ACTAUNIVERSITATIS

UPSALIENSISUPPSALA

2016

Digital Comprehensive Summaries of Uppsala Dissertationsfrom the Faculty of Social Sciences 129

Like a wave

Understanding the film and TV industries in Koreaand Sweden

SU-HYUN BERG

ISSN 1652-9030ISBN 978-91-554-9634-0urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-300017

Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in MuseumGustavianum, Akademigatan 3, Uppsala, Wednesday, 21 September 2016 at 10:00 for thedegree of Doctor of Philosophy. The examination will be conducted in English. Facultyexaminer: Prof. Dr. Oliver Ibert (Free University of Berlin).

AbstractBerg, S.-H. 2016. Like a wave. Understanding the film and TV industries in Koreaand Sweden. Digital Comprehensive Summaries of Uppsala Dissertations from theFaculty of Social Sciences 129. 67 pp. Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis.ISBN 978-91-554-9634-0.

This doctoral dissertation is concerned with the complex dynamics of knowledge in the SouthKorean film and TV industry and Swedish filmmaking from a spatiotemporal perspective. Thefilm and TV industries are highly dependent on knowledge and innovation. Production in thefilm and TV industries usually takes place in the form of projects in which creative professionalsform teams for a limited time period to complete creative tasks. Moreover, the film and TVindustries are facing rapid and constant changes to work practices, technology, markets anddemand. Therefore, the dynamics of knowledge and interactive learning can be an importantsource of competitive advantages and project success in the film and TV industries.

The aim of this thesis is to enhance understanding of knowledge creation and diffusionprocesses, relationships with institutional settings and the systematic character of business in thefilm and TV industries. The focus of this thesis is on the production value chain in which manyindependent production firms are active. It is argued that 1) the film and TV industries and theirinstitutional environments co-evolve; and 2) project-specific knowledge sourcing takes placesthrough local-extra local linkages.

The case of the Korean film and TV industry indicates that its evolution strongly depends onthe setting of the respective institutions and regulations, and on the institutional environments.In addition, it is argued that diverse actors, factors and sectors are involved in the emergence anddevelopment of the Korean film and TV industry. The Swedish filmmaking case study examinesproduction processes and ecologies and argues that production managers are the key playersin them, and their roles – investigator, bridge builder and gatekeeper – in knowledge creationand diffusion processes are central to this part of the production of film and TV. Exploring twocase studies with a focus on the key (f)actors of knowledge creation and diffusion processeshas resulted in the view that knowledge-based competencies can be an important source ofcompetitive advantage and project success in high-velocity environments.

Keywords: knowledge creation and diffusion, film and TV industries, South Korea, Sweden,creative industries

Su-Hyun Berg, Department of Social and Economic Geography, Box 513, Uppsala University,SE-75120 Uppsala, Sweden.

© Su-Hyun Berg 2016

ISSN 1652-9030ISBN 978-91-554-9634-0urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-300017 (http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-300017)

Preface and acknowledgements

By the start of my PhD thesis in 2012, I was determined to learn about a highly interesting, but still underdeveloped field within economic geogra-phy: the context of the film and TV industries in South Korea (hereafter Korea) and Sweden.

My first academic visit to the Regional Studies Association European Con-ference in 2013 in Finland inspired me to address the topic of the emergence and development of the Korean film and TV industry. Intensive discussions during and after the session raised questions about the dynamic process of knowledge creation and diffusion in creative industries, which was very much underexplored. This visit in 2013 truly opened up the door that led me to the topic. Since September 2014, I have been deeply involved with the working group Culture, Creativity and Economy at Uppsala University, which reinforced my efforts to include the case of Swedish filmmaking in my PhD research project, thus broadening my research area.

Four years of working on a single topic would have been impossible with-out the support and encouragement of my colleagues, friends and family. I would like to thank all my friends and colleagues at the Department of So-cial and Economic Geography, Uppsala University, for their support and contributions. I would like to express my warmest gratitude to my two su-pervisors, Dominic Power and Johan Jansson for their great support, encour-agement, motivation and inspiration during the PhD period in Uppsala. An-ders Malmberg, Brett Christophers and Alison Gerber read early drafts of chapters and provided valuable comments. Aida Aragao Lagergren, Susanne Stenbacka, Lena Dahlborg, Pamela Tipmanoworn, John Östh, Irene Molina, Ann Grubbström, Tom Mels and Karin Beckman deserve credit for their support in their various roles. In addition, everyone else at the institution ought to have thanks for making Uppsala a friendly place, especially Julia, John, Sara, Tina, Gabriela, Yocie, Chiara, Cecilia, Karin, Hang-Kai, Taylor, Dominic, Erik, Sofie and Rhiannon for opening their warm hearts to me. I have been fortunate to be a part of the Economic Geography Working Group at the Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel (CAU), Germany. I would like to thank Robert Hassink for his support, initiative and encour-agement. Pedro Marques, Xiaohui Hu and Mulan Ma provided excellent teamwork. In addition, I would like to thank people I have met at conferences, semi-nars, workshops and other academic gatherings: Allen Scott, Peter Maskell,

Trevor Barnes, Ron Boschma, Don Mitchell, Christian Østergaard, Kristina Vaarst Andersen, Cathrine Brun, Yong-Sook Lee, Max-Peter Menzel, Rob-erta Comunian, Sonn Jung Won, Brian Hracs, Suntje Schmidt, Melanie Fasche, Rolf Schlunze, Lech Suwala, Päivi Oinas, Tina Haisch, Niccolo Innocenti, Emelie Hane-Weijman, Evans Korang Adjei, Eun-Kyeong Park, Hey-Young Kang and Bo-Kyeong Lee.

The research project was funded in part by the Swedish Research Council (Vetenskapsrådet), European Science Foundation and the German Research Foundation (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft).

Finally, my deepest thanks go to my beloved parents and in-laws for their help and support. 부모님께 진심으로 감사드립니다. Danke für Eure tolle Unterstützung über die vielen Jahre! Moreover, I wish to thank Sönke and Su-Jin: You complete my life.

List of Papers

This thesis is based on the following papers, which are referred to in the text by their Roman numerals.

I. Berg, S.-H., Hassink, R. (2014) Creative industries from an evo-

lutionary perspective: A critical literature review, Geography Compass 8(9): 653-664.

II. Berg, S.-H. (2015) Creative Cluster Evolution: The Case of the

Film and TV Industries in Seoul, South Korea, European Plan-ning Studies, 23(10): 1993-2008.

III. Berg, S.-H. Local buzz, global pipelines and Hallyu: the case of the film and TV industry in South Korea, A version of this paper has been Submitted to international referee journal, August 2016

IV. Berg, S.-H. Investigating the multiple roles of production manag-ers in the case of Swedish filmmaking, Manuscript

Reprints were made with permission from the respective publishers.

List of Tables

Table 1. Number of firms and institutions interviewed in the Korean film and TV industry in 2013............................................................31 Table 2. List of respondents in the Swedish film industry.............……..32 Table 3. Overview of individual papers…………………………………36

Contents

1. Introduction ................................................................................................. 9 1.1. Research aim and main questions ..................................................... 10 1.2. The structure of the thesis ................................................................. 11

2. Central concepts and theoretical points of departure ................................ 13 2.1. Creative industries ............................................................................. 13

Creative industry clusters .................................................................... 15 Main characteristics of the film and TV industries .............................. 16

2.2. Knowledge and innovation matter .................................................... 17 Knowledge ........................................................................................... 17 Innovation ............................................................................................ 18 Local buzz and global pipelines .......................................................... 19 Key players in knowledge creation and diffusion processes ............... 21

2.3. Evolutionary economic geography .................................................... 22 Summary .............................................................................................. 24

3. Research design and methodology ............................................................ 25 3.1. Methodological points of departure .................................................. 25

The change of the epistemology in economic geography .................... 26 The power of “hermeneutic theorizing” .............................................. 27

3.2. Selection of case studies .................................................................... 28 Analyzing the film and TV industry in transformation ....................... 28 Why the Korean film and TV industry? .............................................. 29 Why the Swedish film industry? .......................................................... 30

3.3 Key respondents and data acquisition ................................................ 31 3.4 Critical reflections on my research design and methodology ............ 33

4. Summary of papers ................................................................................... 36

5. Findings, conclusions and reflections ....................................................... 40 Summary .............................................................................................. 41

6. References ................................................................................................. 43

Appendix. 1. .................................................................................................. 62

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1. Introduction

There are two main reasons why the Korean and Swedish film and TV in-dustries are important to consider from the perspectives of space, knowledge, networks, history and institutions. Firstly, film and television comprise an economy with significant knowledge and innovation content. Film and TV are acknowledged as ‘project based industries’ because produc-tion usually takes place in the form of projects in which creative profession-als build teams for a limited time period to complete creative tasks. Individ-ual workers in these fields thus highly rely on informal networking for facili-tating the exchange of project-specific knowledge. The complex dynamics of knowledge transfer and interactive learning can be an important source of competitive advantage and project success in the film and TV industries. While agglomeration and business networks in the film and TV industries at the firm level have been extensively explored by economic geographers in recent decades, there has been limited interest in understanding the complex dynamics of knowledge flows from an evolutionary perspective or in inves-tigating how the industry and its institutional settings interact at different spatial levels. How do the complex dynamics of knowledge flows change over time? How do the film and TV industries and their institutional settings interact in the local and global economy? In the absence of much research in this area, this thesis examines how we can better understand the complex dynamics of knowledge flows in the film and TV industries and relationships with the institutional setting in high-velocity environments.

Secondly, the Korean and Swedish film and TV industries are growing and becoming too important to be ignored by economic geographers, as I argue later in the empirical realm. The Korean film and TV industry is a growth industry with a unique developmental history: although it has long been under the influence of the government censorship, it successfully en-tered the global market in the late 1990s thanks to liberalization, commer-cialization and technical developments. Swedish film has long enjoyed in-ternational recognition and production in the industry shows a high degree of collaboration with foreign producers. Both Korean and Swedish film and TV productions have recently experienced growth in the domestic and global markets and some changes in the institutional environment such as the de-velopment of new technologies and markets. Therefore, I have chosen to concentrate on the production value chain in which many independent pro-duction firms are active. By analyzing the Korean and Swedish film and TV

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industries, this thesis attempts to enhance our understanding of creative in-dustry landscapes in a broader social and institutional context.

My chosen title for this introductory section – Like a wave: Understand-ing the film and TV industries in Korea and Sweden – can be read in two ways. First, the recent success of Korean drama series and Swedish crime fiction in the global market should be understood as a wave, which occurs by the dynamic interplay between producers, consumers, politics and econom-ics. Second, we have to look closer at the rippling process by critically ex-ploring its conceptual added value to economic geography, as well as its ability to be used for analysis. The results of my research suggest that to understand whether and how a creative industry evolves over time, we must investigate the dynamic interplay between a creative industry and its institu-tional settings and milieu regarding knowledge creation and diffusion pro-cesses.

1.1. Research aim and main questions The core parts of this dissertation (collection of papers 1, 2, 3, and 4) aim to analyze the complex dynamics of knowledge flows in creative industries and their relationships with institutional environment, with a focus on the film and TV industries. In line with Yeung and Lin (2003) and Yeung (2007), I criticize the lack of empirical studies on the impacts of knowledge creation and diffusion in non-Western contexts. Studies in a non-Western context have the potential to create new insights into existing knowledge, but can also help critically reflect on the mainstream Anglophone theories (Yeung 2007). Changes to creative industries are enacted through individuals, teams and networks. However, extant economic geography literature does not fully reflect changes of the creative industries from different perspectives (Jones et al. 2015). Therefore, my aim is not simply to provide some ‘exotic’ empir-ical cases on the topic, but rather, to provide a useful site for the develop-ment of theory and empirical understanding in contemporary economic ge-ography such as evolutionary approach, local buzz and global pipelines and gatekeepers. I do this by systematically exploring the Korean film and TV industry and Swedish filmmaking. With this as a departure point, the re-search questions (RQ) can be divided into four main themes, which are also reflected in the structure of the papers comprising the dissertation. RQ1. How do the notions of evolutionary economic geography contribute to analyzing and explaining the spatial dynamics of creative industries?

Creative industries have received increasing theoretical and empirical ac-

ademic attention over the last two decades; however, few of them have used

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an explicit evolutionary and historically informed perspective. Therefore, my research aims to compare some of the evolutionary economic geography concepts to the spatial dynamics of creative industries. Particular attention is thus paid to the concept of co-evolution, as it is suggested that it may help to explain how changes in the institutional environment and the development of creative industries are linked to each other and mutually reinforce one anoth-er over time.

RQ2. How do the film and TV industry and its institutional settings interact?

The point of departure behind the second research question is that to un-

derstand how the film and TV industry evolve over time, we must investi-gate its institutional settings and milieu. The second question stresses the dynamic interplay between the industry and its institutional settings in eco-nomic development. This research question addresses the novelty of the co-evolution concept in analyzing and explaining the spatial dynamics of the film and TV industry in the particular case of Korea. The question also re-flects the recent tensions between the industry and its institutional settings. RQ3. What role do internal and external dynamics of knowledge flows play in supporting the expansion of film and TV industry?

This question focuses on the idea that the local buzz and global pipeline

approach could provide a useful account of dynamic knowledge creation and diffusion processes in the film and TV industry. A central argument is that dynamic extra-local knowledge linkages offer opportunities for innovation and the expansion of the film and TV industry, both in domestic and interna-tional markets. RQ4. Do certain players play an important role in knowledge production and diffusion in filmmaking?

The last research question highlights the multifunctional role of managers in the case of Swedish filmmaking. In addressing the complexity of the knowledge production and diffusion mechanisms underlying film produc-tion, a detailed micro-level analysis of the functions involved in these pro-cesses was carried out.

1.2. The structure of the thesis This comprehensive summary is structured to thoroughly meet the pre-defined aims and to answer the corresponding research questions in the best possible way. In Chapter 1, I identify the aims of this book’s research ques-

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tions and structure. A more detailed theoretical discussion about the concept can be found in Chapter 2. After clarifying my research data setting and methodology in Chapter 3, Chapter 4 introduces the four papers, highlights how they are connected and summarizes each one. This comprehensive summary finishes with Chapter 5, which includes an overall summary of key findings and some reflections on the limitations of my empirical work. It is followed by four individual papers.

The first paper critically explores whether the notion of evolutionary eco-nomic geography can contribute to analyzing and explaining the spatial dy-namics of creative industries. The introduction and conclusion are jointly written, whereas the analysis sections are based on my own commentary. In the second paper, I take a closer look at the Korean film and TV industry from a co-evolutionary perspective. The third paper analyzes how local buzz and global pipelines supported Hallyu (significant rise in the popularity of Korean cultural goods) with a focus on the Korean film and TV industry. The fourth paper focuses on the multiple roles of production managers in the case of Swedish filmmaking.

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2. Central concepts and theoretical points of departure

The film and TV industry is an example of an economy with significant knowledge and innovation content (Turok 2003). Moreover, the film and TV industry faces rapid and constant change, such as work practices, technolo-gy, market uncertainty and demand volatility (DeFillippi and Arthur 1998). Therefore, the dynamics of knowledge creation and diffusion and interactive learning can be an important source of competitive advantage and project success in high-velocity environments. This dissertation aims to enhance our theoretical understanding of contemporary economic geography debates and related disciplines and to develop an empirical understanding of creative industries, primarily the film and TV industries, in a broader social and insti-tutional context.

The theoretical section presents the main conceptual insights from eco-nomic geography and neighboring social sciences – such as co-evolution (Martin and Sunley 2006), local buzz-global pipelines (Bathelt et al. 2004), key agents (Carlsson et al. 2009), coordinating actors and gatekeepers (Lewin 1947; Allen 1977) – that were especially inspirational for my re-search. I will refer to their conceptual details below and in the next subsec-tions, as they are relevant to the systematic character of knowledge dynamics in the film and TV industry. In addition, I aim to capture the complex dy-namics of knowledge flows in the film and TV industries from a spatiotem-poral perspective.

2.1. Creative industries The notion of “creative industries” is historical and evolving (Hartley 2005; 2009). A variety of terms have been used to describe it, such as “cultural industries”, “creative industries”, “copyright industries” and “content indus-tries”, with varying meanings and scopes in different ways in different con-texts. Horkheimer et al. (2002:70) originally used the term “cultural indus-tries” to refer to industrially produced commercial entertainment –broadcasting, film, publishing, recorded music – as distinct from the subsi-dized “arts” – visual and performing arts, museums and galleries. Cultural industries can be defined as industries focusing on the “arts”, plus the com-

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mercial media (film, broadcasting, music: Cunningham 2001:59), whereas “creative industries” (Hartley et al. 2013: 59) are deeply engaged in the ex-perimental use of new technologies, in developing new content and applica-tions, and in creative new business models. Numerous studies also attempt to identify which industries are or are not considered creative industries. From the best-known lists – UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization 1986), DCMS (1998; 2001; 2013; 2014), WIPO (World Intellectual Property Organization 2012) and UNCTAD (United Nations Conference On Trade And Development 2008) – the DCMS deline-ation of 13 “creative industry” sectors has been rapidly and effectively ex-ported globally (Cunningham 2002; Oakley 2009). The DCMS defined crea-tive industries as “those industries which have their origin in individual crea-tivity, skill and talent and which have a potential for wealth and job creation through the generation and exploitation of intellectual property.” It includes the following thirteen segments: Advertising, Architecture, Art & Antiques Market, Crafts, Design, Designer Fashion, Film & Video, Interactive Leisure Software, Music, Performing Arts, Publishing, Software & Computer Ser-vices and Television & Radio (DCMS 1998).

However, recent critiques argued that DCMS’ so-called “everything is creative” argument fails to adequately identify the distinctive aspects of the cultural sector (e.g. see Potts et al. 2008; Florida 2002; Hartley 2005: 26–31). Despite some criticism of the definition, I chose the DCMS definition of creative industries, which sufficiently embraces new value creation, because their value-added works derive from innovation (see, for instance, Lange and Bürkner 2013) and because of their pivotal role in the socioeconomic pro-cess of the adoption and retention of new ideas (Turok 2003). It also takes market dynamics and evolution into account (Caves 2000; Howkins 2001). Thereby, I aim to strengthen a view focusing on the role of media, culture and communications in generating change and growth in what Schumpeter called the capitalist “engine” (Schumpeter 1934: 23).

Accordingly, the idea of creative industries connects two key areas of economic activity: on the one hand, production (high-growth information and communication technologies and research and development-based sec-tors); on the other hand, consumption (the ‘experience’ economy, cultural identity and social empowerment). While production in creative industries often refers to material commodities, consumption of creative industries’ products has more to do with immaterial and symbolic value creation (Hauge 2007). Based on this assumption, my research focuses in particular on the production value chain of the film and TV industries, as their material pro-ductions and economic added value can be traced and analyzed based on quantitative data. However, I still assume that immaterial and symbolic val-ues are crucial parts of creative industries and important in understanding both the production and consumption of creative industries’ products.

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Creative industry clusters Over the last decade, Economic geography and related disciplines stressed the relationships between creative industries and place (Asheim et al. 2006; Pratt 1997; Florida 2002; Grabher 2001; 2002a; 2002b; Coe 2001; Power 2002; Power and Scott 2004; Hauge 2007). Creative industries overall can be thought of as a system of social networks that circulate ideas and foster innovation of new products and experiences. Since innovation and knowledge circulations are based on social interactions, creative industries are strongly associated with the quality of places and knowledge networks (UNESCO 2013). Places where knowledge network connections converge and concentrations of creative industries are found are usually referred to as creative industry clusters. Economic geographers see creative industry clus-ters as a sub-set of business clusters that attract creative professionals (Flori-da 2002; 2008; Lorenzen 2005; Bathelt et al. 2004). Creative industry clus-ters became more important to the knowledge economy, not just as physical locations, but also as nodes in knowledge networks, localized spillovers and cultures of interaction. According to Florida (2002; 2005), the clustering of talented creative classes in a specific area helps to generate an innovative environment. Despite the controversial and questionable nature of his idea (Peck 2005; Scott 2006), related studies on creative industries have stressed the relationship between creativity and place (Molotch and McClain 2003; Grabher 2002a; 2002b; Drake 2003). For instance, Drake investigated very strong linkages between design workers and place, and concluded that places may function as a distinctive “brand” providing material resources and op-portunities for creative local interactions and “buzz” (2003: 522-523).

The ecologies of creative industry clusters include regionally embedded labor markets, local establishments, individual talent, arts venues, non-profit enterprises, supporting institutions and talent agencies. Furthermore, many studies of creative industry clusters have shown national as well as global connections that help to organize creative projects and networks in the long run (Grabher 2002a; 2004a; Sydow and Staber 2002; Ekynsmith 2002; Lon-don Development Agency 2005; Pratt 2000; 2004; Evans 2009; Scott 2000).

However, as the industrial cluster concept has been criticized for 1) over-emphasizing the centrality of local agglomeration economies in an age of globalized competition; and 2) overemphasizing individual firms’ prefer-ences and overlooking external linkages (Markusen 1996; Martin and Sunley 2003; Kloosterman and Boschma 2005; Cumbers and McKinnon 2004; Spencer et al. 2010; Pratt 2004). It might thus be inspiring to examine eco-nomic geography and related disciplines in order to eliminate some of the shortcomings of the creative industry cluster concept.

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Main characteristics of the film and TV industries My analysis is within the context of the film and TV industries, a creative industry sector in which the exchange of tacit knowledge and coordination of new ideas or technologies through dynamic communities and networks is intrinsic.

Many studies of the film and television industries have identified two complementary factors that help coordinate the project-based, creative work of the industry: project networks and regional clustering (Lorenzen and Mudambi 2012; Vang and Chaminade 2007; Bathelt 2005; Bathelt and Graf 2008; Storper and Christopherson 1987; Jones 1996; Arthur et al. 2001; Cattani and Ferriani 2008).

Projects are “seen as arenas of productive tensions and creative con-flicts that trigger innovation” (Asheim et al. 2007: 665). The film and televi-sion industries have been called “project-based” because production usually takes place in the form of projects in which creative professionals (for ex-ample, directors) and technical service providers (for example, camera oper-ators) form teams for a limited time period to complete creative tasks. After the finishing point of each project, the teams normally dissolve and re-enter the market as independent contractors (Foster et al. 2015; Obstfeld 2012; Bechky 2006; Arthur et al. 2001). Since development of new products in the film and TV industries is primarily based on creativity, aesthetic sensibility, imagination, and interpretative and artistic skills rather than cognitive infor-mation processing or the application of scientific rules, formal qualifications and university degrees are usually unimportant for recruiting processes in the industry (Martin and Moodysson 2011). Given that those predominantly tacit capabilities cannot be easily transferred from one individual to another, know-who became a crucial strategy in the professional community (Nachum and Keeble 2003; Cattani and Ferriani 2008; Sorenson and Waguespack 2006; Ravid 1999) to combine complementary talents within temporary project settings in a productive arrangement (Grabher 2002a; 2002b; 2004a; 2004b). Scholars have shown that to start projects and build up teams on a regular basis, production firms rely on their ability to establish project-based ties with core team members and build up large complemen-tary pools of freelance employees. These forms of networks have been called “project networks” (Manning 2010; Manning and Sydow 2011) or “latent organizations” (Starkey et al. 2000). Project networks are thought of as pools of creative resources, trust, and collaborative practices and thus help assem-ble important social capital that project firms need to sustain their project business on a volatile, risky and innovative market (Ferriani et al. 2009).

The importance of buzz and face-to-face-contacts in project networks leads to a relatively high level of sensitivity to spatial proximity between potential projects partners (Plum 2011: 36). Urban environments and ameni-ties, rather than sparsely populated areas, attracted the film and TV indus-

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tries by providing an appropriate setting for project networks (Scott 1997). Regional clustering – institutional geographical thickness of interconnected firms, communities and related institutions (Porter 1990; 2000; Scott and Storper 2007; Storper 1997) – offers the conditions for a project network to thrive. However, recently established film and television production firms and their networks seem to be becoming mobile. The contemporary film industry, for instance, is vertically disintegrated and its production process is carried out by small firms under contract to an independent producer rather than in large integrated firms or the major studios such as 21st Century Fox, Time Warner, Sony and Comcast. (Kuppuswamy and Baldwin 2012; Christophers 2007; Coe 2000; Lorenzen 2007; Mossig 2008; Christopherson and Storper 1986; Currah 2007; Storper and Walker 1989; Scott 2002; 2004). Due to this characteristic of film production systems, small produc-tion companies are able to move rapidly between different shooting loca-tions, depending on labor costs and tax incentives (Coe 2000). Large studios, by contrast, still remain in traditional locations with the production control-ling functions. Hollywood in the United States and Bollywood in India are canonical examples of film clusters. They are characterized by dynamic communities and networks of creative workers (Scott 2004; Lorenzen 2008; Lorenzen and Mudambi 2012; Hartely et al. 2013).

2.2. Knowledge and innovation matter Knowledge, localized learning, innovations, and networks are typical buzz words in recent literature in economic geography and related disciplines (Plum 2011). These terms emphasize the central role of knowledge creation and interactive innovation processes for the competitiveness of firms, indus-tries, regions, and entire nations. For quite some time, economic geography in particular has stressed the need to comprehend knowledge modalities to understand economic dynamics, owing to the widespread understanding that all economic activities are based on learning and knowledge (Hauge 2007).

Knowledge Creative industries are significant not only in terms of their relative contribu-tion to economic value, but also due to their contribution to the coordination of new ideas or technologies and thus to the process of change (Hartley et al. 2013: 127-130). It is essential to acknowledge the importance of knowledge in order to understand creative industries. Knowledge has been studied by economic geographers for decades. Eco-nomic geography, with its focus on uneven development, highlights the need to comprehend knowledge modalities to understand economic dynamics. The central argument is that learning is related to the dual characteristics of knowledge: tacit and codified knowledge. In refining the understanding of

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knowledge, Polanyi (1966) seminally distinguished between codified and tacit knowledge. Codified knowledge is referred to as know-what (Brown and Duguid 1998), which is relatively easy to make clear in terms of written documents (e.g. databases, memos, notes, formulas, patents, or manuals) and to transfer on a diverse spatial scale (Cricelli and Grimaldi 2008; Howells 2002; Gertler 2003; Asheim and Gertler 2005). Tacit knowledge, on the other hand, is referred to as know-how (Brown and Duguid 1998), which is largely experience-based. Tacit knowledge, such as cultural beliefs, values and attitudes, is regarded as much more affected by the context and place in which it is created, and by who embodied this type of knowledge. Tacit knowledge cannot be easily transferrable: “Knowledge is therefore incorpo-rated and transmitted in aesthetic symbols, images, (de)signs, artifacts, sounds and narratives. This type of knowledge is strongly linked to a deep understanding of the habits and norms and ‘everyday culture’ of specific social groups, and is therefore characterized by a strong tacit component” (Asheim 2007: 226). To acquire tacit knowledge, one must learn-by-doing through face-to-face meetings with other professionals in the industry (How-ells 2002). Film and TV industries are project based and therefore, individual creative workers are highly reliant on networking in order to facilitate the exchange of tacit knowledge through trust-based relationships (Turok 2003; Klaerding 2011; McRobbie 2002). The dynamics of informal networking between in-dividual workers cause knowledge in the film and TV industries to fluctuate and vary through time and space. This thesis examines project-specific knowledge transfer – for instance, knowledge of talent, finances or new technology – in the film and TV industries. It is important to note that this thesis does not necessarily differentiate between tacit and codified knowledge when it comes to the empirical results. The research aim of this thesis is to investigate the knowledge creation and diffusion processes of creative professionals and their impact on the expansion of the industry, not on the type of content. The empirical results presented later in this thesis will thus focus on the knowledge creation and diffusion processes of the industry, not on classifying types of knowledge or information content.

Innovation Knowledge is often regarded as a fundamental trigger that fosters innovation activities in industries (Cooke and Piccaluga 2006). Innovation is conceptu-alized as an outcome of dense networking between firms and their institu-tional settings, such as local administrations, universities, research and pub-lic research institutes (Bathelt et al. 2004; MacKinnon et al. 2002; Hassink 1996). As Maskell (1998) accurately pointed out, innovations are vital for the survival of firms and knowledge is a fundamental trigger that encourages innovation activities in the manufacturing industry, but also in creative in-dustries. Over the last decade, creative industries have often been assumed to

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be the most innovative sector of the economy for intangible innovation pro-cesses within information-rich, dynamic, flexible and non-hierarchical local clusters and networks in a city (Hauge 2007). Creative industries are in-volved in origination, adoption and retention of an innovation trajectory. For instance, the advertising industry is obviously involved in developing con-sumer demand for new goods, and the design industry is plainly involved in actualizing this demand (Potts 2011). The concept of innovation successfully expanded the definition of creative industries in the UK, where they can be considered an economic sector with a significantly better product (good or service) or process, or a new organizational method for business practices, the workplace or external relationships (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development 2005; Asheim 2007; Oakley 2009). Economic geography and related disciplines have paid attention to product and organizational innovations (Porter 1990; Lundvall 1992; Storper and Scott 1995; Edquist 1997; Storper 1997; Asheim 1999; Maskell and Malmberg 1999; Cooke 2002; Gertler 2003). This is a reflection of the fact that innovation requires the combination of a wide range of knowledge; it is an interactive process and involves different kinds of social interaction (Asheim 1999; Malmberg and Power 2006). At the same time, creation and diffusion of knowledge are considered socially situated (Lundvall 1992). As I will emphasize the knowledge creation and diffusion processes within the networks of creative industries by analyzing how the complex dynamics of knowledge flows and interactive learning can be an important source of competitive advantage in the film and TV industries, the related concepts – local buzz, global pipelines and gatekeepers – will be highlighted in the rest of this section.

Local buzz and global pipelines Although a number of territorial innovation models have definitely contrib-uted to the understanding of knowledge and innovation processes at primari-ly the regional level, they remain fairly abstract at the expense of neglecting the significance of external linkages (Asheim et al. 2007). This is the point at which local buzz and global pipelines come into play. Linkages are channels for the efficient transfer of technology, knowledge and capital. Economic geographers have studied linkages for decades, with a focus on local linkages inside clusters (see, for instance, Grabher 2004a; Powell and Grodal 2005). Particular information and a communication ecol-ogy, denoted as “industrial atmosphere” (Marshall 1927), “noise” (Grabher 2002a; 2002b), “local broadcasting” (Owen-Smith and Powell 2004) or “lo-cal buzz” (Storper and Venables 2004; Bathelt et al. 2004; Bathelt 2005; 2007) can be summarized using the notion of ‘buzz’. Local buzz comprises specific information gained from intended and unexpected learning process-es or accidental meetings, including continuous updates of this information, the application of the same interpretative strategy and mutual understanding

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of new knowledge and technologies, as well as shared cultural traditions and propensities within a particular technology field, which stimulate the estab-lishment of diverse institutional arrangements, such as conventions (Bathelt 2005). In the case of local buzz, agents are “not deliberately scanning their environments in search of a specific piece of information. Rather, they are surrounded by a concoction of rumors, impressions, recommendations, trade folklore and strategic information” (Grabher 2002a: 209). According to Bathelt et al. (2004), too much local buzz can generate an inward-looking perspective that leads to regional industrial rigidity. In this case, developing the appropriate number of extra-regional linkages may help local economic systems absorb new resources in order to avoid regional stagnation. They referred to these external linkages as “global pipelines”. Pipelines are designed and maintained by organizations to maximize the effectiveness of resource transferences across different spatial levels by cre-ating strategic coalitions or common ownership. Communication processes in global pipelines are subject to great uncertainty and are dependent by na-ture on channels. The resulting interactions through pipelines heavily rely on the degree of trust that exists between the firms. Unlike in the case of buzz, the establishment of global pipelines with new partners requires investment and (human) resources. More recently, a few studies in economic geography and international business have employed the buzz-pipelines perspective to analyze internal and external knowledge flows in creative industries. For instance, Lorenzen and Mudambi (2012) emphasized the crucial role of the decentralized net-work structure of the Bollywood film cluster. Balland et al. (2013) analyzed the dynamics of network formation in the video game industry from 1987 to 2007 and discovered that video game firms tend to prefer to partner across short distances. Vang and Chaminade (2007) discussed the importance of global-local linkages for the development of indigenous production in cul-tural clusters by analyzing the interplay between the indigenous film produc-tion cluster in Toronto, Canada, and Hollywood’s runaway productions. In sum, the concepts of local buzz and global pipelines provide a useful analyt-ical tool emphasizing knowledge creation and diffusion at diverse spatial levels.

The local buzz and global pipeline approach suggests a balanced view by explaining two types of knowledge flows, the local and global levels, so it allows us to better understand how the film and TV industries evolve in a high-velocity environment. Film and TV productions are situated in a rapidly changing environment: work practices and technology change quickly, and market uncertainty and demand volatility are high. Due to the environment, securing project-specific knowledge is crucial to the competitive advantage of production firms. Knowledge sourcing – creation, accumulation, agglom-eration and circulation of new and existing knowledge – can be done through local-extra local linkages. At the regional level, knowledge regarding recog-

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nition and recruitment of talented project participants is essential for on-going project team building. At the extra-local level, knowledge for collabo-ration with foreign partners and to attract investments might be important for production firms.

The local buzz and global pipeline approach could provide a useful ac-count of the dynamics of knowledge creation, accumulation, agglomeration and circulation; however, they have also been increasingly criticized for their limitations. First, a high level of local buzz and global pipelines is neither a sufficient nor a necessary condition for collaborative knowledge creation. Other factors, like unwillingness among knowledge workers to move or city image showed much stronger effects on knowledge sharing and collabora-tion (Breschi and Lissoni 2009). Second, the local buzz and global pipeline approach mainly focuses on linkages of spatial clusters and is less interested in interaction with the actors who are not permanently co-located (Power and Jansson 2008). Third, it does not include any notion of an upper limit to the benefits of spatial clustering: too much local buzz may induce information overload, and global pipelines that are too strong could dominate the local milieu (Bathelt et al. 2004).

Key players in knowledge creation and diffusion processes This subsection reviews core concepts related to knowledge creation and diffusion processes. Economic geography and related disciplines have intro-duced diverse concepts – such as gatekeepers, project entrepreneurs, key agents, coordinating actors and intermediary entrepreneurialism – in order to explain knowledge sourcing in creative industries. While many studies have emphasized the gatekeeping role of key players in knowledge creation pro-cesses (for instance, Foster et al. 2011), access, control, coordinating, shar-ing and diffusion of knowledge processes have had very little attention. Since knowledge diffusion processes might be crucial to understanding how knowledge sourcing takes place in the film and TV industries, this thesis uses the related concepts to analyze knowledge flows of the case studies.

In particular, Paper 4 proposed the “key agents in knowledge transfer (Carlsson et al. 2009:16)”, “coordinating actors (Foss and Lorenzen 2009:1201)” of Swedish filmmaking who access, adopt and diffuse new knowledge or technologies. Although related concepts like project-entrepreneurs (Ferriani et al. 2009) and intermediary entrepreneurialism (Mathieu 2006) highlight the role and strategies of key participants in busi-ness networks, this thesis opts for the “key agents in knowledge transfer” and “coordinating actors” to stress the multiple roles of the key players in knowledge creation and diffusion processes in the industry. Moreover, the thesis introduces industrial terms such as “investigator” and “bridge builder” in order to reflect and capture the domains of the social and economic reali-ties of the industry.

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In a similar vein, Paper 4 argues that gatekeepers mediate a local and ex-ternal knowledge exchange at different spatial levels. Studies on gatekeepers are one of the best-known fields explaining knowledge flows in social sci-ences (Lewin 1947; Allen 1977; Bystryn 1989; Caves 2000; Hirsch 1972; 2000). In line with Rychen and Zimmermann (2008), this thesis acknowl-edges a gatekeeper who plays an intermediary role to evaluate, assimilate, and commercialize external knowledge in an innovation system, and thereby attempts to investigate the gatekeepers of Swedish filmmaking regarding the project-specific knowledge creation and diffusion processes in Paper 4. It is important to note that this thesis not only investigates the intermediary functions of key players on knowledge creation and diffusion process, but also examines other important roles like coordinating and diffusion functions that have not yet been systematically explored in economic geography. It also suggests that diverse knowledge creation and diffusion processes are situated in time and space, so they fluctuate and vary through time and space.

2.3. Evolutionary economic geography Evolutionary economic geography deals with “the processes by which the economic landscape – the spatial organization of economic production, dis-tribution and consumption– are transformed over time” (Boschma and Mar-tin 2007: 539). Although economic geographers, particularly members of the Californian school (Storper and Walker 1989), have worked with evolution-ary notes in the past (Grabher 1993), evolutionary economic geography has now been constituted as “a paradigm in a more systematic and including way” (Storper and Walker 1989). Evolutionary economic geography has recently attracted a great deal of attention in economic geography, both theo-retically and empirically (Boschma and Frenken 2006; Boschma and Martin 2007; 2010; Boschma et al. 2013; Frenken 2007), as it has clear conceptual notes and research foci to explain the emergence and changes of economic landscapes by the underlying industrial dynamics of firms. It has thus been applied to define and improve existing theoretical concepts in economic geography, such as regional innovation systems (Cooke 2004; Uyarra 2010), clusters (Menzel et al. 2010; Lorenzen 2005; Klepper 2007) and regional policy issues (Boschma 2005; Hassink and Klaerding 2011). It may also have a strong explanatory power to address why creative industries con-tinue to stay in certain locations by providing the firm-centric endoge-nous approach, i.e. it explains spatial economic outcomes on the meso- and macro-levels from the micro-behaviors of firms. The major terms and concepts of evolutionary economic geography stem from evolutionary economics, generalized Darwinism and complexity theo-ry, which highlights the roles of path dependence, variety, selection and or-ganizational routines for regional development and adjustment (Boschma

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and Frenken 2006; Coe and Hess 2010). The recently developed theoretical concepts in evolutionary economic geography include windows of locational opportunity (Boschma and Van der Knaap 1999), path creation (Boschma and Marin 2007), path dependence (Martin and Sunley 2006) and lock-ins (Hassink 2010), related variety and branching, and co-evolution (Marin and Sunley 2006) to increase our understanding of the dynamics of economies in space and time. The concepts of path dependence (Martin 2010) and path creation (Martin and Sunley 2006) in particular present “historical dialectic” thinking, emphasizing new paths often evolve from preexisting assets. Re-cent literature on related variety (Frenken 2007) and regional branching (Boschma and Frenken 2011) highlights the role of “technological related-ness” in facilitating interactive learning, technological spillovers and knowledge combinations that lead to a high level of innovation, job creation and diversification. Only a few studies have been done on creative industries from an explicit evolutionary perspective (Rantisi et al. 2006); however, many studies have touched upon an evolutionary perspective without explicitly using evolu-tionary economic geography terms such as path dependence, co-evolution and lock-in (Comunian et al. 2011; Chapain and Comunian 2010; Lazzeretti 2009; Wenting 2008a; 2008b; Izushi and Aoyama 2006; Rantisi 2004; Pow-er and Jansson 2004). Power and Jansson (2004), for example, investigated the evolution of the music services sector in Stockholm, Sweden. Their study showed that a large number of firms are attempting to innovatively combine music and information and communications technologies (ICT) in an inter-industry and inter-cluster environment. Despite the theoretical focus of evolutionary economic geography on disen-tangling the complex evolution of the industry, it has recently been criticized for its narrow, firm-based perspective, an overemphasis on organizational routines and an “incomplete” understanding of institutions, as well as social agency and power (MacKinnon et al. 2009; Pike et al. 2009: 179; Martin 2010; 2012), i.e. terms that definitely play a role in explaining industrial dynamics, particularly with regard to the emergence and development of the creative industries. The evolutionary economic geography approach provides an enhanced understanding of the evolutionary processes and mechanisms in the underly-ing industrial dynamics of firms. This perspective contributes to an under-standing of the emergence of and changes to new industries from a spatial perspective. For instance, it successfully tackles research objectives that address different spatial levels (Boschma and Frenken 2006: 293-295): the decision-making and locational patterns of firms are analyzed on the micro-level; the spatial evolution of sectors and the co-evolution of firms, technol-ogies and territorial institutions are in focus at the meso-level, while the con-vergence or divergence in regions or nations is analyzed at the macro-level. Therefore, I argue that evolutionary thinking can potentially contribute to

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analyzing and explaining spatial dynamics of the film and TV industries. A detailed discussion of this perspective in particular can be found in papers 1 and 2, moving beyond the thematic scope and specifications of this disserta-tion. However, due to its conceptual shortcomings, evolutionary economic geography is not entirely helpful in examining and capturing the dynamic interactions between the film and TV industries and their institutional set-tings. I am therefore in favor of some selective concepts from related disci-plines, such as local buzz and global pipelines and gatekeepers, which can eliminate the identified conceptual shortcomings of evolutionary economic geography and provide a better method for comprehensively theorizing insti-tutions, power and transformations in creative industry landscapes. The latter argument is thoroughly addressed in the theoretical parts of papers 3 and 4.

Summary This subsection provides examples of various approaches for capturing the dynamics of knowledge transfer and interactive learning in order to investi-gate the development of creative industries. My dissertation aims to contrib-ute to this bulk of literature by analyzing which conceptual notions help us explain how a creative industry and its institutional setting interacts with the local and global economy and whether a spatial determination of knowledge creation and diffusion is actually an appropriate conceptual perspective for this task.

This chapter contributes to the theoretical advancement of this disserta-tion by reviewing selected insights and core concepts from economic geog-raphy and related disciplines, particularly by integrating that perspective on creative industries. I argue that evolutionary thinking can potentially con-tribute to analyzing and explaining the spatial dynamics of creative indus-tries. However, due to its conceptual shortcomings, evolutionary economic geography is not entirely helpful in examining and capturing the dynamic interactions between the creative industries and their institutional settings. I am therefore in favor of some selective concepts from related disciplines, such as local buzz and global pipelines, key agents in knowledge transfer, coordinating actors and gatekeepers, which can eliminate the identified con-ceptual shortcomings of evolutionary economic geography. With a spatio-temporal perspective, this thesis aims to enhance our understanding of the film and TV industries from a process-centered view, focusing on knowledge creation and diffusion processes and the key (f)actors of the pro-cesses.

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3. Research design and methodology

Flyvbjerg (2006: 233) argued that “social science has not succeeded in pro-ducing general, content-independent theory…[but] can offer concrete, con-text-dependent knowledge. And the case study is especially well suited to produce this knowledge.” Even though this is a rather general comment, it effectively points out the importance of the case study method that can cu-mulatively contribute to the theoretical advancement in the field.

My empirical contributions rely on the case study method. I use qualita-tive methods which not only offer the advantage of explaining highly con-textualized phenomena (e.g. Korean wave: see papers 2 and 3), they also have the explicit potential to answer “why” and “how” a social phenomenon works (Vargas-Silva 2012:12-13; Baxter and Jack 2008).

My study is thus qualitative and inductive. This approach is best suited to obtaining rich and detailed descriptions of concrete actions in their real-life contexts, which recover and preserve the meanings that actors ascribe to these actions and settings and ultimately move the theory generation forward (Gephart 2004).

Inspired by Vang (2006) and Flick’s (2013) line of argument, I begin this chapter by introducing a brief review on methods in economic geography in general and the study’s methodology in chapter 3.1. Then, in more detail, chapter 3.2 clarifies the selection of cases. Sample selection and data acqui-sition will be detailed in chapter 3.3. A critical reflection of my research design and methodology will be performed in chapter 3. 4.

3.1. Methodological points of departure Method refers to techniques or philosophical principals that relate to the sciences as distinguished from other human enterprises or interests (Vargas-Silva 2012). Method is regarded as a cognitive action where theoretical, political, ethical and contextual matters are crucial concerns (Kaplan 1964:23). Moreover, method is based not only on the research questions and aims, but also on the possibilities and experiences of the researcher (Falk and Heckman 2009; Greenwald et al. 1998; McKenzie and Yang 2012; Pager 2007). Method is thus much more than techniques and procedures because the methods chosen will affect the entire study (Nobuoka 2010). A method-ology refers to “logic of thinking” (Vargas-Silva 2012), e.g. how one will

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study a phenomenon, what methods to use, what cases to study (Silverman 2005: 99). Method and methodological considerations verify how the re-searcher tackles the study objects and in which ways empirical raw data is processed and later intervened.

The choice of essential philosophy leads to a choice of research design that allows me to solve certain problems that lead to new economic geo-graphical knowledge (Flowerdew and Martin 2005). The main aim of this research project is to investigate creative industry landscapes in a broader social and institutional context by analyzing the spatial relationships and characteristics of the dynamic knowledge flows (Jerkins and Goetz 2002). To do this, a qualitative research design is suitable since it calls for a more open-ended and contextual answer. Interviews in particular are the best-known interpretative methodology (McDowell 2010: 158). Interviews can be formal or informal, structured or unstructured; the length can be flexible; they can be conducted over the telephone or in groups. A fully standardized interview is not qualitative; this research project therefore employed semi-structured interviews in order to attain qualitative data from respondents (Riley 2014).

The change of the epistemology in economic geography Leading theoretical perspectives in economic geography – such as location theory, spatial division of labor, networks, embeddedness, regional agglom-erations, clusters and cultural economies – were mostly developed in the Anglo-American countries over the past four decades (Yeung and Lin 2003; Olds and Poon 2002). Location theory, for example, stems from “epistemo-logical theorizing” which assumes that “spatial economic phenomena could be expressed in an explicitly abstract, formal, and rationalist vocabulary and directly connected to the empirical world” (Barnes 2001a: 546). This as-sumption allows for location theory to be universally generalizable from one geographic site to another. But in reality, most researchers conducted their empirical research from advanced industrialized economies in the 1960s and 1970s, such as United Kingdom and the United States (Berry 1963; Dicken and Lloyd 1976). In the 1980s, some radical economic geographers devel-oped respective theories on the spatial division of labor and spatial switching by capital on the basis of their empirical studies of (de)industrialization in the United Kingdom and the United States (Clark 1981; Massey 1984; Storper and Walker 1989).

Although these theoretical perspectives on the spatial division of labor generated exciting debates in subsequent studies of industrial restructuring and specific localities, most of these studies remained grounded in the indus-trial landscapes of the Anglo-American countries (Yeung and Lin 2003).

At the same time, mainstream economic geography has experienced re-markable internal transformations and metamorphism (Barnes 1996; 2001b; Scott 2000; Barnes and Curry 1983; Sidaway 1997; Thrift and Olds 1996;

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Thrift and Walling 2000; Lee and Wills 1997; Molina 2014). During the quantitative revolution, the theoretical core of economic geography has moved from universalizing location theory to geographically specific theo-ries. Lately, it has reached to the more reflexive cultural turn that highlights sensitivity to the positionality of knowledge and theories and the context in which these theories emerge (Yeung and Lin 2003). This change in the epis-temology of economic geography offers an exciting opportunity to consider the need for new theoretical perspectives on economic geography to explain the diversity and transformations in the global economy (see for instance Zhou and Xin 2003; Park 2003). In doing so, economic geographers may be able to construct genuine global economic geographies that are capable of producing a much broader and more constructive understanding of dramatic economic transformations in the global economy.

The power of “hermeneutic theorizing” As the direction of mainstream economic geography has changed – more inclusive knowledge production outside the Anglo-American centers – it has become very difficult to summarize diverse strands of theories and empirical findings in the new economic geographies due to inherent reflexivity and openness (Yeung and Lin 2003:114). Several features of the new economic geographies include understanding the social embeddedness of economic action, mapping shifting identities of economic actors and exploring the role of context in explaining economic behavior. As Barnes (1999: 17) noted, the basic explanatory notions become “social power, cultural identity and insti-tutional situatedness rather than economic ownership, universal definitions and individual agency.” In the same vein, the need for a new theorizing mode for the new economic geographies has increased. One of the new modes in the new era is called “hermeneutic theorizing,” which refers to contextualizing the economic by locating it within the cultural, social and political relationships (Wills and Lee 1997: xvii). Barnes (2001a: 551) stressed that this mode of “hermeneutic theorizing” differs considerably from the “epistemological theorizing” stemming from the quantitative revo-lution as it “[1] rejects fixed and final foundations . . . [2] promotes experi-mentation and engagement with radically different vocabularies, pressing them as far as they will go . . . [3] cultivates critical self-awareness of social and historical location and recognizes its influence on knowledge . . . [and] [4] is interested in keeping the conversation going.” New economic geogra-phers have refigured economic as an excursion into the cultural and political realms by applying this “hermeneutic theorizing” mode.

The “hermeneutic theorizing” mode is an especially useful lens for ana-lyzing the Korean and Swedish film and TV industries, because it sheds more light on the cultural and political contexts of Korea and Sweden in order to explain and analyze the interface between the film and TV indus-

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tries and their institutional settings. In this context, the methodological ap-proach in this thesis can broadly be defined as hermeneutic.

My study of the Korean film and TV industry highlights the internal and external knowledge flows and Hallyu. My main argument is that the dynam-ics of local-global knowledge linkages offer opportunities for the expansion of the industry both in domestic and international markets. In addition, di-verse actors, factors and sectors are involved in the emergence and develop-ment of Hallyu, such as support from the central government and invest-ments from large conglomerates, and increased demand in the global market.

My Swedish film industry case focuses on the power relationships, inter-actions, dynamics and milieu of the network in Stockholm. I paid special attention to the role of the production manager in knowledge creation and diffusion processes. Analyses of the semi-structured interviews and filming site observations confirm the multiple functions of the manager in the case of Swedish filmmaking. In both respects, the “hermeneutic theorizing” mode is a particularly useful lens for my case studies, because it emphasizes the cultural and political contexts in order to explain and analyze the dynamics of the film and TV industries in a quickly changing environment.

3.2. Selection of case studies

Analyzing the film and TV industry in transformation This thesis aims to investigate how a creative industry and its institutional setting interact in the local and global economy. In particular, this thesis attempts to capture the dynamic knowledge flows of creative industries by systematically exploring changes in the Korean and Swedish film and TV industries. The film and TV industries can be considered an evolving, com-plex system drawing from the facilitation of economic evolution and the process of innovation for their contributions to the coordination of new ideas and technologies. Thus, to understand the development of the film and TV industries, it is essential to understand the nature of their ecology and chang-es.

The film and TV industries could be categorized into five value chains: development, shooting, post-production, distribution and exhibition (Dahlström and Hermelin 2007). Shooting – the filming of feature films and television programs – is an especially prodigious and complex project that requires major funding and various players for value creation. The project-based, flexibly specialized organization of value-creation activities in the film and TV industries lead the industry to a geographical agglomeration in clusters like Hollywood and Bollywood (Lorenzen and Mudambi 2012) and show a high level of dynamics compared to the other four production stages. This dissertation therefore focuses primarily on production in the film and

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TV industries in order to follow its thematic scope: highlighting the dynamic interplay between the industry and its institutional environment.

Currently, much of the technological infrastructure in the industry value chain is heavily digitized and the output of main segments mostly appears in digital form. Digitization has not only changed the value-added structure of the production segments, but also the consumption patterns (Husak 2004). Consumption of film and TV programs has become more mobile and takes place in an international market thanks to reduced costs in travel and com-munication. Given the nature of the industry, film and TV production is in-tegrated into an international and globalized institutional environment (Lew-is and Miller 2008). In addition, institutions are not pre-given and fixed; rather, they co-evolve with technologies and markets (Malmberg and Maskell 2010: 396). From this perspective, the concept of co-evolution can potentially help analyze and explain the dynamics of the film and TV indus-tries in the global economy by paying attention to the institutional settings that can affect industry dynamics (Nelson 1994; Murmann 2003).

My empirical research focuses on the cases of the film and TV industries in Korea and Sweden, and help explain how changes in the institutional en-vironment and the development of creative industries are linked to and mu-tually influence each other through time (Rantisi 2004; Banks and Potts 2010; Berg and Hassink 2014). For instance, Paper 2 shows how the film and TV industries co-evolve with changes in a broader institutional frame-work, particularly institutional changes at the state level.

Why the Korean film and TV industry? I selected the Korean film and TV industry as a case study because of its unique developmental path and remarkable growth on the global market. Although the Korean film and television industry has long been under the influence of society, politics, policies and government regulations, it suc-cessfully entered the global market in the late 1990s thanks to liberalization, commercialization and technical developments (Ryoo 2009).

The impressive growth of the Korean film and TV industry has intensified since the late 2000s. Exports of Korean TV drama series and films doubled from 1999 to 2011. Export revenue of Korean films increased almost 65 times between 1995 and 2010. In addition, the number of film production companies increased from 2,300 in 2002 to 4,900 in 2011 (Berg 2015).

In sum, the Korean film and TV industry is a growth industry with a unique developmental history. Papers 2 and 3 in this thesis seek to capture some of the dynamics and phenomena underlying the rapid growth of this fascinating industry. It should be noted that this thesis considers the Korean film and TV ‘industry’ as a single entity. As shown later, film and TV pro-ductions have characteristics such as project base, regional clustering and vertical disintegration in common. Moreover, most production companies in

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Korea work on both film and TV productions, especially in the fields of commercial film and TV drama series.

Why the Swedish film industry? The Swedish film industry was selected as a case study due to its outstanding international recognition. Swedish film production is integrated into an in-ternational and globalized system (Power and Gustafsson 2005). Swedish films and film-making have long enjoyed international success, famous for auteurs such as Ingmar Bergman and Hollywood stars like Greta Garbo and Ingrid Bergman. The Swedish film industry also receives financial support, including international, national and regional public funding (for an over-view, see Dahlström and Hermelin 2007). For example, Sweden benefits from a co-production opportunity through the Nordic Film and TV Fund, which is based on collaboration between five Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden). Consequently, 17 of 29 Swedish feature films were co-produced by Swedish production companies and for-eign producers in 2014 (The Swedish Film Institute) and Swedish films have won 25 Oscars to date. In addition, the production of feature films in Sweden demonstrates geographical concentration. For instance, Assmo’s (2005) study on the Film in Väst, located in Trollhättan, pinpointed the emergence and development of a film industry cluster.

The process of film production involves cooperation among people – film expertise, writers, designers, producers, etc. – and enterprises. This coopera-tion is based on dense relationships and networks between people, organiza-tions and institutions in the film industry. In addition, dynamic networks among agents play a central role in facilitating the exchange of (especially tacit) knowledge through trust-based relationships (Turok 2003; Klaerding 2011). The outstanding international recognition and collaborative endeavors in the Swedish film industry thus reflect the significant external linkages (both foreign and national) for knowledge and technology adoption and/or diffusion of the Swedish film industry (see, for instance, Dahlström and Hermelin 2007; Power 2002). In this view, Paper 4 in this thesis focuses on key players of the networks by analyzing their main functions in the knowledge creation and diffusion processes in Swedish filmmaking. It should be noted that Paper 4 entails two observations on the filming sites of the high-quality drama series “Modus”. It reveals the blurring line between film and TV content production in recent years: although it was a high-quality drama production, most of the project participants were film workers and the filming equipment, technologies and shooting method were highly analogous to feature filmmaking.

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3.3 Key respondents and data acquisition In order to capture the dynamics and phenomena underlying the rapid growth of the film and TV industry in Korea, I interviewed 35 key players in film and TV production. A detailed description of the interviewees is given in Table 1.

The 35 semi-structured interviews were conducted and recorded between February and April 2013. The interviews were recorded and transcribed, except for a couple of cases in which the respondent did not agree to have his or her interview recorded. Some respondents at the government institu-tion did not let me record the conversation because they felt uncomfortable with voice recorders while criticizing policy of the recent government. In these situations, I tried to take systematic notes and complete them after the interview was over. The recorded interviews were all transcribed and trans-lated into English. All quotes from interviews in the article are translated from Korean, if not stated otherwise. On average, the interviews took about 60 minutes. Moreover, I followed up these interviews with 6 respondents in January 2014. The follow-up interviewees included film directors, producers and technicians. In February 2015, I conducted two additional phone inter-views with film experts for updates. At that time, I focused on recent chang-es related to the relocation of the film institution and updated government policy.

Table 1. Number of firms and institutions interviewed in the Korean film and TV industry in 2013

Type Number of interviews conducted

Type

Institutions Film and TV

Ministry 2

Public Agency 9

Public Research Institutes 8

Firms Film Investment 2

Production 4

Post-production 2

TV Production 6

Marketing 2

Total 35

The interview guide is structured with seven topics relevant to my re-search questions: 1) general information on the organizations, 2) location factors, 3) linkage with related firms, partners and actors, 4) endoge-

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nous/exogenous factors that lead to change in networks, 5) the influence of Hallyu and policy intervention, 6) access to the global market and 7) future outlook. The interview situation was characterized by an open but directed discussion about the internal/external networks and the influence of Hallyu. The interviews were held in Korean, but the questions were written in Eng-lish and Korean in order to avoid misunderstanding regarding the meaning of words or phrases.

I have also attended expert conferences as a guest and observed the be-havior of participants and their conversations while taking breaks. I have used my research diary and documented the most important observations.

For the Swedish case study, I conducted extended fieldwork in Stockholm between February and May 2015. In total, 2 filming sites were visited, 40 film workers (white cells Table 2) and six production managers (see grey cell Table2) were interviewed and 8 hours of audio were recorded.

Table 2. List of respondents in the Swedish film industry

Functions No. of respondents

Production manager 6

Sponsoring coordinator 1

Director 2

Production leader 1

First Assistant Director 1

Second Assistant Director 1

Casting 2

Site managers 5

Photographer 3

Video editor 2

Scriptwriter 1

Site assistant 4

Audio manager 2

Scenography 2

Property manager 5

Costumes and makeup 6

Screenwriter 2

Total 46

Prior to the fieldwork in Stockholm, I conducted a preliminary pilot study: 9 telephone interviews were conducted with film industry experts to obtain in-

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depth knowledge and contextual and cultural backgrounds about the Swedish film industry. During the fieldwork, six production managers and 40 film workers were interviewed, including a production coordinator, scriptwriter, makeup artists and photographers in order to identify key players in film production. Out of 46 interviews, 29 were on-site interviews while the other 17 were conducted vie Skype. Out of the 17 Skype interviews, 8 were rec-orded and transcribed. The other interviews were not recorded, as the re-spondents did not agree to have their interviews recorded. In these situations, I tried to take systematic notes and complete them after the interview was over. The interviews took about 60 minutes on average.

Interview questions were categorized into six sections: 1) Basic infor-mation, 2) Location, 3) Career development histories, 4) Relationship, 5) Co-production experiences and 6) International film festivals. Desk research was also undertaken during the film work period. It is important to note that the interview protocol did not specifically include questions about knowledge acquisition and diffusion processes. The interview questions were open-ended, which allowed for significant prompting and focusing, so they varied slightly with each interview according to the direction the inter-view took and the information that was provided. The questions were also intended to change over time as data accumulated in each category. The websites of the Swedish Film Institute (SFI), the Swedish Film & TV Pro-ducers Association and Film i Väst (a regional film fund located on the Swe-dish west coast in Västra Götaland) provide analyses of Swedish films, pho-tographs and collected interviews with prominent members of the industry.

I also visited two film sets for the high-quality drama series “Modus” in Stockholm in May 2015. Due to security restrictions, I was not allowed to take any photos or to record audio, but I could vividly observe how the film crew interacted while shooting. In this case, I also took systematic notes and completed them after the observation. A total of 10 hours of observation and 29 on-site interviews with film workers were conducted on these film set visits.

3.4 Critical reflections on my research design and methodology Reliability and validity are common criteria defining the quality of qualita-tive research (DeLyser 2010; Flick 2008; Mayring 2003). The following is a critical reflection on my methods for selecting interviewees and obtaining data, with special attention paid to reliability, validity and suggestive ques-tions.

I have described the research setting in section 3.3 and documented the interview material and interview guide accordingly (Appendix 1). I have also

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explained my motivations and purpose in order to clarify the transparency of the data acquisition, the analysis process and my research position.

Directed answers mentioned by the researcher that match or support the desired outcome of the research are a prime example of suggestive questions (Kromrey et al. 2006). Such questions have been avoided in the interview guide. However, I believe that suggestive questions can also be fruitful throughout an interview. The following two examples represent suggestive questions which, in my opinion, are productive in conversation: “Really?” or: “Are you sure?” Although these questions imply my dissatisfaction with the interviewee’s answers, they stimulate discussion and encourage the in-terviewee to rethink certain aspects of his or her response. In addition, my role deliberately shifts from a “neutral” researcher to a discussant with my own opinions and impressions by using suggestive questions.

My empirical work deals with the knowledge dynamics and changes of the Korean film and TV industries and Swedish filmmaking. Both cases have a relatively small domestic market compared with Hollywood (Scott 2005) and provide a unique context with an independent film industry (Dahlström and Hermelin 2007; Kim 2011). This multiple-case study – as understood by Baxter and Jack (2008: 548) – “enables the researchers to explore differences within and between cases” in an attempt to contribute to the “how” and/or “why” questions relating to social phenomena. However, the analysis of both cases is set within specific empirical and methodological limitations. Firstly, there is a need to better understand how we identify a wave in industrial settings when it occurs, develops and reaches a peak. For instance, defining a time point regarding the peak of Hallyu remains a con-troversial issue (for an overview see, Marinescu 2014).

Secondly, methodologies for the operationalization of buzz and pipelines should be further developed. Due to the particular character of buzz and pipelines, it is not easy to measure their level or quality. Specific criteria and indicators will allow us to better understand how local buzz and global pipe-lines strengthen the capabilities of a cluster. In the framework of discourse analysis (Blommaert and Bulcaen 2000; Flowerdew and Martin 2005), for instance, future research could take into account changes to local buzz in the film and TV industries. Furthermore, as joint interviews (Riley 2014) offer insight into the processes of interpersonal relationships, further research might employ joint interviews in order to capture changes to knowledge flows within industry clusters. In addition, observation diaries and descrip-tions should be more actively transformed into the research context – either as quotations or figures. In my case, I did not use any maps or figures pro-vided by the respondents; however, these can be useful sources for situating certain industries in a specific context.

My final concern is that the Swedish case study mainly covers the pro-duction of Swedish film and high-quality drama content, and not co-production with foreign partners. In other words, it excludes collaborations

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across national borders (e.g. with other Nordic countries, Hollywood and London). The generalization of the results is therefore insufficient to conduct a comparative study that can generalize industry actors and their cross-industry functions. Joint interviews with Korean and Swedish film experts will improve overall quality of information and reliability of the interviews information.

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4. Summary of papers

The four papers written for this dissertation contribute to recent debates in economic geography that are directed at the interplay between a creative industry and its institutional setting in the local and global economy. My emphasis is clearly placed on the knowledge creation and diffusion process-es of the film and TV industries in a broader social and institutional context. Each paper draws on different aspects of the film and TV industries, and they all work on different levels of abstraction. In Table 3, I refer in greater detail to the individual papers.

Table 3. Overview of individual papers

Paper 1 Paper 2 Paper 3 Paper 4 Title Creative indus-

tries from an evolutionary perspective: A critical literature review

Creative Clus-ter Evolution: The Case of the Film and TV Industries in Seoul, South Korea

Local buzz, global pipe-lines and Hallyu: the case of the film and TV indus-try in South Korea

Investigating the multiple roles of production man-agers in the case of Swedish filmmaking

Research questions

How does EEG contribute to analyzing and explaining the spatial dynamics of creative in-dustries?

How the film and TV indus-tries and their institutional settings inter-act?

What role do knowledge flows play in supporting the expansion of film and TV industries?

Do certain players play an important role in knowledge production and diffusion in filmmaking?

Theory EEG Co-evolution, cluster

Local buzz and global pipe-lines

Key agents, coor-dinating actors, gatekeepers

Methods literature review Literature review, inter-views, industry statistics

Literature review, interviews, observations

Literature review, interviews, observations

Findings Co-evolution might be help-ful.

The Korean film and TV industry and its institutional setting co-evolve.

Dynamics of local buzz and global pipe-lines supported Hallyu.

Production man-agers play a cen-tral role in knowledge crea-tion and diffusion.

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Paper 1. Creative industries from an evolutionary perspective: a critical literature review This paper aims to highlight the conceptual benefits of evolutionary econom-ic geography and related concepts when analyzing and explaining the spatial dynamics of creative industries. It discusses evolutionary economic geogra-phy and related concepts – such as path dependence, lock-ins, related varie-ty, and co-evolution – that deal with the processes by which the economic landscape is transformed over time. A path-dependent process is an outcome that evolves as a consequence of the process’s own history. Lock-in situa-tions take the form of specialized industrial regions endowed with particular resources or competences while institutional structures are unable to match changing market requirements. Related variety is an assumed high degree of technologically related sectors in a region. Related variety contributes to thinking about the relationships between specialization and diversification, and regional economic growth and stability. Co-evolution refers to the sys-tematic embeddedness of firms and industries in an institutional environment at several spatial scales. In a co-evolutionary perspective, it is not only firms and industries, but also local and regional innovation policy – and in a broader sense, the institutional environment of firms and industries – that affect the dynamism of regional economies (Nelson 1994; Murmann 2003).

Based on reviews of studies on creative industries using evolutionary economic geography concepts both implicitly and explicitly, the paper con-cludes that many studies touch upon related variety, branching, and the co-evolution of creative industries. The ideas of path creation, path dependence and lock-ins are less favored at this point in time. Novel insights into spatial processes or mechanisms are particularly attuned to the concept of co-evolution, as it helps explain how changes to institutional environments and the development of creative industries are linked to each other and mutually influence each other over time.

Paper 2. Creative cluster evolution: the case of the film and TV industries in Seoul, South Korea The point of departure of this paper is the Hallyu phenomenon: recently, the popularity of Korean cultural goods – movies, TV programs, pop music and computer games – has rapidly increased. This phenomenon is referred to as the Hallyu phenomenon (translated into English as the Korean Wave). Many studies have been done on the economic factors of Hallyu, however, only a few studies have been done on the spatial evolution of the leading creative industries – for instance, film and TV – that benefit from the Hallyu phe-nomenon.

This paper follows the main conceptual ideas developed in the first paper. On the one hand, it explicitly uses conceptual notes from evolutionary eco-nomic geography to analyze spatial dynamics of the film and TV industries.

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On the other hand, its focus hones in on the situation in Korea from a co-evolutionary perspective, as it deals with the relationships and interactions between an industry and its institutional settings. The empirical findings of the 35 semi-structured interviews confirm the dynamics of the film and TV industries in Korea. In conclusion, a co-evolutionary approach to the Korean film and TV industry is proposed which advocates spatial dynamics and industrial development over time, thus conforming to the theoretical reflec-tions stressed in paper 1.

Paper 3. Local buzz, global pipelines and Hallyu: the case of the film and TV industry in South Korea The third paper examines how the dynamics of local buzz and global pipe-lines supported the expansion of the Korean film and TV industry. In addi-tion, this paper aims to capture the dynamics of local-global linkages in a non-Anglo-American context, which has not yet been systematically done.

In this paper, the concepts of local buzz and global pipelines provide a useful analytical tool for emphasizing knowledge creation and diffusion of the Korean film and TV industry at diverse spatial levels.

Accordingly, the paper highlights how the local-global linkages of the Korean film and TV industry organized and supported Hallyu. By acknowl-edging promotion from the central government and private firms, and in-creased demand in the global market, this paper argues that the Hallyu phe-nomenon should be understood as a wave that gathered momentum over time as the industry structure and policy support reacted to supply boosting exter-nal demand and recognition of Korean cultural content: at first TV, and sub-sequently film and music. Hallyu is thus a multi-layered and multi-directional phenomenon encompassing diverse contents, producers, consum-ers, politics and economics.

The empirical analysis elaborates on the complex dynamics of local buzz and global pipelines in the Korean film and broadcasting industry regarding promotion of the Hallyu phenomenon. By taking the changes to global-local linkages into account, this paper allows us to understand how diversification of extra-local knowledge linkages offers opportunities for innovation and the expansion of the creative industry, both in domestic and international mar-kets. It also argues that to understand whether and how a creative industry evolves over time, we must investigate the institutional settings and milieu of localized interactions and extra-local linkages; it thus has strong links to the theoretical chapters in papers 1 and 2.

Paper 4. Investigating the multiple roles of production managers in the case of Swedish filmmaking The process of film production involves cooperation among people – film experts, script writers, camera crew, producers, etc. – and enterprises. This cooperation is based on dense relationships and networks between people,

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organizations and institutions in the film industry. In particular, the field of film-making is highly reliant on informal networking, which facilitates the exchange of tacit knowledge through trust-based relationships. From this perspective, Swedish film production managers are acknowledged as a cen-tral part of the networks and play essential roles as intermediaries in knowledge adoption, diffusion and the procuring of co-production partners. In this paper, I therefore take a closer look at multi-functional managers in the Swedish filmmaking. In doing so, it addresses the complexity of knowledge production and diffusion mechanisms underlying feature film production, and carries out a detailed analysis of the functions involved in these processes. This paper identifies three main functions of film managers: investigator, bridge builder and gatekeeper functions. The paper leans on the notions of key agents in knowledge transfer (Carlsson et al. 2009), coordi-nating actors (Foss and Lorenzen 2009) and gatekeepers (Lewin 1947; Allen 1977) in a regional studies setting.

A detailed micro-level analysis is carried out in section 4 of the paper. It shows that managers undertake extensive roles for screening trends, fashions and fads. In addition, managers are shown to serve a function in building global pipelines in order to access external knowledge flows. Moreover, managers direct knowledge adoption and diffusion processes within the in-dustry. The findings of this paper provide further evidence that production managers play a central role in knowledge production and diffusion, not only because they are at the center of the film production process, but also be-cause managers have access to multi-level networks of information and knowledge. Moreover, the empirical results of this paper reflect a spatiotem-poral perspective by showing that the multiple functions of production man-agers fluctuate and vary through time and space.

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5. Findings, conclusions and reflections

This concluding chapter summarizes the key findings of the study. The main aim of this chapter is to draw upon the empirical findings to try to answer the research questions posed in chapter 1.1. It highlights the papers’ theoretical contributions and specifies the dynamic knowledge flows of creative indus-tries in economic geography. This thesis attempts to capture the creative industry landscapes in a broader social and institutional context by systemat-ically exploring changes in the Korean and Swedish film and TV industries. A closer analysis of the creative industry, in this case film and TV, allows an investigation of how a creative industry and its institutional setting interact in the local and global economy. However, interactions can appear in differ-ent forms as creative industries are diverse groups with different governing manners, spatialities, economic systems etc.

1. Co-evolution is helpful for explaining the spatial dynamics of creative industries. Creative industries affect and are affected by institutional environments at several spatial levels, since they deeply engage with a wide range of institu-tional frameworks. Changes to a creative industry cannot be fully grasped or understood unless full consideration is given to the institutional setting and contexts. Therefore, novel insights are particularly attuned to the concept of co-evolution, as it helps explain how changes to the institutional environ-ment and the development of creative industries are connected and mutually influence each other over time.

2. The film and TV industry and its institutional environments co-evolve. The film and TV industry and its institutional settings are interdependent and have a reciprocal influence on each other. The Korean film and TV case study clearly shows how the industry co-evolved with changes to the broader institutional framework, particularly institutional changes at the state level. Deregulation policies allowed large conglomerates to enter the film and TV sector, which led to the geographical concentration in Seoul and its growth of exports from the sector in the global market. Currently, the sector is high-ly affected by the location and relocation of important state agencies as part of a decentralization policy of the state, and by the reduction to the screen quota for domestic films. All in all, the case of the film and TV industry in

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Seoul indicates that its evolution strongly depends on the setting of the re-spective institutions and regulations, and on the institutional environments.

3. Dynamics of local buzz and global pipelines supported Hallyu In particular, diversification of extra-local knowledge linkages offered op-portunities for the innovation and expansion of the Korean film and TV in-dustries, both in domestic and international markets. In addition, diverse actors, factors and sectors are involved in the emergence and development of Hallyu. Promotion from the central government and private firms, and in-creased demand in the global market also supported the expansion of the Korean film and TV industry.

4. Production managers play a central role in knowledge creation and diffusion processes. Creation and diffusion of project-specific knowledge are important sources of competitive advantage and project success in film production. In Swedish film production, multi-functional managers are recognized as the key players in knowledge creation and diffusion processes. Production managers under-take extensive investigator, bridge builder and gatekeeper functions in the industry. These roles are situated in time and space, so they fluctuate and vary through time and space, even though they are performed by the same individuals.

Summary The main contribution of this thesis to economic geography is the develop-ment of theory and empirical understanding in contemporary economic ge-ography by systematically exploring the Korean film and TV industry and Swedish film production.

My Korean case study engages with a structure-based approach and ap-plies concepts and theories, such as co-evolution, local buzz and global pipe-lines, to a non-western context. The existing literature on local buzz and global pipelines in creative industries has been grounded in the industrial landscapes of the Anglo-American countries. The Korean experiences pro-vide some refreshing findings and complementary perspectives to the exist-ing literature about how the film and TV industry evolves over time in the global economy. Furthermore, the concepts of local buzz and global pipe-lines provide a useful analytical tool that emphasizes knowledge creation and diffusion at diverse spatial levels, allowing them to provide a better ap-proach for comprehensively theorizing on institutions, power and transfor-mations in creative industry landscapes.

My Swedish case study applies an actor-based approach and provides empirical understandings of the key players and their roles regarding knowledge creation and diffusion processes in film production. Unlike most literature on the subject, this case study investigates how production manag-

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ers are involved in knowledge adoption and diffusion processes by explicitly focusing on the knowledge diffusion processes from a spatiotemporal per-spective and showing how the functions of the key players vary through time and space.

Exploring two case studies with a focus on the key (f)actors of the knowledge creation and diffusion processes has resulted in a view that knowledge-based competencies can be an important source of competitive advantage and success in high-velocity environments, and this thesis thus provides us with an enhanced understanding of creative industry landscapes in a broader social and institutional context.

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Appendix. 1. Interview guide

A) 일반적인 정보/ General information

이 회사에 대한 간략한 소개 부탁드립니다.

• 설립 연도 When was your company established? (Year)

• 주요 생산품,서비스,기능 Key products/services/functions

• 본사/지사 Headquarters or a branch?

• 피고용인 수 How many employees? (Full time? Today and 3 years

ago)

• 주요 고객 Who have the main customers been for your prod-

ucts/services in the last three years? (Other firms, public sector, con-

sumers)

• 주요 시장 In which geographic markets has your company sold

products/services in the last three years? (Local/regional, national,

global)

• 협회, 조직가입 여부 Is your company involved in any industry as-

sociation/cluster organization on the regional level? If yes, which

ones?

B) 지리적 여건 /Location factors

62

• 서울에 설립된 이유 What were the main reasons for locating your

company in Seoul?

• 설립 위치선정시 주요인 What are the arguments in favor of the

chosen location?

• 서울에 존속하는 이유 What are the reasons for staying in Seoul?

• 서울외 지방 이전 가능성 Would it have been possible to establish

your business at another location?

• 서울 외 지방으로 이전할 경우 이점 What are the incentives for

moving out of Seoul? (KOFIC – will move to Busan)

• 타 기업들과의 지리적 근접 중요 What role does geographic prox-

imity to other companies (suppliers, customers, competitors, inves-

tors) play?

• 개인간의 비공식적 접촉 Is face-to-face contact necessary?

• 어떤위치 여건이 방송 영화 산업에 있어 중요한가?What location

factors are essential for the film and TV industries?

• 개인적 이유와 개인적 관계 Personal reasons and relation-

ships

• 전문 인력 수급 가능성 Availability of skilled labor in the

region

• 지역내 타 기업과의 협력 Cooperation partners in the re-

gion (suppliers, customers, etc.)

• 대학과 연구소와의 협력 Universities and other research

organizations in the region

63

• 지역차원에서의 제도적 지원 Policy support structure in

the region

• 지역 자체에서의 욕구 Local demand

• 제도적 차원에서의 사회적가치와 문화 Social norms and

values in the region (institutional dimension)

• 기타 Other regional factors (e.g. airports, schools and other

regional amenities)

C) 본 회사의 역사를 기술해 주십시오. 최근에 있었던 가장 중요한

사건은 무엇입니까? How would you describe the history of your

company? What past events have led to the current situation?

• 성장, 쇠퇴, 변화의 과정

Phases of growth/decline/transformation

• 내.외부적인 주요 사건, 주요인물, 주요 정책의 변화 Key events,

key actors, support policies etc. (endogenous/exogenous factors)

• 주된 기술 변화, 제도적 변화, 규율의 변화,시장의 트렌드 변화

Major technological changes, new regulations, changing demand,

globalization of markets, changes in infrastructure, international co-

operation etc.

• 지역적 요소가 본 회사의 발전에 어떠한 역할을

수행했는가?Urban/local factors that played a role for the devel-

opment of your company (educated employees, universities and

R&D institutes, regional demand, other firms in the region such as

64

customers, suppliers, competitors or firms from related industries,

regulations, regional investors, policy, networks, and other regional

factors not mentioned). How did the importance of these factors

change over time?

• 국가적, 국제적 요소가 본 회사의 발전에 어떠한 역할을

수행했는가?National/international factors that played a role for

the development of your company (educated employees, universities

and R&D institutes, demand, other firms, regulations, investors, pol-

icy, networks, other factors not mentioned). How did the importance

of these factors change over time?

• Relative importance of regional vs. national/international factors

D) 한류의 영향과 정책적 개입 Influence of Hallyu + policy interven-

tion

• 어떤 종류의 한류가영향을 미칩니까? What type of Hallyu

was/is/will be crucial in the development and exploitation of your

enterprise/business (movies, TV programs, pop songs, games, mo-

bile content or famous stars/singers)?

• 한류가 과거,현재,미래 이 회사의 발전과 확대에 어떤 효과를

가져옵니까? What was/is/will be the impact of Hallyu on the de-

velopment and economic exploitation of your project and how has

that changed over time?

• 어떤 수준에서의 공공정책이 본 회사의 발전에 가장 직접적인

관련이 있습니까? To what extent is public policy relevant for the

65

development of your activity? (예, 스크린 쿼터제도 e.g. Screen

quota)

• 지역적,국가적 정책이 어떤 역할을 수행하고 있습니까? What

role does policy at the provincial and national levels play?

어떻게 하면 정책 입안자들이 방송 영화 산업의 발전을

효과적으로 지지할 수 있을까요? How can policy-makers support

the emergence and development of the film and TV industries?

E) 지난 10 년간의역사를이야기 해 주세요. 또한방송 영화 산업

전반에 있어서 지난 10 년 동안 있었던 가장 중요한 사건은

무엇입니까? How would you describe the entire history of the

film and TV industries in Seoul? What past events have led to the

current situation?

• Phases of growth/decline/transformation

• Key events, key actors etc. (endogenous/exogenous factors)

• Major technological changes, new regulations, changing demand,

globalization of markets, changes in infrastructure, flagship projects,

etc.

• Regional factors that played a role for the development of the film

and TV industries (educated employees, universities and R&D insti-

tutes, regional demand, other firms in the region, regulations, re-

gional investors, policy, networks and other regional factors not

mentioned). How did the importance of these factors change over

time?

• National/international factors that played a role for the develop-

ment of the film and TV industries in Seoul (educated employees,

66

universities and R&D institutes, demand, other firms, regulations,

investors, policy, networks, other national/international factors not

mentioned). How did the importance of these factors change over

time?

• Relative importance of regional vs. national/international factors

F) 어떤 상대와 정보 교환을 합니까? With whom do you exchange

knowledge for your production?

• 파트너의 종류(납품업자, 소비자, 경쟁회사, 대학연구소, 정부

기관) Type of partners (suppliers, customers, competitors, universi-

ties, governmental agencies etc.)

• 파트너의 소재 Location of partners (local/regional, national, EU,

global)

• 파트너의 주요 활동 Activities and competences of partners (i.e.

their industry)

• 협력의 기간 Time period of the cooperation

• 시간의 흐름에 따른 협력대상의 변화 Change in partners over

time (intensity, geographic scope etc.)

G) 재정/ Financing

• 프로젝트 수행시 재정적인 부분은 어떻게 해결하는지? How do

you finance your project (traditional bank investment, public money,

investment within the framework of a multi-national company, issu-

ing of new stocks or bonds – listed or not on stock markets) and has

that changed over time?

67

• 수익 창조 원천의 시간적 흐름에 따른 변화 What is your business

model (do you earn your monetary income by selling your product?

By licensing? By selling the company to a larger group? Through

sponsoring?) and has that changed over time?

• 투자자들은 구체적으로 누구인가? 그들도 지역화 되어있는가?

Who invests in your project (product, technology, market concept)?

Where are they located (headquartered)?

Acta Universitatis UpsaliensisDigital Comprehensive Summaries of Uppsala Dissertationsfrom the Faculty of Social Sciences 129

Editor: The Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences

A doctoral dissertation from the Faculty of Social Sciences,Uppsala University, is usually a summary of a number ofpapers. A few copies of the complete dissertation are keptat major Swedish research libraries, while the summaryalone is distributed internationally through the series DigitalComprehensive Summaries of Uppsala Dissertations from theFaculty of Social Sciences. (Prior to January, 2005, the serieswas published under the title “Comprehensive Summaries ofUppsala Dissertations from the Faculty of Social Sciences”.)

Distribution: publications.uu.seurn:nbn:se:uu:diva-300017

ACTAUNIVERSITATIS

UPSALIENSISUPPSALA

2016