LETTERS TO THE EDITOR: MUSLIM AMERICAN VOICES FROM 1991 TO 2011

Rebecca SmithApril 17, 2013

Introduction

Those who are involved in Middle Eastern Studies often find themselves fielding

questions from friends and acquaintances about Islam. It seems that much of what the average

American knows about Islam is based on media accounts of extremists and violent Islamists. As

a result, one of the most common questions that Americans have about Islam is related to what

moderate Muslims are doing to defend their religion. A brief search of Yahoo! Answers for the

specific search term “Where are the moderate Muslims?” produces 684 results.1 In addition to

this basic question, Yahoo! Answers users have asked questions such as: “Where are the

moderate Muslim protests against Muslim extremism?”, “Why don’t ‘moderate Muslims’ take a

strong stand against terrorism?”, “Where are the moderate Muslims who represent Islam, the

religion of peace?”, “Do moderate Muslims condemn the actions of their fundamentalist

counterparts?”, and even “Are ‘moderate’ Muslims like the Loch Ness monster and Bigfoot?”

Clearly, many individuals feel that Muslims are not doing enough to make their voices heard.

In response to these questions, however, I would argue that many Muslims are already

speaking out, condemning religious violence and defending a moderate interpretation of Islam.

The fact is that moderate Muslim voices are much more widespread and vocal than many people

know, but ordinary people do not easily capture national attention. Simply put, individuals who

speak and write about peaceful versions of Islam will never receive as much media investigation

as those who carry out deadly terrorist attacks in the name of Islam. As a result, those who are

interested in hearing what moderate Muslims have to say in defense of their religion must be

willing to search beyond the front page of the newspaper.

1 Search conducted through www.google.com with the search term: “site:answers.yahoo.com Where are the moderate Muslims?” Accessed March 22, 2013.

In this study, I analyze 89 letters written by American Muslims to the editor of the New

York Times between 1991 and 2011.2 This analysis provides insights into what Muslims are

saying to the greater American community and how they are defending moderate Islam. It also

provides useful information about how Muslim voices have changed throughout the decades

immediately preceding and following the attacks of September 11, 2001. These letters do not

provide a representative sample of the entire Muslim American population, of course, but they

are a case study that allows us to gain deeper understanding of this issue, proving that moderate

voices are asserting themselves and speaking out against extremism. Through this analysis, it is

possible to demonstrate that there are many Muslim Americans who care about these issues and

who want to be fairly represented in the media and in the greater public discourse about Islam.

Prior Research

Before examining these letters, however, it is important to understand the vast diversity

that exists throughout the Islamic world and to explore the issues that are facing Muslim

Americans. As stated in a 2012 Pew Research Center report, 1.6 billion individuals, nearly a

quarter of the world’s population, currently identify as Muslims. Only about 20% of Muslims

live in the Middle East; the majority live in South and Southeast Asia and the rest are dispersed

around the world, with only 0.3% in the Americas. Although Muslims are united by a belief in a

single God and in the prophet Muhammad, the group as a whole is tremendously diverse (Pew

2012, 7). For example, 80% of Muslims in sub-Saharan Africa, Southeast Asia, and South Asia

feel that religion is very important in their daily lives, compared with 70% in the United States,

60% in the Middle East and North Africa, and less than 50% in Russia, Eastern Europe, and

2 For a complete list of these letters, see appendix 1.

Central Asia (Pew 2012, 7). There are also divisions among Muslims with regards to sectarian

differences, views on orthodoxy, and beliefs such as fate, the afterlife, and how to practice key

Islamic rituals (Pew 2012, 9, 11, 14). Clearly, Islam cannot be viewed as a one-dimensional,

monolithic entity.

Within the United States, it is estimated that there are approximately 2.35 million

Muslims nationwide (Pew 2007, 10). The majority of adult Muslims in the U.S. are immigrants,

many originating from the Middle East and South Asia. There is also racial and ethnic diversity

among native-born Muslim Americans, with more than half being African American (Pew 2007,

1). The divisions among the Muslim American population are similar to those found in the

world-wide Islamic community, which is not surprising given that most Muslim Americans are

immigrants. Some Muslims place a higher emphasis on religion than do others and there are

differences in how Muslim Americans practice their religion (Pew 2007, 8).

Barzegar (2011) provides a helpful explanation of some of the main trends that can be

found within the Muslim American community. For example, some Muslim Americans focus on

Abrahamic Americanism, attempting to connect Islam into the United States’ Judeo-Christian

national heritage by emphasizing similarities between the the three Abrahamic religions and

between Islamic tenets and the US Constitution (Barzegar 2011, 525). Another trend is the

Salafi-Sunni discourse, which is focused on practicing daily religion as outlined in the teachings

of the Qur’an and the prophet Muhammad (Barzegar 2011, 530). A similarly conservative trend

is identified as neo-traditionalism, which emphasizes participation in Islamic sciences as well as

formal teaching and knowledge transmission (Barzegar 2011, 532). On the other end of the

spectrum is the progressive reformism theme, which involves understanding the context in which

Islamic texts were first received and then adapting the principles within a modern-day context

(Barzegar 2011, 534). A final categorization of Muslim Americans has been called the

“homeland homesick,” referring to relatively isolated enclaves of immigrants from the same

ethnicity or nation of origin that attempt to replicate traditions and religious practices of their

homelands (Barzegar 2011, 536). These labels, of course, are not mutually exclusive or all-

encompassing, but they do help to illustrate some of the vast diversity that exists within the

American Muslim community.

It is also important to note that one of the key findings of the Pew Research Center’s

2007 report on Islam in the United States was that, by and large, Muslims are highly assimilated

into American society (Pew 2007, 2). Most American Muslims claim that they have mainly non-

Muslim friends, believe that immigrants should adapt to their host country’s customs, and feel

that they can remain faithful to their religion while living in a modern society (Pew 2007, 2).

Additionally, although many US media sources often express concern about homegrown Islamic

extremism, the Pew Research Center found that the vast majority of Muslim Americans are

opposed to Islamic extremism and violence (Pew 2007, 6). Overall, the Pew report on Muslims

in America demonstrates that, by and large, Muslim Americans are not very different than the

average American (Barzegar 2011, 513). It is important to realize, however, that Muslims’

position in US society has changed dramatically since the attacks of September 11, 2001. Despite

that fact that most Muslim Americans have positive views of the US, they also believe that being

a Muslim in this nation has been noticeably more difficult since 9/11 (Pew 2007, 4).

In recent years, many researchers have begun examining the impact that the 9/11 attacks

have had on US society. Interestingly, many studies focusing on the post-9/11 world have

focused on the media and how it shapes societal understanding. In particular, some have utilized

newspaper articles because of their utility as cultural artifacts that “offer useful documentary

evidence of representations and misrepresentations of lived experience” (Brennen and Duffy

2003, 3). For example, Brennen and Duffy (2003) analyzed news articles published within a few

months of the 9/11 attacks and compared them with articles published after the 1941 Pearl

Harbor attack. Significantly, these researchers suggest that the ways in which groups of people

are portrayed in the media have a significant impact on how society views them. In essence, the

media had a tremendous impact on American society’s pushing Japanese Americans into an

“other” category in 1941, and the same phenomenon has happened with Muslim and Arab

Americans since 2001 (Brennen and Duffy 2003, 3).

In a more recent study, Byng (2008) used newspaper articles to examine how Muslim

Americans’ sense of identity has evolved since 9/11. The premise of this study is that external

social factors have shaped a new identity for Muslim Americans, resulting in systemic inequality

(Byng 2008, 659). A key contribution of Byng’s work is that is provides insights into how

Muslims are portrayed in the media; overlying themes in the articles she examined are that

Muslims think of their religion as being compatible with American society but that others in the

media view Muslims as inherently evil, a perception that is institutionalized through legislation

that allows the targeting and surveillance of Muslims (Byng 2008, 663).

Because knowledge has a powerful affect on society, how Muslim Americans are

portrayed in the media can have very real effects on their lives. Unfortunately, as Bail (2012) has

demonstrated, fringe groups can dominate the media even when the majority of a population

holds different views. As a result, the more extreme views of the fringe are the messages that

begin to shape societal views and discourse about a group or issue. In his study, Bail analyzed

thousands of newspaper articles and TV interview transcripts about Muslims that were produced

between 2001 and 2008 (Bail 2012, 855). He kept track of the organizations that had the

strongest presence in the media and analyzed this information with regards to the organizations’

influence, measured by their financial and social resources. From this analysis, the author

concluded that most civil society organizations were sending pro-Muslim messages. However,

the few groups that were anti-Muslim were overrepresented and prominently displayed in the

media (Bail 2012, 855). These fringe groups’ messages of fear and hate, magnified through

media institutions, had the power to change and shape societal views of Muslims. As a result,

negative views towards Muslims have steadily increased even though Muslim terrorism has

decreased since 9/11 (Bail 2012, 855).

In response to the messages about Islam being portrayed in the media, many Muslims

feel that they are misrepresented (Muedini 2009, 41; Schumann 2004, 307). In particular,

Muedini demonstrated that many college-age Muslims believe a negative image of Islam is

portrayed in the media since news stories focus on negative events such as wars and terrorist

attempts (2009, 41). Even though they did not feel that the media as a whole was anti-Muslim,

these youth felt that the American public was not receiving an accurate picture of Islam. In

addition, many felt that government policies such as the Patriot Act have a tremendous impact on

how Muslims are viewed within America (Muedini 2009, 41). It is also worth mentioning that

even though there are many divisions within the American Islamic community, Muslims have

united somewhat in the face of anti-terrorism initiatives; feelings of isolation from mainstream

society have driven them to join together and form a more cohesive identity as Muslims

(Muedini 2009, 43).

Furthermore, it is clear that many Muslim Americans understand the power of public

communication (Schumann 2004, 308). One activist wrote that Muslims need to engage in

sustained dialogue in order to establish “a coherent movement of thought, not only at the

conscious level that we all recognize, but more importantly at the tacit level, the unspoken level

which cannot be described. If we think together in a coherent way, it would have tremendous

power” (Schumann 2004, 42). Because Muslims have been so marginalized by the media, many

feel the need to be able to communicate in the public sphere in order to explain who they really

are and to correct false portrayals of their faith and community. These individuals understand that

there are connections between knowledge, dialogue, politics, and power, and they know that

communicating through public forums is a key to empowering their community (Schumann

2004, 42-43). As a result, many Muslim Americans are attempting to make their voices heard

within American society.

In sum, it has been well established that mass media is one of the most important forums

through which cultural change is effected and group identities are formed (Bail 2012, 856).

Additionally, it is clear that Muslims are aware of this fact (Muedini 2009; Schumann 2004).

They feel that they are often misrepresented and they understand the importance of providing an

alternate voice to those commonly heard in the news and other media outlets. However, there is a

lack of research examining what Muslim Americans have been doing to counter media

misrepresentation. In this study, therefore, I aim to examine how Muslims are using the media,

specifically the forum of letters to the editor, to offer an alternate perspective. In particular, I will

analyze what Muslim Americans are saying about themselves and how they are saying it.

Methodology

Letter Selection

In order to examine Muslim American voices in the media, I collected a sample of 89

letters to the editor of the New York Times. This nationally-recognized newspaper has an

advanced search feature that allows readers to find specific letters to the editor from among an

archived database of 106,466 letters that were published between 1980 and 2012.3 In order to

find letters written by Muslim Americans, I performed several searches of this database with the

following search terms: “Muslim America,” “Islam America,” “Muslim United States,” and

“Islam United States.” The searches were performed without quotes around the search terms, and

the search was set to find all words (rather than finding any word or the exact phrase) so that all

articles discussing both Islam and the United States would be found. It should also be noted that

searching for “America” will also produce results including “American,” and searches for

“Islam” will also include results containing “Islamic,” “Islamist,” or other forms of the word.

Each letter retrieved through these searches was examined carefully, and letters were

selected for analysis only if they met all of the following criteria: (1) The letter was published

between 1991 and 2011. (2) The writer is identified as a Muslim and an American. The writers

could include identifying statements in their letters, have credentials identifying them as

belonging to Muslim organizations, or simply be well-known as prominent Muslim figures. (3)

The letter mentions or refers to the writer’s views on the religion of Islam. The article can be

3 Database accessible at http://www.nytimes.com/top/opinion/editorialsandoped/letters/. Last accessed March 23, 2013.

primarily about a different topic as long as some discussion of Islam is included, touching on

facets of religion such as beliefs, adherents, or practices. Letters about Islamic regimes, political

Islamist movements, or issues involving the Islamic world do not qualify unless the writer

provides an opinion about the actual religion of Islam.

Because of these strict criteria, my analysis may not include all letters written by Muslim

Americans about Islam; the authors’ religion and nationality were not known for every letter.

However, it is likely that most Muslim letter writers who wrote about about Islam provided some

identification of their religion since the New York Times’ policy is to encourage writers to make it

clear if they have a connection to the topic of their letters (Feyer 2004). Additionally, this

requirement has the effect of limiting the study to only those articles in which the writer wanted

it to be clear that they are providing a Muslim perspective on Islam.

Before proceeding, it will be helpful to provide some notes on the process that the New

York Times editorial staff uses to select letters to publish in the newspaper, based on information

given by the letters editor, Thomas Feyer, in 2004. As of that year, the paper was receiving about

one thousand letters per day. In response to major stories, such as the September 11 attacks, the

editors have received letters at rates of hundreds per hour. Out of these thousands of letters, about

15 are selected to be printed each day. Although it would be impossible for the editors to publish

every letter, they attempt to choose ones that are representative of the most common sentiments

expressed in all the letters received that day; they “try to capture a sense of what’s on readers’

minds” (Feyer 2004). The editors emphasize that it is the readers’ opinions, as a whole, that

shape the complexion of the letters page. Additionally, it is the Times’ policy to only accept

letters of under 150 words, since they receive so many letters and want to represent as many

voices as possible. During the early 1990s, when there were far fewer letter submissions, this

policy was not in effect. This means that the earliest letters I have selected are much longer, and

therefore more in-depth, than the more recent letters.

Based on these facts, it should be emphasized that the letters included in my sample are

by no means representative of Muslim Americans as a whole; they simply represent those who

have submitted a letter to the New York Times and have been published. We cannot draw any

conclusions from this study about general Muslim American opinions and how they have

changed over time. The New York Times editors claim to publish letters that represent all of the

different perspectives presented in letter submissions, making it likely that the most common

Muslim American viewpoints are included. However, we must recognize that there may be

deviating opinions that have not been published. Regardless of these limitations, however, the

purpose of my study is not to examine Muslim American viewpoints as a whole, but rather to

examine what has been said through the forum of letters to the editor of the New York Times.

With this in mind, the sample of letters included in my study is quite comprehensive and

provides invaluable insights into Muslim American voices that are using mass media to speak out

about Islam.

Data collection and analysis

In order to analyze these letters, a few separate methods were used. First, each letter was

analyzed to see if it was written in response to a particular event (such as the release of an anti-

Muslim film, the September 11 attacks, or Peter King’s hearings on Muslims) or if it was simply

in response to something published about Islam in the newspaper. If the writer did not mention a

specific event, it was assumed that the letter fell into the second category. Next, the letters were

coded qualitatively according to the methods outlined by Corbin and Strauss (2008). This

provided valuable information about common themes expressed in the letters. Rather than

looking for common events that the letters were responding to, these themes involved ways that

Muslim Americans explained or defended their religion. Once this data was collected, each of the

most common themes was tracked over time to see how frequently it had been included in letters

during each year of the study period (1991-2011). Instead of keeping track of how many times a

particular theme was mentioned overall, this frequency tracking analysis involved counting how

many letters published each year included a particular theme. In other words, it did not matter if

a theme was referenced once or multiple times in a single letter; the letter was simply marked as

including that theme.

Finally, word frequency analysis software was used in order to obtain objective

information about the most common low-frequency words used throughout the body of letters. It

has been well established that low-frequency words carry most of the meaning of a text (Chung

and Nation 2004, 251; Kwary 2011, 175). High-frequency words are function words that hold the

text together, such as articles, prepositions, and coordinators. Low-frequency words, on the other

hand, are content words. Without them, it would be impossible to understand what a text is

about. In order to separate high-frequency words from low-frequency words, the 89 letters to the

editor were entered into word analysis software that compares words in a given text with the

most commonly used words in the English language.4 This software is based on information

from a vast corpus of American English, which contains usage and frequency information on

more than 450 million words (Davies 2012). When texts are entered into this software, the

4 This word analysis software, created by Mark Davies, is available at www.wordandinfo.org and is based on the Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA), which is available at corpus.byu.edu/coca.

program analyzes each word according to how common it is in the English language as a whole.

This allows the program to compile lists of the high-, medium-, and low-frequency words from

the text, with low-frequency words being those which are outside of the most common 3000

words in the English language. The software also provides the number of times that each word

was used in the text.

By using this software, it was possible to compile a list of all low-frequency words that

Muslim American letter writers had used and subsequently order this list based on how many

times each word had been used. Thus, this analysis made it possible to know which low-

frequency words most commonly appeared throughout the 89 letters. This provided useful

insights into the most popular ideas and topics addressed in the letters. It should be noted that, in

compiling this list, different forms of words with the same root were grouped together. For

example, “terror” and “terrorism” were counted together, allowing for a more accurate count of

the most common topics. After compiling this list, the most common words were analyzed in

context in order to understand exactly how they were used by the letter writers. This analysis is

limited in that it does not account for synonyms, therefore possibly excluding common topics

that letter writers may have used different words to discuss. Nevertheless, it provides useful

information about many of the most common topics.

The results of these three methods, when combined, provide a wealth of information

about the topics and main themes of the letters written by Muslim Americans to the editor of the

New York Times between 1991 and 2011. After concluding this analysis, I also examine articles

published in the Arab American News, an Arabic newspaper published in the United States. One

Arabic article was chosen for four of the most significant events mentioned in the letters to the

editor between 2009 and 2011. These articles have a very different audience than the letters to

the editor, because they are written in Arabic and for Arabic speakers, rather than being written

in English for the general American population. This comparison was conducted in order to

ascertain if the topics and themes that are commonly expressed by Muslim Americans who write

to the New York Times are also expressed by a different group of Muslims in America.

Results

Examination of the letters reveals that there were 24 different events that inspired Muslim

Americans to send letters expressing their views on Islam to the New York Times between 1991

and 2011.5 Out of the 89 letters included in this study, 61 were written in response to these

specific events. (The 28 letters not referencing any of the 24 events were responding to articles

dealing with Islam, or they simply did not mention a specific event.) Interestingly, only 6 of the

24 events took place before the September 11 attacks in 2001. Clearly, 9/11 was a major turning

point for Muslims in America. Note that this does not necessarily prove that there were more

newsworthy events related to Islam or Muslims after 9/11, but it does demonstrate that Muslims

were using letters to the editor more frequently in order to express their views on such events.

Similarly, it is clear from figure 1, which displays the change over time in the number of

Muslim American letters to the editor, that many more letters were written in the decade

following 9/11 than in the decade preceding it. In fact, 66 of the 89 letters, or 74%, were written

after 9/11. It is also worth mentioning that although 2001 had a total of 11 letters, 9 of these were

written in the four months after 9/11. Furthermore, despite the fact that 2001 was a pivotal year,

the number of letters to the editor in the New York Times decreased sharply in the next few years,

5 See appendix 2 for a timeline of these 24 events.

Figure 1. Letters were sorted based on the year in which they were published.

with only two letters per year for 2004 and 2005. Interestingly, however, the letters have

increased significantly since this low point, reaching a high of 13 in 2010, a year in which

Muslim American letters referenced four major events. Once again, this does not necessarily

mean that issues relating to Islam have become more prominent in the years since 2005. It does,

though, correspond with studies claiming that anti-Muslim sentiment is now on the rise, years

after 9/11 (Elver 2012, 158; CAIR 2011, 6).

The Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) reported that although Islamophobia,

which it defines as “close-minded prejudice against or hatred of Islam and Muslims,” was

leveling out by the end of 2008, it began to increase with a “surge of white supremacist activity”

after President Obama was inaugurated; this sentiment was further spurred on by events such as

efforts for immigration reform, the failed Times Square bombing, and the proposed Islamic

center near Ground Zero (CAIR 2011, 6, 22). If it is true that there was a sharp rise in anti-

0

4

8

11

15

1991 1994 1997 2000 2003 2006 2009

Letters to the editor written by Muslim Americans between 1991 and 2011

Number of letters

Muslim sentiment after 2008, it makes sense that there would be a corresponding rise in the

number of letters submitted by Muslim Americans to the editor of the New York Times. Letter

writers would have felt a stronger need to defend themselves if negative rhetoric about Islam was

dominant in the news media.

Analysis of common themes

Qualitative analysis revealed that although the 89 letters to the editor span a wide range

of topics relating to Islam, there are several recurring themes. These themes were identified

through coding analysis that examined the content of each of the letters. Once all letters had been

explored and coded, it became evident that five themes are prominent across the letters as a

whole. These themes are: condemning discrimination, discussing the issue of being American,

countering generalizations, asserting that Islam is a religion of peace, and promoting moderate

Islam. To illustrate what Muslim Americans are saying in defense of their religion, it will be

helpful to examine these five themes in more detail. For each theme, I will provide information

about how frequently it appeared throughout the letters as well as provide examples of how it is

used by various letter writers.

Condemning discrimination

The most common theme found throughout these letters is related to condemning

discrimination faced by American Muslims. This theme was referred to in 55 out of 89, or 62%,

of the letters. This theme was mentioned fairly consistently throughout the two decades included

in the analysis, with frequency patterns mirroring those of the letters as a whole. To be coded

with this theme, a letter had to mention specific actions or policies that were unfair to Muslims,

rather than referencing general prejudice against the religion. It is clear that this is a major issue;

the Pew Research Center reported in its 2007 report that 54% of American Muslims feel that

Muslims are singled out for extra surveillance by the government, and 25% said that they

personally had been victims of discrimination. The letters to the editor in this study provide

additional insights into the types of discrimination that are taking place, ranging from

governmental and political offenses to media misrepresentations and hate crimes.

In their letters to the editor, Muslim Americans explain that they “have seen their

religion, patriotism and identity pillaged” by those who resort to “rabble-rousing, demagogy and

cheap politics” (Haque 2010). One of the main ways in which this discrimination is manifest is

through institutionalized policies or programs that affect Muslims more than other groups. For

example, writers reported being singled out and intimidated by the government through

increased surveillance and events such as Peter King’s hearings on radical Islam (Bayoumi 1993;

Mundia 2002; Rehman 2011). One writer also mentioned that the government has been unwilling

to provide funding to update school textbooks that are filled with “stereotypes, [which] send a

clear message to both the victims and perpetrators of bias” (Mundia 2002). It seems that many

Muslims feel their lack of representation in the government, combined with anti-Islamic

prejudices, has caused “religious freedom for Muslims [to be] in jeopardy” (Haque 2010; Hassan

2000).

Several writers also mention that Muslim Americans are discriminated against by

politicians, who view the support of Muslims as “a political liability in a public square greatly

influenced by perception and fear” (‘Abdur-Rashid 2008). This was a major issue in 2000 when

Hillary Clinton returned campaign contributions from Muslim organizations, an act described as

“a slap in the face of this country’s fastest growing religious-cultural community” (Khan 2000).

This political discrimination was also a major issue during the presidential campaign of 2008,

when Barak Obama was accused by many of being a Muslim; actual Muslims were upset by the

fact that being called a Muslim was seen as a slur (Khan 2008; Shora 2008). It is easy to

understand why, in today’s hostile atmosphere, political candidates are not eager to be associated

with Muslims. However, it is an equally simple matter to understand why it is offensive for

Muslim Americans to be considered a liability for those who represent them in government.

Finally, many letter writers described acts of hate and violence that have been carried out

against American Muslims. In some instances, these acts were directed at Muslim women

wearing a head scarf, likely because they were easily identifiable as Muslims (Haque 2006).

Writers described a Muslim individual being murdered for his religion, an American-born

Muslim woman being “pelted with eggs . . . and told to go back where she came from” (Bayoumi

1993), and Muslim school students being subjected to bullying (Almontaser 2010). As a result of

this violence and vitriol directed as Muslims, many have felt conflicted about their identity as

both Muslims and Americans. After the September 11 attacks, one women wrote that she first

“experienced 9/11 as an American mother, then as a ‘Muslim other’” (Serageldin 2011). Another

writer expressed his frustration with feeling that he had to hide his religion from his fellow

Americans (Khawaja 2009), and another wrote, “as Muslims raising children in America, we

shake our heads when our 6-year-old, sensing our reluctance to publicly discuss religion, asks us,

‘Why do we not tell people we are Muslim--is it a secret?’” (Haque 2002). For many of these

Muslims, it is clearly a struggle to reconcile their religious beliefs with a society in which “an

unapologetic Islamophobia is the last allowable prejudice in America” (Serageldin 2001).

As these examples illustrate, many American Muslims are greatly concerned with the

high levels of discrimination that they face on a regular basis. They feel singled out by the

government and law enforcement, they are subject to personal attacks and hate crimes, they are

viewed as liabilities by politicians, and they feel they are losing their freedom of religion which

should be insured by the United States Constitution. By voicing their concerns in these letters to

the editor, it seems that many Muslim Americans are attempting to raise awareness of the

discrimination they are facing. Perhaps they hope that if they are able to help the American

public understand their plight, things may improve in the future.

Discussing the issue of being American

The second most common theme found throughout the letters relates to discussing what it

means to be an American. This theme was present in 51 letters. Significantly, however, it was

relatively uncommon before 2001, with only 5 instances. After the 9/11 attacks, references to this

theme increased dramatically. It seems that in the aftermath of the attacks, many Muslim

Americans may have faced accusations of not being true Americans. As a result, they wrote

letters asserting their pride in being American, appealing to their fellow citizens’ patriotism, and

attempting to nurture a sense of shared national experience.

This theme was commonly manifest by letter writers declaring that they are proud to live

in the United States (Haque 2006; Khawaja 2009). One writer clarified that “I am grateful and

loyal to America, my home. . . . Though I don’t always agree with our foreign policy, I take pride

in the principles upon which America stands” (Karamat 2011). Another wrote, “I am a Muslim,

but above all else I am an American” (Awad 2010). The most commonly cited reason for these

writers’ pride in America is their appreciation for the freedoms and liberties that exist in this

nation. For example, one writer mentioned that he values America’s “freedom, justice and

equality” (Karamat 2011), while another wrote about Muslims’ access to the “cup of American

posterity” (Ahmad 2010). In addition, one writer declared that he appreciated “America’s

tradition of proudly protecting and promoting the rights to practice and display one’s religion

however one chooses” (Hussain 2011; see also Saeed 2002). Another mentioned that she was

“proud to live in the United States, a country that guarantees its citizens the right to dress as they

choose” (Haque 2006). These statements illustrate that because Muslim Americans face a large

degree of opposition from society, they have a heightened appreciation for the basic rights of the

the US Constitution.

Furthermore, one of the main rhetorical techniques employed throughout these letters

involves appealing to the greater American population, encouraging them to stand up for the

freedoms granted to all in the Constitution. One writer argued that “here in America, all faiths are

equal, all groups are equal and all individuals are equal. A transgression on one of them is a

transgression on all” (Abu-Rish 2011). This individual is claiming that if the American people

allow the restriction of one group’s rights, it has an effect on the entire society. Another letter

writer agreed, stating that “singling out a minority for persecution puts us on a slippery

slope” (Khodr 2010). Writing about the Gaza War, a different writer expressed a similar

sentiment, stating, “I believe that all people are endowed by the Creator with certain inalienable

rights. We are citizens of a morally just country who believe in those rights, and once we

Americans accept the loss of those rights for anyone, we risk losing them for ourselves” (Hijazi

2009). These writers are appealing to Americans’ patriotism, arguing that in the land of the free,

there is no room for discrimination against any single group. They are attempting to make the

point that “this is not an issue for American Muslims only, but it affects all of us and we need to

speak out if we are to maintain this ‘best hope for mankind,’ the American experiment in

democracy, tolerance, and diversity” (Nurhussein 2007).

In addition, many writers attempted to foster a sense of shared American experience,

emphasizing similarities between Muslims and the greater American population. On the one

hand, many Muslims reference the idea of Abrahamic Americanization, that Islam, Christianity,

and Judaism all can be traced to the same Abrahamic roots (Barzegar 2011, 525). For example,

one writer expressed that the American culture should be described as the “Judeo-Christian-

Islamic culture” since Islam is a significant “part of the American landscape” (Cheema 1996).

Another wrote that “many moderate Christians and Jews understand that we all pray to the God

of Abraham” (Ahmed 2004). Other letters emphasized the fact that Muslims are just like any

other American citizens. One writer, in response to a column that seemingly “[granted] a special

designation of ‘Americanness’ to the predominately white, Christian Americans who are only

one part of our country,” declared that these individuals “are no more American than a Muslim

immigrant or a third-generation Latino American” (Karerat 2010).

Some writers drew this connection less explicitly by explaining that Muslims are ordinary

human beings who suffered as much as other Americans as a result of 9/11. As one individual

wrote,

the horror of the destruction of the World Trade Center had an impact on all Americans. But as a Pakistani-American Muslim, another dimension was added to my grief. I had to sit my sons down . . . and warn them to be careful and be prepared for any backlash against Muslims they may have to deal with. How do you tell kids who are born and raised in New York, and know America as home, that they may be considered by some perverse element as the enemy? How do you explain to them that as much as they love baseball, maybe they should avoid going to a Mets game, not in fear of threats from terrorists but in fear of threats from their own people? (Haider 2001)

By putting a human face on the experiences that Muslim Americans have had as a result of anti-

Islamic sentiment, these writers are hoping to be able to help Americans understand that our

nation needs to “come together as a nation of tolerance that stands as a model of peace for the

world” (Bashir 2010). They are emphasizing that Muslims are simply ordinary people, just “as

American today as [they] were before Sept. 11,” who contribute to society by working as

“lawyers, teachers, police officers and mechanics” (Abdelkarim 2001). These letter writers are

hoping that eventually, “America will view Muslims as fellow Americans” (Awad 2010) and will

recognize that America must be united in order to remain strong and successful (Ahmed 2004).

By addressing the question of what it means to be an American, these letter writers are

emphasizing that they are proud of their home, that they value their freedom, and that they have

much in common with all other Americans. In many ways, these Muslim Americans are reaching

out to their fellow citizens. They may be hoping that by reasserting the fact that they love and are

loyal to the United States, prejudice and discrimination towards Muslims will decrease within

America.

Countering generalizations

The third major theme, which relates to countering generalizations about Muslims, was

found in 41 separate letters. The first element of this theme is that many letter writers emphasize

that the media often resorts to stereotypes and generalizations that misrepresent the Islamic

community as a whole. These writers feel that Muslims as a group are often depicted as being

supportive of terrorism and disloyal to America (Ahmad 2001; Iftikhar 2001; Mokhiber 1991;

Shaaban 1998; Winchester 2010). As one writer put it, “certain conservative commentators use

gutter language with complete impunity in their TV and radio programs or newspaper columns to

denounce Muslim Americans for the crime of being Muslims” (Ahmed 2007). Another writer

criticized a New York Times article for presenting “an unbalanced and scurrilous account full of

anti-Arab and anti-Muslim innuendoes” (Mokhiber 1993). Finally, a writer alluded to the

powerful impact that information transmitted through the media has on society, writing that “the

unyielding media characterization of Islam as an ethic of violence and intolerance . . . taints the

public’s perception of American Muslims” (Rahim 2000). A clear message sent through these

letters is that common media portrayals of Muslims are inaccurate and quite damaging to the

population of Muslim Americans as a whole, contributing to “the current state of affairs, in

which American Muslims fear attack from their neighbors and expect harassment from the

state” (Ahmad 2001).

In order to counter these generalizations, many letters emphasize that Islam is not “a

homogenous mass” (Maksoud 1998). Through these letters, the writers are attempting to dispel

stereotypes that all Muslims are “somehow culpable in the 9/11 crimes” (Ahmed 2010), “seek

the destruction of Israel” (Meer 1992), and are “violent, unscrupulous and . . . an insecure ‘new

immigrant group’” (Maksoud 1998). Letter writers have pointed out that there are over a billion

Muslims and they are certainly not all responsible for the crimes of a few (Hakki 2009;

Mokhibar 1991). As one put it, “Islam is a complex religion that has, over 1,400 years, taken on

many political, philosophical, theological and mystical forms in a number of countries; and

Muslims are a diverse grouping of people that differ in gender, class, ethnicity and

experience” (Karim 1993). In addition, one writer pointed out that “oversimplification of cultures

and perpetuation of stereotypes” have been quite dangerous, resulting in “losses of money, lives

and allies” (Meer 1992). Many Muslim Americans have felt violated as a result of being lumped

in with terrorists and those who seek to harm the United States (Mokhiber 1991).

In a similar vein, many letter writers offered a plea to the American community to avoid

generalizing about all Muslims based on “the acts of a cowardly few” (Iftikhar 2001). For

example, after the bombing of the World Trade Center in 2003, one Muslim American pointed

out the incredible irresponsibility of punishing “virtually all Arabs, Muslims and new immigrants

to this country” due to one man’s crimes, declaring that while the bombing was a “horrible and

vile act,” we must remember that “in the search to find the criminals responsible, more innocent

people must not be made to suffer” (Bayoumi 1993). Another letter writer emphasized that “the

fight against terrorism should be directed toward real terrorists and those who support them, not

toward people trying to live the American dream but who follow a different faith” (Ali 2008). It

is important to realize that these Muslim Americans were not denying that there are extremist

strains of Islam. Rather, they were simply pointing out that there is great diversity within Islam

and that “it is imperative to realize the absurdity of blanket statements” (Iftikhar 2001). The ways

in which we perceive others truly do impact society, and thus it is imperative that we hear the

voices of Muslim Americans such as the one who wrote, “It is unfair that 1.5 billion people are

being lumped together as terrorists. I vehemently condemn terrorism of any sort. And I object to

being viewed as a terrorist simply because I am a Muslim” (Bashir 2010).

Clearly, many of those Muslim Americans who wrote letters to the editor of the New York

Times feel upset because of they way they are often portrayed in American public discourse.

They use their letters to illustrate the vast diversity within their religion, asserting that they are

not part of a homogenous group and that they do not support the acts of all who identify as

Muslim. Additionally, they provide examples of the ways in which Muslim Americans have been

harmed by broad generalizations. In doing so, these letter writers may be attempting to alter the

ways in which the American people view Muslims. It seems they are hoping that as they make

their voices heard, more individuals will eventually recognize the danger of misusing labels and

generalizations.

Asserting that Islam is a religion of peace

The fourth theme, asserting that Islam is a religion of peace, was found in 27 of the 89

letters to the editor. Interestingly, this theme is found in the highest concentrations in 2001 and

the two years immediately following, suggesting that in light of 9/11, the worst terrorist attack

ever committed by Islamic terrorists against the United States, American Muslims were

particularly eager to defend the goodness of their religion. One aspect of this theme is the many

instances in which letter writers describe Muslims as peaceful or peace-loving (Nurhussein 2007;

Rahim 2000; Serageldin 2011). In opposition to the negative images of Islam that permeated

most of the mainstream media, these individuals represented their religion as one that “preaches

religious tolerance and coexistence” (Meer 1992).

One letter writer responded to a journalist’s charge that Muslims need to find a way to

interpret their religion peacefully by declaring that “Islam is inherently a religion of tolerance

and peace and does not need to be interpreted by a Saudi sheik to prove that. . . . I should never

have to apologize for my unflinching belief in Islam” (Iftikhar 2001). Another Muslim American

writer denounced the idea that violence and terrorism are inherent in Islam, explaining that

“under Islam, God would never ask a person to kill innocent people” and that there is no such

thing as a holy war, “as all wars are unholy” (Mehdi 1994). A few writers extended the message

of peace by stressing that all people are viewed equally in Islam, “regardless of color, language,

nationality, or even religion” (Mehdi 1994), and that Islam is a “profound and peaceful faith

practiced by people of all races and socioeconomic statuses” (Abdelkarim 2001).

As these quotes demonstrate, many of the letter writers felt it was important to counter

the widespread messages of violent Islam by emphasizing that most Muslims are peaceful and

just. It is indisputable that there are countless interpretations of Islam, some of which embrace

violence and exclusivist tendencies. However, many of these Muslim American letter writers

seemed to feel that although these violent interpretations are limited to fringe groups, they are the

only ones discussed in the mainstream media. In order to defend their beliefs in a peaceful and

good religion, these writers expressed their own personal views about Islam in hopes that they

would be able to provide the American public with a more accurate understanding of the religion.

Promoting moderate Islam

The final theme to be discussed here relates to promoting moderate interpretations of

Islam. This theme, which was included in 14 letters, was nearly nonexistent in letters to the

editor before the September 11 attacks. Since the attacks, however, there has been at least one

letter referencing this theme nearly every year. The theme seems to have two main purposes. One

is to further counter generalizations by emphasizing that many Muslims have moderate beliefs

and are indeed speaking out in defense of those beliefs. The other, which is perhaps more

significant, is to call Muslims to stand up against extremist strains of Islam and to embrace

moderate beliefs.

A few letter writers mentioned that although moderate voices are plentiful, they have not

been prominent enough in the media. One argued that this is dangerous since some individuals

may be driven to extremism by the rhetoric to which they are exposed in the media, explaining

that “we Muslims allowed a mind-set (which may have influenced Major Hasan [the Fort Hood

shooter]) by letting immoderate voices drown out more moderate ones” (Hakki 2009). Another

writer placed more blame on the media, expressing that although moderate Muslims are speaking

out and “constantly condemning” extremism, the moderate voices “are being unjustly silenced

and ignored” (Jaber 2007). A similar sentiment is expressed in another letter, which claims that

the media’s depictions of “Muslims as silent spectators is quite unjust” because they are raising

their voices against violence and extremism (Farooqi 2009). These letter writers are calling on

moderate voices to assert themselves in order to counter the extreme voices, as well as

condemning the media for not making more of an effort to include moderate Muslims in the

public discourse.

Furthermore, many letter writers have called for increased moderation among Muslims in

America. These writers explain that Muslims must not be so focused on defending their peaceful

interpretations of Islam that they attempt to avoid or hide the fact that there are extremist strains

within American Islam. One Pakistani American writes that “we ought to be concerned about the

clandestine outbursts of Muslims in the United States who sympathize with the Palestinians, with

the fanatic Muslim clergy or with the likes of Osama bin Laden (whom many see as a

charismatic and courageous leader)” (Qamar 2001). A second letter expressed a similar

sentiment, declaring that “we should stand up and resist the Taliban-like forces in the American

mosques that mandate a draconian Muslim system that bars women from work, prohibits

television, music and dancing and punishes men who trim their beards” (Asad 2001). These

Muslim Americans writers seem to share the belief that “Islam by its nature is not a religion of

extremes” (Saeed 2002). However, they recognize the fact that there are problems that need to be

addressed with religious extremism in America. They are encouraging all American Muslims to

reach out to their communities and “put their heads together and work . . . for the rejection of

extremism,” recognizing that “there is a need for reform and a revived enlightened Muslim

mind-set” (Hasan 2005).

These Muslim Americans are using the forum of letters to the editor to make it clear to

the American population that there are many moderate Muslims who are doing their best to

assert themselves and fight against extremism in Islam. They are asking their fellow Muslims to

embrace moderate beliefs, express those beliefs publicly, and fight against extremist strains

within the American Muslim community. This shows that many Muslim Americans are taking

responsibility for shaping the way their religion is viewed in the media as well as how their

religion is practiced throughout the United States. They seem to feel that if more Muslim

Americans would take a stand for moderate interpretations of Islam, extremist voices could be

drowned out in the media and would no longer have as much sway within our nation.

Word frequency analysis

To supplement this discussion of common themes found throughout the 89 Muslim

American letters to the editor, it is also helpful to examine the results of a word frequency

analysis performed on the letter texts. From all of the combined letters, there were 895 low-

frequency or specialized words (words outside of the most common 3000 words in the English

language). Most of these words were only used once throughout the letters, but several were used

multiple times. Examining the most common of these low-frequency words provides valuable

insight into many of the ideas that are commonly referenced throughout the letters. It should be

noted that this assessment does not necessarily provide a completely accurate depiction of the

most common ideas since it does not take all synonyms into account. However, it does provide

useful quantitative information about some of the most prevalent ideas. In a sense, this list of the

most frequent specialized words, included in table 1, provides an overview of the main topics

addressed throughout the letters as a whole. To provide context, I will also provide examples of

how these words were used within the letters.

Table 1. Frequency of specialized words within letters to the editor written from 1991-2001

Frequency Words and examples24 terror, terrorism

Muslim Americans have been instrumental in thwarting terror attempts by Muslim radicals (Chaudhry 2011). I vehemently condemn terrorism of any sort (Bashir 2010).

17 extreme, extremes, extremism, extremistsIslam by its nature is not a religion of extremes (Saeed 2002). While all acts of terrorism by the extremists must be condemned, maligning all Muslims for the acts of few should also be deplored (Hasan 2005).

12 condemn, condemns, condemned, condemnationsOn behalf of every member of the global Muslim community, I condemn the vicious acts that occurred in Washington and New York (Iftikhar 2001). Sadly, Muslim condemnations are not considered important enough to warrant media attention (Jaber 2007).

11 perpetuate, perpetuation, perpetuatingCapitalizing on recent waves of anti-Muslim sentiment, [Peter King’s] hearings will perpetuate the myth that Muslims are a monolith (Rehman 2011). Oversimplification of cultures and perpetuation of stereotypes have paid off in losses of money, lives, and allies (Meer 1992).

11 tolerance, intolerance, tolerantThe Koran preaches religious tolerance and coexistence (Meer 1992). The unyielding media characterization of Islam as an ethic of violence and intolerance already taints the public’s perception of American Muslims (Rahim 2000).

Frequency Words and examples10 moderate, moderates, moderation, immoderate

The approval of a mosque and Islamic center within two blocks of ground zero will embolden the moderate Muslims in America (Ahmed 2010). We Muslims allowed a mind-set (which may have influenced Major Hasan) by letting immoderate voices drown out more moderate ones (Hakki 2009).

10 pride, proud, proudlyDespite discrimination, we are proud of our modest dress. We are also proud to live in the United States, a country that guarantees its citizens the right to dress as they choose (Haque 2006). Though I don’t always agree with our foreign policy, I take pride in the principles upon which America stands (Karamat 2011).

9 prejudice, prejudices, prejudiced, prejudicialIt is high time that Americans put aside their prejudices and come together as a nation of tolerance (Bashir 2010). I have been disturbed by the media coverage that instead of challenging the prejudiced assumptions of this allegation buys into the notion that being called a follower of Islam is a slur (Khan 2008).

8 jihadists, jihadWhile its true that jihadists are a minority, they are certainly not held in high esteem (Farooqi 2009). “Jihad” is not a “holy war,” as the Western news media proclaim. There are no holy wars, as all wars are unholy! (Mehdi 1994).

8 mosque, mosquesThere is a part of me that is deeply hurt and saddened by the reaction of my fellow Americans regarding the building of this mosque [near Ground Zero] (Awad 2010). Muslim organizations, sheiks, mosques and the Muslim community at large are constantly condemning [extremist] actions (Jaber 2007).

8 peace-loving, peacefulThe vast majority of American Muslims are peace-loving (Chaudhry 2011). Many Arabs and Arab-Americans practice Islam as it was meant to be practiced--as a peaceful religion (Shaaban 1998).

8 veil, veils, head scarf, hijab, niqab, veilsRestricting the right to wear a niqab . . . infringes on freedoms of religion, conscience and thought (Hussain 2011). As an American Muslim woman who wears a head scarf in New York City, I can relate to many of [these difficult] experiences (Haque 2006).

Frequency Words and examples7 insult, insults, insulting

The returning of a gift is an insult in every culture, and the suggestion that the money is tainted, as clear indications that neither Mrs. Clinton nor Mr. Lazio has any intention of representing Muslims (Hassan 2000). That statement doesn’t just insult terrorists, it insults all hard-working, loyal Muslim-Americans (Ali 2008).

7 stereotype, stereotypes, stereotypical, stereotyped, stereotypingThe acts of a cowardly few must not be used to stereotype or generalize about a people (Iftikhar 2001). Since Sept. 11, we have been so engulfed in stereotypical and xenophobic rhetoric that we forget some of our own past (Iftikhar 2002).

6 anti-Islam, anti-MuslimWith anti-Muslim hysteria prevalent in the world today, it is imperative to realize the absurdity of blanket statements (Iftikhar 2001). The fanning of anti-Muslim sentiment inherent in the demagogy that passes for political discourse is likely to add to the bigotry of some who may feel compelled to act on it (Nurhussein 2007).

6 diverse, diversityI applaud Michael A. Newdow for upholding religious diversity in America before the highest court of the land (Muqaribu 2004). Muslims are a diverse grouping of people that differ in gender, class, ethnicity and experience (Karim 1993).

Note: Frequency refers to the number of times a word was used within the aggregate body of text obtained from the 89 letters to the editor. Only words that were referenced more than five times were included in this table. Different forms of the same word were counted together and various words for “veil” were combined in one category.

By and large, the words and examples included in table 1 correspond with the themes

discussed previously. For example, many of the words, such as terror, extremism, peaceful, and

jihad are used to counter generalizations about Islam and to explain that Islam is a religion of

peace. Pride is used to demonstrate that Muslim Americans are proud of their religion but also of

their nation. Insult and anti-Muslim illustrate some of the discrimination that Muslims have faced

within America, especially since 9/11. Condemn is used to describe Muslim’s rejection of

terrorism and extremism, and moderate is used to discuss the need for more moderate voices in

the public dialogue about Islam. Thus, this work frequency analysis provides added depth and

understanding to my study by confirming the five major themes identified throughout the 89

letters to the editor. The Muslim Americans who wrote these letters are clearly concerned with

condemning discrimination, expressing their sentiments about being American, countering

generalizations, asserting that Islam is a religion of peace, and promoting moderate Islam.

Analysis of Arabic American newspaper articles

Comparing the themes present in these letters to the editor with articles written in Arabic

American newspapers allows us to ascertain whether or not there is consistency in the issues that

are being discussed by different groups of Muslims in America. Those Muslim Americans who

read and write letters to the New York Times are likely to have a significantly different

demographic profile than those who read American newspapers that are written in Arabic. These

articles are also different because they are secondary sources and are much longer than the letters

to the editor of the New York Times. Furthermore, rather than being written with an audience of

the entire population of the United States, the articles in these Arabic newspapers are geared

solely towards Arab American populations in the US. For the purpose of this study, four Arabic

newspaper articles from the Arab American News were analyzed.6 The four selected articles dealt

with the following issues: the ten year anniversary of 9/11, Peter King’s hearings on the

radicalization of Muslims, the proposed Islamic center near Ground Zero, and the Fort Hood

shooting.

In order to compare these Arabic articles with the letters to the editor, I examined the

sentiments expressed in the articles in terms of the five main themes found in the letters to the

editor. Overall, the sentiments expressed in these four Arabic articles are quite similar to those of

6 Accessible at http://www.arabamericannews.com/news/.

the New York Times letters to the editor. There are a few differences, such as that the theme of

promoting moderate Islam was not significantly represented in the Arabic articles. However, the

other four themes are presented in nearly identical manners. The themes of condemning

discrimination and discussing the issue of being American are seen particularly strongly in the

article about Peter King’s hearings of American Muslims. This article states that Arab Americans

“want to be completely American, believe in America, and want to be an integral part of its

society;” however, Peter King and other Republicans do not understand this and are bullying

Muslims with the hearings (Beydoun 2011).7 Clearly, this writer felt that the hearings were unfair

to Muslim Americans. Additionally, this passage illustrates the loyalty that many within the Arab

and Muslim American communities show towards the United States.

Attempts to counter generalization are also seen in the article about the Fort Hood

shootings, which emphatically states that “Arab Americans and Muslim Americans denounce the

attack” (Arab American News 2009). As was seen in the letters to the editor, the author of this

article was very strong in emphasizing that most Muslims condemn all violence in the name of

Islam. Muslim Americans who express these feelings are demonstrating that even though a few

Muslims may embrace violence and hatred, most do not. By renouncing acts of violent Muslims,

these individuals are expressing that there is great diversity within Islam and that the American

public should be careful to not generalize about all Muslims based on the actions of a few.

The Arabic article about the ten year anniversary of 9/11 also provides insights into Arab

and Muslim Americans’ views on the discrimination they have faced as a result of increased

security measures. This article states that “the September 11 attacks forced Muslim Americans to

7 All translations, unless otherwise noted, are my own.

re-evaluate their views regarding the security situation in the country, but this did not prevent

many from questioning whether the strength of security was a guarantee of improving the

nation’s capacity and readiness to prevent another terrorist attack” (Arab American News 2011).

In other words, although Arab and Muslim Americans have been willing to dutifully comply with

extra security measures, they still feel that some of the precautions that specifically target

Muslims are not always effective or necessary. As a result, many feel that the government is

unjustly discriminating against Muslim and Arab Americans.

Furthermore, the Arabic article about the proposed Islamic center near Ground Zero

offers insights into Muslim American’s thoughts on being American. This article states that those

working on the project “will struggle to protect the rights which the American Constitution

ensures” (Arab American News 2010). As was seen in the letters to the editor, the author of this

article expresses that Americans understand and value their freedoms and rights as guaranteed by

the Constitution. They view themselves as patriotic Americans and they are proud of living in a

nation in which they have the right to practice their religion in peace and freedom. They also

appeal to their fellow citizens’ sense of patriotism by implying that those who value the

Constitution should want to protect the rights of all Americans. Clearly, these Muslim Americans

believe that it is entirely possible to be a good Muslim as well as a good American.

Finally, the article about the Fort Hood shootings emphasizes the theme that Islam is a

religion of peace. It explains that no act of violence or terrorism is the fault of religion and

includes a statement from a Muslim organization declaring that “Arab Americans feel as deep of

distress as other Americans at the fate of the victims and they sympathize with the victims’

families” (Arab American News 2009). By asserting that it would be impossible to carry out such

a violent attack in the name of Islam, the author of this article is arguing that the Fort Hood

attack was motivated by personal, rather than religious, motives. By framing the event in this

manner, the author is able to separate the religion of Islam from violence committed by Muslims.

This sentiment is quite similar to that expressed by many of those who wrote letters to the editor

of the New York Times; these writers also declared that Islam is inherently peaceful and that

those who carry out acts of terror and violence are not inspired by the true teachings of Islam.

Clearly, there are many similarities between the ideas and messages presented in the

letters to the editor of the New York Times, a major national news paper, and the articles written

in the Arabic-language newspaper, the Arab American News. This suggests that the major themes

discussed throughout this paper are important to those writing for a diverse national audience as

well as to those writing for an audience composed largely of Muslims and recent immigrants.

These are key issues for many different Muslim Americans around the United States, despite the

fact that there is vast diversity within the Muslim community in this nation.

Conclusion

Based on this information about what Muslim Americans are saying about their religion

within the public discourse, it is possible to answer the question of whether or not moderate

Muslims are speaking out against moderate Islam. By analyzing letters to the editor written by

Muslim Americans during the decades prior to and following the 9/11 attacks, it is possible to see

that many moderate Muslims have written to the New York Times in attempts to make their

voices heard. Through qualitative coding and word frequency analysis, five main themes were

revealed in the letters: condemning discrimination, discussing the issue of being American,

countering generalizations, asserting that Islam is a religion of peace, and promoting moderate

Islam. Furthermore, an analysis of four Arabic-language newspaper articles from the Arab

American News revealed that most of these themes are also present in the discourse of another

group of Muslim Americans with a different audience. This suggests that these themes may be

widespread throughout Muslim American communities. However, letters to the editor of the New

York Times and articles from the Arab American News are only two of many forums that Muslim

Americans may be using to participate in the public discourse about Islam. Further research will

therefore be needed in order to compare and contrast the messages that are being sent through

these forums and through alternate methods of communication.

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Appendix 1Letters to the editor of the New York Times

Abdelkarim, Riad. 2001. Letter to the editor. New York Times. October 24.

Abdi, Abdul. 1996. Letter to the editor. New York Times. August 1996.

‘Abdur-Rashid, Al-Hajj Talib. 2008. Letter to the editor. New York Times. June 25.

Abu-Rish, Wagih. 2011. Letter to the editor. New York Times. March 9.

Afrasiabi, Kaveh L. 2002. Letter to the editor. New York Times. November 12.

Ahmad, Afzal. 2006. Letter to the editor. New York Times. February 7.

Ahmad, Fakhruddin. 2007. Letter to the editor. New York Times. April 14, 2007.

Ahmad, Fakhruddin. 2010. Letter to the editor. New York Times. August 3.

Ahmed, Khalid. 2004. Letter to the editor. New York Times. February 4.

Ahmed, Mohammed. 1994. Letter to the editor. New York Times. March 10.

Ahmad, Sardar Anees. 2009. Letter to the editor. New York Times. June 5.

Ahmad, Sardar Anees. 2010. Letter to the editor. New York Times. September 20.

Ahmad, Sardar Anees. 2011. Letter to the editor. New York Times. May 2.

Ahmad, Sardar Anees. 2011. Letter to the editor. New York Times. August 5.

Ali, Saqib. 2008. Letter to the editor. New York Times. September 5.

Alkhatib, Ihsan. 2007. Letter to the editor. New York Times. February 11.

Almontaser, Debbie. 2010. Letter to the editor. New York Times. October 28.

Asad, Syed N. 2001. Letter to the editor. New York Times. October 26.

Awad, Mahmoud M. 2010. Letter to the editor. New York Times. September 4.

Ayoob, Salma. 2006. Letter to the editor. New York Times. March 12.

Bashir, Shahina. 2010. Letter to the editor. New York Times. August 24.

Bayoumi, Moustafa. 1993. Letter to the editor. New York Times. March 23.

Chaudhry, Humayun J. 2002. Letter to the editor. New York Times. June 28.

Chaudhry, Kashif N. 2011. Letter to the editor. New York Times. March 9.

Cheema, M. A. 1996. Letter to the editor. New York Times. September 27.

Contractor, Imran. 2010. Letter to the editor. New York Times. September 13.

Farooqi, Owais A. 2009. Letter to the editor. New York Times. December 23.

Haider, Ismat. 2001. Letter to the editor. New York Times. September 24.

Hakki, Ayman. 2009. Letter to the editor. New York Times. November 22.

Haque, Afshan. 2006. Letter to the editor. New York Times. September 11.

Haque, S. Izaz. 2002. Letter to the editor. New York Times. November 11.

Haque, S. Izaz. 2010. Letter to the editor. New York Times. August 19.

Haque, S. Izaz. 2010. Letter to the editor. New York Times. December 21.

Hasan, Khwaja A. 2003. Letter to the editor. New York Times. October 5.

Hasan, Khwaja A. 2005. Letter to the editor. New York Times. July 9.

Hassan, Farjah. 2000. Letter to the editor. New York Times. October 30.

Al-Hassan, Mohammed. 1995. Letter to the editor. New York Times. February 25.

Hathout, Gasser. 1996. Letter to the editor. New York Times. March 20.

Hijazi, Hala. 2009. Letter to the editor. New York Times. January 14.

Hooper, Ibrahim. 1995. Letter to the editor. New York Times. February 11.

Hooper, Ibrahim. 2003. Letter to the editor. New York Times. February 4.

Husain, Anwar. 2008. Letter to the editor. The New York Times. June 28.

Husain, Kumber. 2002. Letter to the editor. New York Times. June 6.

Hussain, Azhar. 2011. Letter to the editor. New York Times. April 12.

Iftikhar, Arsalan Tariq. 2001. Letter to the editor. New York Times. July 14.

Iftikhar, Arsalan Tariq. 2001. Letter to the editor. New York Times. September 14.

Iftikhar, Arsalan Tariq. 2001. Letter to the editor. New York Times. December 17.

Iftikhar, Arsalan Tariq. 2002. Letter to the editor. New York Times. June 11.

Iftikhar, Arsalan Tariq. 2003. Letter to the editor. New York Times. October 23.

Jaber, Hiba. 2007. Letter to the editor. New York Times. December 2007.

Karamat, Saad. 2011. Letter to the editor. New York Times. September 3.

Karerat, Ryan. 2010. Letter to the editor. New York Times. August 2010.

Karim, Farhad. 1993. Letter to the editor. New York Times. June 18.

Karim, Lamia. 1994. Letter to the editor. New York Times. August 12.

Khan, Maaiz. 2011. Letter to the editor. New York Times. February 13.

Khan, Mujeeb R. 2000. Letter to the editor. New York Times. October 2000. Khan, Mujeeb R. 2001. Letter to the editor. New York Times. November 22.

Khan, Sami. 2008. Letter to the editor. New York Times. March 12.

Khawaja, Moein. 2009. Letter to the editor. New York Times. June 5.

Khodr, Mohamed. 2001. Letter to the editor. New York Times. September 12.

Khodr, Mohamed. 2010. Letter to the editor. New York Times. September 9.

Meer, Ashraf S. 1992. Letter to the editor. New York Times. July 7.

Mehdi, M. T. 1992. Letter to the editor. New York Times. April 17.

Mehdi, Mohammad T. 1994. New York Times. May 11.

Mokhiber, Albert. 1991. Letter to the editor. New York Times. August 29.

Mokhiber, Albert. 1993. Letter to the editor. New York Times. February 24.

Mozaffar, Omer M. 2003. Letter to the editor. New York Times. December 20.

Mundia, Munib. 2002. Letter to the editor. New York Times. May 5.

Mundia, Munib. 2003. Letter to the editor. New York Times. June 9.

Munib, Mohammed. 2003. Letter to the editor. New York Times. April 21.

Muqaribu, Mudhillun. 2004. Letter to the editor. New York Times. March 29.

Murtaza, Ali. 1993. Letter to the editor. New York Times. May 22.

Nurhussein, Mohammed A. 2007. Letter to the editor. New York Times. October 31.

Pervez, Saulat. 1998. Letter to the editor. New York Times. March 14.

Qamar, Jaffer. 2001. Letter to the editor. New York Times. October 8.

Rahim, Aly. 2000. Letter to the editor. New York Times. October 28.

Rashid, Ayesha N. 2010. Letter to the editor. New York Times. January 30.

Rehman, Asim. 2012. Letter to the editor. New York Times. January 25.

Rehman, Asim. 2011. Letter to the editor. New York Times. February 9.

Saeed, Khalid. 2002. Letter to the editor. New York Times. August 10.

Serageldin, Samia. 2011. Letter to the editor. New York Times. September 10.

Shaaban, Ashraf. 1998. Letter to the editor. New York Times. November 13.

Shah, Abroo. 2009. Letter to the editor. New York Times. November 11.

Sheikh, Ahmed. 1992. Letter to the editor. New York Times. January 29.

Shora, Kareem. 2008. Letter to the editor. New York Times. June 24.

Siddiqui, M. A. 2001. Letter to the editor. New York Times. September 10.

Walji, Moneeza. 2010. Letter to the editor. New York Times. May 5.

Wilentz, Tom. 2007. Letter to the editor. New York Times. April 23.

Appendix 2Events that inspired letters to the editor by Muslim Americans, 1991-2011

Year Events1991 The Bank of Credit and Commerce International, a major world bank founded by a

Pakistani, came under investigation for illegal activities and was shut down. (1)

1993 The World Trade Center was bombed by Muslim terrorists. (1)

1994 Controversy arose surrounding the Nation of Islam, particularly regarding comments made by its leader, Louis Farrakhan, about the assassination of Malcolm X. (2)

1995 The film “Terrorists Among Us: Jihad in America” was distributed to all members of the House of Representatives before a debate on anti-terrorism legislation. (2)

1998 The film ‘The Siege’, a fictional account of terrorists attacks on New York City, was released. (2)

2000 Hillary Clinton returned campaign contributions from the American Muslim Alliance and the American Muslim Council. (2)

2001 Terrorists attacked the World Trade Center and Pentagon on September 11. (17)

George W. Bush signed the Patriot Act into law. (3)

2002 Michael Newdow went to the US Court of Appeals in an attempt to have the words “under God” in the Pledge of Allegiance ruled unconstitutional. (1)

A Muslim student who planned to give a speech at Harvard titled “My American Jihad” faced criticism and changed the title to “Of Faith and Citizenship.” (1)

2004 Michael Newdow’s Pledge of Allegiance court case went to the Supreme Court. (1)

2006 Muslims held protests resulting in violence in response to cartoons depicting Muhammad that were published in a Danish newspaper in 2005. (1)

Six imams were removed from an airplane due to reports of suspicious behavior. (1)

2008 Controversy arose over claims that Barak Obama was a Muslim and attempts by the Obama campaign to distance itself from the Muslim community. (3)

In a speech at the GOP Convention, Rudy Giuliani said that the term “Islamic terrorism” is offensive only to terrorists. (1)

Year Events2009 The Gaza War resulted in a humanitarian crisis. (1)

President Obama gave a speech titled “A New Beginning” in Cairo. (2)

Nidal Hasan opened fire at the Fort Hood military base in Texas, killing 13. (2)

2010 France passed a ban on full-face coverings in public places. (2)

Plans for an Islamic community center two blocks from the World Trade Center site attracted national attention (7)

A Pakistani American attempted a car bombing in Times Square. (1)

Peter King announced that he would hold House Homeland Security Committee hearings on the radicalization of American Muslims. (4)

2011 An Egyptian popular uprising resulted in the toppling of Hosni Mubarak. (1)

Several states moved to pass legislation banning shari’a law in America. (2)

Note: The number in parentheses after each event represents the number of letters to the editor that directly addressed that event. The letters were not necessarily written in the same year as the event.