8
The Programmatic Use of the Royal Titulary in the Twelfth Dynasty Author(s): Ronald J. Leprohon Source: Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, Vol. 33 (1996), pp. 165-171 Published by: American Research Center in Egypt Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40000613 Accessed: 15/02/2009 15:08 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=arce. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. American Research Center in Egypt is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt. http://www.jstor.org

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Page 1: Leprohon - Use of Royal Titulary in 12 Dyn

The Programmatic Use of the Royal Titulary in the Twelfth DynastyAuthor(s): Ronald J. LeprohonSource: Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, Vol. 33 (1996), pp. 165-171Published by: American Research Center in EgyptStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40000613Accessed: 15/02/2009 15:08

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available athttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unlessyou have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and youmay use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained athttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=arce.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with thescholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform thatpromotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

American Research Center in Egypt is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access toJournal of the American Research Center in Egypt.

http://www.jstor.org

Page 2: Leprohon - Use of Royal Titulary in 12 Dyn

The Programmatic Use of the Royal Titulary in the Twelfth Dynasty*

Ronald J. Leprohon

It has long been maintained that the Horus Name of Amenemhat I, whm-mswt, "Repeating of Births," reflected that king's desire to inaugurate a new era.1 The expression whm-mswt was cer- tainly used again in the Eighteenth and Nine- teenth Dynasties to express the concept of new beginnings,2 as well as in the Twentieth Dynasty to inaugurate a Renaissance of its own.3

However, an examination of the royal titulary of the whole of the Twelfth Dynasty indicates that, in fact, every king of that period wished to announce a given policy of his own; a particular situation in Egypt at the time; or simply follow in the footsteps of his predecessors.4 Such pro-

* A version of this paper was read at the ARCE meeting in Atlanta, GA, in April 1995.

grammatic use of the royal titulary may have been particularly significant at the time, since the kings of the Twelfth Dynasty are recognized as the monarchs who codified the classic five-fold titu- lary used by every subsequent ancient Egyptian king5 (see fig. 1).

Amenemhat I6

Amenemhat I used an earlier Horus Name, shtp-ib-tjwy, "He Who Pacifies the Mind of the Two Lands,"7 which resembles his Prenomen of shtp-ib-rc, "He Who Pacifies the Mind of Re," as well as a Golden Horus Name of sm?, "The Uniter." The expressions shtp-ib-t?wy and smS no doubt reflected the fact that, with the advent of the Twelfth Dynasty, the Two Lands could now rest easy, safe in the notion that a new and vig- orous family, fully in charge of the whole of the country, would set things right.8

Amenemhat I's Prenomen, "He who Pacifies the Mind of Re," perhaps reflected the notion that not only the country, but also its creator, could now rest easily. And here, one wonders whether the verb ship perhaps had a double meaning. When used with regard to the mind of Re, the verb presumably simply meant "to pacify,

1 See L. Berman, "Amenemhet I" (Yale University. UMI Dissertation Series, 1985), 3, and 26, n. 12; see also E. Blumen- thal, Untersuchungen zum Aegyptischen Konigtum des Mittleren Reiches (ASAW 61:1. Berlin, 1970; henceforth to be referred to as Untersuchungen), 438; J. von Beckerath, ZDMG 126 (1976), 7; P. Vernus, Or 48 (1979), 178, n. (d); and A. Awadalla, GM 115 (1990), 10, n. 3.

2 Cf. the epithet used by Thutmosis III in a text written for the well-being of his subjects (= P. Vernus, Or 48 [1979], 178-79, n. [d]); by Horemheb in his famous Edict, which certainly showed the king's intent to start a new era (= Urk. IV, 2161:6; and J.-M. Kruchten, Le Decret d'Horemheb. Traduc- tion, commentaire epigraphique, philologique et institutionnel [Brus- sels, 1981], 189, 191); and in the Nebty-Name of Seti I, whose reign also inaugurated a new beginning in Egyptian history (J. von Beckerath, Handbuch der dgyptischen Konigsnamen [MAS 20. Berlin, 1984; henceforth to be referred to as Kon- igsnamen]), 89. For these, see L. Berman, op. cit., 3, and ref- erences there; and K. A. Kitchen, ASAE 71 (1987), 131-33.

3 On this Renaissance, see particularly K. A. Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt (2nd edition, Warminster, 1986), §§209-12; and N. Grimal, Les termes de la propagande royale egyptienne (Paris, 1986), 587, n. 144.

4 For similar investigations, see V. Dobren, BIFAO 93 (1993), 179-204, on the royal titulary of the Fourth Dynasty. For the Ramesside Period, see K. A. Kitchen, ASAE 71 (1987), 131-41; and idem, in: Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, J. M. Sasson, ed. (New York, 1995), vol. II, 764.

5 See S. Aufrere, BIFAO 82 (1982), 19, n. 1, and 54ff; J. von Beckerath, LdA 111:4 (Wiesbaden, 1979), 540; idem, Konigs- namen, 5; and S. Quirke, Who Were the Pharaohs (London, 1990), 29ff.

6 For the full titulary of Amenemhat I, see J. von Beck- erath, Konigsnamen, 65.

7 G. Posener, Litterature et politique (Paris, 1956), 58; J. von Beckerath, Konigsnamen, 65; L. Berman, op. cit., 5.

8 In this respect, it is noteworthy that King Teti of the Sixth Dynasty, also the founder of a new dynasty, had called himself shtp-tjwy, "He Who Pacifies the Two Lands," as well as the Golden Horus smj, "the Uniter." See J. von Beckerath, Konigsnamen, 56; S. Aufrere, op. cit., 53-54; and L. Berman, op. cit., 8-9.

165

Page 3: Leprohon - Use of Royal Titulary in 12 Dyn

166 JARCE XXXIII (1996)

HORUS TWO LADIES GOLDEN HORUS PRENOMEN

AMENEMHAT I

shtp-ib-Uwy sm3 shtp-ib-lf

whm-mswt whm-mswt whm-mswt shtp-ib-F?

//IH* /IR* //H- (°H3 SENWOSRET I

cnh-mswt cnh-mswt cnh-mswt hpr-k3-FF

ft^ fill-* f! (^MJ AMENEMHAT II

hkn-m-m^t hkn-m-m3°t m^-hrw nbw-k3w-tf

SENWOSRET II

ssm-t3wy stfi-m?t htp-ntrw hci-hpr-lf

SENWOSRET III

ntri-hprw ntri-mswt hpr hci-k3w-Ep

AMENEMHAT III

c3-b3w it-irf:t-t3wy w3h-cnh ni-m3ct-Ff

jc^ ^ n ^H ... V /'

AMENEMHAT IV

hpr-fcprw shb-t3wy slm-ntrw m^-hrw-Ff

SOBEKNOFRU

mryt-B? s3t-shm ddt-lfw k3-Sbk-Rc nbt-t3wy

^i; - s ^

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THE PROGRAMMATIC USE OF THE ROYAL TITULARY 167

to put at ease."9 However, since Amenemhat I did have a few military skirmishes within Egypt during his reign,10 perhaps the reference to

"pacifying" the hearts and minds of the Two Lands had a more euphemistic bent, a slight ag- gressive overtone, which showed Amenemhat I's own vision of a new world order.11

At one point in his reign, and perhaps coin-

ciding with the move north to the new capital at Itj-tawy,12 Amenemhat I changed his Horus Name to the aforementioned whm-mswt, also

choosing the same expression for his Two Ladies and Golden Horus Names, thus leaving no doubt that he had a full Renaissance in mind for Egypt. Since the verb msw could also be used to refer to

"making," or "fashioning,"13 the use of the sub- stantive mswt in Amenemhat I's Horus Name

could, by extension, perhaps be said to mean "A Renewal of the Fashioning (of a new era)."

Senwosret I14

After reigning for 20 years, Amenemhat I in- stalled his son Senwosret I on the throne with him as a full coregent.15 The younger king took the expression cnh-mswt as his Horus, Two Ladies,

and Golden Horus Names, and hpr-kj-rc as his Prenomen. The phrase cnh-mswt is interesting as it seems to me to reflect Senwosret I's desire to

uphold his father's legacy. By repeating the word mswt, which referred to the fashioning of a new era, and adding the verb "to live" as a Pro-

spective sdm.f before it, the young king seemed to be proclaiming "(Long) Live16 the (Re) birth," i.e., "(Long) Live (my father's) Renaissance." This

royal name left no doubt that Senwosret I would

pursue his father's policies. As for his Prenomen, hpr-kj-rc, "May the Ka of

Re manifest (itself)," the operative word here seems to be k3. If the logistics of a coregency and the varying functions of the two kings are re-

called,17 one can easily imagine the elder states- man Amenemhat I taking care of the affairs of state in the Palace, while the younger Senwosret I travelled within the country, inspecting his do-

main, and also went out on military campaigns. That may explain Senwosret I's use of the word

kB, "life force,"18 to refer to himself as the younger and more vigorous partner in the new associa- tion.19 In that respect, the pairing of the words cnh "to live," and k3, "life force," in the titulary of a single king is noteworthy.

Amenemhat II20

Senwosret I's successor, Amenemhat II, chose the phrases hqn-m-m3% "Rejoicing in Maat," as

9 Wb. IV, 221-22; Faulkner, Dictionary, 239; see also D. Meeks, Annie Lexicographique I (Paris, 1980), 77.3767; II (Paris, 1981), 78.3725; III (Paris, 1982), 79.2701.

10 Cf. the phrase "... after he had expelled him from the Two Banks . . . ," from the tomb of Khnumhotep I at Beni Hasan, with the pronoun "him" (sw) referring to an unnamed, probably Egyptian, enemy (= Urk. VII, 12). See also Berlin stela 22820, belonging to an Overseer of Desert Hunters and Overseer of the Western Deserts named Kay (= R. Anthes, ZAS65 [1930], 108-14; and K.-H. Priese, ed., Stattliche Museen zu Berlin. Agypisches Museum und Papyrussammlung [Mainz, 1991], 53), which mentions chasing a refugee into the "West- ern Oasis," presumably Dakhleh; for the dating of this stela to the reign of Amenemhat I, see R. E. Freed, Studies in Ancient Egypt, the Aegean, and the Sudan (Boston, 1981), 68-76. And of course, the fallen soldiers of Deir el-Bahari are indicative of military action during the early part of the Twelfth Dynasty (= H. Winlock, The Slain Soldiers of Neb-hepet-Rec Mentu-hotpe [New York, 1945] ) ; I am grateful to J. P. Allen for pointing out the dating of these soldiers to the reign of Amenemhat I.

On this aggressive use of the verb shtp, see particularly G. Kadish,/£A 52 (1966), 29ff.; and D. B. Redford, JARCE 23 (1986), 140.

12 See Do. Arnold, MM/26 (1991), 5-48. 13 Wb. II, 138:12-14; Faulkner, Dictionary, 116. 14 For the full titulary of Senwosret I, see J. von Beck-

erath, Konigsnamen, 65. 15 On this coregency, see particularly W. K. Simpson, JNES

15 (1956), 214-19; W. J. Murnane, Ancient Egyptian Coregen-

cies (SAOC 40. Chicago, 1977), 2-5, 245-53; W. Helck, LdA IV:1 (Wiesbaden, 1980), 155; M. Eaton-Krauss, MDOG 112 (1980), 35-51; E. Blumenthal, ZAS 110 (1983), 104-21; L. Berman, op. cit., 173-203; D. Franke, Or57 (1988), 115- 16; and N. Grimal, A History of Ancient Egypt (Basil Blackwell Ltd., 1992), 160. See, however, R. D. Delia, BES4 (1982), 55- 69; C. Obsomer, RdE 44 (1993), 103-14; and C. Vander- sleyen, UEgypte et la vallee du Nil (Paris, 1995), vol. II, 50ff., who have argued against coregencies in the Twelfth Dynasty.

16 For the English rendering, cf. French "Vive le roi!" 17 W. K. Simpson, op. cit., 217-18. 18 See J. P. Allen, in: S. d'Auria, ed., Mummies and Magic.

The Funerary Arts of Ancient Egypt (Boston, 1988), 43-44. 9 Viz. the expression "Horus, the Avenger of his Father"

in lines X+ 13, X+35, and perhaps X+31, of Senwosret I's Tod Inscription (= D. B. Redford, JSSEA 17 [1987], 44). This was of course a common phrase (cf. E. Blumenthal, Untersuchun- gen, 104), but, given the turbulent history of the early Twelfth Dynasty, the expression may have been more than simple repetition of a stock phrase on the part of Senwosret I.

20 For the full titulary of Amenemhat II, see J. von Beck- erath, Konigsnamen, 66.

Page 5: Leprohon - Use of Royal Titulary in 12 Dyn

168 JARCE XXXIII (1996)

his Horus and Two Ladies Names; mjc-hrw, "Righ- teous of Voice," as his Golden Horus Name; and nbw-kjw-rc, "The Life Forces of Re are Radiant," as his Prenomen.

The significance of his Horus and Two Ladies Names may lie in the fact that the inaugurating work of his grandfather and father could now be said to be truly accomplished, and that, by the time of Amenemhat II, maat-harmony finally reigned over the Two Lands. Thus, the new king could truly be said to be "Rejoicing in Maat."21

This use of the motif of maat is further re- inforced by his Golden Horus Name, mSc-hrw, "Righteous of Voice." Perhaps the reference here is to an individual who, like King Osiris long be- fore him,22 had undergone difficult travails and passages and had emerged triumphant, a perfect symbol for the state of Egypt at the time.23 It might also be said that Amenemhat II was also sending out a signal that, unlike the preceding one, this family - the Twelfth Dynasty - would survive.

Amenemhat IPs Prenomen pursued his fa- ther's theme of the "life force of Re;" here, the word kS is pluralized and is said to be "golden, radiant." Given the use of the word nbw, it is tempting to connect this symbolism of gold with the fact that a young crown prince Ameny, the future Amenemhat II, had gone out in search of gold into the Eastern Desert with Ameny of Beni Hasan, one of the great provincial overlords in the land.24 Perhaps this episode in the young king's life had had a lasting impression on him.

Senwosret II25

The next king in the dynasty, Senwosret II, was the first king to choose different designations for every part of his titulary. His Horus Name

was ssm-tjwy; his Two Ladies Name shci-mjct; his Golden Horus Name htp-ntrw; and his Prenomen hci-hpr-rc.

Although it is difficult to ascertain the exact chronology of the reclamation works in the Fayum area,26 perhaps Senwosret II was the first king to accomplish major works there, and this is what his Horus Name, ssm-tjwy, "The Planner of the Two Lands," wished to represent. Senwos- ret II was certainly the first king to be buried there, so perhaps the Fayum connection is not so far-fetched.27

With his next name, Senwosret II continued his father's theme of maat- harmony in a Two Ladies Name, but this time he is said to "cause it to appear," shci-m3ct. Perhaps it is this Two La- dies Name that occasioned the Golden Horus Name, because once Senwosret II was said to have "caused maat-harmony to appear," the gods were now said to be "satisfied"; thus, his Golden Horus Name of htp-ntrw?8

Senwosret II's Prenomen continued his own theme of h% "to appear," as well as his grand- father's motif of "manifestation" in a Prenomen, in the expression hci-hpr-rc, "May the Manifesta- tion of Re Appear." The concept of hci had cer- tainly been used before in royal titularies, e.g., in the Fifth Dynasty,29 and of course the verb hci was well known to indicate the appearance of a king.30 Hence, Senwosret II's claim to represent

21 For the expression, see also E. Blumenthal, Untersuchun- gen, 443. Another tempting connection with Amenemhat II's use of the maat theme in his titulary is the fact that he was buried at Dahshur. Might this hearken back to Snefru, who had proclaimed himself to be the Horus nb-m,j% "Lord of Maat," (J. von Beckerath, Konigsnamen, 52) and who was also buried at Dahshur?

22 For this view of Osiris as a living king, see especially J. Yoyotte, BIFA011 (1977), 145-49.

23 For the use of the expression in the hymns extolling Senwosret Ill's great deeds, see E. Blumenthal, Untersuchun- gen, 218.

24 Urk. VII, 15:4-6. 25 For the full titulary of Senwosret II, see J. von Beck-

erath, Konigsnamen, 66.

26 The early Twelfth Dynasty was certainly represented there. For Amenemhat I and Senwosret I's works in the Fayum, see PM IV, 99; Vandier, Manuel II, 610-11; and D. Arnold, LdA 11:1 (Wiesbaden, 1975), 91.

27 The use of the word ssm in the Book of Two Ways to re- fer to an architectural entity (= CT Spell 1146, where we read ssm hwt, "The plan of the mansion") may perhaps underscore the tie to the Fayum area, if Senwosret II meant to refer to his new city at Illahun.

28 In that respect, another connection to the Fayum may be the name of Senwosret II's new city there, which he called htp-s-n-wsrt.

29 Sahure proclaimed himself the Horus nb-hcw, "Lord of Appearances"; Neferirkare was wsr-hcw, "Strong of Appear- ances"; Shepseskare was shm-hcw, "Powerful of Appearances"; Neferefre was nfr-hcw, "Fine of Appearances"; Menkauhor was mn-hcw, "Firm of Appearances"; and Djedkare was dd-hcw, "Stable of Appearances" (on these, see J. von Beckerath, op. cit., 54-55). Note the use of a given theme running throughout one dynasty. On the word hcw in royal titulary, see also S. Aufrere, BIFAO 82 (1982), 43.

30 See D. B. Redford, History and Chronology of the Eigh- teenth Dynasty of Egypt (Toronto, 1967), 3-27; and S. Quirke, op. cit., 11.

Page 6: Leprohon - Use of Royal Titulary in 12 Dyn

THE PROGRAMMATIC USE OF THE ROYAL TITULARY 169

a manifestation of Re appearing on the throne was such an obvious one that one wonders why this particular theme was not used more often in

royal titularies.

Senwosret III31

The next king, Senwosret III, preserved his father's notion of "divinity"32 in both his Horus and Two Ladies Names. The former also com-

prised part of his father's Prenomen, with the word hprw, "manifestations." Senwosret III called himself the Horus ntri-hprw, "Divine of Manifes-

tations," an expression he partly repeated in his Golden Horus Name of hpr, "The One who Manifests (himself)."

His Two Ladies Name again pursued the theme of divinity as he called himself ntri-mswt, "Divine of Births," with the second word of course recall-

ing the first two kings of the dynasty, and, like

them, perhaps indicating that a new Egypt was on the way. Since Senwosret Ill's foreign policy turned out to be unique in the dynasty, perhaps this motif of "birth," or "fashioning," was not co-

incidental, as he did end up creating different circumstances for the kings who followed him.

The terminology of Senwosret Ill's Preno-

men, hci-kjw-rc, "May the Life Forces of Re Ap- pear in Glory," was borrowed from his father's own Prenomen, with the verb h% as well as from his grandfather Amenemhat II33 and great- grandfather Senwosret I's Prenomen, this time with the use of the word kS, "life force." Senwos- ret Ill's vigorous military activities to the south of Egypt may help explain his choice of word, since only a vital life force such as his could have

pursued such a policy.

Amenemhat III34

Amenemhat III succeeded his father Sen- wosret III into an Egypt irrevocably changed. Senwosret Ill's foreign adventures meant that

Egyptians could now look at the areas south of

Elephantine as somewhat of an extension of their own country, where the people, resources, and all riverine trade coming from the south were now part and parcel of a new "pan-Egypt." Thus, Amenemhat III was inheriting a country that was wealthier and more secure than ever, and also a country where his father's internal

policies had given him the kind of control over the population not seen since the days of the

high Old Kingdom: an Egypt with mastery over a river trade that stretched all the way up to the Second Cataract, and now free of troublesome

provincial overlords. It should not be surprising, then, to see Am-

enemhat III calling himself the Horus cj-bjtv, "Great of Might," which, in itself, needs little ex-

planation. There might also have been a theo-

logical meaning here with the word bSw. The bS of a god was the physical manifestation of his

power;35 since Senwosret III had used the ex-

pression "Divine of Manifestations" as his Horus

Name, perhaps his son was also simply continu-

ing this theme of divine manifestation when he used the word bS.

Amenemhat Ill's Two Ladies Name may per- haps be the best indicator of his new status as lord over the most centralized state since the Old Kingdom. Indeed, the expression it-iwct-

tjwy, "The Seizer of the Inheritance of the Two

Lands," showed Amenemhat Ill's ability to reap the rewards of his father's internal and external

policies. He had, in effect, inherited a new

Egypt, and he was now ready to seize it.36 And, of

course, the combination of the verb it and the substantive tSwy reminds us of the name of the

capital city in the Twelfth Dynasty. As for Amenemhat Ill's Golden Horus Name,

wjh-cnh, the first impression here is to assume a

fairly young man coming on to the throne, given that he reigned for forty-six years.37 Hence a

31 For the full titulary of Senwosret III, see J. von Beck- erath, Konigsnamen, 66.

32 Cf. Senwosret IPs Golden Horus Name. 33 With his own Prenomen using two elements - kSw and

Rc - from Amenemhat II's Prenomen, might this have had something to do with Senwosret Ill's choice of Dahshur as a burial place, given that his grandfather was buried there?

34 For the full titulary of Amenemhat III, see J. von Beckerath, Konigsnamen, 1, 66.

35 L. Zabkar, A Study of the Ba Concept in Ancient Egyptian Texts (SAOC 34. Chicago, 1968), llff.; P. Vernus, RdE 23 (1971), 221; G. Posener, UEnseignement loyalists Sagesse egyp- tienne du Moyen Empire (Geneva, 1976), §4, 1.

See also E. Blumenthal, Untersuchungen, 32-33, and ref- erences there. The phrase was certainly well-known, as we read of Senwosret I in the story of Sinuhe (B 46-47) that he had "entered into the palace, having seized the inheritance of his father (it.n.f. iwct nt it.f)."

37 See D. Franke, Orbl (1988), 126.

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170 JARCE XXXIII (1996)

name like "Enduring of Life" made perfect sense. Another, perhaps less likely, rendering of the name is to take the first word wdJi not as an ad- jective but as a Prospective sdm.f, then adding a suffix at the end of the nominal subject, and thus rendering the name as w?h cnh(.i), "May (my) life endure." Such a negative rendering of Amen- emhat Ill's Golden Horus Name might seem sur- prising at first but could perhaps have been a reaction to his father's life. The representations of Senwosret III with an older, care-worn face are well known. If this was indeed a true render- ing of Senwosret Ill's physiognomy and not sim- ply an artistic convention to show an aging good shepherd,38 then perhaps Senwosret III had in- deed been an older man on the throne. If what certainly appears to be a short nineteen-year reign for Senwosret III is also taken into consid- eration,39 then perhaps his son's wish for a long reign may not have seemed so unusual.

Amenemhat Ill's Prenomen, ni-mjct-rc, reiter- ated the theme of maat that his grandfather and great-grandfather had used. Indeed, the key to the name may have hearkened back to his great- grandfather Amenemhat II. Like the latter, Amenemhat III had inherited a new Egypt. As such, he surely felt justified in declaring that he "Belonged to the (cosmic) harmony of the (creator god) Re," in effect proclaiming his own version of this new world, at the helm of which he now sat.

Amenemhat IV40

In Amenemhat Ill's forty-fourth year, he in- stalled his son on the throne as his coregent.41 By this time, Amenemhat IV might have been fairly well on in years, which makes it tempting to think that his Horus name, hpr-hprw, meant something like "(The one whose) Manifestations have (finally) Occurred." By repeating his grand- father Senwosret Ill's motif of /^bra-manifesta-

tions in his titulary, and if the earlier assumption that Senwosret III was an older man is correct, perhaps Amenemhat IV felt a certain affinity with his grandfather.

However, the next three names seem to pro- claim a strong Egypt, where the Two Lands were in joy and the gods more powerful than ever. The reign of Amenemhat III had brought un- precedented prosperity in the land, and Amen- emhat IV therefore felt justified in choosing shb-tjwy, "The One who Makes the Two Lands Festive," as his Two Ladies Name. Similarly, Amenemhat Ill's unceasing building activities throughout the country allowed Amenemhat IV to proclaim that shm-ntrw, "The Gods are Power- ful," as his Golden Horus Name indicates. And finally, Amenemhat IV's Prenomen, mjc-hrw-rc, again announced the land's prosperity and up- rightness by affirming that "The Voice of Re is Righteous!"42

Sobeknofru43

Amenemhat IV died after a short reign of nine years, to be followed by his sister Sobeknofru. She, in turn, reigned a short three years, per- haps indicating advanced age for her as well. Her Horus Name, mryt-rc, "Beloved of Re," is un- like any other name within the Twelfth Dynasty titulary. The designation "the beloved one" had formed part of one of the titles of Queen Nofret, wife of Senwosret II,44 and the expression does follow a common Middle Kingdom pattern of having a woman often being "beloved of " a deity, when she is the principal figure in a scene.45

38 Cf. D. B. Spanel, Through Ancient Eyes: Egyptian Portrai- ture (Birmingham, 1988), 15.

39 D. Franke, op. cit., 117-18, 126. 40 For the full titulary of Amenemhat IV, see J. von Beck-

erath, Konigsnamen, 66. 41 On this, see particularly M. Valloggia, RdE 21 (1969),

107-33; and the author, "The Reign of Amenemhat III" (University of Toronto dissertation, 1980), 195ff.

42 Noteworthy here is the use of the word hrw, "voice," to refer to the creator god Re, given the later Memphite The- ology, where a creator god needed only to utter the name of an entity for it to be created.

43 For the full titulary of Sobeknofru, see J. von Beck- erath, Konigsnamen, 67.

44 smjyt mryt Nbty, "the beloved one, who joins the two crowns," for which see L. Kuchman Sabbahy, "The Develop- ment of the Titulary and Iconography of the Ancient Egyp- tian Queen from Dynasty One to Early Dynasty Eighteen" (University of Toronto dissertation, 1982), 186ff. And of course, the phrase reminds us of Pepy I's Prenomen, mry-rc.

See the discussion by D. M. Doxey, "A Social and His- torical Analysis of Egyptian Non-Royal Epithets in the Mid- dle Kingdom" (University of Pennsylvania. UMI Dissertation Series, 1995), 295.

Page 8: Leprohon - Use of Royal Titulary in 12 Dyn

THE PROGRAMMATIC USE OF THE ROYAL TITULARY 171

Her Two Ladies Name contained two phrases, with two elements found in her brother Amen- emhat IV's titulary. She was said to be sBt shm, nbt

tjwy, "Daughter of the Powerful One" and "Mis- tress of the Two Lands," shm being found in Amenemhat IV's Golden Horus Name and tBwy in his Two Ladies Name. This might simply have indicated borrowings on her part of certain themes from her brother's titulary. However, if the two phrases are taken as the subject and the

predicate in a non-verbal sentence with nominal

predicate,46 her Two Ladies Name suddenly has much more impact: the shm in the name re- ferred to the great Amenemhat III himself, and her Two Ladies Name was then a declaration that "The Daughter of the Powerful One is

(now) Mistress of the Two Lands." The substantive hcw in her Golden Horus

Name, ddt-hcw, "Stable of Appearance," might have reflected part of her grandfather Senwosret Ill's Prenomen. Her Prenomen, kj-sbk-rc, "The Life Force of Sobek is (no other than) Re,"47

might simply have been a reflection of her per- sonal name "The God Sobek is Happy."

Conclusion

Thus, it can be seen that royal titularies reveal a number of patterns from one ruler to another, which can sometimes reflect a given monarch's

personal family ties, or also announce some of his

policies and particular situation at the time. The fact that these patterns occur through the whole of a given dynasty can surely not be a coincidence.

Although little is known of the logistics of

choosing a royal titulary,48 the various names were presumably determined before the acces- sion ceremonies, so that the full titulary could be proclaimed and inscribed at that time.49 But who chose the names? Official dogma stated that the sun god himself inspired the selection of

names, which were then inscribed by the divin- ities Thoth and Seshat,50 or, more prosaically, by the assembled lector priests.51 However, given the various components of the Twelfth Dynasty royal titulary as detailed above, one would like to think the king himself played a significant role in choosing his full titulary.

University of Toronto

46 This construction was prevalent in personal names; see Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, §§125, 127.

Or perhaps also "The Life Force is Sobek-Re," using the syncretistic entity Sobek-Re.

48 On this, see W. Barta's Scene 20 in ZAS 112 (1985), 11, n. 82; and S. Quirke, op. cit., 14-15.

49 Cf. the author in Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, J. M. Sasson, ed. (New York, 1995), vol. I, 277.

50 Urk. IV, 252:3, 252:6. 51 Urk. IV, 260:15-261:11.