Mapping Land Use Change in North Georgia: A Perspective of Local Equestrians

Angela Harvey Miami Global Field Program

Braselton, GA CEL 5: Nov. 30, 2015

Abstract Development of land from rural to suburban or urban uses affects the surrounding

environment as well as the inhabitants. Georgia has seen heavy population growth and land development in the last few decades, with resulting changes in air, water, flora, and fauna. Using Google Earth and discussions with north Georgia’s equestrian community, I designed a participatory mapping project to show the change in land use and growth in population. This community traditionally needs vast tracts of land to house, feed, and ride their horses, so the effect of development is felt keenly by horse enthusiasts. The mapping project showed many areas where subdivisions have taken over land historically used for horseback riding. The participants also included areas where horses are welcome, to show riding areas used today.

Introduction A story was told about a certain person with a box. Due to a chain of events and some rather chancy decisions, this box was opened, and all the ills of the world poured out. Allowing for some poetic imagery, that's quite a picture to paint; death, sickness, violence, poverty, hunger, war, hatred, ignorance, apathy. All of life's woes in one box, rushing to get out and wreak havoc among the people. If it were a communicable disease, the effects would only spread by contact with the infected. This would suggest that keeping people apart and disconnected would be the proper first response. As the population grows and becomes more dense, the ills of the world grow more pronounced, spreading virus-like. It seems so many of the problems in our world today are directly correlated with population density (Bai, Nath, Capon, Hasan, & Jaron, 2012). The competition for habitat and resources among people can escalate from shouting matches to hostile takeovers and even wholesale warfare, depending on the numbers involved. That is between biological entities that share similar physical, mental, and emotional traits. It is no wonder that battles between people and the rest of the biological world end in extinctions, thus the dodo bird. When there is no communication between the competing entities, there is little room for understanding or compromise. Is our global population growing out of hand? According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2015), the world population is approximately 7.29 billion, and the population of the United States is 322 million. Big numbers can be hard to comprehend, therefore a look at the past, with the help of Worldometers, 2015, will help us put population numbers into perspective. In 8000 B.C., the population of the world was around 5 million. By 1 A.D., the number was closer to 200 million with a growth rate of 0.05% per year (may be higher, due to the vagaries of historical record keeping). By 1800, the population reached its first billion. It only took 130 more years to reach its second billion, its third billion in 30 years, its fourth in 15 years, and its fifth in 13 years (Worldometers, 2015). In a speech given to the Southeastern Trails Conference in 2002, David Brickley said it well, "Human population took hundreds of thousands of years to grow to 2.5 billion in 1950. Since then, in less than 50 years, it has doubled".

Land Use Change As population numbers rise, room in which to live becomes an issue and land becomes scarce. People must move closer together, creating more urban or suburban areas, which reduces the amount of open space, agricultural land, and forests (Willis & Keller, 2007; Nagy & Lockaby, 2011). In 2002, the previous century had seen a 20-fold increase in the number of people living in urban areas. While cities only took up 2% of the landmass of the world, they made up 50% of the human population, used 75% of the world's resources, and produced 75% of its waste (Brickley, 2002). Between 1982 and 2003, developed land in the United States grew by more than 48%, with most of the increase in the Southeast (White, Morzillo, & Alig, 2009). This change in land use from rural, agricultural, and forested land to development is worth studying in more depth. Nagy and Lockaby (2011) say that, globally and in the United States, a prominent pattern of land use change is development "at the expense of forests" and this pattern is “expected to continue” in the future (p. 72). White et al. (2009) projects that by 2030, 22 million hectares of rural lands will be developed in the United States, a 51% increase, and urban development is the leading cause of loss of forestland in the Southeastern U.S. (Burton & Samuelson, 2008). Wilson and Lindsey (2005) state "conversions of rural land cover (e.g., forest,

grassland, wetland, agriculture) to urban and suburban development are among the most significant types of anthropogenic land-cover dynamics, since this type of modification is usually permanent and may have...negative environmental consequences" (p. 159).

Environmental Effects of Development Environmental consequences due to development are most obvious with the loss of habitat (Barret & Guyer, 2008). While suburbia may be an enjoyable lifestyle for humans, there are many plants and animals that do not live well among fences, yards, and playgrounds. In addition to the habitat loss, there is also fragmentation of existing habitats, with the ensuing problems of genetic diversity, inbreeding, and invasion of non-native species (Wilson & Lindsey, 2005; Burton & Samuelson, 2008). Biodiversity tends to suffer in developed and developing areas, as well. Many studies have found that as urbanization increases, species richness decreases linearly (Burton & Samuelson, 2008). Nagy and Lockaby (2011) believe urban development to be the most important contributing factor in the endangerment of species within the United States. They mention, for example, a study conducted in west Georgia that found urbanization negatively affected species richness of neotropical migratory birds. Nagy and Lockaby (2011) also cite Barrett & Guyer’s study (2008) that found fewer amphibian species in urban watersheds than all other land uses, with most urbanized streams being completely devoid of almost all salamander and hylid frog species. Over-development also causes changes in water quality and hydrology. Unclean water in urbanization is a health hazard for humans, as well as the ecosystem (Wilson & Lindsey, 2005; Bai et al., 2012). Elevated water temperatures, increased turbidity, and increased run off leads to elevated nutrient, chemical, and bacteria concentrations in urbanized streams (Schoonover, Lockaby, & Helms, 2006; Nagy & Lockaby, 2011). The absence of amphibians and the decline in fish health observed in urbanization also suggests a decline in the quality of the water (Barrett & Guyer, 2008; Nagy & Lockaby, 2011). Further issues are compounded by the changes in surface and subsurface hydrology of streams as a result of development (Wilson & Lindsey, 2005; Schoonover et al., 2006). Nagy and Lockaby (2011) state "Multiple ecological responses to urbanization were observed with alteration of hydrological regimes having perhaps the most profound effects. Changes in hydrology induced a cascade of terrestrial and aquatic impacts such as changes in stream nutrients and sediment, riparian vegetation, fish, amphibians, and reptiles" (p. 83). Schoonover et al. (2006) suggest that hydrologic changes caused by development threaten the morphometry, or shape, of streams as well as the biota, and it is important to preserve land cover, such as grasses and trees, to prevent flooding. Urbanization also affects the quality of the air (Wilson & Lindsey, 2005; Bai et al., 2012). Airborne contaminants and heavy metals have been detected in plants as a product of development (Nagy & Lockaby, 2011). This can have ecosystem effects ranging from plant productivity, growth, disease prevention, decomposition, and nutrient cycling (Styers & Chapelka, 2009). The effects of air pollution on humans are also well documented (Willis & Keller, 2007; Bai et al., 2012). Two notable studies dealt with the correlation of emergency room visits among asthma patients (Tolbert et al., 2000; Gass, Balachandran, Chang, Russell, & Strickland, 2015). Ozone and particulate matter from fuel-burning vehicles were positively associated with airway inflammation and acute asthma events in both studies. A correlation has also been found between the burning of carbon fuels, such as biomass burning or vehicular combustion, and the adverse health effects of polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAH),

carcinogenic and mutagenic pollutants (Amarillo, Busso, & Carreras, 2014). Li et al. (2009) took samples in three different locales; rural, suburban, and urban. The suburban site showed the highest concentrations of PAHs and the rural site returned the lowest concentrations. PAHs have developmental, neural, and carcinogenic toxicities and have been associated with cardiovascular and respiratory emergency room visits (Li et al., 2009). Since an increase in construction and traffic also results in an increase in airborne particulates, these effects are of particular interest to the human populations of suburban and urban environments.

Other Effects of Development Apart from the human health effects of pollution in development, there are other costs to be considered. As lands are converted from rural to suburban or urban spaces, frequently the property tax rates rise, since different types of land uses are taxed at different rates (Kotchen & Schulte, 2009). This may be beneficial to the government and may increase services in the area, but it also increases the loss of land. Meng and Zhang (2013) state that "(due) to economic pressures from... development and population growth, fair market value of rural lands often exceeds the capitalized income-producing capability of rural land uses, making individual landowners endure a higher tax burden" (p. 3). This could be an encouragement to sell to development.

One intriguing method for estimating the economic impact of land use is the Cost of Community Service study, or CCS (Kotchen & Schulte, 2009). These studies quantify the costs and benefits of land use, usually by separating land use into three categories: residential, commercial/industrial, and agricultural/open-space. The results are expressed as a ratio of expenditures over revenues. Kotchen and Schulte (2009) reviewed CCS studies in the literature and state that "a general finding of CCS studies is that commercial/industrial and agricultural/ open-space ratios are less than one while residential ratios are greater than one. This is often interpreted to mean that commercial/industrial and agricultural/open-space land uses ‘pay their own way’ while residential land uses do not" (p. 377). In this case, commercial development may be beneficial fiscally, but suburban development may not. We must also look at the benefits of open and natural spaces that are lost in development. Under certain circumstances, open spaces may increase total land value in a community (Wu, 2014). They help protect ecosystem services by protecting natural resources, as well as providing opportunities for recreation, health and fitness, and education (Pennsylvania Greenways Partnership Commission, 2002). The cost of losing these benefits may be hard to enumerate, but they can have lasting effects.

Development in Georgia and the Equestrian Community Georgia is a good choice for the study of development and its effects. In 2000, it was the ninth most populous state and was one of the fastest growing states in the U.S. with significant land use changes in the last 50 years of the 20th century (Meng & Zhang, 2013). Li et al. (2009) stated that Atlanta, Georgia "is one of the fastest-growing regions in the United States and it has the second worst traffic congestion in the country, following Los Angeles, CA" (p. 4188). Burton and Samuelson (2008) ranked Georgia as second in the nation for the most land developed in the 1990’s. And the future will be more of the same. Projections put the south as having the greatest

increase in population in the U.S. by 2030 (Nagy & Lockaby, 2011) with Georgia experiencing a 73% increase in developed area (White et al., 2009). With the loss of rural land so pronounced in Georgia, I chose to explore land use change from the perspective of a specific community, the equestrian enthusiasts of the counties north of Atlanta. Horses have been an integral part of the historical significance of this area for a long time, with many people owning horses or mules to work the farms or for transportation, horses to show and compete, logging horses (especially in places sensitive to erosion), and the entire horseracing industry (Heusner, 2004; Georgia Horse Racing Committee, 2011). Georgia Encyclopedia.org estimates Georgia's horses are valued around $250,000, with an economic impact of more than $750 million to the local community (Heusner, 2004). The American Horse Council (2010) states that there is a general feeling among horse enthusiasts of a loss of land and trails that were open in the past to horses. The equestrian community of North Georgia is uniquely situated to witness the loss of rural land to development. This loss is felt in the decrease in land capable of housing horses, which need at least 2 acres of land per horse for pasture, or ¼ of an acre for exercise, to be comfortable (Heusner, 2012). There is also the land needed for riding distances, which many Georgia riders enjoy. There have been groups formed in the past several years to address this issue of distance riding, such as American Trails, Back Country Horsemen, and many websites offer help in finding trails still welcoming horses, such as trailsource.com, gastateparks.org, and n-georgia.com. In addition to housing and riding, development tends to cause support services, such as veterinarians, feed stores, and hay suppliers, to move out to rural areas where the businesses can be supported by higher numbers of customers. This, in turn, leaves those horse owners left in the area with fewer choices, encouraging them to move, as well. Since the horse industry is rather land-hungry, equestrians usually house and ride their horses in more rural areas. With the development in Georgia progressing so fast over the last several decades, as discussed above, whole communities of horse enthusiasts and the supporting businesses have moved from their previous locations to less crowded environs. Using informal discussions with riders and a participatory mapping project, I aimed to illustrate, to riders and non-riders in the community, the speed of land loss and the change in land use in the counties north of Atlanta. It is expected that by mapping areas used by local riders that are now urban or suburban, readers will see the extent of land use change in north Georgia.

Methods

Discussions with Georgia's Equestrians To begin, I started some conversations on discussion boards that are geared toward equestrian enthusiasts. I asked questions about the places where people rode their horses, about their hacking out (riding in open spaces) and trail riding. These questions were designed to generate personal stories, such as recalling areas of farm or forest in their communities where they rode or hiked, whether these had been places where they met friends to ride, why they choose these places and the places they used in the past, and whether or not these places are still around. The goal was to get a dialog started, to see what people had to say on the issue of places to ride now, compared to places that were ridden to in the past. As the discussions progressed, it became clear that many people remembered riding areas, like farms, forests, saddle clubs, or roads that were used frequently by the horse community that are no longer in use for various reasons, such as increased traffic, increased taxes, or subdivision development. As on board

member stated, “I could tell endless stories, every one of them with a bitter end. Where I grew up, the topsoil was 60 feet thick in places, with one of the best climates in the world for growing anything at all. All paved now.” (Anonymous by request). While continuing the discussion boards, I also approached horse owners and riders at the barn I frequent, Steadfast Farms in Hoschton, Georgia. I started with the same general questions, but I was able to have a few more substantial discussions with some people. Most of these conversations were more personal, pertaining to each individual’s particular interests, such as driving teams on the roads or trail riding in the national forest. While several of the discussions touched on the loss of barns or communities they remembered from their youth, many riders spoke about new trail opportunities, and some recalled areas that are still in use as farms today. This generated other questions about the reasons behind the choices of horse enthusiasts, on where they live and where they ride. We discussed the population growth in North Atlanta on most occasions, and the traffic problem came up many times. While many riders who grew up in the rural counties remembered riding roads to get to good trails, traffic has made road riding a thing of the past in most cases, although there were still a few who have moved north to find just such a place so that they can ride out more often. The conversations at the barn led me to question how the equestrian community closer to the city felt about the issues of land loss and trail riding, so I contacted some of my friends and acquaintances from the clubs and events I used to frequent as a young rider, which were historically located further south, closer to Atlanta. These contacts were trainers and show buddies that were heavily involved in the various organizations around the south, like the United States Pony Clubs, the Georgia Hunter Jumper Association, the Georgia Dressage and Combined Training Association, and contacts from the popular show venues and saddle clubs. These conversations were usually done over the phone or email, due to distance and time constraints. Many of these led directly to the map project, since most of the discussions centered around a particular barn or show venue. Each participant was eager to find the address and place their remembered barn on the map. In the course of these discussions, I also had conversations with non-riders. Some of these were supporters of family or friends that rode. I usually encountered them at riding barns or events, and many were willing to discuss the issue. Some of these conversations came up with family and friends in my community while explaining the purpose of my project. These conversations were enlightening on their own, since people who do not ride would not necessarily see the loss of land as a problem, or they see the loss of land framed within a different context. Some of the younger non-riders were not as willing to discuss the population problem but were very willing to discuss parks and trailering to distant trails.

Making the Map Many participants were interested in giving addresses of barns or areas where they used

to ride. There were only three participants that refused to discuss the project, out of 21 approached. Several offered suggestions on software and the look of the map. Two participants were involved in previewing the map for errors, omissions, and inconsistencies. One non-rider gave ideas on the design of the place marks to make them more easily understood by general readers. Communication on map design and layout was done over email as the map progressed. Google Earth was used by the participants in the project as the foundation for the virtual map. This software allows for additions, such as pictures, videos, and text. I decided that would help in the explanations for why sites were marked, adding the history of the site, and connecting

sites to other places. This gave the map more meaning and greatly helped the readability, since the texts and pictures could be hidden until selected (Figures 1 & 2).

Figure 1: Full Map of Riding Areas, Past and Present. Interactive map can be accessed at here

Figure 2: Zoomed map with counties labelled

The bulk of the map-making consisted of point placement and deciding what each place

mark should include. The descriptions and pictures depended on the stories told by participants, so some places have more extensive additions than others. I found, as I went, that there had to be some way to delineate between places that are in use today and places of history that no longer exist, so I chose colors for visibility. Red marks were chosen for the barns no longer existing, orange marks for the trails or riding areas no longer in use, and yellow shows places that are being used for riding today. The extent of the map ended up being confined to counties north of the city of Atlanta. This is due to the fact that the majority of those interviewed lived in these areas. There are a couple of outliers, such as the National Forest and the present address of Shakerag Hounds (Figure 1). These were included to show places where riders from the historical map area ride today.

Discussion As you can see in the time comparison maps of Figures 3a and 3b, 4a and 4b and 5a and 5b, the development of the areas north of Atlanta has been extensive. This illustrates well the population increase and land use change discussed in the aforementioned literature. Using the sites of barns, trails, and roads where the participants used to ride, we can see clearly the change from rural to suburban land. The most visible difference is probably found in the Braselton area around Valley Vista Farms (Figures 3a & 3b). Just northwest of the farm is a large cleared spot which is now a hospital, and the subdivisions are numerous. In figures 4a and 4b, the subdivision that used to be Verse Noia Farms was built very close to the Chattahoochee river (east). It would be interesting to see an extensive study of water quality in this river. The maps of Flowery Branch show an increase in subdivisions, as well, but the deciding factor in this area was the traffic. The participants who remembered riding here say it is much too dangerous for horses, now.

Figure 3a: Map of Braselton area, 1993

Figure 3b: This is the same area of Braselton in 2014.

Figure 4a: Verse Noia Farms, in the Shakerag area, 2007.

Figure 4b: Same area in Shakerag, 2014.

Figure 5a: Flowery Branch area, 1993,where road riding was popular in the 70s and 80s.

Figure 5b: Flowery Branch area, 2014

Many riders remember the communities of farms where everyone could ride to each other's place and join up to ride the surrounding roads and forests, and they miss the community and the camaraderie. As shown in Figures 5a and 5b, Flowery Branch was such an area, but the traffic has made road riding dangerous. One online participant stated, “I use to be able to work my draft team on our dirt road when we first moved here, people were very respectful and good drivers. Now, I wouldn't dare go on it at certain times of the day as I have had people rush the wagon, try to pass me as I am attempting to give them as much room as possible, flip me off, so again, just not worth the headache and aggravation” (Anonymous by request). Having to travel out by trailer to ride long distances is more the norm today, which introduces other costs. Some riders have relocated to farms bordering forests and parks to avoid the issue. They say it is easier for them to travel, rather than pack up the horses every time they want to ride the trails. “We used to keep our horses in our back yards, and could ride forever in the hills, seeing no one. Now you have to trailer your horse to a state or county park which allows riding” (Anonymous by request). Steadfast Farms, in Hoschton, is notable for their extensive riding opportunities (Figure 6). The farm is almost 700 acres, with over 25 miles of trails in natural settings. It is rare to see that much privately owned land in the area, and the riders from this barn were quick to laud its many virtues.

Figure 6: Steadfast Farms in Hoschton, GA. This farm has been in the same family for over 70 years.

Inevitably, seeing the old riding haunts as current subdivisions or industrial parks was disheartening to many of the participants. One participant said, “when I was a teenager (long time ago) we lived on the edge of a city and had our horses there, we had lots of riding areas, sometimes had to hack through a subdivision to get to the trails but there were lots of them. Now that area is all housing, our lovely trails gone forever.” (Anonymous by request). Yet, with so many people wanting to discuss where they ride now, there was excitement in seeing the new trail possibilities on the same map. There are even a few examples of farms that are still in operation at their original sites, which was encouraging. Two of these barns, Chastain Park and Vogt Riding Academy, are inside the perimeter of interstate 285, essentially in the middle of the city (Figure 7). This was an unexpected addition to the project, since my goal was to illustrate land use change and development. As the participants have enjoyed this aspect of the map, it may be valuable to broaden the area of the map in the future to include more areas open to horses.

Figure 7: Map of Chastain and Vogt Riding Academy-the city of Atlanta is in the bottom left corner.

Conclusions

The area north of Atlanta has seen quite a growth in population in the last 40 years, as discussed in the aforementioned literature. This trend has been linked to health problems in the communities, especially those near the high-traffic areas, as well as environmental issues that affect the surrounding ecosystems. Using informal discussions of the equestrian community in north Georgia and a participatory map project, I have shown that the development of north Georgia has been swift and extensive. The goal of the project was to provide a visual representation of land use change in the study area by mapping areas historically frequented by the horse enthusiasts of Georgia that are no longer in use. While the map was very effective in making development visually understood, it was also a means of hope, showing several places where development has been designed and managed to include the horse community. The map is a good example of population growth, development, and the loss of land north of Atlanta. Using the roll-back option on Google Earth, the historical maps compared to the present day showed whole towns swallowed by subdivisions. There are benefits to development, such as better opportunities for employment, education, and healthcare, but without proper planning, the environmental cost can outweigh the advantages (Wilson & Lindsey, 2005; Bai et al., 2012). Yet with forethought, by preserving open spaces and forests through conservation lands and parks and preserving water sources, conversion of land from rural to suburban and urban uses can be done with less environmental and health risk to the community.

Appendix: Images Used in the Virtual Map

PATH Foundation Trails at Chastain Park

Shakerag Hounds, 1960

Map of Shakerag Hunt Country, 1960

OHV Trail Map, USDA Forestry Service

Mr. and Mrs. Vogt, Vogt Riding Academy

Sherwood Farm, 1980s, photo by author

Valley Vista Farm, 1980s, photo by owner

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Map Description and Image References

Georgia Hunter Jumper Association (2015). Who the heck was J.D. Pounds anyway? Retrieved from http://www.ghja.org/files/pdfs/Who_the_heck_was_JDPounds.pdf

PATH Foundation (2015). Chastain Park. Retrieved from https://pathfoundation.org/trails/chastain-park/

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Shakerag Hounds (1960) History of the Shakerag Hounds: Map of Hunt Country. Retrieved from http://www.shakerag.com/modules/xoopsgallery/view_photo.php?xoops_imageid=26&set_albumName=album03&id=Map_of_Hunt_Country

United States Department of Agriculture Forest Service (2015). OHV Trail System Maps. Retrieved from https://fs.usda.gov/wps/portal/fsinternet/!ut/p/c4/04_SB8K8xLLM9MSSzPy8xBz9CP0os3gDfxMDT8MwRydLA1cj72BTQxNjAwjQL8h2VAQA9Dlhuw!!/?pname=Forest%20Service%20-%20Beasley%20Knob%20OHV%20Trail%20Map&recid=10454&counter=0.0&actid=&navtype=BROWSEBYSUBJECT&ttype=photogallery&navid=110000000000000&cid=null&pnavid=&ss=110803

Vogt Riding Academy (2013). History of Vogt Riding Academy. Retrieved from http://www.vogtridingacademy.com/#!history/c15vq