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qO FO’R PUBLICATION WITHOUT WRITER’S CONSENT CVR-12 INSTITUTE OF CURRENT WORLD AFFAIRS Peshawar, Pakistan June 15, 1991 MAK I NG THE MOVE Repatriation of Afghan Refugees by Carol Rose Ask an Afghan refugee whether she or he wants to return home, and the answer you will get is "malumdar" or "that’s obvious." But more than two years after the Soviet Union withdrew its troops from Afghanistan, it is not at all obvious that the refugees are going anywhere soon. "We are missing our country, everything about it. The heat here is terrible and the water supply to our camp has been cut," said an Uzbek farmer living in a refugee village near Peshawar. "But how can we go back when our homes are destroyed and our fields are mined?" How, indeed. Efforts at reconstruction are hampered by continued fighting between the Kabul government and the mujahideen, as well as in- fighting among the various mujahideen commanders. As a result, assistance organizations that rebuild roads, schools or medical clinics inside Afghanistan are fighting a losing battle against the war itself. Meanwhile, programs to maintain refugee camps in Pakistan face drastic budget cuts. This stagnating situation has sparked a debate over which should come first" reconstruction of Afghanistan or repatriation of Nowhere to Eo" Afghan refugee the refugees, children at a camp n Pakistan. Carol Rose is an ICWA fellow writing on the cultures of South and Central Asia, with particular focus on refugees. Since 1925 the Institute of Current World Affairs (the Crane-Rogers Foundation) has provided long-term fellowships to enable outstanding young adults to live outside the United States and write about international areas and issues. Endowed by the late Charles R. Crane, the Institute is also supported by contributions from like-minded individuals and foundations.

Making the Move Repatriation of Afghan Refugees · 2016. 9. 14. · qOFO’R PUBLICATION WITHOUTWRITER’SCONSENT CVR-12 INSTITUTEOFCURRENTWORLDAFFAIRS Peshawar, Pakistan June 15,

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  • qO FO’R PUBLICATIONWITHOUT WRITER’S CONSENT

    CVR-12 INSTITUTE OF CURRENTWORLD AFFAIRS

    Peshawar, PakistanJune 15, 1991

    MAK I NG THE MOVERepatriation of Afghan Refugees

    by Carol Rose

    Ask an Afghan refugee whether she or he wants to returnhome, and the answer you will get is "malumdar" or "that’sobvious." But more than two years after the Soviet Unionwithdrew its troops from Afghanistan, it is not at all obviousthat the refugees are going anywhere soon.

    "We are missing our country,everything about it. The heathere is terrible and the watersupply to our camp has been cut,"said an Uzbek farmer living in arefugee village near Peshawar."But how can we go back when ourhomes are destroyed and ourfields are mined?"

    How, indeed. Efforts atreconstruction are hampered bycontinued fighting between theKabul government and themujahideen, as well as in-fighting among the variousmujahideen commanders. As aresult, assistance organizationsthat rebuild roads, schools ormedical clinics insideAfghanistan are fighting a losingbattle against the war itself.Meanwhile, programs to maintainrefugee camps in Pakistan facedrastic budget cuts.

    This stagnating situationhas sparked a debate over whichshould come first" reconstructionof Afghanistan or repatriation of Nowhere to Eo" Afghan refugeethe refugees, children at a camp n Pakistan.

    Carol Rose is an ICWA fellow writing on the cultures of South and CentralAsia, with particular focus on refugees.

    Since 1925 the Institute of Current World Affairs (the Crane-Rogers Foundation) has provided long-term fellowships toenable outstanding young adults to live outside the United States and write about international areas and issues. Endowedby the late Charles R. Crane, the Institute is also supported by contributions from like-minded individuals and foundations.

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    The Japanese government has declared that its assistancefunds will be frozen until there is evidence that the refugeesare going home. In contrast, the United Nations, the UnitedStates and other aid organizations are pouring millions ofdollars into projects to rebuild Afghanistan, ostensibly toencourage at least some of the Afghans to return.

    As the aid pie shrinks, assistance organizations are forcedto balance the demands of the refugees still living in camps inPakistan against the need to begin rebuilding Afghanistan.

    At the same time, growing resentment among Pakistanisagainst the refugees has raised the specter of forced exodus.And what possibly may be the most sensible solutionintegrating the refugees with Pakistani society is an ideathat people here speak of only in whispers.

    Reconstruction versus Repatriation

    In the heady days after the 1988 Geneva Accords and Soviettroop withdrawal from Afghanistan, the world community pledgedmore than $i billion to help the Afghans return home and rebuildtheir country. The agency created to distribute this money wasthe United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarianand Economic Assistance Programmes relating to Afghanistan(U OCA.)

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    "The Japanese have avalid concern, says oneUnited Nations official, whospoke on the condition ofanonymity. "We repair roadsonly to have them bombed, webuild new health clinics andthey are destroyed, we cleancarezes [undergroundirrigation canals] and theyare not used. When the warfinally ends, Afghanistan isreally going to need thatmoney, so it makes a certainamount of sense to save itnow.

    A different view isvoiced by Shamsuddin, formeragriculture project managerwith Save the Children (USA)""The Afghans don’t want tostay in Peshawar, but there islittle choice for them if theyhave no shelter or electricityinside Afghanistan."

    Save the Children’sPeshawar office is runningprojects in three districtsinside Afghanistan, buildingschools and distributingimproved wheat seed andfertilizer to local farmers.Shamsuddin estimates that thousands of people have returned toAfghanistan because of these development projects.

    Women and children are hardest-hit bythe drop in foregn assistance.

    "If the money is frozen, activities inside Afghanistan willstop and the people will come back to Pakistan," says Shamsuddin,who, like most Afghans, has only one name. "If you freeze themoney, then you are freezing the people inside refugee camps."

    Perhaps the "reconstruction versus repatriation" debatemisses the main point: that neither rebuilding nor return cantake place until there is peace in Afghanistan. After all, theAfghans left their homes, their possessions and their way of lifein order to escape a war. It is unlikely that money alonewhether given to projects inside Afghanistan or withheld fromrefugee camps will convince them to return home as long as thewar continues.

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    Weighing a mlnourished baby at aclinic run by Medicins Sans

    Choosing Who to Help

    As foreign assistancediminishes, aid organizations arebeing forced to decide whether tocontinue programs in the refugeecamps or instead divert theirresources into rebuildingAfghanistan. Many have chosenthe latter course, shifting awayfrom "emergency relief" thatsustains refugees in the campstoward "community development"projects inside Afghanistan.

    This shift has created asort of schizophrenia among theinternational aid organizations,as they struggle to balance theirtime and money between Pakistanrefugee camps and Afghanvillages. Often, such projects

    Frontiers. Diarrhea and malaria are are in conflict.the biggest killers in the refugeecamps. "Afghan teachers in the

    refugee camps get a monthlysalary of 1,200 rupees [Su.s.

    50], but there are no salaries for teachers working inAfghanistan," says Rob Fuderich, a basic education advisor forthe United Nations. "Under these circumstances, how can weconvince teachers to go back?

    "Linking money to repatriation confuses the issues," headds. "There are a lot of people in Afghanistan waiting forservices, people who never left and never benefitted fromrefugees assistance- I think we should put our money inside[Afghanistan] and let people go home if they want to."

    Ironically, assistance programs in the refugee camps mayactually hinder repatriation efforts by raising expectationsamong many refugees about the duty of government to providepublic services. Many refugees now have access to education fortheir children, medical care for the sick, and electricity intheir houses. In contrast, there are few schools in ruralAfghanistan, a dearth of medical clinics, and widespreaddestruction of village infrastructure.

    To what are the Afghans returning?

    "Their home areas have sustained substantial destructionfrom the war," says a report prepared by the UNHCR office in

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    Peshawar. "They are simply not prepared to irrevocably cut theties with the physical, economic, and political security of theirPakistan camp until they are sure that conditions will permit afull resumption,, of family life and subsistence in their homeareas.

    A report of refugee women in Baluchistan adds that" "Theyare longing for their home country but their first condition forgoing back is that there must be peace."

    "The women have experienced what a society can offer theirfamily, and especially their children, in terms of health andeducational facilities. It is a strong wish from the women thatthe same facilities shouldbe developed in Afghanistanas soon as possible, saysthe report. "The women andtheir families had to leavetheir homes and to startfrom the very beginning tobuild up their materialstandard step by step [inPakistan]. The women nowexpress their worries about[having to start] fromscratch once,,ore, now inAfghanistan.

    Despite the danger ofcreating false expectationamong refugees, tel iefprograms continue to play acrucial role in sustainingthe Afghans who still livein the camps. At healthclinics run by Medicins SansFrontiers--Belgium inBaluchistan and by theAustrian Relief Committee inSwabi, I have seen dozens of Load.nE a cement latrne-cover onto awomen and children lining up truck at a refuEee camp. Sanitation is afor medical assistance, key focus of many foreiEn relief projectsMany of the children looked n the refuEee camps.

    "Repatriation Report 1990", submitted by RepatriationUnit, UNHCR, sub-office, Peshawar.

    "Changes in Female Attitudes and Social Well-BeingPreparing for Repatriation" A Pilot Study of Two Afghan RefugeeVillages in Balochistan," by UNHCR Sub-office, Quetta, and RaddaBarnen/Swedish Save the Children. June 1990.

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    malnourished, others had malaria and typhoid. If such programsare closed down it will have a devastating impact on the refugeecommunity. Women and children, who make up the bulk of therefugees, would be particularly hard-hit if such assistance iseliminated. They have the lowest income-earning potential amongthe refugees, and many are unable to leave their homes because ofstrict Islamic rules of purdah. Without foreign assistance,these women could be shut off from all access to medical care andother means of basic survival.

    Encashment and Repatriation

    Since July 1990, UNHCR has operated a pilot project toassist refugees who want to repatriate voluntarily. It functionsas an "encashment program" in which refugees can exchange theirration books for 3,300 Pakistani rupees [$U.S. 135] and 300 kilos[660 pounds] of wheat. In return, they are "deregistered" and

    become ineligible forfurther U.N. assistance.Nonetheless, they are freeto remain in Pakistan.

    Born and raised in Pakistan, she stillcalls Afghanistan her home.

    "There is norequirement that anyone goback to Afghanistan, saysRobert Breen, repatriationofficer for UNHCR inPeshawar. "Repatriation isstrictly voluntary. Thereis nothing to stop a refugeefrom taking the money andgoing to the Punjab to buy acow. We are not encouragingpeople to cash in theircards if it isn’t safe, butmerely giving them anopportunity to go back ifthey want to."

    "Is there a linkbetween encashment andreturn?" he asked. "I thinkthere is a significant link,perhaps as high as 60-70percent. But that is simplyan impressionistic view."

    The encashment programhas been strongly opposed bymany of the mujahideenpolitical leaders, who argue

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    that it undermines the "jihad" or holy war to encouragereturn while the communist leader, Najibullah, still rules inKabul. At some encashment centers in Pakistan refugeesattempting to cash in their ration cards have been harassed bymembers of the mujahideen and, allegedly, the Pakistani secretservice.

    "The [mujahideen political] parties don’t want the refugeesto leave, because if they return it tends to legitimize Najib andgive him a propaganda advantage," says Breen. "The mujahideenparties came out unanimously opposed to the program."

    Despite opposition, UNHCR estimates that some 17,503 rationbooks representing nearly i00,000 individuals have beenturned in for cash as of May 20, 1991.

    A key problem with the encashment program is that it allowspeople to exchange ration books that don’t belong to them. As aresult, there has been a rise in the number of ration books thathave been stolen or forged,and then sold for cash. Arefugee who loses his or herration book has no recourseand, of course, no morerations.

    "We never used to hearabout ration books beingstolen, but now I getreports of four to fivebooks stolen each week,"says Imrad Zid Khan, thedistrict administrator forthe Commission for AfghanRefugees in the city ofMardan, about an hour northof Peshawar. "The UNdoesn’t care about sendingpeople back, only aboutcollecting their rationbooks. Repatriation hasbecome nothing more thanselling passbooks.

    "These refugees don’treally require anyassistance if they want toleave [for Afghanistan],"says Imrad. "Many arepressured by the parties ortheir neighbors not to doso. And if they do leave, An Afghan trader...

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    they have no choice butto do so on the Q.T."

    The encashmentprogram also does notbenefit the thousandsof refugees who arrivedafter 1986, the yearthat the United Nationsstopped registering newrefugees. As a result,many camps havethousands ofunregistered refugees,who are not eligiblefor United Nationsrations or theencashment program.

    link the encashmentPakistan,s and Afghans mingle with one another program and(and walk their goats) through the Gold Bazaar repatriation. Openn Peshawar’s Old Cty. borders between

    Pakistan andAfghanistan permit

    unconstrained traffic between the two countries and complicateattempts to monitor the repatriation flow. Moreover, thousandsof refugees return to Afghanistan seasonally. They work theirland in Afghanistan during the summer months, then return toPakistan to find employment during the winter. Other refugeeshave sent back some family members to rebuild and restore theland, leaving behind part of their families mostly women andchildren in the camps in Pakistan.

    In short, rather than a flood of refugees pouring intoAfghanistan, there has been something more akin to a tidal flow,with refugees moving back and forth across the border eachseason.

    The Option of Forced Return

    After 12 years of war, it seems the world has grown weary ofthe Afghan refugees. Dozens of assistance organizations alreadyhave pulled out of the region, and there are rumors that theUnited Nations is going to stop all aid to the refugees by theend of 1992. Already, UN rations of food and other relief itemshave been cut. Previously, the refugees got wheat, sugar, rice,tea, cooking oil and kerosene. In recent months, only wheat isdistributed, and even,that was cut-off for three months in early1991.

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    Many refugees perceive reductions in assistance as anattempt to force them back to Afghanistan before the war is over."Anyone who advocates freezing assistance is siding with theRussians, says Shamsuddin.

    Perhaps more significant than world opinion, is thePakistani response. Many Pakistanis are tired of playing host tosome 3 million foreigners, Moreover, the recent suspension ofU.S. aid to Pakistan ostensibly over the nuclear issuesuggests that Washington is no longer willing to reward Pakistanfor assisting in a proxy-war against Communism in Afghanistan.Pakistan’s political and financial payoff for assisting therefugees thus has disappeared.

    "The [Pakistani] people are fed up with the refugees," saysA. Aziz Luni, home secretary for the province of Baluchistan."In the beginning we were ashamed to throw them back, but now weare absolutely fed up. Our city has turned dirty. They throwtheir plastic everywhere. Their children shit everywhere."

    Quetta, the capital cityof Baluchistan, has beentransformed by the refugeeinflux. "This is a city builtfor 85,000, but now there are500,000 people," says Luni. "Iremember when Quetta wasbeautiful and clean. Now itis dirty and unmanageable, allbecause of the refugees.

    "They have brought intheir Kaashnikov culture and

    I!narcotics, says Luni. Thesefundamentalist groups arerunning everything along theno-man’s land between Pakistanand Afghanistan. They haveautomatic weapons and remote-control bombs. I fear for ourfuture. We are a long waydown the road towarddestruction. "

    Some political parties inPakistan have called for theforced removal of therefugees, but there are fewsigns that the Pakistanigovernment will attempt itanytime soon. Instead, thegovernment has taken a lead

    Scraping by" An Afghan sells clothbelts for 1 rupee apiece (four for apenny) in the Saddar Bazaar, Peshawar.

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    Agl.n ’hil’ren ’bor and raised n ex/le

    in brokering a political settlement to the Afghan war.

    Nonetheless, a recent survey of Afghan women in two refugeecamps in Baluchistan suggests that Pakistan will play a majorrole in promoting repatriation" "More than 85 percent of thewomen expressed that they are waiting for an order to return homefrom the Government of Pakistan to go back to Afghanistan.Either they expected the Government Pakistan to force them orto help them to enable their return.

    In contrast, the survey found that less than 30 percent ofthe women said they expected an order from the mujahideen, andfewer than i0 percent thought there would be an order to returnissued by an independent government of Afghanistan.

    "If the Pakistani Government doesn’t help us and doesn’tarrange transportation we [will] never go back, one refugeewoman told the survey team.

    UNCHR and Radda Barnen/Swedish Save the Children, op. cir.

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    Prospects for Integration

    No one here wants to talk about integration. When you bringup the topic, voices drop to a whisper and people say that suchthings simply aren’t to be discussed. Needless to say, there areno integration programs in place.

    The reluctance to examine integration is grounded in thepolitics and history of this region. International organizationsdon’t promote integration because the Government of Pakistanwon’t a11ow it. And the government resists the idea becausePakistan historically has been threatened by political pressuresfor an independent "Pushtunistan," a state that would encompassPushtu-speaking tribes on both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanborder. The government Pakistan is careful to avoid any movethat could revive calls for an independent "Pushtunistan."

    Nevertheless, these historical links between Pakistan andAfghanistan have promoted spontaneous integration between therefugees and the local population. Afghans dominate the truckingand transportation industry in Pakistan. They perform much ofthe manual labor in the border area. Afghan traders andsmugglers bring fruits or black-market goods into Pakistan, wherethey trade them for cash and food-stuffs. Other Afghans havetheir own shops and restaurants.

    "They are leaving the camps when the aid disappears,settling down in town and merging with our own culture, saysLuni, the home secretary in Baluchistan. "They are opening shopshere in town, or finding other ways to survive."

    The process of informal integration is limited by the factthat Afghans are prohibited from getting commercial and exportlicenses for their businesses. Instead, they must rely onPakistanis to conduct basic business transactions for them. Inaddition, most Afghans attend separate schools, which usually areinferior to Pakistani public schools.

    This has led to a situation in which the Afghans exert astrong presence in the local culture, but remain economically andsocially marginalized within Pakistani society. This hasresulted in underlying tension between the two populations. The

    Pakistani. feel burdened by the refugees and the Afghans feel ,ata disadvantage in the Pakistan economy.

    Unless and until there is peace in Afghanistan or a movetoward formal integration the Afghans will remain locked in aterrible sort of limbo: dependent on dwindling foreign aid,unable to return home and unwelcome to stay.

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    An Afghan truck painted with a picture of Saddam Hussein rollstoward the Pakistan-Afghan border n Baluchistan.

    Received in Hanover 08/06/91