituante, nu este

garantat i succesul su este imposibil.i de vedere este atribuit pentru mine c am opus la convocarea rapid a Adunrii Constituante!


7/7

Mi-ar numi aceasta "Raving", nu au zeci de ani de lupt politic m-au nvat s se considere

onestitate n adversari ca o rar excepie.

Dl Plehanov, n lucrarea sa numit discursul meu "nebun". Foarte bine, dl Plehanov! Dar uitai-v ct

de ciudat, straniu i ntrziat suntei n polemici tale. Dac am inut un discurs delirant timp de dou

ore, cum se face c o audien de sute tolerat "raving"? Mai mult, de ce nu de hrtie dedica o

intreaga coloana de la un cont de "raving"? Inconsecvent, extrem de inconsistente!

Este, desigur, mult mai uor s strige, abuz, i urla dect s ncerce s se refere, de a explica, pentru a

aminti ceea ce a spus Marx i Engels n 1871, 1872 i 1875 cu privire la experiena Comunei din Paris

i despre tipul de stat Proletariatul are nevoie. *Vezi: Rzboiul civil din Frana i Critica Programului de

la Gotha]

Ex-marxist dl Plehanov, evident, nu-i pas s reaminteasc marxism.

Am citat cuvintele de Rosa Luxemburg, care pe 4 august 1914, numit social-democraia german "un

cadavru mpuit". i Plekhanovs, Goldenbergs i Co simt "ofensat". Pe numele crora? Pe numele

ovinitilor germani, pentru c ele au fost numite oviniti!

Ei s-au luat ntr-o mizerie, aceste srace rui social-ovinitii de socialiti n vorbe i de oviniti nfapte.

Documents

Lenin 1917 7 Aprilie