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Lisa Overholtzer, Wenner-Gren Dissertation Fieldwork Grant Proposal Project Title: Household Spaces and Everyday Practices at Postclassic Xaltocan, Mexico Project Abstract: This project will examine the social, political, and economic transition that occurred at the Postclassic Central Mexican site of Xaltocan with its conquest and integration into the Aztec state, focusing on the ways in which commoners changed everyday life in their new context. Drawing on practice theory, space/place theories, and theories of contact and conquest, this project will evaluate ethnohistoric accounts that Xaltocan was abandoned upon being conquered after a long war and was resettled with Aztec tribute payers, and it will explore the ways in which Xaltocan was (re)formed through household spatial practices under Aztec rule. To do so, broad- scale horizontal excavations at two low house mounds known to contain stratified domestic deposits dating to the phases before and after incorporation into the Aztec state will be carried out. In addition to the analysis of artifact distributions, multi- element soil chemical analysis and microartifact analysis will be used to reconstruct otherwise invisible spatial patterns of activity. Strontium isotope analysis of teeth will be used to detect patterns in migration and to test the population replacement account. This project integrates scientific and humanistic approaches through the application of GIS and quantitative high-resolution techniques to a research question conceptualized using social theory that focuses on human agency; thus, this project is poised to make a significant, innovative contribution to archaeological practice. This project will also make a theoretical contribution by offering a long-term case study of the commoner experience of war and conquest, and by considering bottom-up processes, specifically household decisions made at Xaltocan, such as the decisions to flee or to rebuild, that contributed to the character of the Aztec empire.

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Page 1: Lisa Overholtzer's Research Website€¦  · Web viewEspejel, Claudia. 2005 Domestic Structures in Xaltocan. In Production and Power in Postclassic Xaltocan, edited by E.M. Brumfiel,

Lisa Overholtzer, Wenner-Gren Dissertation Fieldwork Grant Proposal

Project Title: Household Spaces and Everyday Practices at Postclassic Xaltocan, Mexico

Project Abstract: This project will examine the social, political, and economic transition that occurred at the Postclassic Central Mexican site of Xaltocan with its conquest and integration into the Aztec state, focusing on the ways in which commoners changed everyday life in their new context. Drawing on practice theory, space/place theories, and theories of contact and conquest, this project will evaluate ethnohistoric accounts that Xaltocan was abandoned upon being conquered after a long war and was resettled with Aztec tribute payers, and it will explore the ways in which Xaltocan was (re)formed through household spatial practices under Aztec rule. To do so, broad-scale horizontal excavations at two low house mounds known to contain stratified domestic deposits dating to the phases before and after incorporation into the Aztec state will be carried out. In addition to the analysis of artifact distributions, multi-element soil chemical analysis and microartifact analysis will be used to reconstruct otherwise invisible spatial patterns of activity. Strontium isotope analysis of teeth will be used to detect patterns in migration and to test the population replacement account. This project integrates scientific and humanistic approaches through the application of GIS and quantitative high-resolution techniques to a research question conceptualized using social theory that focuses on human agency; thus, this project is poised to make a significant, innovative contribution to archaeological practice. This project will also make a theoretical contribution by offering a long-term case study of the commoner experience of war and conquest, and by considering bottom-up processes, specifically household decisions made at Xaltocan, such as the decisions to flee or to rebuild, that contributed to the character of the Aztec empire.

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Project Description Question 1: Describe your research question/hypothesis or research objective. That is, what will the focus of your investigation be?

This proposal outlines an archaeological research project to study commoners’ lives under state formation and imperial expansion, and the ways in which a place is changed with incorporation into an empire. The main goal of the research project is to understand the social, political, and economic transition at the site of Xaltocan, Mexico with conquest and integration into the Aztec state, and the ways in which commoners changed household life in their new context.

Xaltocan is a Postclassic site located in the northern Basin of Mexico on what was formerly a human-made island. Xaltocan is exceptionally well positioned for the task of examining changes in household uses of space because it is one of the few sites in the Basin of Mexico with intact domestic architecture preceding and following the formation of the Aztec Empire. In addition, the site has already been mapped and surveyed and a site chronology established via a test-piting program during twenty years of archaeological research directed by my advisor, Elizabeth Brumfiel (Brumfiel 2005b). According to ethnohistoric documents, Xaltocan was founded in the 11th century CE by Otomí speakers and was an important regional center of a domain that included 49 towns and an additional 24 with tribute fields (Alva Ixtlilxóchitl 1975-77; Nazareo 1940; see Carrasco 1950). After a war lasting from 1250 to 1395, Xaltocan was conquered by a Tepanec alliance between Cuauhtitlan and Azcapotzalco, and was abandoned by its inhabitants (Anales de Cuauhtitlan 1945). In 1428, Xaltocan was incorporated into the Aztec empire and repopulated with tribute payers said to have been Acolman, Colhua, Tenochca, and Otomí peoples sent by the state. In the archaeological chronology of the site, the period of warfare corresponds to Phase 3. Phase 4 represents the new occupation until the colonial period. However, archaeological survey data from the site have cast doubt on a complete population replacement, and suggest that the abandonment cited in the documents may refer only to elites, with most residents staying and re-building their houses under Aztec rule (Brumfiel 2005a; Hicks 1994). This uncertain transition between Phases 3 and 4 is the focus of the proposed project.

This project will address the following questions. How did Xaltocan as a place change with incorporation into the Aztec empire? Was the disaster of losing the war so great as to lead to abandonment, or did residents re-build? How was Xaltocan (re)formed through household spatial practices, whether by previous inhabitants who stayed or by new settlers? Given changes in the socio-political and economic context between Phases 3 and 4, my hypotheses are as follows:

Hypothesis 1) There were dramatic changes in household practices and use of space. Such changes might be evident in architectural design and type and location of household practices. Two distinct situations could account for this change:

Subhypothesis A) Xaltocan was abandoned and resettled, and the new settlers had a different history of practices structuring their daily lives—they had different traditions, values, worldviews, cultural logics (Hutson and Stanton 2007), or habitus (Bourdieu 1977). They had lived and learned the bodily memory of a different configuration of spatial practices (de Certeau 1984). Based on previous research and the distribution of stone on the surface, it is likely that Phase 4 houses had adobe walls and stone foundations. Phase 3 construction techniques are unknown, but houses from Phases 1 and 2 are constructed of adobe bricks with clay foundations (Espejel 2005). I expect that the use of stone, a material likely procured from a location farther away than nearby clay sources, is associated with new settlers with distinct architectural

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traditions. Similarly, changes in the placement and orientation of burials underneath house floors might indicate that new residents held different beliefs about death. Finally, test pit data at Xaltocan suggest a decreased reliance on hunting and salt-making and an increased reliance on turkey in Phase 4 (Brumfiel 2005c), implying that residents had different culinary preferences and did not take advantage of their lacustrine setting to the same extent as earlier inhabitants.

Subhypothesis B) Dramatic spatial changes could have occurred without a population replacement, due entirely to changes in the political economy. Recent excavations in the chinampas or raised fields in Xaltocan yielded ceramics dating through Phase 3, but almost none from Phase 4 (Morehart, personal communication). Households might have had a different pattern of practices in the chinampa lands during Phase 4, or they might have abandoned those agricultural fields at the time of incorporation into the Aztec state. This might result from a break in the social relationships that had sustained such an intensive practice or from an intensification of other practices, such as the weaving of cloth, to meet tribute demands. Similar changes might be seen in the household excavations of the proposed project. For example, I expect that changes in the spatial patterning of practices or domestic architecture might result from families altering their productive activities or the division of household labor in order to meet tribute demands and ensure functionality in times of stress. Such changes have been documented on the site level in the Late Postclassic (Brumfiel 1991), and on the household level in the colonial period (Cabrera 1998), but not on the household level in the pre-Hispanic period.

Hypothesis 2) Alternatively, no significant changes occurred in household practices and use of space. Two distinct scenarios could explain a lack of change.

Subhypothesis A) The new settlers did not have distinct traditions and habitus, and the political, economic, and social changes did not significantly impact daily life.

Subhypothesis B) Xaltocan was not abandoned and re-settled, and residents chose and were able to re-construct household life following pre-conquest norms.

Preliminary evidence from survey, test pits, and chinampa excavations at Xaltocan suggests the presence of significant changes in household life, lending provisional support to Hypothesis 1. However, archaeological evidence from houses from Phases 3 and 4 is needed to examine changes in individual households, and if confirmed, delineate the nature of such changes and determine whether changes are due to abandonment and resettlement by tribute payers from elsewhere or to decisions made by households rebuilding within their new political and economic context.

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Project Description Question 2: How does your research build on existing scholarship in anthropology and closely related disciplines? Give specific examples of this scholarship and its findings.

Two main bodies of scholarship inform this proposal. First, my research builds upon a growing emphasis in anthropological archaeology on the study of household life and social practices. Second, my research is informed by ethnohistoric and archaeological studies of Postclassic Central Mexican households and the shifting political and economic contexts in which they were situated. The position of this project at the intersection of these two bodies of research will allow it to make substantive contributions to both.

Much of the archaeological work on household dynamics, everyday life, and social practices (Ashmore 2002; Dobres and Robb 2000; Hendon 1996; Robin 2003) has utilized practice theory, which posits that people in the past were social agents who had choices, goals, and intentions, but who lived in a social and historical context only partly of their own making (Bourdieu 1977; de Certeau 1984; Giddens 1984). In this view, the practices of social agents construct society, and the sequences of agents' actions, and their intended and unintended consequences, structure the actions of later agents; over time the chains of repeated practices constitute what we recognize as traditions (Joyce and Lopiparo 2005).

Given that all practices are spatial, scholars have begun to explore the continuous construction of place as people build, rebuild, and experience the world around them (Pred 1984). Practice and space/place theories, and their emphasis on an “historical examination of repeated practices” are particularly amenable to archaeological research since repeated practices are those that are inscribed in the archaeological record (Joyce and Lopiparo 2005:370). These theories are also well suited to examine changes in practice that result from war or conquest, since war and conquest necessarily lead to dramatic changes in peoples’ lives (Deagan 1996; Lightfoot et al. 1998; Stahl 1994; Voss 2005, 2008). Silliman (2001) demonstrates the productivity of exploring changes in daily practice in culture-contact or conquest situations as people react to a rupture that can take place in doxa, the taken-for-granted understandings of the political and cosmological order (Bourdieu 1977). Similarly, Dawdy (2006) argues that disasters such as warfare can result in either continuity or upheaval; the ways in which people re(form) a place after a disaster is revelatory about the disaster, its consequences, and the community before the disaster.

In this vein, the proposed project will view Xaltocan’s conquest as a disaster that likely caused a rupture in doxa, and will explore the ways in which Xaltocan was re-built and household space transformed after incorporation into the Aztec state. It will examine everyday life and the creation of place through repeated household practices, focusing on changes in the ways residents used, experienced, and transformed household space before and after incorporation into the Aztec empire. By doing so, this project will contribute to the development of practice theory, specifically within conquest contexts. Nearly all culture contact and conquest studies have examined European colonial settings; by providing a pre-Columbian conquest case study, my research will challenge extant models.

My research will also build upon ethnographic and archaeological research on houses and households in Postclassic Central Mexico. The Florentine Codex, a colonial encyclopedia of native life, includes illustrations and descriptions of 23 types of houses, including possible regional variants (Sahagún 1950-82, Bk.11). Households consisted of either nuclear single-roomed or joint households in which rooms grouped around an open patio were used for sleeping, storage rooms, or kitchens, the patio being the site of most activities (Aguilera 1985;

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Calnek 1972, 1976; Evans 1992; Kellogg 1992; Lockhart 1992; Lombardo de Ruiz 1973). Archaeological excavations of houses have generally confirmed these patterns. Aztec-period household excavations have been carried out in the Basin of Mexico at Cihuatecpan (Evans 1988), Cerro Gordo (Charlton 2001), Xochimilco (Ávila López 1995; González 1996), and Mexicaltzingo (Ávila López 2006); in Morelos at Yautepec, Capilco, and Cuexcomate (Smith 1992a, 1992b; Smith et al. 1999); and in the Tehuacan Valley (Sisson 1973). However, only the Morelos studies have examined houses from before and after Aztec state formation; the proposed project will provide the first such comparison within the Basin of Mexico, the heartland of the Aztec empire.

I will also expand upon archaeological research on the political and economic processes associated with the development of the Aztec state (Berdan 1975; Berdan et al. 1996; Brumfiel 1980, 1983, 1986, 1987, 1991a, 1991b, 1996a, 1996b; Charlton et al. 1991, 1993; Hassig 1985, 1988; Hicks 2005; Hodge and Neff 2005; Hodge and Smith 1994; Minc 1994; Nichols et al. 2000, 2002; Smith 1979, 1986, 2003, 2008; Smith and Berdan 1992; Smith and Montiel 2001). This body of research has sought to address the implications of state formation for people living in the region, and has shed light on topics such as production and specialization of goods, market trade, and tribute impositions. One of the central debates of this research has been the amount of state intervention and the degree to which the Aztec state affected household life. Brumfiel (1986, 1987, 1991a, 1991b, 1996b) has argued that Aztec tribute demands resulted in a dramatic restructuring of productive activities with an increased burden on women. While acknowledging the effects of tribute demands, Smith (1992b, 2003) has argued that under Aztec rule commoners benefited from increased commercialization of an economy in which productive activities such as crafts, farming, and exchange were not under elite control.

This research helps us understand the household activities that might have been affected for residents of Xaltocan who chose to rebuild. However, by asking how the Aztec state affected daily life, scholars have focused on top-down regional-level processes; as a consequence, the choices commoners had and the decisions they made have been elided (but see Brumfiel 1991a, 1996a, 1996b). By using practice theory, and by reframing the question to ask how commoners altered household practices within their changing social contexts—while taking into account the real structural forces that accompanied state formation—my research pays attention to the lives of all social actors. The proposed project explores the ways in which commoners both responded to political economic shifts and proactively shaped the nature of the Aztec state, for example, through decisions to flee or to stay, or to engage in certain productive activities. By doing so, my research will provide new insight into the Aztec state.

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Project Description Question 3: What evidence will you need to collect to answer your research question? How will you go about collecting and analyzing this evidence?

To test these hypotheses and subhypotheses, I propose detailed excavations of two low house mounds on the eastern edge of the site, called Structures 122 and 124 in Brumfiel’s 1987 survey. Surface collections on both mounds and the surrounding area included Phase 3 (Aztec II) and Phase 4 (Aztec III and IV) ceramics (Brumfiel 2005a). Operation K, a test pit placed on Structure 124, revealed Phase 4 household deposits from the surface to 60 cm, and Phase 3 household deposits from 60 to 120 cm before reaching the lakebed (Brumfiel 2005a). In spring 2009, prior to the proposed field season, the mounds and surrounding area will be mapped and geophysical remote sensing will be used to identify buried architecture as part of a collaborative project with Dr. Luis Barba of the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM).

During a six-month field season, broad-scale horizontal excavations of houses will expose patterns of spatial use. Three teams of three local workers will begin excavating 2x2m units that will be placed where remote sensing suggests that buried house walls are located. Once architectural features are encountered, additional 2x2m units will be placed in order to excavate the structure horizontally. All units will be excavated to the sterile lakebed. Excavation units will be directed by the principal investigator and two Mexican undergraduate students with whom I have worked in the field previously, Iziar Martínez Rojo and Georgina Ibarra Arzave. The Harris Matrix system, a diagramming tool that depicts the relative position and stratigraphic contacts of excavated contexts, will be used during excavations to ensure stratigraphic control. All in-situ artifacts will be mapped in three-dimensional space. Architectural features will be documented, mapped, and consolidated according to the standards established by the Mexican government. Digital photographs and video will be taken extensively during excavation and analysis to document the archaeological process for research and dissemination.

Analysis of ceramics and lithics, which comprise the majority of recovered artifacts, will be carried out in late afternoons as excavations proceed, and will continue full-time for an additional five months. All other analyses will be performed after excavations have ended. After analysis, all materials will be stored in the local museum. Ceramics and lithics will be analyzed by the principal investigator in a laboratory space rented in Xaltocan, with the assistance of Juana Arenas, a local resident who has previously assisted Brumfiel with analysis. Botanical and faunal remains will be analyzed at UNAM under the supervision of Dr. Emily McClung and Dr. Raúl Valadéz Azúa, respectively. Shell will be analyzed by Dr. Adrián Velázquez Castro of the Templo Mayor Museum. Twelve radiocarbon samples will analyzed by AMS at the University of Arizona to date the deposits.

Given that artifact distributions may not accurately reflect activities due to routine sweeping and post-depositional processes (Deal 1985; Schiffer 1972, 1976; Seymour and Schiffer 1987), I will also utilize high-resolution microanalysis techniques to identify otherwise invisible activity patterns. These techniques will include multi-element soil chemical analysis and microartifact analysis of samples from floors.

Soil chemical analysis is used to measure chemical changes in the soil composition that result from human activities such as food production and burning. I will use ICP-AES (Inductively Coupled Plasma-Atomic Emission Spectrometry), which has been utilized with great success in Mesoamerica (Hutson and Terry 2006; Middleton 1998; Parnell and Terry 2002; Terry et al. 2004; Wells et al. 2000). Chemical signatures of various activities identified by ethnoarchaeological projects in Mexico (Barba and Ortiz 1992; Middleton 1998; Middleton and Price 1996) will aid interpretation of the data. Soil samples will be taken of each floor at 50 cm

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intervals and compared to off-site samples. Analysis will be performed at the University of Wisconsin, Madison.

As another line of evidence, I will utilize microartifact analysis. Microartifacts, or artifacts less than ¼” in size, are not removed by sweeping and become imbedded in floor sediments with trampling (Gifford 1978; O'Connell 1987; Schiffer 1983). Microartifact analyses have been successfully used worldwide for several decades (Metcalfe and Health 1990; Middleton 1998; Miller-Rosen 1989; Rainville 2000; Sherwood et al. 1995; Simms and Heath 1990; Stahl and Zeidler 1990; Widmer 1991). Microartifacts will be recovered from the heavy fraction of seven-liter soil flotation samples taken at two-meter intervals across floor surfaces. The heavy fraction samples will be sorted by size and material, then counted and weighed. Analysis will be performed by the principal investigator at Northwestern University.

All of these data will be entered into a Geographic Information System (GIS) for spatial analysis. In combination with point-proveniencing and traditional analysis of artifacts, the soil chemical and microartifact analyses will allow the reconstruction of spatial patterning of repeated practices in the household. A comparison of this patterning between Phases 3 and 4 will indicate possible changes in the construction of place in the household at Xaltocan.

In addition to the archaeological evidence for people’s lifestyles, I will be able to directly determine if Xaltocan was resettled in Phase 4 through strontium isotope analysis of tooth enamel (Knudson and Buikstra in press; Knudson et al. 2004; Montgomery et al. 2005; Price et al. 1994a, 1994b; Wright 2005), a method that has been used successfully to examine patterns in migration within Central Mexico (Manzanilla 2005; Price et al. 2000; White et al. 2004a, 2004b, 2007). Differences in strontium isotope ratios in teeth reflect the ratios in the water, plants and animals consumed by the individual while the tooth was forming, which in turn reflect the regional geography. Individuals whose strontium levels differ from the local strontium signature can be identified as migrants; a significantly higher proportion of migrants in Phase 4 would suggest a resettlement. Samples of teeth from Phases 3 and 4 will be analyzed at the University of Wisconsin, Madison.

Finally, an ancient DNA collaborative project with Dr. Enrique Rodríguez-Alegría of the University of Texas at Austin will also potentially shed light on the population replacement issue at Xaltocan. This project will study familial relatedness between individuals buried under sequences of associated house floors at Xaltocan over the entire history of occupation. If individuals buried under the Phase 3 and 4 houses excavated for the proposed project are shown to be related, this would suggest that not all residents of Xaltocan abandoned the site, refuting a population replacement.

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Project Description Question 4: What is your training and how are you prepared to do this research?

Three aspects of my graduate and undergraduate education at Northwestern University and the University of California at Berkeley, respectively, have prepared me to carry out the proposed research: 1) graduate and undergraduate level coursework, 2) research experience at Xaltocan and elsewhere in Central Mexico, and 3) the support of my advisor, Dr. Elizabeth Brumfiel.

First, I have gained theoretical knowledge and technical skills from graduate courses such as archaeological methods laboratory, archaeometry, GIS, archaeological research design, household archaeology, and the anthropology of place. Along with practical research experience in Central Mexico, these courses have given me the skills necessary to plan the project, carry out excavations, perform the proposed ceramic, lithic, and microartifact analyses, and interpret the results of other analyses, such as soil chemical and strontium isotope, that will be performed at the University of Wisconsin, Madison laboratory. An undergraduate second major in Spanish and four field seasons working in Spanish-speaking countries with local crews have afforded me the language competency needed to carry out my research in Mexico and to make my results accessible to Spanish speakers.

Second, the proposed project will benefit from, and build upon, two independent research projects that I have carried out at Xaltocan. In 2007, I conducted a study of the life histories of Xaltocan figurine collection, a project which required me to obtain funding for chemical provenance analysis and obtain export permission from the Mexican Institute for Anthropology and History; I am currently preparing the results of this study to submit to Current Anthropology. I have also collaborated with my advisor on research at Xaltocan, completing a study of embodiment and the use of figurines in 2006, the results of which are being published in an upcoming edited volume (Brumfiel and Overholtzer in press). Both of these projects examined temporal patterns of household ritual practices involving ceramic figurines, and they reflect my commitment to exploring the everyday lives of commoners and the ways in which commoners altered their household practices given changes in their social, political, and economic context. The proposed project will build upon this previous figurine research, using the findings as a comparative base for the examination of all household ritual practices. The proposed project will also broaden the focus of investigation to include other kinds of household practices, while maintaining the same commitment to investigate changing commoner everyday life.

Furthermore, I have participated in two field seasons of excavations of houses and analysis of excavated materials at Xaltocan as part of Brumfiel’s project, and one season of mapping, site survey, and ceramic analysis at Tlaxcala, Mexico as part of a Purdue University project under the direction of Dr. Richard Blanton. Therefore, I understand Xaltocan’s site-specific depositional processes, the logistical realities of doing research in Xaltocan, and Postclassic Central Mexican material culture, and I have the knowledge and skills to design a feasible project and successfully execute it.

Third, I have benefited from the guidance of my advisor, who has worked at Xaltocan for twenty years. Her mapping, surface survey, and test pit programs have laid the foundations for the proposed research project. She has assisted me in the process of designing the proposed research project, ensuring that the research I had planned is theoretically and methodologically sound, as well as logistically feasible. She has also provided me with invaluable practical experience through participation in her own projects at the site, experience which has afforded me realistic expectations of fieldwork at the site. In addition, she has made all of the survey, test

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pit, and excavation data from previous field seasons available to me in the planning process and for comparative purposes with the data I will collect.

I have already taken several preliminary steps towards the proposed field season. In 2007, I completed a brief survey of the area, confirming that the mounds have not been destroyed by modern occupation and verifying the presence of ceramics from Phases 3 and 4 on the surface. I also photographed the area and took notes on the distributions of artifacts and architectural materials. I have also created a GIS that will be used to map the surface and excavated materials, and have entered a satellite image of the site and layers containing the survey and test pit data.

I have established an affiliation with the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) and with Dr. Luis Barba, the director of the Laboratory for Archaeological Prospection at UNAM. Dr. Barba and I have also begun a collaborative geophysical remote sensing project that will detect and map buried architecture in the proposed study area. Dr. Barba, a world expert in remote sensing technologies, will coordinate the short field season that is planned for spring 2009, and the Laboratory for Archaeological Prospection will provide the necessary equipment. This study will allow the precise placement of excavation units over architectural remains and will make excavations more productive and efficient.

I have also taken many logistical preparations for my work in Xaltocan. I have obtained excavation permission from the property owner and the local municipal organization and negotiated the rental of laboratory space. I have a working relationship with many local residents who have years of experience and training in archaeological work and who have expressed interest in participating in the project. I have spoken with the local museum director to plan a community event in September 2009 to present the findings of my previous research and promote community involvement in the proposed project. Finally, I have secured some project funding from National Geographic, Sigma Xi, and Northwestern University that will be used to cover part of the cost of supplies and local worker salaries (items not included in the Wenner-Gren budget). In addition, my travel and living expenses will be covered by a National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship.

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Project Description Question 5: What contribution does your project make to anthropological theory and to the discipline?

This project will contribute to Mesoamerican archaeology by improving our understanding of the everyday life of commoners before and after the Aztec empire. While studies of commoner life under Aztec rule have been undertaken using ethnohistoric documents, commoners have long neglected within archaeological studies in favor of explorations of monumental architecture and sculpture. Such neglect is all the more regrettable because the archaeological record offers evidence of the lives of many segments of society—such as women and children—often not recorded in historic documents as well as evidence of many everyday practices—such as eating or working—that were taken-for-granted and not documented (Brumfiel 2003). The proposed project will reconstruct the practices of common Mexican men, women, and children, thereby offering a more complete view of Postclassic Central Mexico and combating stereotypes of Aztec society created by biases in archaeological research towards telling the story of men at the state level.

More broadly, this project will complement anthropological theories of state formation by 1) offering a long-term case study of the commoner experience of war and conquest; and 2) considering bottom-up processes and focusing on the choices commoners had, the decisions they made, and the real effects such decisions had on the nature of the state. In addition, because it provides a pre-Columbian conquest case study, this research will broaden the scope of contact/conquest studies beyond European colonial contexts, potentially contributing to the development of new models.

Even more broadly, this project is poised to make a significant, innovative contribution to archaeological practice because it integrates scientific and humanistic approaches through the application of GIS and quantitative high-resolution techniques to a research question conceptualized using practice theory. Practice theory and its concept of agency have been critiqued as "slippery" and too abstract. The proposed project is designed to move beyond theoretical discussions of practice. I view agency as the capability to do things and to make choices, that is to say, that in any action carried out, the person could have acted differently (Giddens 1984:9). This view of agency gives new meaning to the choices commoners made when at war, when conquered, or when re-building. This view also enables scholars to concretely trace these decisions using scientific analytical techniques such as soil chemical, microartifact, and strontium isotope analyses. My research will use these techniques to reconstruct those household decisions made in times of war and conquest at Xaltocan. By doing so, I will not only reconstruct everyday life in that context and examine the ways in which those choices shaped the nature of the Aztec state, but I will also make a theoretical contribution by concretizing the somewhat slippery terms “agency” and “practice.”

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Project Bibliography

Aguilera, Carmen1985 Mueble Prehispánico. In El Mueble Mexicano: Historia, Evolución e Influencias. Pp.

14-24. Fomento Cultural Banamex, Mexico City.

Alva Ixtlilxóchitl, Fernando de 1975-77 Obras Históricas, 2 vol, edited by Edmund O’Gorman. Universidad Nacional

Autónoma de México, México.

Anales de Cuauhtitlan1945 Códice Chimalpopoca: Anales de Cuauhtitlan y Leyenda de los Soles, edited and

translated by Primo Feliciano Velázquez. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, Mexico City.

Ashmore, Wendy 2002 ‘Decisions and dispositions’: Socializing spatial archaeology. American

Anthropologist 104:1172-1183.

Ávila López, Raúl1995 Excavaciones arqueológicas en San Gregorio Atlapulco, Xochimilco. Subdirección de

Salvamento Arqueológico, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City.2006 Mexicaltzingo: Arqueología de un reino culhua-mexica. Instituto Nacional de

Antropología e Historia, Mexico City.

Barba, Luis and Agustín Ortiz1992 Analisis Quimico de Pisos de Ocupacion: Un Caso Etnografico en Tlaxcala, Mexico.

Latin American Antiquity 3(1):63-82.

Berdan, Frances1975 Trade, Tribute and Market in the Aztec Empire. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation,

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