"Manifesto of the Communist Party" K.Marx + F. Engels

8/8/2019 "Manifesto of the Communist Party" K.Marx + F. Engels

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MANIFESTOOFTHECOMMUNISTPARTY

[FromtheEnglisheditionof1888, editedbyFriedrichEngels]

AspectreishauntingEurope--thespectreofCommunism.

AllthePowersofoldEuropehaveenteredintoaholyallianceto

exorcisethisspectre: PopeandCzar, MetternichandGuizot,

FrenchRadicalsandGermanpolice-spies.

Whereisthepartyinoppositionthathasnotbeendecriedas

Communisticbyitsopponentsinpower? WhereistheOpposition

thathasnothurledbackthebrandingreproachofCommunism,

againstthemoreadvancedoppositionparties, aswellasagainst

itsreactionaryadversaries?

Twothingsresultfromthisfact.

I. CommunismisalreadyacknowledgedbyallEuropeanPowers

tobeitselfaPower.

II. ItishightimethatCommunistsshouldopenly, inthe

faceofthewholeworld, publishtheirviews, theiraims, their

tendencies, andmeetthisnurserytaleoftheSpectreof

CommunismwithaManifestoofthepartyitself.

Tothisend, Communistsofvariousnationalitieshave

assembledinLondon, andsketchedthefollowingManifesto, tobe

publishedintheEnglish, French, German, Italian, FlemishandDanishlanguages.

I. BOURGEOISANDPROLETARIANS

Thehistoryofallhithertoexistingsocietiesisthehistory

ofclassstruggles.

Freemanandslave, patricianandplebeian, lordandserf,

guild-masterandjourneyman, inaword, oppressorandoppressed,

stoodinconstantoppositiontooneanother, carriedonan

uninterrupted, nowhidden, nowopenfight, afightthateachtimeended, eitherinarevolutionaryre-constitutionofsocietyat

large, orinthecommonruinofthecontendingclasses.

Intheearlierepochsofhistory, wefindalmosteverywherea

complicatedarrangementofsocietyintovariousorders, a

manifoldgradationofsocialrank. InancientRomewehave

patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; intheMiddleAges,

feudallords, vassals, guild-masters,journeymen, apprentices,

serfs; inalmostalloftheseclasses, again, subordinate

gradations.

Themodernbourgeoissocietythathassproutedfromtheruinsoffeudalsocietyhasnotdoneawaywithclassantagonisms. It


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hasbutestablishednewclasses, newconditionsofoppression,

newformsofstruggleinplaceoftheoldones. Ourepoch, the

epochofthebourgeoisie, possesses, however, thisdistinctive

feature: ithassimplifiedtheclassantagonisms. Societyasa

wholeismoreandmoresplittingupintotwogreathostilecamps,

intotwogreatclasses, directlyfacingeachother: Bourgeoisie

andProletariat.

FromtheserfsoftheMiddleAgessprangthecharteredburghers

oftheearliesttowns. Fromtheseburgessesthefirstelements

ofthebourgeoisieweredeveloped.

ThediscoveryofAmerica, theroundingoftheCape, openedup

freshgroundfortherisingbourgeoisie. TheEast-Indianand

Chinesemarkets, thecolonisationofAmerica, tradewith

thecolonies, theincreaseinthemeansofexchangeandin

commoditiesgenerally, gavetocommerce, tonavigation, to

industry, animpulseneverbeforeknown, andthereby, tothe

revolutionaryelementinthetotteringfeudalsociety, arapiddevelopment.

Thefeudalsystemofindustry, underwhichindustrialproduction

wasmonopolisedbyclosedguilds, nownolongersu!cedforthe

growingwantsofthenewmarkets. Themanufacturingsystemtook

itsplace. Theguild-masterswerepushedononesidebythe

manufacturingmiddleclass; divisionoflabourbetweenthe

di"erentcorporateguildsvanishedinthefaceofdivisionof

labourineachsingleworkshop.

Meantimethemarketskeptevergrowing, thedemandeverrising.

Evenmanufacturenolongersu!ced. Thereupon, steamandmachineryrevolutionisedindustrialproduction. Theplaceof

manufacturewastakenbythegiant, ModernIndustry, theplaceof

theindustrialmiddleclass, byindustrialmillionaires, the

leadersofwholeindustrialarmies, themodernbourgeois.

Modernindustryhasestablishedtheworld-market, forwhichthe

discoveryofAmericapavedtheway. Thismarkethasgivenan

immensedevelopmenttocommerce, tonavigation, tocommunication

byland. Thisdevelopmenthas, initstime, reactedonthe

extensionofindustry; andinproportionasindustry, commerce,

navigation, railwaysextended, inthesameproportionthe

bourgeoisiedeveloped, increaseditscapital, andpushedintothebackground everyclasshandeddownfromtheMiddleAges.

Wesee, therefore, howthemodernbourgeoisieisitselfthe

productofalongcourseofdevelopment, ofaseriesof

revolutionsinthemodesofproductionandofexchange.

Eachstepinthedevelopmentofthebourgeoisiewasaccompanied

byacorrespondingpoliticaladvanceofthatclass. An

oppressedclassundertheswayofthefeudalnobility, an

armedandself-governingassociationinthemediaevalcommune;

hereindependenturbanrepublic(asinItalyandGermany),

theretaxable"thirdestate"ofthemonarchy(asinFrance),afterwards, inthe periodofmanufactureproper, servingeither


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thesemi-feudalortheabsolutemonarchyasacounterpoise

againstthenobility, and, infact, corner-stoneofthegreat

monarchiesingeneral, thebourgeoisiehasatlast, sincethe

establishmentofModernIndustryandoftheworld-market,

conqueredforitself, inthemodernrepresentativeState,

exclusivepoliticalsway. TheexecutiveofthemodernStateis

butacommitteeformanagingthecommona"airsofthewhole

bourgeoisie.

Thebourgeoisie, historically, hasplayedamostrevolutionary

part.

Thebourgeoisie, whereverithasgottheupperhand, hasputan

endtoallfeudal, patriarchal, idyllicrelations. Ithas

pitilesslytornasunderthemotleyfeudaltiesthatboundmanto

his"naturalsuperiors,"andhasleftremainingnoothernexus

betweenmanandmanthannakedself-interest, thancallous"cash

payment." Ithasdrownedthemostheavenlyecstasiesof

religiousfervour, ofchivalrousenthusiasm, ofphilistinesentimentalism, intheicywaterofegotisticalcalculation. It

hasresolvedpersonalworthintoexchangevalue, andinplaceof

thenumberlessandfeasiblecharteredfreedoms, hassetupthat

single, unconscionablefreedom--FreeTrade. Inoneword, for

exploitation, veiledbyreligiousandpoliticalillusions, naked,

shameless, direct, brutalexploitation.

Thebourgeoisiehasstrippedofitshaloeveryoccupation

hithertohonouredandlookeduptowithreverentawe. Ithas

convertedthephysician, thelawyer, thepriest, thepoet, the

manofscience, intoitspaidwagelabourers.

Thebourgeoisiehastornawayfromthefamilyitssentimental

veil, andhasreducedthefamilyrelationtoameremoney

relation.

Thebourgeoisiehasdisclosedhowitcametopassthatthe

brutaldisplayofvigourintheMiddleAges, whichReactionists

somuchadmire, founditsfittingcomplementinthemostslothful

indolence. Ithasbeenthefirsttoshowwhatman'sactivitycan

bringabout. IthasaccomplishedwondersfarsurpassingEgyptian

pyramids, Romanaqueducts, andGothiccathedrals; ithas

conductedexpeditionsthatputintheshadeallformerExoduses

ofnationsandcrusades.

Thebourgeoisiecannotexistwithoutconstantlyrevolutionising

theinstrumentsofproduction, andtherebytherelationsof

production, andwiththemthewholerelationsofsociety.

Conservationoftheoldmodesofproductioninunalteredform,

was, onthecontrary, thefirstconditionofexistenceforall

earlierindustrialclasses. Constantrevolutionisingof

production, uninterrupteddisturbanceofallsocialconditions,

everlastinguncertaintyandagitationdistinguishthebourgeois

epochfromallearlierones. Allfixed, fast-frozenrelations,

withtheirtrainofancientandvenerableprejudicesand

opinions, aresweptaway, allnew-formedonesbecomeantiquatedbeforetheycanossify. Allthatissolidmeltsintoair, all


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thatisholyisprofaned, andmanisatlastcompelledtoface

withsobersenses, hisrealconditionsoflife, andhis

relationswithhiskind.

Theneedofaconstantlyexpandingmarketforitsproducts

chasesthebourgeoisieoverthewholesurfaceoftheglobe. It

mustnestleeverywhere, settleeverywhere, establishconnexionseverywhere.

Thebourgeoisiehasthroughitsexploitationoftheworld-market

givenacosmopolitancharactertoproductionandconsumptionin

everycountry. TothegreatchagrinofReactionists, ithas

drawnfromunderthefeetofindustrythenationalgroundon

whichitstood. Allold-establishednationalindustrieshave

beendestroyedoraredailybeingdestroyed. Theyaredislodged

bynewindustries, whoseintroductionbecomesalifeanddeath

questionforallcivilisednations, byindustriesthatnolonger

workupindigenousrawmaterial, butrawmaterialdrawnfromthe

remotestzones; industrieswhoseproductsareconsumed, notonlyathome, butineveryquarteroftheglobe. Inplaceoftheold

wants, satisfiedbytheproductionsofthecountry, wefindnew

wants, requiringfortheirsatisfactiontheproductsofdistant

landsandclimes. Inplaceoftheoldlocalandnational

seclusionandself-su!ciency, wehaveintercourseinevery

direction, universalinter-dependenceofnations. Andasin

material, soalsoinintellectualproduction. Theintellectual

creationsofindividualnationsbecomecommonproperty. National

one-sidednessandnarrow-mindednessbecomemoreandmore

impossible, andfromthenumerousnationalandlocalliteratures,

therearisesaworldliterature.

Thebourgeoisie, bytherapidimprovementofallinstrumentsof

production, bytheimmenselyfacilitatedmeansofcommunication,

drawsall, eventhemostbarbarian, nationsintocivilisation.

Thecheappricesofitscommoditiesaretheheavyartillerywith

whichitbattersdownallChinesewalls, withwhichitforcesthe

barbarians'intenselyobstinatehatredofforeignersto

capitulate. Itcompelsallnations, onpainofextinction, to

adoptthebourgeoismodeofproduction; itcompelsthemto

introducewhatitcallscivilisationintotheirmidst, i.e., to

becomebourgeoisthemselves. Inoneword, itcreatesaworld

afteritsownimage.

Thebourgeoisiehassubjectedthecountrytotheruleofthe

towns. Ithascreatedenormouscities, hasgreatlyincreasedthe

urbanpopulationascomparedwiththerural, andhasthusrescued

aconsiderablepartofthepopulationfromtheidiocyofrural

life. Justasithasmadethecountrydependentonthetowns, so

ithasmadebarbarianandsemi-barbariancountriesdependenton

thecivilisedones, nationsofpeasantsonnationsofbourgeois,

theEastontheWest.

Thebourgeoisiekeepsmoreandmoredoingawaywiththe

scatteredstateofthepopulation, ofthemeansofproduction,

andofproperty. Ithasagglomeratedproduction, andhasconcentratedpropertyinafewhands. Thenecessaryconsequence


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ofthiswaspoliticalcentralisation. Independent, orbut

looselyconnectedprovinces, withseparateinterests, laws,

governmentsandsystemsoftaxation, becamelumpedtogetherinto

onenation, withonegovernment, onecodeoflaws, onenational

class-interest, onefrontierandonecustoms-tari". The

bourgeoisie, duringitsruleofscarceonehundredyears, has

createdmoremassiveandmorecolossalproductiveforcesthan

haveallprecedinggenerationstogether. SubjectionofNature's

forcestoman, machinery, applicationofchemistrytoindustry

andagriculture, steam-navigation, railways, electrictelegraphs,

clearingofwholecontinentsforcultivation, canalisationof

rivers, wholepopulationsconjuredoutoftheground--what

earliercenturyhadevenapresentimentthatsuchproductive

forcesslumberedinthelapofsociallabour?

Weseethen: themeansofproductionandofexchange, onwhose

foundationthebourgeoisiebuiltitselfup, weregeneratedin

feudalsociety. Atacertainstageinthedevelopmentofthese

meansofproductionandofexchange, theconditionsunderwhich

feudalsocietyproducedandexchanged, thefeudalorganisationof

agricultureandmanufacturingindustry, inoneword, thefeudal

relationsofpropertybecamenolongercompatiblewiththe

alreadydevelopedproductiveforces; theybecamesomanyfetters.

Theyhadtobeburstasunder; theywereburstasunder.

Intotheirplacesteppedfreecompetition, accompaniedbya

socialandpoliticalconstitutionadaptedtoit, andbythe

economicalandpoliticalswayofthebourgeoisclass.

Asimilarmovementisgoingonbeforeourowneyes. Modern

bourgeoissocietywithitsrelationsofproduction, ofexchangeandofproperty, asocietythathasconjuredupsuchgigantic

meansofproductionandofexchange, islikethesorcerer, whois

nolongerabletocontrolthepowersofthenetherworldwhomhe

hascalledupbyhisspells. Formanyadecadepastthehistory

ofindustryandcommerceisbutthehistoryoftherevoltof

modernproductiveforcesagainstmodernconditionsofproduction,

againstthepropertyrelationsthataretheconditionsforthe

existenceofthebourgeoisieandofitsrule. Itisenoughto

mentionthecommercialcrisesthatbytheirperiodicalreturnput

onitstrial, eachtimemorethreateningly, theexistenceofthe

entirebourgeoissociety. Inthesecrisesagreatpartnotonly

oftheexistingproducts, butalsoofthepreviouslycreated

productiveforces, areperiodicallydestroyed. Inthesecrises

therebreaksoutanepidemicthat, inallearlierepochs, would

haveseemedanabsurdity--theepidemicofover-production.

Societysuddenlyfindsitselfputbackintoastateofmomentary

barbarism; itappearsasifafamine, auniversalwarof

devastationhadcuto"thesupplyofeverymeansofsubsistence;

industryandcommerceseemtobedestroyed; andwhy? Because

thereistoomuchcivilisation, toomuchmeansofsubsistence,

toomuchindustry, toomuchcommerce. Theproductiveforcesat

thedisposalofsocietynolongertendtofurtherthedevelopment

oftheconditionsofbourgeoisproperty; onthecontrary, theyhavebecometoopowerfulfortheseconditions, bywhichtheyare

fettered, andsosoonastheyovercomethesefetters, theybring


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disorderintothewholeofbourgeoissociety, endangerthe

existenceofbourgeoisproperty. Theconditionsofbourgeois

societyaretoonarrowtocomprisethewealthcreatedbythem.

Andhowdoesthebourgeoisiegetoverthesecrises? Ontheone

handinforceddestructionofamassofproductiveforces; onthe

other, bytheconquestofnewmarkets, andbythemorethorough

exploitationoftheoldones. Thatistosay, bypavingthe

wayformoreextensiveandmoredestructivecrises, andby

diminishingthemeanswherebycrisesareprevented.

Theweaponswithwhichthebourgeoisiefelledfeudalismtothe

groundarenowturnedagainstthebourgeoisieitself.

Butnotonlyhasthebourgeoisieforgedtheweaponsthatbring

deathtoitself; ithasalsocalledintoexistencethemenwho

aretowieldthoseweapons--themodernworkingclass--the

proletarians.

Inproportionasthebourgeoisie, i.e., capital, isdeveloped,inthesameproportionistheproletariat, themodernworking

class, developed--aclassoflabourers, wholiveonlysolong

astheyfindwork, andwhofindworkonlysolongastheirlabour

increasescapital. Theselabourers, whomustsellthemselves

piece-meal, areacommodity, likeeveryotherarticleof

commerce, andareconsequentlyexposedtoallthevicissitudesof

competition, toallthefluctuationsofthemarket.

Owingtotheextensiveuseofmachineryandtodivisionof

labour, theworkoftheproletarianshaslostallindividual

character, andconsequently, allcharmfortheworkman. He

becomesanappendageofthemachine, anditisonlythemostsimple,mostmonotonous, andmosteasilyacquiredknack, thatis

requiredofhim. Hence, thecostofproductionofaworkmanis

restricted, almostentirely, tothemeansofsubsistencethathe

requiresforhismaintenance, andforthepropagationofhis

race. Butthepriceofacommodity, andthereforealsoof

labour, isequaltoitscostofproduction. Inproportion

therefore, astherepulsivenessoftheworkincreases, thewage

decreases. Naymore, inproportionastheuseofmachineryand

divisionoflabourincreases, inthesameproportiontheburden

oftoilalsoincreases, whetherbyprolongationoftheworking

hours, byincreaseoftheworkexactedinagiventimeorby

increasedspeedofthemachinery, etc.

Modernindustryhasconvertedthelittleworkshopofthe

patriarchalmasterintothegreatfactoryoftheindustrial

capitalist. Massesoflabourers, crowdedintothefactory, are

organisedlikesoldiers. Asprivatesoftheindustrialarmythey

areplacedunderthecommandofaperfecthierarchyofo!cers

andsergeants. Notonlyaretheyslavesofthebourgeoisclass,

andofthebourgeoisState; theyaredailyandhourlyenslavedby

themachine, bytheover-looker, and, aboveall, bythe

individualbourgeoismanufacturerhimself. Themoreopenlythis

despotismproclaimsgaintobeitsendandaim, themorepetty,

themorehatefulandthemoreembitteringitis.


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Thelesstheskillandexertionofstrengthimpliedinmanual

labour, inotherwords, themoremodernindustrybecomes

developed, themoreisthelabourofmensupersededbythatof

women.Di"erencesofageandsexhavenolongeranydistinctive

socialvalidityfortheworkingclass. Allareinstrumentsof

labour, moreorlessexpensivetouse, accordingtotheirage

andsex.

Nosooneristheexploitationofthelabourerbythemanufacturer,

sofaratanend, thathereceiveshiswagesincash, thanheis

setuponbytheotherportionsofthebourgeoisie, thelandlord,

theshopkeeper, thepawnbroker, etc.

Thelowerstrataofthemiddleclass--thesmalltradespeople,

shopkeepers, retiredtradesmengenerally, thehandicraftsmenand

peasants--allthesesinkgraduallyintotheproletariat, partly

becausetheirdiminutivecapitaldoesnotsu!ceforthescale

onwhichModernIndustryiscarriedon, andisswampedinthe

competitionwiththelargecapitalists, partlybecausetheirspecializedskillisrenderedworthlessbythenewmethodsof

production. Thustheproletariatisrecruitedfromallclasses

ofthepopulation.

Theproletariatgoesthroughvariousstagesofdevelopment.

Withitsbirthbeginsitsstrugglewiththebourgeoisie. At

firstthecontestiscarriedonbyindividuallabourers, thenby

theworkpeopleofafactory, thenbytheoperativesofonetrade,

inonelocality, againsttheindividualbourgeoiswhodirectly

exploitsthem. Theydirecttheirattacksnotagainstthe

bourgeoisconditionsofproduction, butagainsttheinstruments

ofproductionthemselves; theydestroyimportedwaresthatcompetewiththeirlabour, theysmashtopiecesmachinery, they

setfactoriesablaze, theyseektorestorebyforcethevanished

statusoftheworkmanoftheMiddleAges.

Atthisstagethelabourersstillformanincoherentmass

scatteredoverthewholecountry, andbrokenupbytheirmutual

competition. Ifanywheretheyunitetoformmorecompactbodies,

thisisnotyettheconsequenceoftheirownactiveunion, butof

theunionofthebourgeoisie, whichclass, inordertoattainits

ownpoliticalends, iscompelledtosetthewholeproletariatin

motion, andismoreoveryet, foratime, abletodoso. Atthis

stage, therefore, theproletariansdonotfighttheirenemies,buttheenemiesoftheirenemies, theremnantsofabsolute

monarchy, thelandowners, thenon-industrialbourgeois, thepetty

bourgeoisie. Thusthewholehistoricalmovementisconcentrated

inthehandsofthebourgeoisie; everyvictorysoobtainedisa

victoryforthebourgeoisie.

Butwiththedevelopmentofindustrytheproletariatnotonly

increasesinnumber; itbecomesconcentratedingreatermasses,

itsstrengthgrows, anditfeelsthatstrengthmore. Thevarious

interestsandconditionsoflifewithintheranksofthe

proletariataremoreandmoreequalised, inproportionas

machineryobliteratesalldistinctionsoflabour, andnearlyeverywherereduceswagestothesamelowlevel. Thegrowing


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competitionamongthebourgeois, andtheresultingcommercial

crises, makethewagesoftheworkersevermorefluctuating. The

unceasingimprovementofmachinery, evermorerapidlydeveloping,

makestheirlivelihoodmoreandmoreprecarious; thecollisions

betweenindividualworkmenandindividualbourgeoistakemoreand

morethecharacterofcollisionsbetweentwoclasses. Thereupon

theworkersbegintoformcombinations(TradesUnions) against

thebourgeois; theyclubtogetherinordertokeepuptherateof

wages; theyfoundpermanentassociationsinordertomake

provisionbeforehandfortheseoccasionalrevolts. Hereand

therethecontestbreaksoutintoriots.

Nowandthentheworkersarevictorious, butonlyforatime.

Therealfruitoftheirbattleslies, notintheimmediate

result, butintheever-expandingunionoftheworkers. This

unionishelpedonbytheimprovedmeansofcommunicationthat

arecreatedbymodernindustryandthatplacetheworkersof

di"erentlocalitiesincontactwithoneanother. Itwasjust

thiscontactthatwasneededtocentralisethenumerouslocal

struggles, allofthesamecharacter, intoonenationalstruggle

betweenclasses. Buteveryclassstruggleisapolitical

struggle. Andthatunion, toattainwhichtheburghersofthe

MiddleAges, withtheirmiserablehighways, requiredcenturies,

themodernproletarians, thankstorailways, achieveinafew

years.

Thisorganisationoftheproletariansintoaclass, and

consequentlyintoapoliticalparty, iscontinuallybeingupset

againbythecompetitionbetweentheworkersthemselves. Butit

everrisesupagain, stronger, firmer, mightier. Itcompels

legislativerecognitionofparticularinterestsoftheworkers,

bytakingadvantageofthedivisionsamongthebourgeoisie

itself. Thustheten-hours'billinEnglandwascarried.

Altogethercollisionsbetweentheclassesoftheoldsociety

further, inmanyways, thecourseofdevelopmentofthe

proletariat. Thebourgeoisiefindsitselfinvolvedinaconstant

battle. Atfirstwiththearistocracy; lateron,withthose

portionsofthebourgeoisieitself, whoseinterestshavebecome

antagonistictotheprogressofindustry; atalltimes, withthe

bourgeoisieofforeigncountries. Inallthesebattlesitsees

itselfcompelledtoappealtotheproletariat, toaskforits

help, andthus, todragitintothepoliticalarena. The

bourgeoisieitself, therefore, suppliestheproletariatwithits

owninstrumentsofpoliticalandgeneraleducation, inother

words, itfurnishestheproletariatwithweaponsforfighting

thebourgeoisie.

Further, aswehavealreadyseen, entiresectionsoftheruling

classesare, bytheadvanceofindustry, precipitatedintothe

proletariat, orareatleastthreatenedintheirconditionsof

existence. Thesealsosupplytheproletariatwithfreshelements

ofenlightenmentandprogress.

Finally, intimeswhentheclassstrugglenearsthedecisivehour, theprocessofdissolutiongoingonwithintheruling


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class, infactwithinthewholerangeofsociety, assumessucha

violent, glaringcharacter, thatasmallsectionoftheruling

classcutsitselfadrift, andjoinstherevolutionaryclass, the

classthatholdsthefutureinitshands. Justas, therefore, at

anearlierperiod, asectionofthenobilitywentovertothe

bourgeoisie, sonowaportionofthebourgeoisiegoesovertothe

proletariat, andinparticular, aportionofthebourgeois

ideologists,whohaveraisedthemselvestothelevelof

comprehendingtheoreticallythehistoricalmovementasawhole.

Ofalltheclassesthatstandfacetofacewiththebourgeoisie

today, theproletariataloneisareallyrevolutionaryclass.

Theotherclassesdecayandfinallydisappearinthefaceof

ModernIndustry; theproletariatisitsspecialandessential

product. Thelowermiddleclass, thesmallmanufacturer, the

shopkeeper, theartisan, thepeasant, allthesefightagainstthe

bourgeoisie, tosavefromextinctiontheirexistenceasfractions

ofthemiddleclass. Theyarethereforenotrevolutionary, but

conservative. Naymore, theyarereactionary, fortheytry

torollbackthewheelofhistory. Ifbychancetheyare

revolutionary, theyaresoonlyinviewoftheirimpending

transferintotheproletariat, theythusdefendnottheir

present, buttheirfutureinterests, theydeserttheirown

standpointtoplacethemselvesatthatoftheproletariat.

The"dangerousclass,"thesocialscum, thatpassivelyrotting

massthrowno"bythelowestlayersofoldsociety,may,

hereandthere, besweptintothemovementbyaproletarian

revolution; itsconditionsoflife, however, prepareitfarmore

forthepartofabribedtoolofreactionaryintrigue.

Intheconditionsoftheproletariat, thoseofoldsocietyat

largearealreadyvirtuallyswamped. Theproletarianiswithout

property; hisrelationtohiswifeandchildrenhasnolonger

anythingincommonwiththebourgeoisfamily-relations; modern

industriallabour,modernsubjectiontocapital, thesamein

EnglandasinFrance, inAmericaasinGermany, hasstrippedhim

ofeverytraceofnationalcharacter. Law, morality, religion,

aretohimsomanybourgeoisprejudices, behindwhichlurkin

ambushjustasmanybourgeoisinterests.

Alltheprecedingclassesthatgottheupperhand, soughtto

fortifytheiralreadyacquiredstatusbysubjectingsocietyatlargetotheirconditionsofappropriation. Theproletarians

cannotbecomemastersoftheproductiveforcesofsociety, except

byabolishingtheirownpreviousmodeofappropriation, and

therebyalsoeveryotherpreviousmodeofappropriation. They

havenothingoftheirowntosecureandtofortify; theirmission

istodestroyallprevioussecuritiesfor, andinsurancesof,

individualproperty.

Allprevioushistoricalmovementsweremovementsofminorities,

orintheinterestsofminorities. Theproletarianmovementis

theself-conscious, independentmovementoftheimmensemajority,

intheinterestsoftheimmensemajority. Theproletariat, theloweststratumofourpresentsociety, cannotstir, cannotraise


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itselfup, withoutthewholesuperincumbentstrataofo!cial

societybeingsprungintotheair.

Thoughnotinsubstance, yetinform, thestruggleofthe

proletariatwiththebourgeoisieisatfirstanationalstruggle.

Theproletariatofeachcountrymust, ofcourse, firstofall

settlematterswithitsownbourgeoisie.

Indepictingthemostgeneralphasesofthedevelopmentofthe

proletariat, wetracedthemoreorlessveiledcivilwar, raging

withinexistingsociety, uptothepointwherethatwarbreaks

outintoopenrevolution, andwheretheviolentoverthrowofthe

bourgeoisielaysthefoundationfortheswayoftheproletariat.

Hitherto, everyformofsocietyhasbeenbased, aswehave

alreadyseen, ontheantagonismofoppressingandoppressed

classes. Butinordertooppressaclass, certainconditions

mustbeassuredtoitunderwhichitcan, atleast, continueits

slavishexistence. Theserf, intheperiodofserfdom, raisedhimselftomembershipinthecommune,justasthepetty

bourgeois, undertheyokeoffeudalabsolutism,managedto

developintoabourgeois. Themodernlaborer, onthecontrary,

insteadofrisingwiththeprogressofindustry, sinksdeeperand

deeperbelowtheconditionsofexistenceofhisownclass. He

becomesapauper, andpauperismdevelopsmorerapidlythan

populationandwealth. Andhereitbecomesevident, thatthe

bourgeoisieisunfitanylongertobetherulingclassin

society, andtoimposeitsconditionsofexistenceuponsociety

asanover-ridinglaw. Itisunfittorulebecauseitis

incompetenttoassureanexistencetoitsslavewithinhis

slavery, becauseitcannothelplettinghimsinkintosuchastate, thatithastofeedhim, insteadofbeingfedbyhim.

Societycannolongerliveunderthisbourgeoisie, inother

words, itsexistenceisnolongercompatiblewithsociety.

Theessentialconditionfortheexistence, andfortheswayof

thebourgeoisclass, istheformationandaugmentationof

capital; theconditionforcapitaliswage-labour. Wage-labour

restsexclusivelyoncompetitionbetweenthelaborers. The

advanceofindustry, whoseinvoluntarypromoteristhebourgeoisie,

replacestheisolationofthelabourers, duetocompetition,

bytheirrevolutionarycombination, duetoassociation. The

developmentofModernIndustry, therefore, cutsfromunderitsfeettheveryfoundationonwhichthebourgeoisieproducesand

appropriatesproducts. Whatthebourgeoisie, therefore, produces,

aboveall, isitsowngrave-diggers. Itsfallandthevictoryof

theproletariatareequallyinevitable.

II. PROLETARIANSANDCOMMUNISTS

InwhatrelationdotheCommunistsstandtotheproletariansasa

whole?

TheCommunistsdonotformaseparatepartyopposedtootherworking-classparties.


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Theyhavenointerestsseparateandapartfromthoseofthe

proletariatasawhole.

Theydonotsetupanysectarianprinciplesoftheirown,

bywhichtoshapeandmouldtheproletarianmovement.

TheCommunistsaredistinguishedfromtheotherworking-classparties

bythisonly: (1) Inthenationalstrugglesoftheproletarians

ofthedi"erentcountries, theypointoutandbringtothefront

thecommoninterestsoftheentireproletariat, independentlyof

allnationality. (2) Inthevariousstagesofdevelopmentwhichthe

struggleoftheworkingclassagainstthebourgeoisiehastopass

through, theyalwaysandeverywhererepresenttheinterestsofthe

movementasawhole.

TheCommunists, therefore, areontheonehand, practically,

themostadvancedandresolutesectionoftheworking-class

partiesofeverycountry, thatsectionwhichpushesforwardallothers; ontheotherhand, theoretically, theyhaveover

thegreatmassoftheproletariattheadvantageofclearly

understandingthelineofmarch, theconditions, andtheultimate

generalresultsoftheproletarianmovement.

TheimmediateaimoftheCommunististhesameasthatofall

theotherproletarianparties: formationoftheproletariatinto

aclass, overthrowofthebourgeoissupremacy, conquestof

politicalpowerbytheproletariat.

ThetheoreticalconclusionsoftheCommunistsareinnoway

basedonideasorprinciplesthathavebeeninvented, or

discovered, bythisorthatwould-beuniversalreformer. They

merelyexpress, ingeneralterms, actualrelationsspringingfrom

anexistingclassstruggle, fromahistoricalmovementgoingon

underourveryeyes. Theabolitionofexistingproperty

relationsisnotatalladistinctivefeatureofCommunism.

Allpropertyrelationsinthepasthavecontinuallybeensubject

tohistoricalchangeconsequentuponthechangeinhistorical

conditions.

TheFrenchRevolution, forexample, abolishedfeudalpropertyin

favourofbourgeoisproperty.

ThedistinguishingfeatureofCommunismisnottheabolitionof

propertygenerally, buttheabolitionofbourgeoisproperty. But

modernbourgeoisprivatepropertyisthefinalandmostcomplete

expressionofthesystemofproducingandappropriatingproducts,

thatisbasedonclassantagonisms, ontheexploitationofthe

manybythefew.

Inthissense, thetheoryoftheCommunistsmaybesummedupin

thesinglesentence: Abolitionofprivateproperty.

WeCommunistshavebeenreproachedwiththedesireofabolishing

therightofpersonallyacquiringpropertyasthefruitofaman'sownlabour, whichpropertyisallegedtobethegroundwork


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ofallpersonalfreedom, activityandindependence.

Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earnedproperty! Doyoumeanthe

propertyofthepettyartisanandofthesmallpeasant, aformof

propertythatprecededthebourgeoisform? Thereisnoneedto

abolishthat; thedevelopmentofindustryhastoagreatextent

alreadydestroyedit, andisstilldestroyingitdaily.

Ordoyoumeanmodernbourgeoisprivateproperty?

Butdoeswage-labourcreateanypropertyforthelabourer? Not

abit. Itcreatescapital, i.e., thatkindofpropertywhich

exploitswage-labour, andwhichcannotincreaseexceptupon

conditionofbegettinganewsupplyofwage-labourforfresh

exploitation. Property, initspresentform, isbasedonthe

antagonismofcapitalandwage-labour. Letusexaminebothsides

ofthisantagonism.

Tobeacapitalist, istohavenotonlyapurelypersonal, butasocialstatusinproduction. Capitalisacollectiveproduct,

andonlybytheunitedactionofmanymembers, nay, inthelast

resort, onlybytheunitedactionofallmembersofsociety,

canitbesetinmotion.

Capitalis, therefore, notapersonal, itisasocialpower.

When, therefore, capitalisconvertedintocommonproperty, into

thepropertyofallmembersofsociety, personalpropertyisnot

therebytransformedintosocialproperty. Itisonlythesocial

characterofthepropertythatischanged. Itlosesits

class-character.

Letusnowtakewage-labour.

Theaveragepriceofwage-labouristheminimumwage, i.e.,

thatquantumofthemeansofsubsistence,whichisabsolutely

requisiteinbareexistenceasalabourer. What, therefore, the

wage-labourerappropriatesbymeansofhislabour, merely

su!cestoprolongandreproduceabareexistence. Webyno

meansintendtoabolishthispersonalappropriationofthe

productsoflabour, anappropriationthatismadeforthe

maintenanceandreproductionofhumanlife, andthatleavesno

surpluswherewithtocommandthelabourofothers. Allthatwe

wanttodoawaywith, isthemiserablecharacterofthisappropriation, underwhichthelabourerlivesmerelytoincrease

capital, andisallowedtoliveonlyinsofarastheinterestof

therulingclassrequiresit.

Inbourgeoissociety, livinglabourisbutameanstoincrease

accumulatedlabour. InCommunistsociety, accumulatedlabour

isbutameanstowiden, toenrich, topromotetheexistence

ofthelabourer.

Inbourgeoissociety, therefore, thepastdominatesthepresent;

inCommunistsociety, thepresentdominatesthepast. In

bourgeoissocietycapitalisindependentandhasindividuality,whilethelivingpersonisdependentandhasnoindividuality.


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Andtheabolitionofthisstateofthingsiscalledbythe

bourgeois, abolitionofindividualityandfreedom!Andrightly

so. Theabolitionofbourgeoisindividuality, bourgeois

independence, andbourgeoisfreedomisundoubtedlyaimedat.

Byfreedomismeant, underthepresentbourgeoisconditionsofproduction, freetrade, freesellingandbuying.

Butifsellingandbuyingdisappears, freesellingandbuying

disappearsalso. Thistalkaboutfreesellingandbuying, and

alltheother"bravewords"ofourbourgeoisieaboutfreedomin

general, haveameaning, ifany, onlyincontrastwithrestricted

sellingandbuying,withthefetteredtradersoftheMiddleAges,

buthavenomeaningwhenopposedtotheCommunisticabolitionof

buyingandselling, ofthebourgeoisconditionsofproduction,

andofthebourgeoisieitself.

Youarehorrifiedatourintendingtodoawaywithprivateproperty. Butinyourexistingsociety, privatepropertyis

alreadydoneawaywithfornine-tenthsofthepopulation; its

existenceforthefewissolelyduetoitsnon-existenceinthe

handsofthosenine-tenths. Youreproachus, therefore,with

intendingtodoawaywithaformofproperty, thenecessary

conditionforwhoseexistenceisthenon-existenceofany

propertyfortheimmensemajorityofsociety.

Inoneword, youreproachuswithintendingtodoawaywithyour

property. Preciselyso; thatisjustwhatweintend.

Fromthemomentwhenlabourcannolongerbeconvertedinto

capital, money, orrent, intoasocialpowercapableofbeing

monopolised, i.e., fromthemomentwhenindividualpropertycan

nolongerbetransformedintobourgeoisproperty, intocapital,

fromthatmoment, yousayindividualityvanishes.

Youmust, therefore, confessthatby"individual"youmeanno

otherpersonthanthebourgeois, thanthemiddle-classownerof

property. Thispersonmust, indeed, besweptoutoftheway, and

madeimpossible.

Communismdeprivesnomanofthepowertoappropriatethe

productsofsociety; allthatitdoesistodeprivehimofthe

powertosubjugatethelabourofothersbymeansofsuchappropriation.

Ithasbeenobjectedthatupontheabolitionofprivateproperty

allworkwillcease, anduniversallazinesswillovertakeus.

Accordingtothis, bourgeoissocietyoughtlongagotohavegone

tothedogsthroughsheeridleness; forthoseofitsmemberswho

work, acquirenothing, andthosewhoacquireanything, donot

work. Thewholeofthisobjectionisbutanotherexpressionof

thetautology: thattherecannolongerbeanywage-labourwhen

thereisnolongeranycapital.

AllobjectionsurgedagainsttheCommunisticmodeofproducing


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andappropriatingmaterialproducts, have, inthesameway,

beenurgedagainsttheCommunisticmodesofproducingand

appropriatingintellectualproducts. Justas, tothebourgeois,

thedisappearanceofclasspropertyisthedisappearanceof

productionitself, sothedisappearanceofclasscultureisto

himidenticalwiththedisappearanceofallculture.

Thatculture, thelossofwhichhelaments, is, fortheenormous

majority, ameretrainingtoactasamachine.

Butdon'twranglewithussolongasyouapply, toourintended

abolitionofbourgeoisproperty, thestandardofyourbourgeois

notionsoffreedom, culture, law, etc. Yourveryideasarebut

theoutgrowthoftheconditionsofyourbourgeoisproductionand

bourgeoisproperty,justasyourjurisprudenceisbutthewillof

yourclassmadeintoalawforall, awill, whoseessential

characteranddirectionaredeterminedbytheeconomical

conditionsofexistenceofyourclass.

Theselfishmisconceptionthatinducesyoutotransforminto

eternallawsofnatureandofreason, thesocialforms

springingfromyourpresentmodeofproductionandformof

property--historicalrelationsthatriseanddisappearinthe

progressofproduction--thismisconceptionyousharewithevery

rulingclassthathasprecededyou. Whatyouseeclearlyinthe

caseofancientproperty, whatyouadmitinthecaseoffeudal

property, youareofcourseforbiddentoadmitinthecaseof

yourownbourgeoisformofproperty.

Abolitionofthefamily! Eventhemostradicalflareupatthis

infamousproposaloftheCommunists.

Onwhatfoundationisthepresentfamily, thebourgeoisfamily,

based? Oncapital, onprivategain. Initscompletelydeveloped

formthisfamilyexistsonlyamongthebourgeoisie. Butthis

stateofthingsfindsitscomplementinthepracticalabsenceof

thefamilyamongtheproletarians, andinpublicprostitution.

Thebourgeoisfamilywillvanishasamatterofcoursewhenits

complementvanishes, andbothwillvanishwiththevanishingof

capital.

Doyouchargeuswithwantingtostoptheexploitationof

childrenbytheirparents? Tothiscrimewepleadguilty.

But, youwillsay, wedestroythemosthallowedofrelations,

whenwereplacehomeeducationbysocial.

Andyoureducation! Isnotthatalsosocial, anddeterminedbythe

socialconditionsunderwhichyoueducate, bytheintervention,

directorindirect, ofsociety, bymeansofschools, etc.? The

Communistshavenotinventedtheinterventionofsocietyin

education; theydobutseektoalterthecharacterofthat

intervention, andtorescueeducationfromtheinfluenceofthe

rulingclass.

Thebourgeoisclap-trapaboutthefamilyandeducation, about


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thehallowedco-relationofparentandchild, becomesallthe

moredisgusting, themore, bytheactionofModernIndustry, all

familytiesamongtheproletariansaretornasunder, andtheir

childrentransformedintosimplearticlesofcommerceand

instrumentsoflabour.

ButyouCommunistswouldintroducecommunityofwomen, screamsthewholebourgeoisieinchorus.

Thebourgeoisseesinhiswifeamereinstrumentofproduction.

Hehearsthattheinstrumentsofproductionaretobeexploited

incommon, and, naturally, cancometonootherconclusionthan

thatthelotofbeingcommontoallwilllikewisefalltothe

women.

Hehasnotevenasuspicionthattherealpointistodoaway

withthestatusofwomenasmereinstrumentsofproduction.

Fortherest, nothingismoreridiculousthanthevirtuousindignationofourbourgeoisatthecommunityofwomen

which, theypretend, istobeopenlyando!ciallyestablished

bytheCommunists. TheCommunistshavenoneedtointroduce

communityofwomen; ithasexistedalmostfromtimeimmemorial.

Ourbourgeois, notcontentwithhavingthewivesanddaughters

oftheirproletariansattheirdisposal, nottospeakofcommon

prostitutes, takethegreatestpleasureinseducingeachother's

wives.

Bourgeoismarriageisinrealityasystemofwivesincommon

andthus, atthemost, whattheCommunistsmightpossibly

bereproachedwith, isthattheydesiretointroduce, in

substitutionforahypocriticallyconcealed, anopenlylegalised

communityofwomen. Fortherest, itisself-evidentthatthe

abolitionofthepresentsystemofproductionmustbringwithit

theabolitionofthecommunityofwomenspringingfromthat

system, i.e., ofprostitutionbothpublicandprivate.

TheCommunistsarefurtherreproachedwithdesiringtoabolish

countriesandnationality.

Theworkingmenhavenocountry. Wecannottakefromthemwhat

theyhavenotgot. Sincetheproletariatmustfirstofall

acquirepoliticalsupremacy, mustrisetobetheleadingclassofthenation, mustconstituteitselfthenation, itis, sofar,

itselfnational, thoughnotinthebourgeoissenseoftheword.

Nationaldi"erencesandantagonismsbetweenpeoplesaredaily

moreandmorevanishing, owingtothedevelopmentofthe

bourgeoisie, tofreedomofcommerce, totheworld-market, to

uniformityinthemodeofproductionandintheconditionsof

lifecorrespondingthereto.

Thesupremacyoftheproletariatwillcausethemtovanishstill

faster.Unitedaction, oftheleadingcivilisedcountriesat

least, isoneofthefirstconditionsfortheemancipationoftheproletariat.


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Inproportionastheexploitationofoneindividualbyanother

isputanendto, theexploitationofonenationbyanotherwill

alsobeputanendto. Inproportionastheantagonismbetween

classeswithinthenationvanishes, thehostilityofonenation

toanotherwillcometoanend.

ThechargesagainstCommunismmadefromareligious, a

philosophical, and, generally, fromanideologicalstandpoint,

arenotdeservingofseriousexamination.

Doesitrequiredeepintuitiontocomprehendthatman'sideas,

viewsandconceptions, inoneword, man'sconsciousness, changes

witheverychangeintheconditionsofhismaterialexistence, in

hissocialrelationsandinhissociallife?

Whatelsedoesthehistoryofideasprove, thanthat

intellectualproductionchangesitscharacterinproportionas

materialproductionischanged? Therulingideasofeachagehaveeverbeentheideasofitsrulingclass.

Whenpeoplespeakofideasthatrevolutionisesociety, theydo

butexpressthefact, thatwithintheoldsociety, theelements

ofanewonehavebeencreated, andthatthedissolutionofthe

oldideaskeepsevenpacewiththedissolutionoftheold

conditionsofexistence.

Whentheancientworldwasinitslastthroes, theancient

religionswereovercomebyChristianity. WhenChristianideas

succumbedinthe18thcenturytorationalistideas, feudal

societyfoughtitsdeathbattlewiththethenrevolutionary

bourgeoisie. Theideasofreligiouslibertyandfreedomof

consciencemerelygaveexpressiontotheswayoffreecompetition

withinthedomainofknowledge.

"Undoubtedly,"itwillbesaid, "religious,moral, philosophical

andjuridicalideashavebeenmodifiedinthecourseof

historicaldevelopment. Butreligion, moralityphilosophy,

politicalscience, andlaw, constantlysurvivedthischange."

"Thereare, besides, eternaltruths, suchasFreedom,Justice,

etc. thatarecommontoallstatesofsociety. ButCommunism

abolisheseternaltruths, itabolishesallreligion, andall

morality, insteadofconstitutingthemonanewbasis; itthereforeactsincontradictiontoallpasthistoricalexperience."

Whatdoesthisaccusationreduceitselfto? Thehistoryof

allpastsocietyhasconsistedinthedevelopmentofclass

antagonisms, antagonismsthatassumeddi"erentformsat

di"erentepochs.

Butwhateverformtheymayhavetaken, onefactiscommontoall

pastages, viz., theexploitationofonepartofsocietybythe

other. Nowonder, then, thatthesocialconsciousnessofpast

ages, despiteallthemultiplicityandvarietyitdisplays,

moveswithincertaincommonforms, orgeneralideas,whichcannotcompletelyvanishexceptwiththetotaldisappearanceof


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classantagonisms.

TheCommunistrevolutionisthemostradicalrupturewith

traditionalpropertyrelations; nowonderthatitsdevelopment

involvesthemostradicalrupturewithtraditionalideas.

ButletushavedonewiththebourgeoisobjectionstoCommunism.

Wehaveseenabove, thatthefirststepintherevolutionbythe

workingclass, istoraisetheproletariattothepositionof

rulingastowinthebattleofdemocracy.

Theproletariatwilluseitspoliticalsupremacytowrest, by

degrees, allcapitalfromthebourgeoisie, tocentraliseall

instrumentsofproductioninthehandsoftheState, i.e., ofthe

proletariatorganisedastherulingclass; andtoincreasethe

totalofproductiveforcesasrapidlyaspossible.

Ofcourse, inthebeginning, thiscannotbee"ectedexceptby

meansofdespoticinroadsontherightsofproperty, andon

theconditionsofbourgeoisproduction; bymeansofmeasures,

therefore,whichappeareconomicallyinsu!cientanduntenable,

butwhich, inthecourseofthemovement, outstripthemselves,

necessitatefurtherinroadsupontheoldsocialorder, andare

unavoidableasameansofentirelyrevolutionisingthemodeof

production.

Thesemeasureswillofcoursebedi"erentindi"erent

countries.

Neverthelessinthemostadvancedcountries, thefollowingwill

beprettygenerallyapplicable.

1. Abolitionofpropertyinlandandapplicationofallrents

oflandtopublicpurposes.

2. Aheavyprogressiveorgraduatedincometax.

3. Abolitionofallrightofinheritance.

4. Confiscationofthepropertyofallemigrantsandrebels.

5. CentralisationofcreditinthehandsoftheState, bymeans

ofanationalbankwithStatecapitalandanexclusive

monopoly.

6. Centralisationofthemeansofcommunicationandtransport

inthehandsoftheState.

7. Extensionoffactoriesandinstrumentsofproductionownedby

theState; thebringingintocultivationofwaste-lands, and

theimprovementofthesoilgenerallyinaccordancewitha

commonplan.

8. Equalliabilityofalltolabour. Establishmentof

industrialarmies, especiallyforagriculture.

9. Combinationofagriculturewithmanufacturingindustries;

gradualabolitionofthedistinctionbetweentownand


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country, byamoreequabledistributionofthepopulation

overthecountry.

10. Freeeducationforallchildreninpublicschools.

Abolitionofchildren'sfactorylabourinitspresentform.

Combinationofeducationwithindustrialproduction, &c., &c.

When, inthecourseofdevelopment, classdistinctionshave

disappeared, andallproductionhasbeenconcentratedinthe

handsofavastassociationofthewholenation, thepublicpower

willloseitspoliticalcharacter. Politicalpower, properlyso

called, ismerelytheorganisedpowerofoneclassforoppressing

another. Iftheproletariatduringitscontestwiththe

bourgeoisieiscompelled, bytheforceofcircumstances, to

organiseitselfasaclass, if, bymeansofarevolution, it

makesitselftherulingclass, and, assuch, sweepsawaybyforce

theoldconditionsofproduction, thenitwill, alongwiththese

conditions, havesweptawaytheconditionsfortheexistenceof

classantagonismsandofclassesgenerally, andwilltherebyhaveabolisheditsownsupremacyasaclass.

Inplaceoftheoldbourgeoissociety,withitsclassesand

classantagonisms,weshallhaveanassociation, inwhich

thefreedevelopmentofeachistheconditionforthefree

developmentofall.

III. SOCIALISTANDCOMMUNISTLITERATURE

1. REACTIONARYSOCIALISM

A. FeudalSocialism

Owingtotheirhistoricalposition, itbecamethevocationofthe

aristocraciesofFranceandEnglandtowritepamphletsagainst

modernbourgeoissociety. IntheFrenchrevolutionofJuly1830,

andintheEnglishreformagitation, thesearistocraciesagain

succumbedtothehatefulupstart. Thenceforth, aseriouspolitical

contestwasaltogetheroutofthequestion. Aliterarybattle

aloneremainedpossible. Buteveninthedomainofliterature

theoldcriesoftherestorationperiodhadbecomeimpossible.

Inordertoarousesympathy, thearistocracywereobligedto

losesight, apparently, oftheirowninterests, andtoformulate

theirindictmentagainstthebourgeoisieintheinterestofthe

exploitedworkingclassalone. Thusthearistocracytooktheir

revengebysinginglampoonsontheirnewmaster, andwhispering

inhisearssinisterpropheciesofcomingcatastrophe.

InthiswayaroseFeudalSocialism: halflamentation, half

lampoon; halfechoofthepast, halfmenaceofthefuture; at

times, byitsbitter,wittyandincisivecriticism, strikingthe

bourgeoisietotheveryheart'score; butalwaysludicrousin

itse"ect, throughtotalincapacitytocomprehendthemarchofmodernhistory.


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Thearistocracy, inordertorallythepeopletothem, wavedthe

proletarianalms-baginfrontforabanner. Butthepeople, so

oftenasitjoinedthem, sawontheirhindquarterstheoldfeudal

coatsofarms, anddesertedwithloudandirreverentlaughter.

OnesectionoftheFrenchLegitimistsand"YoungEngland"exhibitedthisspectacle.

Inpointingoutthattheirmodeofexploitationwasdi"erentto

thatofthebourgeoisie, thefeudalistsforgetthatthey

exploitedundercircumstancesandconditionsthatwerequite

di"erent, andthatarenowantiquated. Inshowingthat, under

theirrule, themodernproletariatneverexisted, theyforget

thatthemodernbourgeoisieisthenecessaryo"springoftheir

ownformofsociety.

Fortherest, solittledotheyconcealthereactionary

characteroftheircriticismthattheirchiefaccusationagainstthebourgeoisieamountstothis, thatunderthebourgeoisregime

aclassisbeingdeveloped,whichisdestinedtocutuprootand

branchtheoldorderofsociety.

Whattheyupbraidthebourgeoisiewithisnotsomuchthatit

createsaproletariat, asthatitcreatesarevolutionary

proletariat.

Inpoliticalpractice, therefore, theyjoininallcoercive

measuresagainsttheworkingclass; andinordinarylife,

despitetheirhighfalutinphrases, theystooptopickupthe

goldenapplesdroppedfromthetreeofindustry, andtobarter

truth, love, andhonourfortra!cinwool, beetroot-sugar, and

potatospirits.

Astheparsonhasevergonehandinhandwiththelandlord,

sohasClericalSocialismwithFeudalSocialism.

NothingiseasierthantogiveChristianasceticismaSocialist

tinge. HasnotChristianitydeclaimedagainstprivateproperty,

againstmarriage, againsttheState? Hasitnotpreachedinthe

placeofthese, charityandpoverty, celibacyandmortification

oftheflesh,monasticlifeandMotherChurch? Christian

Socialismisbuttheholy,waterwithwhichthepriestconsecrates

theheart-burningsofthearistocrat.

B. Petty-BourgeoisSocialism

Thefeudalaristocracywasnottheonlyclassthatwasruinedby

thebourgeoisie, nottheonlyclasswhoseconditionsofexistence

pinedandperishedintheatmosphereofmodernbourgeoissociety.

Themediaevalburgessesandthesmallpeasantproprietorswere

theprecursorsofthemodernbourgeoisie. Inthosecountries

whicharebutlittledeveloped, industriallyandcommercially,

thesetwoclassesstillvegetatesidebysidewiththerising

bourgeoisie.

Incountrieswheremoderncivilisationhasbecomefully


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developed, anewclassofpettybourgeoishasbeenformed,

fluctuatingbetweenproletariatandbourgeoisieandeverrenewing

itselfasasupplementarypartofbourgeoissociety. The

individualmembersofthisclass, however, arebeingconstantly

hurleddownintotheproletariatbytheactionofcompetition,

and, asmodernindustrydevelops, theyevenseethemoment

approachingwhentheywillcompletelydisappearasanindependent

sectionofmodernsociety, tobereplaced, inmanufactures,

agricultureandcommerce, byoverlookers, baili"sandshopmen.

IncountrieslikeFrance, wherethepeasantsconstitutefarmore

thanhalfofthepopulation, itwasnaturalthatwriterswho

sidedwiththeproletariatagainstthebourgeoisie, shoulduse,

intheircriticismofthebourgeoisregime, thestandardofthe

peasantandpettybourgeois, andfromthestandpointofthese

intermediateclassesshouldtakeupthecudgelsfortheworking

class. Thusarosepetty-bourgeoisSocialism. Sismondiwasthe

headofthisschool, notonlyinFrancebutalsoinEngland.

ThisschoolofSocialismdissectedwithgreatacutenessthe

contradictionsintheconditionsofmodernproduction. Itlaid

barethehypocriticalapologiesofeconomists. Itproved,

incontrovertibly, thedisastrouse"ectsofmachineryand

divisionoflabour; theconcentrationofcapitalandlandina

fewhands; overproductionandcrises; itpointedoutthe

inevitableruinofthepettybourgeoisandpeasant, themisery

oftheproletariat, theanarchyinproduction, thecrying

inequalitiesinthedistributionofwealth, theindustrialwarof

exterminationbetweennations, thedissolutionofoldmoral

bonds, oftheoldfamilyrelations, oftheoldnationalities.

Initspositiveaims, however, thisformofSocialismaspires

eithertorestoringtheoldmeansofproductionandofexchange,

andwiththemtheoldpropertyrelations, andtheoldsociety, or

tocrampingthemodernmeansofproductionandofexchange,

withintheframeworkoftheoldpropertyrelationsthathave

been, andwereboundtobe, explodedbythosemeans. Ineither

case, itisbothreactionaryandUtopian.

Itslastwordsare: corporateguildsformanufacture,

patriarchalrelationsinagriculture.

Ultimately, whenstubbornhistoricalfactshaddispersedallintoxicatinge"ectsofself-deception, thisformofSocialism

endedinamiserablefitoftheblues.

C.German, or"True,"Socialism

TheSocialistandCommunistliteratureofFrance, aliterature

thatoriginatedunderthepressureofabourgeoisieinpower, and

thatwastheexpressionofthestruggleagainstthispower, was

introducedintoGermanyatatimewhenthebourgeoisie, inthat

country, hadjustbegunitscontestwithfeudalabsolutism.

Germanphilosophers, would-bephilosophers, andbeauxesprits,eagerlyseizedonthisliterature, onlyforgetting, thatwhen


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thesewritingsimmigratedfromFranceintoGermany, Frenchsocial

conditionshadnotimmigratedalongwiththem. Incontactwith

Germansocialconditions, thisFrenchliteraturelostallits

immediatepracticalsignificance, andassumedapurelyliterary

aspect. Thus, totheGermanphilosophersoftheeighteenth

century, thedemandsofthefirstFrenchRevolutionwerenothing

morethanthedemandsof"PracticalReason"ingeneral, andthe

utteranceofthewilloftherevolutionaryFrenchbourgeoisie

signifiedintheireyesthelawofpureWill, ofWillasitwas

boundtobe, oftruehumanWillgenerally.

TheworldoftheGermanliterateconsistedsolelyinbringing

thenewFrenchideasintoharmonywiththeirancientphilosophical

conscience, orrather, inannexingtheFrenchideaswithout

desertingtheirownphilosophicpointofview.

Thisannexationtookplaceinthesamewayinwhichaforeign

languageisappropriated, namely, bytranslation.

ItiswellknownhowthemonkswrotesillylivesofCatholic

Saintsoverthemanuscriptsonwhichtheclassicalworksof

ancientheathendomhadbeenwritten. TheGermanliterate

reversedthisprocesswiththeprofaneFrenchliterature. They

wrotetheirphilosophicalnonsensebeneaththeFrenchoriginal.

Forinstance, beneaththeFrenchcriticismoftheeconomic

functionsofmoney, theywrote"AlienationofHumanity,"and

beneaththeFrenchcriticismofthebourgeoisStatetheywrote

"dethronementoftheCategoryoftheGeneral,"andsoforth.

Theintroductionofthesephilosophicalphrasesatthebackof

theFrenchhistoricalcriticismstheydubbed"PhilosophyofAction,""TrueSocialism,""GermanScienceofSocialism,"

"PhilosophicalFoundationofSocialism,"andsoon.

TheFrenchSocialistandCommunistliteraturewasthuscompletely

emasculated. And, sinceitceasedinthehandsoftheGermantoexpress

thestruggleofoneclasswiththeother, hefeltconsciousofhaving

overcome"Frenchone-sidedness"andofrepresenting, nottrue

requirements, buttherequirementsoftruth; nottheinterestsofthe

proletariat, buttheinterestsofHumanNature, ofManingeneral, who

belongstonoclass, hasnoreality, whoexistsonlyinthemistyrealm

ofphilosophicalfantasy.

ThisGermanSocialism, whichtookitsschoolboytasksoseriously

andsolemnly, andextolleditspoorstock-in-tradeinsuch

mountebankfashion,meanwhilegraduallylostitspedantic

innocence.

ThefightoftheGerman, andespecially, ofthePrussianbourgeoisie,

againstfeudalaristocracyandabsolutemonarchy, inotherwords, the

liberalmovement, becamemoreearnest.

Bythis, thelongwished-foropportunitywaso"eredto"True"

Socialismofconfrontingthepoliticalmovementwiththe

Socialistdemands, ofhurlingthetraditionalanathemas

againstliberalism, againstrepresentativegovernment, against

bourgeoiscompetition, bourgeoisfreedomofthepress, bourgeois


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legislation, bourgeoislibertyandequality, andofpreachingto

themassesthattheyhadnothingtogain, andeverythingtolose,

bythisbourgeoismovement. GermanSocialismforgot, inthenick

oftime, thattheFrenchcriticism, whosesillyechoitwas,

presupposedtheexistenceofmodernbourgeoissociety, withits

correspondingeconomicconditionsofexistence, andthepolitical

constitutionadaptedthereto, theverythingswhoseattainment

wastheobjectofthependingstruggleinGermany.

Totheabsolutegovernments,withtheirfollowingofparsons,

professors, countrysquiresando!cials, itservedasawelcome

scarecrowagainstthethreateningbourgeoisie.

Itwasasweetfinishafterthebitterpillsoffloggingsand

bulletswithwhichthesesamegovernments,justatthattime,

dosedtheGermanworking-classrisings.

Whilethis"True"Socialismthusservedthegovernmentsasa

weaponforfightingtheGermanbourgeoisie, it, atthesametime,directlyrepresentedareactionaryinterest, theinterestofthe

GermanPhilistines. InGermanythepetty-bourgeoisclass, a

relicofthesixteenthcentury, andsincethenconstantly

croppingupagainundervariousforms, istherealsocialbasis

oftheexistingstateofthings.

Topreservethisclassistopreservetheexistingstateof

thingsinGermany. Theindustrialandpoliticalsupremacyofthe

bourgeoisiethreatensitwithcertaindestruction; ontheone

hand, fromtheconcentrationofcapital; ontheother, fromthe

riseofarevolutionaryproletariat. "True"Socialismappearedto

killthesetwobirdswithonestone. Itspreadlikeanepidemic.

Therobeofspeculativecobwebs, embroideredwithflowers

ofrhetoric, steepedinthedewofsicklysentiment, this

transcendentalrobeinwhichtheGermanSocialistswrappedtheir

sorry"eternaltruths,"allskinandbone, servedtowonderfully

increasethesaleoftheirgoodsamongstsuchapublic. Andon

itspart, GermanSocialismrecognised, moreandmore, itsown

callingasthebombasticrepresentativeofthepetty-bourgeois

Philistine.

ItproclaimedtheGermannationtobethemodelnation, andthe

GermanpettyPhilistinetobethetypicalman. Toeveryvillainousmeannessofthismodelmanitgaveahidden, higher,

Socialisticinterpretation, theexactcontraryofitsreal

character. Itwenttotheextremelengthofdirectlyopposing

the"brutallydestructive"tendencyofCommunism, andof

proclaimingitssupremeandimpartialcontemptofallclass

struggles. Withveryfewexceptions, alltheso-calledSocialist

andCommunistpublicationsthatnow(1847) circulateinGermany

belongtothedomainofthisfoulandenervatingliterature.

2. CONSERVATIVE,ORBOURGEOIS, SOCIALISM

Apartofthebourgeoisieisdesirousofredressingsocialgrievances, inordertosecurethecontinuedexistenceof


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bourgeoissociety.

Tothissectionbelongeconomists, philanthropists,

humanitarians, improversoftheconditionoftheworkingclass,

organisersofcharity, membersofsocietiesforthepreventionof

crueltytoanimals, temperancefanatics, hole-and-corner

reformersofeveryimaginablekind. ThisformofSocialismhas,moreover, beenworkedoutintocompletesystems.

WemayciteProudhon'sPhilosophiedelaMisereasanexampleof

thisform.

TheSocialisticbourgeoiswantalltheadvantagesofmodern

socialconditionswithoutthestrugglesanddangersnecessarily

resultingtherefrom. Theydesiretheexistingstateofsociety

minusitsrevolutionaryanddisintegratingelements. Theywish

forabourgeoisiewithoutaproletariat. Thebourgeoisie

naturallyconceivestheworldinwhichitissupremetobethe

best; andbourgeoisSocialismdevelopsthiscomfortableconceptionintovariousmoreorlesscompletesystems. In

requiringtheproletariattocarryoutsuchasystem, andthereby

tomarchstraightwayintothesocialNewJerusalem, itbut

requiresinreality, thattheproletariatshouldremainwithin

theboundsofexistingsociety, butshouldcastawayallits

hatefulideasconcerningthebourgeoisie.

Asecondandmorepractical, butlesssystematic, formofthis

Socialismsoughttodepreciateeveryrevolutionarymovementin

theeyesoftheworkingclass, byshowingthatnomerepolitical

reform, butonlyachangeinthematerialconditionsof

existence, ineconomicrelations, couldbeofanyadvantagetothem. Bychangesinthematerialconditionsofexistence, this

formofSocialism, however, bynomeansunderstandsabolitionof

thebourgeoisrelationsofproduction, anabolitionthatcanbe

e"ectedonlybyarevolution, butadministrativereforms, based

onthecontinuedexistenceoftheserelations; reforms,

therefore, thatinnorespecta"ecttherelationsbetween

capitalandlabour, but, atthebest, lessenthecost, and

simplifytheadministrativework, ofbourgeoisgovernment.

BourgeoisSocialismattainsadequateexpression,when, andonly

when, itbecomesamerefigureofspeech.

Freetrade: forthebenefitoftheworkingclass. Protective

duties: forthebenefitoftheworkingclass. PrisonReform: for

thebenefitoftheworkingclass. Thisisthelastwordandthe

onlyseriouslymeantwordofbourgeoisSocialism.

Itissummedupinthephrase: thebourgeoisisabourgeois--for

thebenefitoftheworkingclass.

3. CRITICAL-UTOPIANSOCIALISMANDCOMMUNISM

Wedonothererefertothatliteraturewhich, ineverygreat

modernrevolution, hasalwaysgivenvoicetothedemandsoftheproletariat, suchasthewritingsofBabeufandothers.


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Thefirstdirectattemptsoftheproletariattoattainitsown

ends, madeintimesofuniversalexcitement, whenfeudalsociety

wasbeingoverthrown, theseattemptsnecessarilyfailed, owing

tothethenundevelopedstateoftheproletariat, aswellasto

theabsenceoftheeconomicconditionsforitsemancipation,

conditionsthathadyettobeproduced, andcouldbeproducedbytheimpendingbourgeoisepochalone. Therevolutionary

literaturethataccompaniedthesefirstmovementsofthe

proletariathadnecessarilyareactionarycharacter. It

inculcateduniversalasceticismandsociallevellinginits

crudestform.

TheSocialistandCommunistsystemsproperlysocalled, thoseof

Saint-Simon, Fourier, Owenandothers, springintoexistencein

theearlyundevelopedperiod, describedabove, ofthestruggle

betweenproletariatandbourgeoisie(seeSection1. Bourgeois

andProletarians).

Thefoundersofthesesystemssee, indeed, theclassantagonisms, as

wellastheactionofthedecomposingelements, intheprevailingform

ofsociety. Buttheproletariat, asyetinitsinfancy, o"erstothem

thespectacleofaclasswithoutanyhistoricalinitiativeorany

independentpoliticalmovement.

Sincethedevelopmentofclassantagonismkeepsevenpacewith

thedevelopmentofindustry, theeconomicsituation, astheyfind

it, doesnotasyeto"ertothemthematerialconditionsforthe

emancipationoftheproletariat. Theythereforesearchaftera

newsocialscience, afternewsociallaws, thataretocreate

theseconditions.

Historicalactionistoyieldtotheirpersonalinventive

action, historicallycreatedconditionsofemancipationto

fantasticones, andthegradual, spontaneousclass-organisation

oftheproletariattotheorganisationofsocietyspecially

contrivedbytheseinventors. Futurehistoryresolvesitself, in

theireyes, intothepropagandaandthepracticalcarryingoutof

theirsocialplans.

Intheformationoftheirplanstheyareconsciousofcaring

chieflyfortheinterestsoftheworkingclass, asbeingthemost

su"eringclass. Onlyfromthepointofviewofbeingthemostsu"eringclassdoestheproletariatexistforthem.

Theundevelopedstateoftheclassstruggle, aswellastheir

ownsurroundings, causesSocialistsofthiskindtoconsider

themselvesfarsuperiortoallclassantagonisms. Theywantto

improvetheconditionofeverymemberofsociety, eventhatof

themostfavoured. Hence, theyhabituallyappealtosocietyat

large, without distinctionofclass; nay, bypreference, tothe

rulingclass. Forhowcanpeople, whenoncetheyunderstand

theirsystem, failtoseeinitthebestpossibleplanofthe

bestpossiblestateofsociety?

Hence, theyrejectallpolitical, andespeciallyall

revolutionary, action; theywishtoattaintheirendsby


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peacefulmeans, andendeavour, bysmallexperiments, necessarily

doomedtofailure, andbytheforceofexample, topavetheway

forthenewsocialGospel.

Suchfantasticpicturesoffuturesociety, paintedatatime

whentheproletariatisstillinaveryundevelopedstateandhas

butafantasticconceptionofitsownpositioncorrespondwiththefirstinstinctiveyearningsofthatclassforageneral

reconstructionofsociety.

ButtheseSocialistandCommunistpublicationscontainalsoa

criticalelement. Theyattackeveryprincipleofexistingsociety.

Hencetheyarefullofthemostvaluablematerialsforthe

enlightenmentoftheworkingclass. Thepracticalmeasures

proposedinthem--suchastheabolitionofthedistinction

betweentownandcountry, ofthefamily, ofthecarryingonof

industriesfortheaccountofprivateindividuals, andofthewage

system, theproclamationofsocialharmony, theconversionofthe

functionsoftheStateintoameresuperintendenceofproduction,alltheseproposals, pointsolelytothedisappearanceofclass

antagonismswhichwere, atthattime, onlyjustcroppingup, and

which, inthesepublications, arerecognisedintheirearliest,

indistinctandundefinedformsonly. Theseproposals, therefore,

areofapurelyUtopiancharacter.

ThesignificanceofCritical-UtopianSocialismandCommunism

bearsaninverserelationtohistoricaldevelopment. In

proportionasthemodernclassstruggledevelopsandtakes

definiteshape, thisfantasticstandingapartfromthecontest,

thesefantasticattacksonit, loseallpracticalvalueandall

theoreticaljustification. Therefore, althoughtheoriginatorsofthesesystemswere, inmanyrespects, revolutionary, their

discipleshave, ineverycase, formedmerereactionarysects.

Theyholdfastbytheoriginalviewsoftheirmasters, in

oppositiontotheprogressivehistoricaldevelopmentofthe

proletariat. They, therefore, endeavour, andthatconsistently,

todeadentheclassstruggleandtoreconciletheclassantagonisms.

Theystilldreamofexperimentalrealisationoftheirsocial

Utopias, offoundingisolated"phalansteres,"ofestablishing

"HomeColonies," ofsettingupa"LittleIcaria"--duodecimo

editionsoftheNewJerusalem--andtorealiseallthesecastles

intheair, theyarecompelledtoappealtothefeelingsand

pursesofthebourgeois. Bydegreestheysinkintothecategory

ofthereactionaryconservativeSocialistsdepictedabove,

di"eringfromtheseonlybymoresystematicpedantry, and

bytheirfanaticalandsuperstitiousbeliefinthemiraculous

e"ectsoftheirsocialscience.

They, therefore, violentlyopposeallpoliticalactiononthe

partoftheworkingclass; suchaction, accordingtothem, can

onlyresultfromblindunbeliefinthenewGospel.

TheOwenitesinEngland, andtheFourieristsinFrance,

respectively, opposetheChartistsandtheReformistes.


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IV. POSITIONOFTHECOMMUNISTSINRELATIONTOTHE

VARIOUSEXISTINGOPPOSITIONPARTIES

SectionIIhasmadecleartherelationsoftheCommuniststothe

existingworking-classparties, suchastheChartistsinEngland

andtheAgrarianReformersinAmerica.

TheCommunistsfightfortheattainmentoftheimmediateaims,

fortheenforcementofthemomentaryinterestsoftheworking

class; butinthemovementofthepresent, theyalsorepresent

andtakecareofthefutureofthatmovement. InFrancethe

CommunistsallythemselveswiththeSocial-Democrats, againstthe

conservativeandradicalbourgeoisie, reserving, however, the

righttotakeupacriticalpositioninregardtophrasesand

illusionstraditionallyhandeddownfromthegreatRevolution.

InSwitzerlandtheysupporttheRadicals, withoutlosingsight

ofthefactthatthispartyconsistsofantagonisticelements,

partlyofDemocraticSocialists, intheFrenchsense, partlyofradicalbourgeois.

InPolandtheysupportthepartythatinsistsonanagrarian

revolutionastheprimeconditionfornationalemancipation, that

partywhichfomentedtheinsurrectionofCracowin1846.

InGermanytheyfightwiththebourgeoisiewheneveritactsina

revolutionaryway, againsttheabsolutemonarchy, thefeudal

squirearchy, andthepettybourgeoisie.

Buttheynevercease, forasingleinstant, toinstilintothe

workingclasstheclearestpossiblerecognitionofthehostile

antagonismbetweenbourgeoisieandproletariat, inorderthatthe

Germanworkersmaystraightawayuse, assomanyweaponsagainst

thebourgeoisie, thesocialandpoliticalconditionsthatthe

bourgeoisiemustnecessarilyintroducealongwithitssupremacy,

andinorderthat, afterthefallofthereactionaryclassesin

Germany, thefightagainstthebourgeoisieitselfmayimmediately

begin.

TheCommuniststurntheirattentionchieflytoGermany, because

thatcountryisontheeveofabourgeoisrevolutionthat

isboundtobecarriedoutundermoreadvancedconditions

ofEuropeancivilisation, andwithamuchmoredeveloped

proletariat, thanthatofEnglandwasintheseventeenth, andof

Franceintheeighteenthcentury, andbecausethebourgeois

revolutioninGermanywillbebutthepreludetoanimmediately

followingproletarianrevolution.

Inshort, theCommunistseverywheresupporteveryrevolutionary

movementagainsttheexistingsocialandpoliticalorderof

things.

Inallthesemovementstheybringtothefront, astheleading

questionineach, thepropertyquestion, nomatterwhatits

degreeofdevelopmentatthetime.

Finally, theylaboureverywherefortheunionandagreementof


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thedemocraticpartiesofallcountries.

TheCommunistsdisdaintoconcealtheirviewsandaims.

Theyopenlydeclarethattheirendscanbeattainedonlyby

theforcibleoverthrowofallexistingsocialconditions.

LettherulingclassestrembleataCommunisticrevolution.

Theproletarianshavenothingtolosebuttheirchains.Theyhaveaworldtowin.

WORKINGMENOFALLCOUNTRIES, UNITE!

EndofTheCommunistManifesto

byKarlMarxandFriedrichEngels

Documents

"Manifesto of the Communist Party" K.Marx + F. Engels