MAPPING THE SPACES OF MODERNIST CITIES WITHIN THE …

Zbornik prispevkov mednarodne konference projekta

Mapiranje urbanih prostorov slovenskih mest v

zgodovinskem okviru Nova Gorica in njeni konteksti

Proceedings of the international conference of the project

Mapping the Urban Spaces of Slovenian Cities from the

Historical Perspective Modernism in Nova Gorica and its

Contexts

Nova Gorica 11ndash13 marec 2020 Nova Gorica March 11ndash13 2020

Uredili Edited by Katarina Mohar Barbara Vodopivec

rsquoS A

MAPIRANJE PROSTOROV MODERNISTIČNIH MEST V KONTEKSTU NAČEL CIAM-OVE ATENSKE LISTINE Zbornik prispevkov mednarodne konference

MAPPING THE SPACES OF MODERNIST CITIES WITHIN THE CONTEXT OF CIAMrsquoS ATHENS CHARTER Proceedings of the International Conference

Uredili Edited byKatarina Mohar Barbara Vodopivec

Oblikovanje in postavitev Design and layoutAndrej Furlan

Oblikovanje naslovnice Cover designNejc Bernik

Prevodi povzetkov Translations of summariesManuela Dajnko Nika Vaupotič Amy Anne Kennedy

Izdajatelj Issued by ZRC SAZU Umetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta Steleta ZRC SAZU France Stele Institute of Art History Zanj Represented by Mija Oter Gorenčič

Založnik Published by Založba ZRC Zanjo Represented by Oto Luthar Vodja založbe Head of Publishing House Aleš Pogačnik

Prva e-izdaja Ljubljana 2020

Izid publikacije je financirala Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije

Publikacija je nastala v okviru aplikativnega projekta Mapiranje urbanih prostorov slovenskih mest v zgodovinskem okviru Nova Gorica in njeni konteksti (L6ndash8262) ki ga sofinancirajo Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije Mestna občina Nova Gorica in Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti in v okviru raziskovalnega programa Slovenska umetnostna identiteta v evropskem okviru (P6ndash0061)

copy 2020 ZRC SAZU Umetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta Steleta Založba ZRC

DOI httpsdoiorg1039869789610504344

NASTANEK IN UTEMELJITEV FUNKCIONALISTIČNEGA MESTA THE FOUNDATION AND ESTABLISHMENT OF A FUNCTIONAL CITY

Tomaž Vuga Nova Gorica in njen prostor Nova Gorica and its Space

Marianna Charitonidou Od Atenske listine do ldquopovezovanja ljudirdquo izpodbijanje predpostavk Listine o habitatu From the Athens Charter to the ldquoHuman Associationrdquo Challenging the Assumptions of the Charter of Habitat

Olga Mykhaylyshyn Svitlana Linda Prikaz določil Atenske listine v arhitekturi masivne stanovanjske gradnje v Ukrajini od 1960-ih do 1980-ih Display of the Athens Charter Provisions in Architecture of the Massive Residential Construction in Ukraine in 1960ndash1980s

Bogo Zupančič Slovenski arhitekti in kongresi CIAM-a Slovenian Architects and the CIAM Congresses

SREDIŠČA FUNKCIONALISTIČNIH NOVIH MEST IN IDENTITETA MESTATHE CENTRES OF NEW FUNCTIONALIST TOWNS AND THE IDENTITY OF A TOWN

Barbara Vodopivec Zapuščina prve svetovne vojne in identiteta Nove Gorice Legacy of the First World War and Identity of Nova Gorica

Valentina Rodani Modernost onkraj konflikta arhitektura praznine v Gorici in Novi Gorici Being Modern beyond the Conflict the Architecture of Void in Gorizia and Nova Gorica

Tanja Poppelreuter in Lena Karim Načrti kralja Faisala II za Veliki Bagdad King Faisal IIrsquos Plans for Greater Baghdad

ENOLIČNOST ALI RAZNOLIKOST MODERNISTIČNE STANOVANJSKE ARHITEKTUREMONOTONY OR DIVERSITY OF MODERNIST RESIDENTIAL ARCHITECTURE

Alina Beitane Kohezija lokalnega okolja in modernistične stanovanjske arhitekture v Latviji po drugi svetovni vojni Cohesion of Local Environment and Modernist Residential Architecture in Latvia after the Second World War

POZABLJENA IN PROPADAJOČA INDUSTRIJSKA DEDIŠČINA THE FORGOTTEN AND DECAYING INDUSTRIAL HERITAGE

Giuliana Di Mari Caterina Franchini Emilia Garda Alessandra Renzulli Adrianovo mesto funkcionalizem izven okvirov The City of Adriano Functionalism out of the Box

Klavdija Figelj Meblo sodobno oblikovanje ki je zgradilo identiteto mesta Meblo the Contemporary Design that Built the Identity of the City

SAKRALNA ARHITEKTURA V NOVIH FUNKCIONALISTIČNIH MESTIHRELIGIOUS ARCHITECTURE IN NEW FUNCIONALIST TOWNS

Marcus van der Meulen Verske stavbe in povojna izgradnja socialistične utopije v Nemški Demokratični Republiki Religious Buildings and the Post-war Construction of a Socialist Utopia in the German Democratic Republic

Helena Seražin Komisija za verska vprašanja in gradnja sakralnih stavb v slovenskih povojnih modernističnih naseljih Primer Nova Gorica Commission for Religious Affairs and Building of Religious Buildings in Slovenian Post-war Modernist Settlements

The Case of Nova Gorica

SPOMENIKI V JAVNEM PROSTORU FUNKCIONALISTIČNIH MESTMONUMENTS IN THE PUBLIC SPACE OF FUNCTIONALIST CITY

Svitlana Linda Anna Fedak Umetniška dediščina 1970-ih in 1980-ih v arhitekturi Lviva problemi ovrednotenja in ohranitve Artistic Heritage of the 1970ndash1980s in the Architecture of Lviv Problems of Assessment and Preservation

Ernesta Drole Delovanje Kluba starih goriških študentov v mestu Nova Gorica Activities of the Old Gorizia Students Club in Nova Gorica

Gojko Zupan Spomeniki v Novi Gorici in Sloveniji v času modernizma in danes Public Monuments of Nova Gorica and Slovenia in the Time of Modernism and Today

Nadja Zgonik Arhitekturna utopija na odprti meji Primer novogoriškega hotela Argonavti (arhitekt Niko Lehrman in skupina OHO) Architectural Utopia on the Open Border An Example of the Argonavti Hotel in Nova Gorica (Architect Niko Lehrman and OHO Group)

MAPIRANJE IN VIZUALIZACIJA MESTNEGA PROSTORAMAPPING AND VISUALIZATION OF A TOWN

Eirene Campagna Mapiranje Berlina Prostor spomenikov in percepcija obiskovalcev Mapping Berlin The Space of Monuments and the Perception of Visitors

Tanja Martelanc Arhivski dokumenti prostorskega planiranja mesta Nove Gorice in goriške regije v Pokrajinskem arhivu v Novi Gorici Predstavitev nedavno prevzetega arhivskega gradiva bivše občine Nova Gorica Archival Documents on Spatial Planning for Nova Gorica and Gorizia Region held in the Provincial Archives in Nova Gorica Presentation of Recently Acquired Archives from the Former Nova Gorica Municipality

Nova Gorica in njen prostor

Tomaž VUGA

hellip z dopolnitvijo vsega dobrega kar nam je zapustila preteklost se šele vzbudi genius loci v katerem se odraža duša ljudstva in kraja (Maks Fabiani 1934)1

V prispevku skušam osvetliti povezavo med prostorom v katerega se je naselilo novo mesto in mestom samim opozoriti na nasprotja ki so s tem nastala in na posledice ki jih občutimo še danes S te plati Nova Gorica še ni bila dovolj poglobljeno obravnavana ker smo ob občudovanju mesta moderne prevečkrat šli neobčutljivo mimo prostora v katerem se nahaja

Da bi lahko osvetlil konflikt med novim mestom tujkom in prostorom v katerega je bilo umeščeno se bom v prispevku sprehodil skozi nekatere značilne etape v sedemdesetletnem razvoju mesta od njegovega umeščanja v prostor njegove prvotne zasnove prvega zagona in nato takojšnjega zatona ter naslednjih razvojnih stopenj Skušal bom prikazati kake sledove prvotne zasnove lahko še danes opazujemo v mestu ter v koliki meri in s čim bi bilo še vedno mogoče mesto in prostor v katerem se nahaja bolje povezati tudi omiliti napake ki so nastale v dosedanjem razvoju

Pri pisanju prispevka prav tako pri pripravi prezentacije na simpoziju se bom v glavnem naslonil na gradiva in ugotovitve ki sem jih zbral ob pisanju knjige Projekt Nova Gorica v kateri sem seveda to materijo obdelal obširneje in bolj poglobljeno2

Prostor v katerega je bilo vstavljeno novo mesto

Ta prostor še vedno obstaja a popolnoma predrugačen ndash z drugačno funkcijo in drugačnim videzom Večina vrednot prvotne krajine pa je za večno izgubljena

Lokacijo mesta so določili v drugi polovici leta 1947 v revolucionarnem obdobju tako glede na politični sistem v takratni Jugoslaviji kot glede na vzore ki so služili njegovi zasnovi to je urbanizem Moderne in delo Le Corbusierja takratnega Ravnikarjevega vzornika Takrat ni bilo ne časa ne potrebe po podrobnejšem vrednotenju prostora ugotavljanju njegovih

1 Jerneja BATIČ Breda MIHELIČ Jelka PIRKOVIČ Secesijska arhitektura v Sloveniji Ljubljana 19972 Tomaž VUGA Projekt Nova Gorica Ljubljana 2018

najizrazitejših značilnosti in njihovega vključevanja v nadaljnji razvoj Možnih konfliktov ki bi jih s tem povzročili se pred sedemdesetimi leti niso zavedali

Širši prostor bodočega mesta

Nova Gorica leži na ravnini ki je omejena z železniško postajo in državno mejo na zahodu s Kostanjevico in Panovcem južno zeleno fasado mesta Grčno takrat redko pozidano nepomembno vzpetino na vzhodu pobočjem Katarine (Kekca) drugo zeleno fasado mesta na severovzhodu ter na severu s Solkanom najstarejšim naseljem daleč naokoli

Solkan prvič omenjen v pisnih virih leta 1001 je pred izgradnjo Nove Gorice ta prostor v celoti obvladoval večji del mu je tudi lastniško in upravno pripadal predvsem Solkansko polje Pred moderno upravno ureditvijo Avstro-Ogrske iz leta 1850 pa je Solkanu pripadal tudi južni del bodoče Nove Gorice ndash Blanče vse do potoka Koren3

Solkan je bil prostorsko orientiran predvsem proti jugu proti Gorici bil je neke vrste njeno predmestje na stičišču poti ki so vodile v Soško dolino ter na Banjško in Trnovsko planoto

Edina pomembnejša prometnica proti vzhodu je bila makadamska cesta ndash Ošljek (danes Vojkova cesta) ki je z mrežo poljskih poti služil predvsem za dostop do Solkanskega polja in se nadaljeval proti vzhodu do Kromberka in naprej proti Vipavski dolini Svojo vlogo ohranja že dolga stoletja (v urbarjih iz 16 stoletja je omenjen kot raquoOslackhilaquo ali raquoOsliachlaquo)4 njegova trasa je narisana na vojaških kartah iz druge polovice 18 stoletja na katastru iz leta 1822 in seveda na vseh novejših V tem dolgem obdobju je postal in ostal raquosteza slonovlaquo ki je skupaj z mrežo poti in kolovozov predstavljal razpoznavni skelet Solkanskega polja Po letu 1947 ko se je z mejo prometna orientiranost Solkana in celotnega prostora popolnoma porušila pa je postal tudi edina prometnica proti vzhodu

Solkan je pravzaprav rodil Novo Gorico zrasla je na njegovih poljih vanjo so se preselile vse njegove pomembnejše vsebine celo svojemu imenu se je moral za nekaj časa odpovedati (od leta 1952 ko so ga kot naselje ukinili do leta 1988 ko so si Solkanci svoje naselje in ime ponovno priborili) da je Nova Gorica bila videti večja in pomembnejša Tudi mizarstvo najpomembnejša gospodarska panoga Solkana je z izgradnjo tovarne pohištva (Meblo) zamrla mizarji so se večinoma preselili v tovarno iz obrtnikov so postali industrijski delavci ob tekočem traku Kljub

3 Iz primerjave starih katastrov je mogoče razbrati da je v katastru iz leta 1822 celotno območju do potoka Koren (ki je imel takrat zelo meandrasto strugo) spadalo v katastrsko občino Solkan na katastrskih mapah iz leta 1852 pa je meja med Solkanom in Pristavo postavljena mnogo severneje Solkan je izgubil Blanče Grčno in večji del ravnine ob Soči Zakaj je prišlo do te spremembe Verjetno so z ustanovitvijo sodobnih občin leta 1850 skušali na novo določiti tudi njihova ozemlja Solkanu sta pripadli tudi katastrski občini Kromberk in Loke zato pa je moral odstopiti del svojega ozemlja na jugu katastrski občini Pristava (Pristau kasneje Rafut) ki je spadala v občino Gorica

4 Vojko PAVLIN Solkan v goriških urbarjih 16 stoletja Jako stara vas na Goriškem je Solkan (ur Branko Marušič) Solkan 2001 str 43

temu Solkan ohranja svoj duh in značaj zato zasluži posebno pozornost in prenovo postati bi moral najžlahtnejši del mesta

Ožji prostor bodočega mesta

Solkansko polje severni del sedanjega teritorija mesta je bilo z Ošljekom razdeljeno na dvoje zgornje ndash Ščedne so še nepozidane in več ali manj take kot včasih spodnje ndash Ledine (kot raquoLadinelaquo ga omenjajo že urbarji iz 16 stoletja)5 pa so danes osrednji del mesta Južni del Blanče6 so na jugu segale do obronkov Kostanjevice in Panovca na vzhodu so bile omejene z gričem Grčna na zahodu pa z železniško postajo

Povsod opazna značilnost tega prostora je bila njegova naravna orientiranost v smeri severovzhod ndash jugozahod Prevladujoči severovzhodni vetrovi so v to smer potiskali vodo ki je kopala jarke potoke med njimi so nastajala polja steze kolovozi in kasneje ceste Te smeri severovzhod ndash jugozahod danes v zgrajenem delu mesta ni več čutiti mesto je v prostor vneslo popolnoma novo orientacijo

Druga značilnost je bila voda ki se je izcejala iz zalednih pobočij Potoki ndash jarki ndash grapirji vsi so tekli v isto smer Voda je imela svoje zakonitosti svoj prostor ljudje so jo spoštovali in z njo živeli Te vode v mestu danes ni več je skrita pod zemljo

Polja so bila obdana s raquoštradonilaquo ndash ozarami posajenimi s češnjevimi drevesi Aprila ko so češnje cvetele so bile Ledine bele bela češnjeva drevesa so bila njihova tretja značilnost opazna od daleč z okoliških hribov Napori da bi jih kot avtohtono drevo spet vrnili v mesto so uspeli le deloma

Solkansko polje je bilo prepredeno s potmi in kolovozi s pravo prometno mrežo ki je omogočala dostop do vsake njive Navezovale so se na Ošljek hrbtenico Solkanskega polja Te mreže ni več ostaja pa še vedno Ošljek sedanja Vojkova cesta čeprav so jo sodobni urbanisti od prof Ravnikarja naprej skušali zradirati a zaenkrat zaman

Blanče so bile le redko poseljene zaradi ilovnatega terena manj primerne za kmetijstvo južni del pa precej zamočvirjen ob deževju celo zalit z vodo ki ni mogla dovolj hitro odtekati po zoženi strugi potoka Koren skozi Gorico

Koren7 je bil pred začetkom gradnje Nove Gorice precej meandrast sicer v zgodovini večkrat deloma reguliran potok hudourniškega značaja Da so se ljudje že dolgo pred nastankom Nove Gorice borili z močvirjem dokazuje tudi ime vzhodnega dela ravnine pod Panovcem še danes

5 PAVLIN 2001 (op 4) str 536 Bile so del katastrske občine Pristava (v starih katastrih Rafut Prestau) ki je spadala v teritorij mesta

Gorica Ime izhaja iz italijanske besede raquobiancalaquo (bela) ali furlanske raquoblancjelaquo ali raquoblanchiccedillaquo (bel belkast) od tod potem fonetično poslovenjeno ime Blanče

7 Obširnejšo predstavitev zgodovine Korna si je mogoče ogledati v dokumentarnem filmu Blaž KOSOVEL Goriški sprehodi Zgodba potoka Koren httpswwwyoutubecomwatchv=8tDniY9Tu6M (dostop 3 marec 2020)

poimenovano Palude (močvirje po italijansko) ki so ga začeli izsuševati že v 16 stoletju8 a se je predvsem po prvi svetovni vojni ponovno zamočvirilo Zato je bila prva naloga graditeljev mesta že konec leta 1947 regulacija Korna izravnali so ga v tehnični odvodni kanal nenaravno zarezo v krajino ter melioracija zamočvirjenega terena s čimer je nastala prva zazidljiva površina skupaj z opuščenim pokopališčem jedro bodočega mesta

Posegi v primarno krajinsko strukturo pred izgradnjo mesta

Leta 1880 je bilo na vzhodnem koncu Blanč pod Grčno zgrajeno novo goriško pokopališče z dostopno alejo9 Smer aleje in orientacija pokopališča je bila slučajno sicer podobna prevladujoči krajinski orientaciji ne pa z njo popolnoma skladna

Mogočno šest hektarjev veliko pokopališče je bilo porušeno v vojaških bojih leta 1916 Po prvi svetovni vojni so večino grobov prekopali in ostanke prenesli na novo goriško pokopališče še uporaben gradbeni material z opuščenega pokopališča pa so pobrali okoliški prebivalci ob obnavljanju svojih porušenih hiš Kljub temu pa so bili leta 1948 pred začetkom gradnje novega mesta še vedno vidni ostanki pokopališča z delno ohranjenim ograjnim zidom z nekaterimi še vedno pokončnimi velikimi nagrobniki pod zemljo pa z zapuščenimi grobovi Ostalo je tudi nekaj večjih dreves eno od njih tisa ob avtobusni postaji je danes najstarejše drevo v Novi Gorici Območje nekdanjega pokopališča je danes osrednji del mesta s Travnikom (Trgom Edvarda Kardelja) občinsko stavbo in trgovskim centrom

Pokopališka ulica (Via Camposanto Friedhofstrasse) je bila kilometer in pol dolga svečana aleja ndash kostanjev drevored povezava med Gorico in pokopališčem na Blančah Po prvi svetovni vojni ko ni bilo več pokopališča je z nadaljevanjem proti Kromberku postala zasilna goriška vpadnica z vzhoda Italijani so jo preimenovali v Ulico sv Gabrijela (Via San Gabriele) kot se še danes imenuje del na italijanski strani na naši pa je to Erjavčeva ulica ena od pomembnejših ulic mesta

Leta 1906 je bila dokončana Bohinjska železnica z veliko goriško postajo ki je bila pred izgradnjo mesta dominanten prostorski element na tem območju V prostor je bila umeščena izključno po tehničnih zahtevah postajno poslopje je še danes poleg občinske hiše najmogočnejša stavba na območju Nove Gorice V prostor je bila postavljena v smeri (skoraj) sever ndash jug z odklonom približno 15 stopinj proti vzhodu torej glede na krajino še bolj nenaravno kot pokopališče in pokopališka aleja

Od vsega začetka je železnica bila težko prehodna ovira na poti s severa proti Gorici le z dvema za današnje razmere neprimernima cestnima križanjema na severu in jugu vse druge poti iz Gorice proti Solkanu pa so bile presekane Presekane so bile tudi struge potokov in vodnih

8 Z imenom raquoPalludtlaquo PAVLIN 2001 (op 4) str 439 O zgodovini pokopališča je bil pripravljen zanimiv dokumentarni film Blaž KOSOVEL Goriški sprehodi

Goriško pokopališče httpswwwyoutubecomwatchv=n4F-x4q8FII (dostop 3 marec 2020)

jarkov ki so odvajali vodo od Katarine proti jugozahodu Na robovih so ostali neuporabni trikotniki zemljišč

Železnica je ostala najpomembnejša prostorska determinanta tudi v vseh naslednjih obdobjih pogojevala je potek državne meje leta 1947 pogojevala je tudi umestitev Nove Gorice in njeno oblikovanje

Zadnji večji poseg v prostor bodočega mesta je predstavljala po prvi svetovni vojni zgrajena opekarna - raquofrnažalaquo ob takratni Via San Gabriele (današnji Erjavčevi ulici) tik ob opuščenem pokopališču Bila je dragocen proizvajalec gradbenega materiala za obnovo porušene Goriške zato je predvsem prva leta delala s polno paro10 po drugi svetovni vojni pa so jo zaprli ostali pa so opuščeni proizvodni objekti in razkopana krajina z nesaniranimi glinokopi ki so se ob deževju spreminjali v blatna jezerca Eno je še vedno v sedanjem novogoriškem parku druge pa so med gradnjo mesta zasuli

Leta 1948 je raquofrnažalaquo edina večja stavba na tem območju postala center vsega kar je potrebovalo nastajajoče mesto Pritličje so preuredili v trgovine pekarno najnujnejše servise nadstropja pa v spalnice delavcev in brigadirjev ki so gradili mesto Sanitarne bivanjske in delovne razmere v raquofrnažilaquo so bile obupne zato je mestna uprava že od začetka petdesetih let skušala zgraditi nove trgovine in servise opekarno pa porušiti a odločitev o raquoodpravi te novogoriške sramotelaquo je le postopoma dozorevala Podirali so jo postopoma do sredine šestdesetih let Rušili so takoj ko so uspeli kak del objekta izprazniti preden bi se vanj vselili novi stanovalci11 Med prvimi so porušili dimnik takrat daleč najvišji objekt na celotnem območju mesta o katerem so celo razmišljali da bi ga ohranili kot spomenik začetku gradnje mesta Kot spomin na čas pred Novo Gorico pa je ostala upravna stavba opekarne prenovljena v sedež Krajevne skupnosti Nova Gorica Danes je to najstarejša stavba v mestu živi spomenik rojevanju mesta in raquofrnažilaquo zasilnemu centru prvega desetletja mesta

Umeščanje novega mesta v prostor Proces odločanja o nadomestnem centru se je začel takoj po nesrečni odločitvi da Goriška ostane brez svojega zgodovinskega središča in brez vseh za normalno življenje nujnih dejavnosti ndash od bolnice šol trgovin uprave12 Gotovo so najprej razmišljali o razvoju enega od obstoječih večjih naselij Razmišljali so o Ajdovščini13 ki se nahaja v središču Vipavske

10 Vili PRINČIČ Nekoč je bila opekarna Cera una volta il mattonificio Isonzo giornale di frontiera Soča časopis na meji 20 75ndash76 20072008

11 Po pogodbi z občino je bilo za rušenje zadolženo SGP Gorica ki pa svojega dela kljub celi vrsti inšpekcijskih odločb ni mogel opraviti prav zaradi vseljevanja vedno novih in novih stanovalcev kar je tudi svojstven dokaz vitalnosti takratnega mesta ki je privlačilo nove prebivalce a jim stanovanj (še) ni moglo ponuditi

12 Podrobneje o tem Branko MARUŠIČ O Novi Gorici in okoliščinah njenega nastanka Mednarodna konferenca Mapiranje prostorov urbanističnih mest v kontekstu načel CIAM-ove Atenske listine (ur Helena Seražin in Manuela Dajnko) Ljubljana 2020 str 12

13 O tem je Igor Vrišer zapisal raquoNastala situacija je terjala naglo rešitev Odločiti se je bilo treba ali za

doline in je bila dovolj odmaknjena od prihodnje meje a je prevladala bolj smela in vizionarska odločitev naj se novo središče zgradi čim bliže meji nekje na izteku Soške in Vipavske doline kamor se je zgodovinsko umestila Gorica Razlogi za tako odločitev so bili tako politični obdržati stik z Gorico do katere takrat še nismo izgubili vsega upanja kot zgodovinski in geografski torej graditi na točki ki je prometno najlažje dostopna iz Posočja Vipavske doline s Krasa ter Banjške in Trnovske planote

Naslednje vprašanje je bilo ali ob meji razvijati eno od obstoječih naselij ali pa zgraditi popolnoma novo središče novo mesto ndash raquonovo Goricolaquo Tudi pri tem je prevladala druga bolj revolucionarna varianta ki je nosila v sebi močan politični in propagandni naboj svetu pokazati svojo moč in sposobnost za gradnjo raquosvetle prihodnostilaquo Zgradili naj bi novo mesto kot je kasneje poudarjal njegov načrtovalec prof Ravnikar mesto ki raquobo sijalo preko mejelaquo14

Tretje vprašanje načrtovalcev je bilo kam umestiti to novo mesto med Šempeter in Vrtojbo ali na Solkansko polje z Blančami Konec septembra 1947 torej le nekaj dni po priključitvi (15 septembra) je bila sprejeta odločitev za drugo lokacijo15

Za mesto na Solkanskem polju in Blančah je arhitekt Gvardjančič16 izdelal prvo urbanistično zasnovo17 že aprila leta 1947 po dokončni odločitvi o lokaciji so sredi septembra istega leta čez noč nastali še trije predlogi18 drugi Gvardjančičev Župančičev19 in Ravnikarjev20 predlog ki je bil končno izbran ter je bil izhodišče za vse nadaljnje načrtovanje

premestitev središča Goriške v eno od že obstoječih mestec in trgov ali sezidati novo mesto nekateri so bili celo mišljenja da obstoječi centri kot Ajdovščina Tolmin Solkan in Vipava povsem zadoščajolaquo Igor VRIŠER Nastanek in razvoj Nove Gorice Geografski vestnik 31 1959 str 45

14 Edvard RAVNIKAR Nova Gorica po 35 letih AB arhitektov bilten 6869 1984 str 43ndash4615 Odločitev je bila sprejeta po ogledu terena ki se ga je udeležil minister Matija Maček s člani delovnega

odbora za izgradnjo Nove Gorice PANG fond Začetki gradnje NG Spomini B Gvardjančiča v pismu Cirilu Zupancu

16 Božidar Gvardjančič (1909ndash1972) rojen v Slapu pri Vipavi Plečnikov študent diplomiral leta 1938 med drugim avtor zazidalnega načrta za Savsko naselje v Ljubljani (1957) in načrta za Kino Šiška (zgrajen 1961) Primorski slovenski biografski leksikon 6 snopič 1 knjiga Gorica 1979

17 Hkrati s predlogom za novo mesto na Vrtojbenskem polju ki je bila za Gvardjančiča primernejša kot na Blančah saj naj bi ustrezala raquovsem zahtevam moderne urbanistikelaquo in je imela raquohellip neprimerno ugodnejšo lego in lepe po goje za specifičen razvoj kot metropola raquosončnelaquo Vipavske doline in Kraške planotelaquo Vinko TORKAR Racionalizacija urbane strukture Nove Gorice z arhitekturo mesta raziskava 1987 str 31

18 Po naročilu takratnega slovenskega Ministrstva za gradnje dne 13 9 1947 PANG fond Začetki gradnje NG Spomini B Gvardjančiča v pismu Cirilu Zupancu

19 Marko Župančič (1914minus2007) Plečnikov diplomant v letih 1939 in 1940 delal v ateljeju arhitekta Le Corbusiera Bogo ZUPANČIČ Plečnikovi diplomanti v Le Corbusierovem ateljeju Le Corbusier 1887-1965 Ob stodvajsetletnici arhitektovega rojstva Ljubljana 2007 str 116minus118

20 Edvard Ravnikar (1907ndash1993) Plečnikov učenec diplomiral 1935 leta 1939 delal v ateljeju Le Courbusiera v Parizu Po vojni najprej projektant v takratnem Ministrstvu za gradnje nato pa profesor na Fakulteti za arhitekturo (1946ndash1980) Povzeto iz Hommage agrave Edvard Ravnikar 1907ndash1993 (ur France Ivanšek) Ljubljana 1995

S stališča umeščanja v prostor sta najzanimivejša Gvardjančičeva in končno izbrani Ravnikarjev predlog

Gvardjančičeva predloga

Spomladi leta 1947 je Gvardjančič bodoče mesto na Blančah videl predvsem kot podaljšek Gorice ki bo sicer raquozačasnolaquo ostala na drugi strani meje Zato je center mesta organiziral okrog opuščene pokopališke aleje danes Erjavčeve ulice ki naj bi postala osrednja os novega mesta na drugi strani povezana s centrom starega mesta Z njo bi bila poravnana tudi ulična mreža v ostalih delih mesta

S Solkanom se ni podrobneje ukvarjal mestna vpadnica iz Soške doline bi tekla po osrednji solkanski ulici in se nadaljevala po zahodnem robu novega mesta

Edina prostorska danost na katero se je Gvardjančič oslonil pri oblikovanju te variante je bila Erjavčeva ulica

Jesensko varianto novega mesta na Blačah je Gvardjančič nekoliko prilagodil zahtevam ministra Mačka (po kritiki da raquooslanja Novo Gorico preveč na starolaquo) in mesto organiziral okrog vertikalne osi osrednje mestne aleje ndash magistrale ki se je proti severu iztekala v Solkan in naprej proti Soški dolini proti jugu pa z dvema predoroma proti Vrtojbi in Krasu Opustil je Erjavčevo in namesto nje predvidel pravokotnico na osrednjo alejo vso ostalo ulično mrežo pa postavil v smeri severovzhod ndash jugozahod zavestno ali le slučajno skladno s prevladujočo krajinsko smerjo S to orientacijo bi bile ulice bliže naravnim smerem v prostoru prekrivale bi se z naravno smerjo vode stare poti po Solkanskem polju bi se lahko organsko vklopile v novo cestno mrežo in omogočale postopno zraščanje starega z novim mesto bi se laže raquovrastlolaquo v naravno okolje Neusmiljen pa je bil do Solkana z novimi trasami železnice in magistralne ceste ga je razrezal na koščke izgubila se je tudi sedanja Vojkova cesta

Ravnikarjev predlog

Ravnikar je za razliko od konkurentov mesto postavil na čistino in ga organiziral neodvisno od Solkana in Gorice Od obstoječih prostorskih danosti je za primarno orientacijo mesta upošteval železnico oziroma postajo največji in za vse nadaljnje urejanje usodni tujek v takratnem prostoru ter ji podredil smer Magistrale in drugih njej vzporednih ulic

V končni varianti urbanističnem načrtu mesta iz leta 1948 (dokončanega in oddanega naročniku šele leta 1949) pa je v mestno strukturo vnesel še eno pomembno prvino staro pokopališko alejo sedanjo Erjavčevo ulico in z njo nakazal možnost povezave novega mesta z Gorico preko takrat nepredušno zaprte meje

S Solkanom se v svojih predlogih ni ukvarjal saj struktura novega mesta ni segala do njega Skozi staro jedro naselja je tudi on potegnil novo obvoznico in prestavljeno železniško progo ki bi če bi bili takrat izvedeni uničili še tisto kar je od Solkana ostalo po prvi svetovni vojni

Mestni teritorij

Posledica take urbanistične zasnove mesta je tudi njegov teritorij Kot naselje je Nova Gorica najprej obsegala le območje na Blančah in spodnjem delu Solkanskega polja leta 1952 pa so ji priključili še naselje Solkan s čimer sta se velikost mesta in število prebivalcev hipoma povečala Nadaljnjega teritorialnega širjenja mesto ni uspelo realizirati čeprav so še v šestdesetih letih obstajale politične težnje da bi v mesto vključili vsa okoliška naselja celo Šempeter Še Solkan se je leta 1988 kot naselje ponovno osamosvojil od takrat je mestno območje Nove Gorice nespremenjeno (pre)majhno po velikosti in po številu prebivalcev Zaradi tega nas raquotepelaquo tudi statistika ki vse podatke obravnava po naseljih ne pa po urbanih območjih kar bi o Novi Gorici ustvarjalo popolnoma drugačno sliko

Zaključek

Pri umeščanju Nove Gorice v prostor so vsi avtorji hote ali nehote spregledali genius loci tako kot ga je davno pred tem opredelil Maks Fabiani Prof Ravnikar je sicer razmišljal širše o mediteranskem okolju (provansalskem vzdušju Aix en Provence) ne pa o Solkanskem polju in Solkanu o krajinskih značilnostih ki mogoče niso bile vidne od daleč saj na tem območju ni bilo velikih rek a vendar ga je napajala množica potokov ni bilo pomembnih cest a je prostor kljub temu imel svoj logični skelet

Kratek sprehod skozi razvoj mesta od leta 1947 do danes

Dosedanje vraščanje mesta v prostor bom skušal prikazati s sprehodom skozi njegov sedemdesetletni razvoj od zamiranja prvotne ideje do zagona na lastnih silah in energiji ponovnega umirjanja zaradi neugodnih zunanjih pogojev ter stagnacije zadnjih let

Začetni zagon pri gradnji mesta prva petletka do leta 1951

Najbolj jasno sliko o viziji novega mesta še preden mu je bila dokončno določena lokacija podaja Investicijski plan Slovenskega primorja za obdobje 1947ndash195121 ki ga je slovenska planska komisija poslala zvezni planski komisiji v Beograd le štirinajst dni po priključitvi Slovenskega Primorja Jugoslaviji Glede na njegovo podrobnost in celovitost je gotovo nastajal že mnogo prej verjetno takoj po tem ko je bilo jasno da bo Primorska izgubila Gorico

Dokument podrobno obravnava predvsem izgradnjo Nove Gorice izredno zanimivo sliko o idealnem projektu novega mesta ki se na žalost ni nikoli uresničil Imelo naj bi vse kar je Goriška potrebovala oziroma kar je z mejo izgubila Za njegovo izgradnjo naj bi bilo predvideno več kot dve milijardi takratnih dinarjev zagotovljenih iz zveznih in republiških virov v petih

21 Pripravila ga je Planska komisija LR Slovenije 27 septembra 1947 njen predsednik je bil Sergej Kraigher Vladi FLRJ Zvezni planski komisiji je bil poslan 29 septembra 1947 Gradivo iz Arhiva Jugoslavije mi je prijazno odstopil zgodovinar Jure Ramšak

letih (do konca leta 1951) pa naj bi bilo zgrajeno mesto s 2500 stanovanji (za 10000 novih prebivalcev) potrebna ekonomska baza mesta z vrsto novih ali posodobljenih industrijskih obratov (tovarna pohištva industrija gradbenega materiala tiskarna tekstilna tovarna velika vinska klet ) upravni in politični center regije (okraj sodišče pošta carinarnica banka Zavod za socialno zavarovanje hellip) kulturni in zdravstveni center (gimnazija učiteljišče prosvetni dom bolnišnica hellip) Zgrajena naj bi bila vsa potrebna infrastruktura in komunalna oprema med njimi najpomembnejša nova urbanistična hrbtenica - magistrala od Šempetra do Solkana z dvema predoroma

Kot rojstni dan Nove Gorice se šteje 13 junij 1948 dan (bila je nedelja) ko so postavili temeljni kamen za prvega od stanovanjskih blokov ob Magistrali22 Po takratnih poročilih je to bil velik dogodek poln evforične simbolike in političnega naboja med drugimi tudi v eni od parol raquoNova Gorica mora postati najzapadnejši svetilnik naše države ki bo naše delovno ljudstvo opozarjal na nevarnosti reakcionarnega zapadalaquo23 z izrazitim poudarkom na obrambi pred raquozapadomlaquo in ki hkrati spominja na kasnejši pogosto navedeni rek raquoZgradili naj bi nekaj velikega lepega in ponosnega nekaj kar bi sijalo prek mejelaquo24

Ob vse političnem in obče človeškem navdušenju tudi žrtvah vseh ki so pri gradnji sodelovali je bil ob koncu petletke prvotni program realiziran le v manjši meri Nova Gorica je postala žrtev spora Jugoslavije s Sovjetsko zvezo leta 1948 ki mu je sledila prva jugoslovanska gospodarska kriza zaradi katere so usahnili vsi predvideni zvezni finančni viri za gradnjo spremenila pa se je tudi jugoslovanska politično strateška usmeritev naenkrat smo dobili sovražnika na vzhodu zaradi česar je razkazovanje sposobnosti socializma čez zahodno mejo postalo manj pomembno

Po prvi petletki bi bil pogled iz letala na mesto kilavega nedonošenčka vse prej kot razveseljiv videli bi le široko prašno en kilometer dolgo Magistralo brez začetka in brez konca deset (nedokončanih) stanovanjskih blokov na južnem koncu (poleg šestih ob Magistrali še štirje ob Trubarjevi in Rutarjevi s skupaj 240 stanovanji) ter sredi blatnih travnikov mogočno stavbo ObLO (Občinski ljudski odbor) sedaj mestno hišo Južno od blokov bi videli tehnično urejeno strugo Korna severno in zahodno od Magistrale pa še vedno skrbno obdelane njive Solkanskega polja Kar je bilo zgrajeno je bilo z obstoječo krajino popolnoma nepovezano in z njo neskladno Predrt je sicer bil predor pod Panovcem (prebili so ga za 29 novembra 1949 betonski svod pa dokončali 22 julija 1951) na otvoritev cestne povezave proti Šempetru pa je bilo treba čakati do leta 1956

Obratovala pa je že nova tovarna pohištva v Kromberku razširjeni in posodobljeni so bili nekateri industrijski obrat

22 Takrat je to bil 13 blok danes ima hišno številko Kidričeva 3323 Dragica UKMAR Začetki gradnje Nove Gorice Kronika 41 2 1993 str 3124 RAVNIKAR 1983 (op 14) str 43ndash46

V prvih letih gradnje Nove Gorice se je izkazalo da je bila njena usoda preveč odvisna od zvezne in republiške politike ki se je prvotno visoko postavljenim ciljem hitro odpovedala ter skrb za nadaljnji razvoj mesta preložila na lokalne faktorje najprej na Goriški okraj kasneje pa celo samo na Novogoriško občino Pri tem prehajanju so na žalost odslovili tudi avtorja urbanističnega načrta prof Ravnikarja ki bi če sledimo njegovim mislim iz tega časa gotovo vodil izgradnjo mesta bolj skladno ne glede na spremenjene ekonomske in politične razmere

Petdeseta leta

Petdeseta leta je zaznamovalo spoznanje da je rast mesta odvisna le od lastnih sil in možnosti

Najprej je bilo treba nadomestiti zasilni mestni center ndash raquofrnažolaquo takratno sramoto mesta zaradi česar so ob Delpinovi leta 1957 začeli graditi tako imenovane komunalne bloke skromne enonadstropne objekte Najpomembnejši je bil seveda prvi vanj so naselili novo nujno potrebno pekarno in prvi sodobni mestni gostinski lokal slaščičarno ki je postala zbirališče vseh ndash od mladih do starih

Leta 1951 so začeli ob Delpinovi ulici graditi osrednji mestni gostinski objekt s kavarno restavracijo in hotelom Končan je bil šele leta 1959 z njim je Delpinova dejansko postala mestni center Dodatno je k temu pripomogla tudi raquozačasnalaquo tržnica (ki je še vedno utesnjena med stanovanjske bloke)

Sredi petdesetih let so ob Magistrali zrastli štirje novi po dimenzijah precej skromni objekti ki so po svoje tudi odražali doseg takratnih ambicij mesta Za Pošto DOZ (Državni zavarovalni zavod) in SDK (Služba družbenega knjigovodstva) so zbrali nekoliko manj izpostavljeno lokacijo na južnem koncu četrti enako neugleden objekt Uprave Gozdnega gospodarstva (danes raquoKremeljlaquo) pa je bil postavljen severno od občinske stavbe Že takrat je prevladovalo mnenje da so za pozicijo ob Magistrali preskromni to velja še danes

Za šport in rekreacijo je bilo (glede na drugo družbeno infrastrukturo) kar zgledno urejeno Stadion ob Erjavčevi je bil zasnovan že v času mladinskih delovnih brigad konec petdesetih let so ga razširili in ga tudi nekoliko drugače orientirali tak je še danes Mestni bazen pa je bil zgrajen leta 1953 kot protipožarni vodni rezervoar tovarne pohištva Vse do zaprtja (zaradi sanitarnih razlogov) leta 1977 je bil poleti osrednji rekreacijski objekt mesta

V začetku petdesetih let se je zgodila usodna sprememba Ravnikarjevega koncepta zelenja ki je bolj drastično kot grajene strukture posegla v idejo o mediteranskem mestu Namesto dreves s košatimi krošnjami in obuličnih drevoredov pod katerimi bi se tako kot v mestu Aix-en-Provence sprehajali kupovali in sedeli so uvedli novo doktrino večno zelenega mesta večinoma s tujerodnimi zimzelenimi drevesi piramidaste oblike25 ki si jih lahko gledal le od zunaj Drevje so svobodno razmetali po zelenicah tudi namesto načrtovanega drevoreda

25 Najpogostejše drevo je še danes cedra Povzeto po Jernej REDNAK Urbano drevje in grmovje na javnih površinah Nove Gorice diplomsko delo Univerza v Ljubljani 2008

platan ob Magistrali Posekali so celo kostanje ob Erjavčevem drevoredu (tako se je takrat imenovala ulica) in jih nadomestili s svobodno parkovno zasaditvijo tudi tu predvsem z zimzelenimi drevesi

Mesto se je v petdesetih letih širilo le na jugu med Erjavčevo ulico in Kornom kjer so gradili (v nasprotju s prvotnim urbanističnim načrtom a v skladu s takratnimi možnostmi in potrebami) manjše vile-bloke in celo individualne hiše skoraj že v centru mesta Podobna zazidava je nastajala tudi pod Grčno in na samem griču Grčna

V drugi polovici petdesetih let je lokalna politika spoznala da ne bo mogoče voditi nadaljnjega razvoja mesta brez ustrezne urbanistične dokumentacije Že leta 1954 se je z Novo Gorico spet začel ukvarjati Božidar Gvardjančič naslednjih deset let pa je za urbanizem mesta skrbel Projektivni atelje Ljubljana Nastali so trije za tiste čase kompleksni in pomembni dokumenti leta 1957 Urbanistični program za Novo Gorico26 prvi resen urbanistični dokument po Ravnikarjevem urbanističnem načrtu bil je predvsem natančen prikaz takratnih razmer in problemov s katerimi se je srečevalo nebogljeno mesto leto kasneje je nastal Urbanistični načrt Nove Gorice27 ki je predvsem povzemal takrat skromne trende in dodajal le najnujnejše spremembe približevanje mesta državni meji na zahodu ter omejitev širitve preko Vojkove ceste ki jo je opredelil kot mestno obvoznico Magistralo je ohranil s prvotno centralno funkcijo a v skromnejši dolžini tako kot je bila takrat zgrajena Strmecki je leta 1959 zaokrožil urbanistično dokumentacijo še z zazidalnim načrtom za centralni del mesta pri čemer je v zasnovi ohranil Ravnikarjevo zazidavo s samostojnimi objekti na zelenih površinah a je skladno s takratnimi pričakovanji gostejšo blokovno zazidavo omejil le na strogi center ob sedanji Ulici Gradnikove brigade pa že predvidel atrijske hiše Nobeden od teh urbanističnih dokumentov pa ni bil uradno sprejet

Tudi konec petdesetih let pa se mesto še ni vrastlo v okolico še vedno je bilo tujek Magistrala se je provizorično stekala v Vojkovo cesto tako kot so jo zapustili brigadirji to je bila tudi edina prometna navezava mesta na regionalno prometno omrežje Koruza je še vedno rastla tik ob Magistrali za mestno hišo so še vedno bili ostanki zapuščenega glinokopa z neurejenimi bajerji polnimi žab Edino stik z mestom onkraj meje je postal nekoliko bolj neposreden na železniško postajo je bilo mogoče po letu 1955 ponovno priti po Kolodvorski ulici A mejni prehod na Erjavčevi ulici najbližja povezava med obema mestoma je bil še vedno le želja meščanov

26 Njegovo pripravo je vodil geograf Igor Vrišer (1930ndash2013) do leta 1958 zaposlen v Projektivnem ateljeju Ljubljana nato na Filozofski fakulteti Univerze v Ljubljani član SAZU ukvarjal se je s socialno urbano in gospodarsko geografijo Andrej KRANJC Igor Vrišer Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti Člani httpwwwsazusiclaniigor-vriser (dostop 5 marec 2020)

27 Osnutek urbanističnega načrta za Novo Gorico avtorjev Vilijema Strmeckega (1914ndash1990) in Božidarja Gvardijančiča z označenim časom nastanka februar 1958 hrani Pokrajinski arhiv Nova Gorica kot II del Urbanističnega programa za Novo Gorico

Šestdeseta leta Šestdeseta leta so pomenila velik premik h kvalitetnejšemu življenju v mestu in k njegovemu bolj urbanemu izgledu Zavladal je nov duh ki ga je v občino prinesel Joško Štrukelj28 spomladi 1963 izvoljen predsednik takratne Skupščine občine Nova Gorica Njegova najpomembnejša zasluga je gotovo bila kadrovska osvežitev ne le občinske strukture ampak tudi gospodarskih organizacij v občini z mladimi perspektivnimi kadri ter po tej plati osamosvojitev od Ljubljane tudi na področju načrtovanja prihodnjega razvoja

Pogoj za hitrejši razvoj pa so bile tudi ali predvsem boljše ekonomske razmere Gospodarske organizacije Goriške so se hitro razvijale deloma po zaslugi mladih ambicioznih kadrov deloma pa tudi pod vplivom zahodnoevropskih (kapitalističnih) naprednejših idej ki smo jih ob raquonajbolj odprti meji v Evropilaquo29 laže spoznavali in posnemali kot drugje v Jugoslaviji Odprta meja in vse večji pretok ljudi in blaga pa sta seveda tudi neposredno vplivala na hitrejši razvoj mesta Pomemben razvojni izziv je bila prometna lega Nove Gorice na začetku Vipavske doline na trasi vseh zgodovinskih poti iz srednje Evrope proti Padski nižini a kljub prizadevanjem nismo imeli nedvoumne podpore pri republiških organih ki so v končni fazi odločali o izgradnji avtocestnega omrežja v Sloveniji30

V začetku šestdesetih let so zgradili novi zdravstveni dom gimnazijo in osnovno šolo ob današnji Rejčevi ulici Tudi Magistrala je dobila nekaj vsebine in bolj mestni izgled zgrajen je bil prvi večji blok s trgovinami v pritličju ndash t i čebelnjak (ta vzdevek je dobil zaradi šesterokotnih balkonov na prednji fasadi) in nebotičnik tipičen odraz takratnega sicer primitivnega a vendar zdravega hotenja po raquoveč više hitrejelaquo novo sodišče urejena je bila nova avtobusna postaja Na južnem koncu sta bila zgrajena dva stanovanjska bloka točno po zazidalnem načrtu Viljema Strmeckega brez obulične vsebine

Sredi šestdesetih let so dozoreli pogoji za posodobitev trgovske ponudbe v mestu ne le za domače kupce ampak (ali celo predvsem) za vse številnejše kupce z druge strani meje Nastal je novi trgovski center s peš ulico prvo v Sloveniji ki se je postopoma dograjeval do konca desetletja (zadnji večji objekt je bil Salon Meblo) Ta projekt iz leta 196631 pomeni prelomnico z dotedanjimi idejami o urbanistični zasnovi Nove Gorice hkrati pa poseg za katerega še danes nekateri trdijo da je bil raquomilostni udareclaquo Ravnikarjevemu načrtu saj je trgovski center postal težišče mestnega življenja ki naj bi bilo na Magistrali

28 Slovenski politik in gospodarstvenik rojen v Solkanu (1928ndash2009)29 To raquonovinarskolaquo oznako je dobila meja med Jugoslavijo in Italijo po nastopu goriškega župana Micheleja

Martine na 8 srečanju evropskih občin v Berlinu 9 junija 1967 na katerem je predstavil projekt skupnega mesta raquoGorica ndash Nova Goricalaquo

30 Sprejetje zakona o avtocestni povezavi Šentilj ndash Nova Gorica je bilo predvsem zasluga Joška Štruklja takrat člana Izvršnega sveta Socialistične Republike Slovenije aktivnosti na občinskem nivoju pa je vodil Rudi Šimac

31 Projektant Marjan Vrtovec Zazidalni načrt je bil sprejet konec 1966 kot 4-delni zazidalni načrt Trgovski center Nove Gorice

K hitrejši rasti Nove Gorice je bistveno pripomogla tudi leta 1965 sprejeta jugoslovanska stanovanjska reforma ki je z uvedbo gradnje stanovanj za trg bistveno spremenila dotedanja razmerja na tem socialno pa tudi gospodarsko in politično izredno občutljivem sektorju družbenega razvoja32 S tem je tudi v Novi Gorici nastala potreba po oblikovanju večjega organiziranega stanovanjskega kompleksa ki naj bi po predvidevanjih leta 1965 zagotavljal izgradnjo 1000 stanovanj v naslednjih desetih letih Nastal je prvi zazidalni načrt za Ledine33 sprejet v začetku leta 1966 ki pa je služil le za razčiščevanje idej kaj Nova Gorica sploh rabi in kaj smo sposobni graditi Zaradi možnosti prilagajanja tako potrebam kot tehnološkim izboljšavam je bilo odločeno da se območje kasneje poimenovano Cankarjevo naselje razdeli na sedem karejev za katere so se na podlagi grobo določenega raquoconingalaquo postopoma izdelovali zazidalni načrti in vsa potrebna izvedbena dokumentacija V letih 1969-1983 je bilo na 25 hektarjev velikem območju zgrajenih okrog 2500 stanovanj v naslednjih letih (do leta 2001) pa je bil dograjen še kare 8 s 420 stanovanji

Leta 1968 smo obeleževali dvajsetletnico začetka gradnje mesta in (takrat pomembnejšo) petindvajsetletnico vseljudske vstaje na Primorskem ki naj bi jo obeležili z veličastno proslavo v središču mesta na takrat zamočvirjenem travniku pred mestno hišo na Trgu revolucije (tako se je takrat imenoval današnji Trg Edvarda Kardelja ndash Travnik) Namesto predvidenega asfaltiranja smo župana prepričali da bo zadostovala le kvalitetna drenaža tako da je travnik ostal in je tudi danes zeleno jedro mesta

Tega leta je tudi bil organiziran anketni natečaj o možnostih nadaljnjega razvoja mestnega centra Med povabljeni je seveda bil tudi prof Ravnikar njegov predlog je bil od vseh najbolj realen upošteval je takratno stanje v mestu ter realne možnosti nadaljnjega razvoja Magistralo je ohranil le v takrat zgrajeni dolžini a jo ponovno opremil v raquoprovansalskem slogulaquo z dvojnimi drevoredi sam osrednji del mesta pa zasnoval v stilu takrat že deloma zgrajenega trgovskega centra in v njegovih dimenzijah raztegnil pozidavo tudi čez travnik pred občino ki je kot trg v tem predlogu izginil nadomestili so ga drobnejši ambienti v človekovem merilu Nova Gorica je takrat dobila tudi že nujno potrebne zunanje znake občinski grb in zastavo

Z novimi pogledi na razvoj Nove Gorice in z mladimi strokovnjaki za hortikulturo na takratni Komunali Nova Gorica34 je v drugi polovici šestdesetih let zelenje ponovno postalo predvsem funkcionalni del mestnega prostora opuščena je bila ideja o mestu v botaničnem vrtu Drevoredi ob ulicah so postali pravilo prvi je bil drevored z mandeljni ob Gregorčičevi ulici zasajen leta 1969 sledil je drevored japonskih češenj ob Lavričevi ulici drevored murv v

32 Partnerji v tem procesu so bile občine ki so načrtovale potrebe in zagotavljale pogoje za gradnjo (urbanistično dokumentaciijo zemljišča komunalno opremo) delovne organiozacije ki so združevale sredstva gredbeno podjetje ki je sprejelo funkcijo ldquodeveloperjardquo ter banke ki so zagotavljale enakomeren pretok finančnih sredstev

33 Projektant Tomaž Vuga avtor tudi vseh naslednjih sedem zazidalnih načrtov v Cankarjevem naselju34 V obdobju 1964ndash69 Janez Marušič (kasneje profesor na Katedri za krajinsko planiranje Biotehniške

fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani) pred njim pa Jožica Golob Klančič

trgovskem centru ter danes najmogočnejši drevored tulipanovcev ob Cankarjevi ulici Od takrat so vse nove ulice v Novi Gorici opremljene z drevoredi

V šestdesetih letih je mesto tudi prvič preskočilo Vojkovo cesto Severno od nje sta bila zgrajena dva servisna objekta najprej avtoservis leta 1962 leta 1968 pa še gasilski dom oba sta postavljena vzporedno z Vojkovo cesto torej v nasprotju z Ravnikarjevo zasnovo pač pa po logiki prostora v katerega sta bila umeščena

Sedemdeseta leta

Zagon druge polovice šestdesetih se je v sedemdesetih letih le še bolj strmo nadaljeval Zaznamovale so ga nova bolnica (sicer v Šempetru) obsežen program gradnje vrtcev in osnovnih šol v mestu in občini nov dom upokojencev postopoma se je dograjeval severni del trgovskega centra najprej z objektom takratne Elektrotehne nato še z objektom SDK kot severnim zaključkom centra in kulturnim domom v začetku načrtovanem za kinodvorano (odprt leta 1980) z javnim programom se je dopolnjevala sedanja Rejčeva ulica Konec desetletja je bil dograjen center UJV (Uprava javne varnosti) v gradnji je bila novogoriška cerkev oba že preko Vojkove ceste po takrat sprejetem zazidalnem načrtu za Ščedne35 ki pa je ostal le deloma izveden

V sredini sedemdesetih let pa je Magistrala končno dobila nekaj pomembnih objektov Zgrajena je bila nova stavba banke (današnji NKBM) ter Argonavti gostinsko-hotelski kompleks od katerega smo v Novi Gorici pričakovali da bo prevesil težišče mestnega življenja z Delpinove ulice na Magistralo Kar pa se kljub izjemno bogatemu programu (pivnica restavracije slaščičarna bovling bazen hotel ) ni zgodilo ker je bil za takratne razmere še vedno preveč odmaknjen od mestnega centra K (pre)hitremu propadu pa je seveda pripomogla tudi njegova slaba funkcionalnost in izvedba objekta zaradi česar je kmalu postal neprijazen za obiskovalce in nemogoč za vzdrževanje

Nadaljevala se je gradnja stanovanj v Cankarjevem naselju ki je dosegla kulminacijo v obdobju 1972ndash1976 Takrat smo v štirih letih zgradili skoraj 1000 stanovanj v povprečju 250 na leto Z gradnjo stanovanj smo se (s karejem 6) približali mestnemu centru Danes je Cankarjevo naselje več ali manj tako kot takrat le da se je zelenje (pre)bogato razrastlo in k sreči skriva dotrajanost celotnega parterja ki je potreben celovite prenove ne le v fizičnem ampak tudi v vsebinskem smislu

Leta 1971 je bil sprejet Odlok o urbanističnem programu občine Nova Gorica36 ki je tudi mestu določil popolnoma nove parametre razvoja Teritorij mesta se je razširil proti jugu do konca Vrtojbe proti vzhodu pa do Lijaka na tem območju naj bi leta 2000 živelo 45000 ljudi skoraj dva in pol krat več kot leta 1971 Pet let kasneje je bil sprejet še Odlok o urbanističnem načrtu mesta

35 Avtor Emil Bratina Projekt Nova Gorica36 Vodja projekta Roni Nemec Zavod za urbanizem Nova Gorica

Nova Gorica ndash cestno omrežje37 ki se je v naslednjih tridesetih letih skoraj v celoti realiziral Sredi sedemdesetih let so šla razmišljanja o raquoregionalnemlaquo razvoju mesta še naprej urbani teritorij naj bi se razširil še na naselja Bilje Bukovica in Volčja draga tako da bi nastalo raquomesto v krogulaquo z ogrlico naselij z različnimi bivalnimi okolji in značilnostmi razporejenih okrog treh velikih zelenih območij Panovca Stare gore in Biljenskih gričev Ideja je na žalost zamrla danes pa bi gotovo bila še teže izvedljiva tudi zaradi tega ker je to območje danes razdeljeno med štiri občine

Osemdeseta leta

Po skoraj dveh desetletjih vzponov in uspehov se je Nova Gorica tako kot njeno gospodarstvo in jugoslovanska družba nasploh raquoupehalalaquo Razlogov je bilo več gotovo na prvem mestu politična in gospodarska kriza v Jugoslaviji pa tudi zbirokratizirana samoupravna ureditev zaradi katere so se sposobni mladi kadri začeli izogibati odgovornim položajem v gospodarstvu

V osemdesetih letih se je zaključevalo Cankarjevo naselje z nizom stolpnic ob Ulici Gradnikove brigade za spremljajoči parterni program ki bi moral predstavljati prehod iz mirnega stanovanjskega okolja v mestni center pa ni bilo več investitorjev V drugi polovici desetletja so začeli graditi še v severnem kareju 8 a je gradnja potekala bistveno počasneje kot v sedemdesetih saj tudi potreb po stanovanjih skoraj ni bilo več

V drugi polovici osemdesetih let je bil zgrajen prizidek k pošti ob Magistrali ter niz obuličnih objektov pri gimnaziji ob Delpinovi ulici in spodnjem delu Ulice Gradnikove brigade vse karakterizira zapoznela postmoderna arhitektura z obulično zazidavo v popolnem nasprotju z v Novi Gorici od vsega začetka uveljavljenim načinom pozidave s prosto stoječimi objekti

Leta 1982 je bila dograjena cerkev Kristusa Odrešenika ob Sedejevi ulici s katero se je tudi mestno življenje prebilo preko Vojkove proti severu Mesto se je tudi drugače postopoma vraščalo v okolje sredi osemdesetih let so uredili prometno varnejši iztek Magistrale na Vojkovo cesto ki pa je ta del mesta s svojo neurbano ureditvijo iznakazil konec Magistrale pa spremenil v neurejeno parkirišče Še vedno čaka na nujno potrebno rekonstrukcijo

Devetdeseta leta

Nova Gorica je v devetdesetih letih kljub hirajočemu gospodarstvu ponovno vzcvetela Verjetno je temu botroval tudi optimizem ki nas je preveval v prvih letih državne samostojnosti in nam dajal zagon optimistična in prodorna je bila tudi takratna vodilna občinska struktura Mesto je dobilo nekaj širše pomembnih objektov gledališče knjižnico in nov odprt bazen zrastel je poslovno-stanovanjski objekt SKB ki je zaključil južno fasado Trga Edvarda Kardelja - Travnika pred občinsko stavbo trgovski center takrat že preimenovan v Bevkov trg je dobil severni zaključek nov objekt NLB Obe igralnici Perla in Park sta doživeli več širitev in dopolnjevanj a na žalost v škodo mesta vse bolj sta bili introvertirani izključeni iz mestnega življenja

37 Vodja projekta Tomaž Vuga Projekt Nova Gorica

Pobudi Sergija Peljhana takratnega župana raquodve Gorici eno mestolaquo je bila v polemiki zoperstavljena antiteza raquodve mesti ena Goricalaquo ravno tako v želji po tesnejšem združevanju obeh mest a na drugem izhodišču ob ohranjanju identitete obeh mest razvijanju njunih specifičnosti in promoviranju fenomena prostorsko usodno povezanih a po značaju in izgledu tako različnih mest

V tem času je bila pripravljena vrsta poskusov oziroma predlogov podaljšanja Magistrale proti severu ne le kot prometne ulice ampak kot mestne aleje čeprav brez utemeljitve ali mesto tako dolg raquopodolgovati trglaquo sploh potrebuje in ali ga je sposobno napolniti z ustreznimi programi ki bodo utemeljevali njegovo obliko in značaj Vsi poskusi so brisali Vojkovo cesto ter tudi severno od nje - v nasprotju z naravnimi danostmi ndash uvajali ortogonalni sistem ulic in ga skušali na silo povezati s Solkanom

K sreči so vsi predlogi ostali le na papirju zaenkrat v naravi ni bilo nič spremenjenega Mesto je celo desetletje ostalo v glavnem v starih okvirjih le gledališče in knjižnica sta mejo zazidane površine nekoliko pomaknila proti vzhodu pa še to le na račun (urbaniziranega) parka

Po letu 2000

V prvih letih po letu 2000 je stanovanjska gradnja v mestu skoraj zamrla Ker ni bilo novih delovnih mest ni bilo novih priseljencev število prebivalcev v mestu je celo padalo Leta 2005 je bil zaključen sodoben športni center ob gimnaziji leta 2008 pa so začeli graditi Eda center ki je bil delno dan v uporabo leta 2011 a je še danes deloma prazen saj je bil zasnovan pred krizo v drugačnih razmerah za realne novogoriške razmere gotovo preveč ambiciozno

Po letu 2000 smo dobili tri trgovske centre vse na robu mestnega centra a k sreči sta vsaj dva tako blizu da bi ju bilo mogoče organsko povezati z njim Nastali so tudi zaradi kupcev z one strani meje a od tega mesto nima skoraj nič Dobiček od vsega silnega trgovskega prometa ne ostaja v Novi Gorici če bo tok kupcev ugasnil bodo centre enostavno zaprli

Leta 2014 je mesto doživelo prvo (in doslej edino) večjo prenovo Sodobno urejen Bevkov trg in trgovska ulica sta postala tudi v resnici dnevna soba Novogoričanov privlačna točka za zbiranje

Leta 2012 je občina po 26 letih končno dobila tudi nov temeljni prostorski akt ndash Občinski prostorski načrt Mestne občine Nove Gorica V njem so podane tudi osnovne smernice za razvoj mesta ki pa kljub nekaterim nasprotujočim stališčem sledijo temeljni ideji da se mora mesto tudi v bodoče razvijati v skladu s konceptom prvotnega urbanističnega načrta iz leta 1948 (mesto moderne) tudi severno od Vojkove

Sledi prvotne Ravnikarjeve zasnove mesta

Kljub temu da že desetletja poslušamo kako je bila z odstopanjem od prvotnega Ravnikarjevega načrta pri gradnji Nove Gorice storjena nepopravljiva škoda lahko še danes

po več kot sedemdesetih letih v urbani strukturi razpoznamo idejo mesta moderne V mestu prevladuje zazidava z v zelenju stoječimi samostojnimi objekti kljub nekaterim opaznejšim odmikom (med nje zagotovo lahko štejemo trgovski center iz sredine šestdesetih let predvsem pa nebogljene poskuse zapoznele postmodernistične obulične pozidave ob gimnaziji in na začetku Ulice Gradnikove brigade s konca osemdesetih in začetka devetdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja) Tudi cestna mreža skelet mesta je v glavnem taka ko je bila zastavljena leta 1948 Magistrala je ohranila svoj središčni položaj (na žalost še vedno čaka na sijaj ki ji ga je namenil Ravnikar) njen južni del z raquoruskimi blokilaquo pa je tako ali tako zgrajen (sicer ne v celoti dokončan) po prvotnem načrtu Tudi obvoznica ki v severnem delu sicer ne teče točno po trasi iz prvotnega načrta v bistvu sledi Ravnikarjevi ideji ki je vsi kasnejši poskusi niso mogli ovreči Prav tako je industrijska cona v Kromberku prav tam in približno enako velika kot v urbanističnem načrtu iz leta 1948

In v Novi Gorici je še vedno živa želja raquoda bi sijali prek mejelaquo če ne z bleščečimi fasadami vsaj z urejenostjo in kakovostjo življenja z utripom mladega mesta

Se pa je v primerjavi z urbanističnim načrtom iz leta 1948 v sedemdesetih letih razvoja mesta nabralo kar nekaj nepotrebnih in celo škodljivih odstopanj Med njimi je gotovo največja opustitev že začete prečne napajalne ceste ki naj bi se navezovala na obvoznico na območju sedanjega kromberškega krožišča Če bi bila zgrajena bi mesto imelo tudi v prečni smeri svojo simetralo katere funkcijo je Strmecki v svojem načrtu leta 1958 prenesel na takratno Leninovo danes Rejčevo ulico ki pa je v celoti nikoli ni mogla prevzeti s prekinitvijo na Bevkovem trgu pa sploh ne več Danes lahko teče promet v prečni smeri le po Erjavčevi na jugu in Lavričevi na severu (med njima je vzdolžna povezovalna Cankarjeva ulica dolga točno en kilometer) kar je nepopravljiva pomanjkljivost

Druga velika napaka pa je bila vsekakor prvotna zasaditev v nasprotju z Ravnikarjevo idejo namesto senčnih drevoredov z aktivnim parterjem smo dobili nefunkcionalne dekorativne zelenice ki še danes v mestu prevladujejo

Kaj lahko še popravimo

Ko danes razmišljamo in ugotavljamo kako so umeščali novo mesto v prostor na kaj so mislili kaj so hote ali nehote spregledali ne smemo pozabiti kdaj in v kakšnih okoliščinah se je Nova Gorica rodila Vse je nastajalo za današnje razmere z nepredstavljivo naglico od ugotovitve (konec leta 1946) da bo treba zahodnemu delu Slovenije na novo zgraditi vse kar bo zaradi (nepravične) meje ostalo na italijanski strani do odločitve da se zgradi novo mesto in to na Solkanskem polju in Blančah (konec septembra 1947) je preteklo manj kot eno leto Le dva meseca kasneje (3 decembra 1947) so se že začela pripravljalna dela (urejanje Korna) za njegovo gradnjo pol leta po tem (13 junija 1948) pa je že bil postavljen temeljni kamen za prvi objekt v bodočem mestu (13 blok) Če bi se takrat poglabljali v problematiko ki jo v tem prispevku skušam osvetliti pripravljali vse danes potrebne analize in presoje ter iskali za vse najprimernejše rešitve Nove Gorice danes (še) ne bi bilo

Zato to pisanje ni kritika tistih ki so delali v takratnih razmerah ampak le čim bolj objektivno ugotavljanje kaj bi lahko bilo drugače katere (napačne) odločitve imajo še danes svoj vpliv na razvoj in življenje v mestu In to predvsem zato da bi se z današnjimi težavami laže spoprijemali in jih reševali tako da ne bomo povzročali novih v bodoče

Novo mesto je tako kot železnica nasilno zarezalo v urejeno krajino nekatere posledice občutimo še danes po skoraj sedemdesetih letih se še ni vrastlo v okolje ni se še raquoponaravilolaquo Kljub temu pa lahko ugotovimo da je predvsem zaradi upočasnjenega razvoja mesta v širšem prostoru prvotna krajina še razpoznavna še jo lahko vključimo v nadaljnji razvoj mesta

Severno od Vojkove ceste je vse več ali manj še vedno tako kot leta 1948 tej obstoječi krajinski strukturi bi bilo treba prilagoditi nadaljnjo širitev mesta ne pa širiti nenaravne ortogonalne mreže Prvi poskus na žalost opuščen je bil pripravljen že leta 197838 predlagana ureditev je bila v celoti prilagojena naravnim danostim

S tem bi tudi dokončno razrešili dileme okrog Vojkove ceste (nekdanjega Ošljeka stare povezave iz Soške proti Vipavski dolini najizrazitejše raquosteze slonovlaquo na območju mesta) in jo ohranili pri življenju kot najpomembnejšo mestno povezavo med Solkanom in vzhodnimi deli mesta

Dokončno bi tudi razrešili dileme okrog podaljševanja Magistrale in jo na primeren način (ne le tehnično ampak tudi oblikovno) zaključili tam kjer se sedaj zaključuje s slepim štrcljem ndash neurejenim parkiriščem

Mestna cestna mreža še ni dovolj dobro povezana z daljinskimi smermi Mestna obvoznica je še vedno edina regionalna povezava v smeri sever ndash jug ob njej pa nujno potrebujejo še eno bolj mestno povezavo obenem pa tudi kot rezervo ob zaprtju predora Panovec (kar se vse pogosteje dogaja)

Ob snovanju Nove Gorice ni nihče razmišljal o vodi kot o primarnem krajinskem elementu prostora kljub temu da je je bilo na njenem teritoriju ogromno Nimamo rešenega odvodnjavanja meteornih predvsem pa zalednih voda ki jim je mesto porušilo naravno smer odtoka Mesto se je vodi sploh odpovedalo in jo na silo spravilo pod zemljo edini površinski vodotok na mestnem območju Koren je še vedno le tehnični odvodnik ndash kanal Še imamo možnost vrniti na površje vsaj del vode dati vodi potreben prostor jo osvoboditi s tem pa tudi prispevati k večji kvaliteti življenja v mestu

Nismo še rešili najprimernejše povezave osrednjega dela mesta z zelenim zaledjem ne proti jugu (Panovcu) ne proti severu (obronkom Katarine in Škabrijela) Čeprav bi to bilo najcenejše in hkrati najbolj uspešno povezovanje mesta s širšo okolico se morajo Novogoričani še vedno prebijati po zasilnih poteh preko Korna na jugu in neurejeno prečkati obvoznico proti severu

Neupoštevanje danosti je bilo vtkano v rojstvo Nove Gorice bilo je odraz revolucionarnih

38 Emil BRATINA Regulacijski načrt Ščedne Projekt Nova Gorica 1978

pogledov tako modernizma kot socializma Na žalost se je ta pristop nadaljeval skozi vso zgodovino Nove Gorice do danes Smo sposobni danes delati drugače Tako kot je pred davnimi leti rekel prof Ravnikar

Naselja rastejo in se gibljejo po menjajočih se faktorjih ki jih v celoti ni mogoče dokončno utrditi Naloga urbanista spričo konkretne intenzivne preobrazbe ni v iskanju končne idealne forme določenega naselja ampak predvsem v reguliranju razvoja v njegovih bistvenih tehničnih in ostalih sestavinah39

39 Edvard RAVNIKAR Ob razstavi arhitekture FLRJ v Moderni galeriji Novi svet 6 1949 str 604 in nasl

Nova Gorica and its Space

Summary

The paper deals with the space into which Nova Gorica settled the contrasts and tensions that arose in this space and with the consequences that are still felt today In 1947 in the northern part on the Solkan field the area of the future town was an agricultural landscape with a characteristic orientation northeast ndash southwest rich with water and a branched net of paths and unpaved tracks connected mostly to the central road ndash Ošljek The southern part ndash Blanče was more deserted while the southern corner next to Korn was marshy In 1880 the Nova Gorica cemetery reached into this landscape with an accessible avenue and in 1906 the railway as well planned and placed into the space exclusively on technical principlesAfret the First World War these two foreigners were joined by a brick factory ndash ldquofrnažardquo with its large construction mass and unregulated clay pits After the decision for the construction of an alternative centre for the lost Gorica was made Nova Gorica was placed on the Solkan field and Blanče in 1947 It was placed into the space regardless of the small characteristics of the landscape The only spatial element that influenced its original design was the railway station after which the Magistrala (the main road) and the townrsquos road network are oriented According to the investment programme the town was to be generally completed by 1951 However when the state and republic financial sources were drained the care for the town fell upon local factors so that the work only restarted in the second half of the 1960s and the 1970s Owing to the crisis in the 1980s its growth slowed down until the 1990s when the town obtained some important buildings and after 2000 stagnation was re-established even the number of inhabitants decreased The greatest problems between the town and its surrounding area mostly remained unsolved the town still largely remains a foreigner in the area The problem of rainwater remains unresolved logistically the town is poorly connected to regional directions as well as to its immediate surroundings Nevertheless there is still a chance to correct these mistakes straighten out the town and organically include it in the space into which it was placed

From the Athens Charter to the ldquoHuman Associationrdquo

Challenging the Assumptions of the Charter of Habitat

Marianna CHARITONIDOU

Towards a universal user ldquoThe Functional Cityrdquo and its assumptions

The modernist generation in architecture including architects such as Le Corbusier and Ludwig Mies van der Rohe was characterised by the tendency to define in a holistic and homogenised way the ldquofictive userrdquo of architecture During this period the construction of the ldquofictive userrdquo was focused on the assumption of the existence of a ldquouniversal userrdquo Representative of such a homogenised and generalisable approach is Le Corbusierrsquos Modulor which is described by him as a ldquoharmonious measure to the human scale universally applicable to architecture and mechanicsrdquo A point of departure for this paper is the following claim of Reyner Banham regarding the stance of the generation of modernists in a review of Le Corbusierrsquos Modulor published in 1955 in The Burlington Magazine ldquoTo save himself from the sloughs of subjectivity every modern architect has had to find his own objective standards to select from his experience of building those elements which seem undeniably integral ndash structural technique for instance sociology or ndash as in the case of Le Corbusier ndash measurerdquo Banham also maintained that ldquo[t]he objectivity of these standards resides in the first case in a belief in a normal man an attractive though shadowy figure whose dimensions Le Corbusier is prepared to vary from time to time and place to place thus wrecking his claims to universalityrdquo1 Five years later in 1960 Reyner Banham chaired a symposium entitled ldquoThe Future of Universal Manrdquo in which he also addressed the issue of the fiction of a universal man in the case of modernism architecture2

For Le Corbusier the architect was the authority on living as it becomes evident when he declares in The Athens Charter (Charte drsquoAthegravenes) originally written in 1933 in conjunction with the fourth CIAM (Congregraves Internationaux drsquoArchitecture Moderne) that the role of the ar-chitect is to know what is best for humans ldquoWho can take the measures necessary to the ac-complishment of this task if not the architect who possesses a complete awareness of man

1 Reyner BANHAM ldquoThe Modulorrdquo The Burlington Magazine 97628 (1955) p 2312 Reyner BANHAM ldquoThe Future of Universal Manrdquo Architecture Review 127758 (1960) p 253

who has abandoned illusory designs and who judiciously adapting the means to the desired ends will create an order that bears within it a poetry of its ownrdquo3 Le Corbusier wrote the Charter of Athens in the framework of the fourth CIAM which had as theme ldquoThe Functional Cityrdquo and was held in 1933 on board of a ship in the Mediterranean during a trip towards Athens The fourth CIAM was led was led by the architect Le Corbusier the urban planner Cornelis van Eesteren and the art historian Siegfried Giedion The fact that the fourth CIAM held on the ship Patris II in the Mediterranean and in Athens in 1933 was entitled ldquoThe Functional Cityrdquo shows how important for architectural epistemology had become at the time the notion of functionalism Other titles that had been also considered for this con-gress were ldquoThe Constructive Cityrdquo and ldquoThe Organic Cityrdquo The debates that were held during the fourth CIAM were based on the assumption that it is possible through efficient architectural and urban design to there has to achieve ldquoa balance between the functions of the particular partsrdquo4 of the city

The first edition of Le Corbusierrsquos Charte drsquoAthegravenes was published in 1943 a year after Josep Luis Sertrsquos Can Our Cities Survive An ABC of Urban Problems Their Analysis Their Solutions5 The simultaneity of these publications is interesting because it concerns two opposing stances vis-agrave-vis the reinvention of the how urban reality is understood The two books which are based on reflections carried out during the fourth CIAM suggest different conceptions of the user of the city Sert who had worked in Le Corbusierrsquos office in Paris was the president

3 LE CORBUSIER La Charte drsquoAthegravenes avec un discours liminaire de Jean Giraudoux suivi de Entretien avec les eacutetudiants des eacutecoles drsquoArchitecture Paris 1957 The Athens Charter New York 1973 p 142

4 Martin STEINMANN (ed) CIAM Dokumente 1928ndash1939 Basel-Stuttgart 1979 pp 160ndash1635 Josep Lluiacutes SERT Can Our Cities Survive An ABC of Urban Problems Their Analysis Their Solutions

Cambridge 1942 Original edition Charte drsquoAthegravenes Paris 1943

Fig 1 Le Corbusier and Ghyka on the board of Patris II during the CIAM IV 1933 (copy Foundation Le Corbusier Paris)

of the CIAM between 1947 and 1956 In 1952 he held a one-year Visiting Professorship at Yale University The following year he was appointed Dean of the Harvard Graduate School of Design where he served as dean until 1969 There in 1959 he initiated the first professional degree program in urban design

Second World War technologies and architecture standardisation as epistemological shift

In the exhibition ldquoArchitecture in Uniform Designing and Building for the Second World Warrdquo6 curated by Jean-Louis Cohen the materials were chosen and assembled according to the hypothesis that the Second World War was a key moment in the modernisation of architectural theory and practice In order to convey about the importance of the experience

6 Jean-Louis COHEN Architecture in Uniform Designing and Building for the Second World War New Haven-Montreal 2011

of these years for the transformation of architectural discipline the exhibition documented a series of episodes using artefacts of multiple scales (city to construction details) and forms (industrial objects to architectural plans) Its materials extended from products or posters of mass culture to specialised technical objects The construction of its narrative was based on a sequence that is thematic rather than chronological The classification of documentary materials into distinct phases was elaborated in order to shed light on the connections of episodes and on the direct and indirect impact of the war on architectural thinking The main argument was that the architectural knowledge and discipline between the bombings of Guernica in 1937 and Hiroshima in 1945 a time full of research and transformation was called upon to mobilise its field of experiences in such a way that war functioned as a creative force giving an unprecedented boost to research on prefabrication and the use of new materials

The exhibition accomplished in an effective way the purpose of communicating that the contribution of architects to the post-war reconstruction proved to be as strategically indispensable as did the scientists and engineers Every component of the show from the interior perspective of Le Corbusierrsquos and Jean Prouversquos 1940 ldquoFlying Schoolsrdquo project to the original model of Buckminster Fullerrsquos 1945 Dymaxion Dwelling House as well as from Jean Prouversquos 1941 bicycle frame to war-time guide books for the home contributed to convincing the spectator about how methods developed under the pressures of war emergency were applied to peaceful purposes extending the field of architectural expertise and knowledge All the different media used in the exhibition functioned as systems of coordinates making operative the mapping of the historical territory under question

Through a comprehensive documentation of the events design and construction that took place during the war this exhibition revealed certain episodes of post- Second World War architecture and city planning that had been overlooked because of the invisibility and secrecy during the war The communication of the main incidents turning points and inventions that contributed to the emergence of new types of buildings could not become possible without the detailed documentation and the narrative tricks of the exhibition How architects around the globe responded to the changing conditions because of the war The selection of the components which serve as sequences of its narrative was guided by the intention to reveal the main episodes that contributed to the emergence of new visual languages Its pan-geographic and chronotopic approach makes explicit that architecture is a major historical actor The influence of the war-time technological experience on post-war architectural epistemology reminds us that inventions are the amplification of knowledge that give rise to new formalisations and normalisations through the constitution of symbols

An important figure for architecturersquos standardisation is Albert Kahn7 Kahnrsquos role for the

7 W Hawkins Ferry The Legacy of Albert Kahn Detroit 1970 See also Sonia MELNIKOVA-RAICH ldquoThe Soviet Problem with Two lsquoUnknownsrsquo How an American Architect and a Soviet Negotiator Jump-Started the Industrialization of Russia Part I Albert Kahnrdquo The Journal of the Society for Industrial Archeology 362 2010 pp 57ndash80 Claire ZIMMERMAN ldquoThe Labor of Albert Kahnrdquo The Aggregate website http

Fig 2 Front cover and back cover of Josep Lluiacutes SERT Can Our Cities Survive An ABC of Urban Problems Their Analysis Their Solutions Cambridge 1942

bureaucratisation and typification of architecture should be taken into account if one wishes to understand how the architecture of bureaucracy and the concept of architectural corporation were intensified during the postwar period due to the incorporation of the war technologies in the common architectural practice8 This shift that was caused because of the typification of the different phases of the architectsrsquo task is linked to the emergence of a new understanding of the concept of user as it becomes evident in the pages of the journal Plus and especially in its first issue published in December 1938 The emblematic graphic design by Herbert Matter for this issue is telling regarding this mutation of the conception of the user that was taking place already before the beginning of the Second World War The editors of the journal Plus were Wallace K Harrison William Lescaze Willima Muschenheim Stamo Papadaki and James Johnson Sweeney and among the journalrsquos collaborators was Albert Kahn

Two years earlier the publication of the first issue of Plus Ernst Neufert had used ldquoman as Normed Measurerdquo in Bauentwurfslehre The conception of man as normed measure goes hand in hand with the standardisation of the building procedures This standardisation is associated with the emergence of the organisational diagrams which could not have been so intensified without the incorporation of the war technologies in the milieus of industries The concepts of standardisation and typification were so present in Neufertrsquos thought that he even used an index for his diary The way organisational diagrams were linked to the mutation of the process of conceptualising architectural practice becomes evident in ldquoThe Kahn Organizationrdquo diagram which accompanied an article published in The Architectural Record in June 1942 the organisational diagram shown in figure 236 by Skidmore Owings amp Merrill published in Bauen + Wohnen in April 1957 but also in the way Albert Kahn used the concepts of method management and decentralisation in the case of the General Motors Building9 Charles K Hyde in his article entitled ldquoAssembly-Line Architecture Albert Kahn and the Evolution of the US Auto Factory 1905-1940rdquo explains how Albert Kahn incorporated new building materials in factory design He also analyses the impact of the way Albert Kahnrsquos design of Henry Fordrsquos factories but also other factories in Detroit on the American automobile industry at large10 An expression of the impact of standardisation on architectural design strategies is a diagram that the Eames published in Arts amp Architecture in 1944

wwwwe-aggregateorgpiecethe-labor-of-albert-kahn (accessed 6 July 2018) Grant HILDEBRAND Designing for Industry The Architecture of Albert Kahn Cambridge 1980

8 Michael KUBO ldquoThe Concept of the Architectural Corporationrdquo in OfficeUS Agenda (eds Eva Franchi Gilabert Ana Milijački Ashley Schafer and Amanda Reese) Zurich 2014 pp 37ndash45

9 Michael ABRAHAMSON ldquorsquoActual Center of Detroitrdquo Method Management and Decentralization in Albert Kahnrsquos General Motors Buildingrdquo Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 771 2018 pp 56ndash76

10 Charles K HYDE ldquoAssembly-Line Architecture Albert Kahn and the Evolution of the US Auto Factory 1905ndash1940rdquo IA The Journal of the Society for Industrial Archeology 222 1996 pp 5ndash24

The humanisation of urban conditions in the fifties Challenging the relationship between the urban centre and the its peripheries

In order to grasp the climate in the early fifties and how intense was the interest in the connection between architecture and the city at the time and how present was the theme of the ldquoCorerdquo or the ldquoHeartrdquo in the debates on architecture in the early fifties regarding the future of the city we can recall that the theme of the eighth CIAM held in 1951 in Hoddesdon in the UK was the ldquoCorerdquo The analogies between nature and architecture as well as the analogies between human beings and architectural artefacts are significant for understanding what was at stake regarding the dominant conception of architecturersquos addressee during the post-war period Within this context concepts such as ldquohuman associationrdquo ldquocorerdquo ldquoheartrdquo ldquourban liferdquo became central for the epistemological debates and replaced the four functions doctrine that classified the city functions in the following categories dwelling working recreation and transportation This reorientation of the way architects conceived the relationship between architecturersquos addressees and the city is related to a shift from a universal logic of functionalism to an understanding of architecturersquos experience based on the intention to grasp the quotidian and human aspect of urban life

The suburbanisation of the post-war cities led architects to challenge their models regarding the way they conceived the relationship between the urban centre and its peripheries The architectural debates of the post-war years reflected the ambition of the architects to adapt the scope of architecture to the need of maintaining the role of architecture in the control of cityrsquos expansion This re-orientation of the scope of architecture during the post-war years should be understood in conjunction with the mutation of the way the inhabitation of buildings and cities were conceived

The dominant architectural discourse during the early fifties was characterised by an intensification of the interest in the humanisation of urban conditions as it becomes evident in Ernesto Nathan Rogersrsquos text entitled ldquoThe Heart A Human Problemrdquo which was published in 1952 in The Heart of the City Towards the Humanisation of Urban Life11 The aforementioned book was the publication of the eighth CIAM held in Hoddesdon in 1951 during which Aldo van Eyck presented his famous playgrounds That same year the ldquoFirst International Conference on Proportion in the Artsrdquo was organised in the framework of the ninth Triennale di Milano

11 Ernesto Nathan ROGERS ldquoThe Heart A Human Problemrdquo in The Heart of the City Towards the Humanisation of Urban Life (ed Josep Luis Sert Jaqueline Tyrwhitt and Ernesto Nathan Rogers) London 1952)

The rejection of the homogeneous functionalist model The ldquoGrid of Livingrdquo

The Smithsonsrsquo Urban Re-identification Grid signified a distancing from what Le Corbusier maintained in The Athens Charter where he asserted that ldquo[t]he keys to urbanism are to be found in the four functions inhabiting working recreation (in leisure time) and circulationrdquo12 The critique of the doctrine of modernism is connected to the emergence of Team 10 and the dissolution of the CIAM The concern about reinventing the way architectural and urban artefacts are inhabited is reflected in the topic of the ninth CIAM held in 1953 in Aix-en-Provence in France which was the ldquoGrid of Livingrdquo In the debates that took place during this CIAM it became apparent that a new understanding of the user of the city has been gradually emerging The Urban Re-identification Grid that Alison and Peter Smithson presented in the framework of this CIAM is significant for understanding how the conception of the user of architecture was transformed during the post-war years It epitomises a turning point regarding the conception of the inhabitant of the post-war cities In parallel it was a declaration against the homogenised and simplified way that the fourth CIAM had treated urban reality The photo of Chisendale Road by Nigel Henderson (1951) was part of the Smithonsrsquo Urban Re-identification Grid The Smithsonsrsquo network of housing and streets in the air (fig 7) and their collage for the competition for the Golden Lane Housing project (1952) were also illustrated in their Urban Re-identification Grid The notions of ldquohouserdquo ldquostreetrdquo ldquorelationshiprdquo ldquodistrictrdquo and ldquocityrdquo were upgraded to the dominant concepts of architectural epistemology

12 LE CORBUSIER (n 3) 95ndash99

Fig 3 Detail of the ldquoCIAM Gridrdquo as developed by Le Corbusier and the ASCORAL group showing the division of the vertical axis into analytical themes Drafted in Paris by the members of ASCORAL and adopted by the CIAM Council this grid was published in June 1948 in a pamphlet entitled Grille CIAM drsquourbanisme mise en pratique de la Charte drsquoAthegravenes Paris 1948 (copy Foundation Le Corbusier Paris)

Fig 4 Display Diagram showing how the Grid analysis is applied to a given problem (Source Team 10 2005 (n 20) p 254 copy Het Nieuwe Instituut Collections and Archive Rotterdam CIAM Congresses and Team 10 Meetings)

Challenging the assumptions of the Charter of Habitat

The theme of the tenth CIAM held in Dubrovnik in 1956 was ldquotowards a chart of Habitatrdquo and its goal was to challenge the assumptions of the Charter of Habitat During this CIAM meeting the younger generation of the group ndash Aldo van Eyck Jaap Bakema Georges Candilis Shadrach Woods and Alison and Peter Smithson among other ndash who would form the Team 10 established a new agenda for mass housing under the title ldquoHabitat for the Greater Numberrdquo It was in this CIAM that the Smithsons presented their Fold Houses n 1956 during the opening of the CIAM X held at Dubrovnik Sert read Le Corbusierrsquos ldquoLetter to CIAM 10rdquo in which the latter was declaring that the ideology of the first era of CIAM was no longer relevant Le Corbusierrsquos diagram is telling regarding how he conceived the relationship between the vision of the first CIAM and that of the late CIAM

Fig 5 Alison and Peter Smithson Urban Re-identification Grid presented at the ninth CIAM in Aix-en-Provence in 1953 (Source Centre Georges Pompidou Paris)

Fig 7 Nigel Henderson Chisendale Road 1951 (Source Nigel Henderson Collection courtesy of Tate Archive copy Nigel Henderson Estate)

Fig 6 Alison and Peter Smithson Golden Lane Housing project 1952 network of housing and streets in the air (Source Helena Webster Modernism Without Rhetoric Essays on the work of Alison and Peter Smithson Maryland 1997 p 27)

The Italian scene and Ludovico Quaranirsquos critique of functionalism

Among the episodes that are defining for understanding what was at stake in the post-war Italian context are the foundation of the Associazione per lrsquoarchitettura organica (APAO) by Pier Luigi Nervi and Bruno Zevi founded in 1945 and the approach that Ernesto Nathan Rogers developed in the pages of Casabella Continuitagrave as its director during the post-war years In 1957 the latter wrote in ldquoContinuitagrave o Crisirdquo ldquoConsidering history as a process it might be said that history is always continuity or always crisis accordingly as one wishes to emphasize either permanence or emergencyrdquo13 Ernesto Nathan Rogers and Giuseppe Samonagrave who insist on the necessity of an ethical consciousness of the architect are often described as neo-humanists

The Italians were not very active in the CIAM However the CIAM in Bergamo in 1949 and in Venice in 1950 triggered the cross-fertilisation between the international modernist scene and the Italian modernist models The Italians who participated to the CIAM of 1953 held in Aix-en-Provence were Franco Albini Ludovico B Belgioioso Luigi Cosenza Ignazio Gardella Ernesto N Rogers Giovanni Romano Giuseppe Samonagrave Ignazio Gardella and Vico Magistretti Giancarlo De Carlo and Ernesto N Rogers attended the last CIAM held in Otterlo in 1959 De Carlo was an active member of Team 10

The CIAM Summer School of 1951 took place in Hoddesdon while those between 1952 and 1956 were held in Venice under the direction of Franco Albini Ignazio Gardella Ernesto Rogers and Giuseppe Samonagrave14 De Carlo contributed to the CIAM summer school of 1956 which was held in Venice A non-Italian member of the Team 10 that participated to this summer school was Jaap Bakema who came as a guest critic Ernesto Nathan Rogers did not attend the 1956 CIAM summer school despite the fact he was invited Ludovico Quaroni who had just been appointed as professor in Florence gave two lectures in the framework of the CIAM summer school of 195615 despite the fact that he was not among the Italian supporters of the CIAM The most important effect of the CIAM Summer Schools held in Venice was on the pedagogical methods of the IUAV

Quaroni was one of the professors of Manfredo Tafuri The latter collaborated with the former as teaching assistant and wrote a monograph on him published in 1964 under the title Ludovico Quaroni e lo svillupo dellrsquoarchitettura moderna in Italia16 Denise and Robert Scott

13 Ernesto Nathan ROGERS ldquoContinuitagrave o Crisirdquo Casabella Continuitagrave 215 1957 pp 3ndash414 Giancarlo GUARDA ldquoAttualitagrave di una scuolardquo Casabella Continuitagrave 199 1953 p 41 Gabriele SCIMEMI ldquoLa

quarta scuola estiva del CIAM a Veneziardquo Casabella Continuitagrave 213 1956 pp 69ndash73 Franco BERLANDA ldquoLa scuola del CIAM a Veneziardquo Urbanistica 13 1953 pp 83ndash86

15 Herman VAN BERGEIJK ldquoCIAM Summer School 1956rdquo OverHolland 9 2010 pp 113ndash12416 Manfredo TAFURI ldquoLudovico Quaroni e la cultura architettonica italianardquo Zodiac 11 1963 pp 130ndash145

Ludovico Quaroni e lo sviluppo dellrsquoarchitettura moderna in Italia Milan 1964

Fig 8 Alison and Peter Smithson Fold Houses panels for the tenth CIAM of 1956 (Source Team 10 2005 (n 20) p 50 copy The Alison and Peter Smithson Archive Special Collections Frances Loeb Library Graduate School of Design Harvard University)

Fig 9 Le Corbusier Message to the tenth CIAM at Dubrovnik ldquoCrisis or Evolutionrdquo 23 July 1956 (Source Archiv Institut fuumlr Geschichte und Theorie der Architektur (GTA) ETH Houmlnggerberg Zuumlrich CIAM archives 42-HRM-X-17)

Brown were among the English-speaking people in the audience when Quaroni gave his lecture in the framework of the CIAM Summer School of 1956 Scott Brown who would later be married with Robert Venturi and would right with him and Steven Izenour Learning From Las Vegas which would appear 16 years later in 197217 was 25 years old at the time

The main question that Quaroni addressed in the lecture he delivered on 14 September 1956 entitled ldquoThe architect and town planningrdquo was the interrogation regarding the ways in which the architect could be part of society Its main focus was to shed light on the different ways of understanding the relationship between town planning and architecture He underscored ldquowhat we wanted to know was the kind of relationships between town planning and architecturerdquo He tried to explain ldquowhy [hellip] town planning [should] be the architectsrsquo concernrdquo drawing a distinction between an understanding of function as object and an understanding of function as principle He said ldquoThatrsquos why the latest development of the battle for modern art caused architecture to formulate as an object what is just a principle namely that the form must rise from the functionalismrdquo

Quaronirsquos critique of functionalism could be interpreted as a critique of Le Corbusierrsquos categorisation of human actions into dwelling working cultivating mind and body and of his understanding of house as rdquomachine agrave habiterrdquo Quaroni criticized Le Corbusierrsquos understanding function in a quantitative and simplistic way He believed that Le Corbusier had neglected the physical special psychological and moral parameters implied by the notion of function For this reason he suggested a reinvention of the concept of function He asserted ldquonot having fully digested the idea of function in the long run we identified it only with a question of formrdquo Quaroni maintained that ldquo[a]ccording to Le Corbusierrsquos theory the life of man was summarized in three actions dwelling working cultivating mind and bodyrdquo He rejected Le Corbusierrsquos conception of the user as ldquomachine-manrdquo and his dwelling as ldquomachine-houserdquo shedding light on the fact that the architect-conceiver according do Le Corbusierrsquos approach intended to control the manner in which the users should inhabit their dwelling In parallel Quaroni put into the same category Le Corbusier Frank Lloyd Wright and Brunelleschi claiming that ldquoLe Corbusier as well as Wright are the last specimen of that generation of architects the founder of which was perhaps Brunelleschirdquo He asserted ldquonot having fully digested the idea of function in the long run we identified it only with a question of form exactly like a century beforerdquo He sustained that the ldquofunction cannot be determined by means of mere square or cubic meters since it is a compound of physical special psychological moral factorsrdquo He also underlined the importance of the ldquothe relations between the individual and the collectivity for the new societyrdquo

Quaronirsquos conception of culture was based on the belief that the architects are responsible for contributing to the unity of culture ldquoThe architect is thus rebuilding that unity of culture which

17 Robert VENTURI Denise SCOTT BROWN and Steven IZENOUR Learning from Las Vegas Cambridge 1972)

had been lost amidst the tragic splendours of the Renaissance He succeeds in becoming again part of the cultural life in operating again for the society in gaining back the object of his activityrdquo Quaroni underscored the importance of understanding ldquoarchitecture as a social functionrdquo18 According to Quaroni the contemporary city doesnrsquot have a homogeneous structure This recognition is related to a different conception of the spacetime relationship Quaroni employed the concept of ldquomarvellousrdquo city and the notion of ldquourban architecturerdquo which is linked the changes of the educational strategies in the Schools of architecture in Italy during the sixties

The Doorn Manifesto and the ldquore-humanisationrdquo of architecture The ldquoScale of Associationrdquo versus the four functions

The post-war context was characterised by the intention to ldquore-humaniserdquo architecture The Doorn Manifesto was pivotal for this pr oject of architecturersquos re-humanisation The rediscovery of the ldquohumanrdquo and the intensification of the interest in the proportions are two aspects that should be taken into account if we wish to grasp how the scope of architecture was transformed during the post-war period In 1954 the Team 10 presented in the Doorn Manifesto their ldquoScale of Associationrdquo which was a kind of re-interpretation of Patrick Geddesrsquo Valley Section The ldquoScale of Associationrdquo shows the intention of the Team 10 to replace the four functions mdash dwelling work recreation and transport mdash of the Charter of Athens with the concept of the ldquohuman associationrdquo on the one hand and to incorporate in the scope of architecture the reflection regarding the impact of scale on the design process on the other One can read in the draft statement for the tenth CIAM ldquoThis method is intended to induce a study of human association as a first principle and of the four functions as aspects of each total problemrdquo19

The post-war period and especially the historical moment at which the Team 10 prepared the Doorn Manifesto was not only characterised by an opening of the architectural scope towards the urban scale but it was also closely connected to the belief that the architectural design process its different phases and its hierarchies should be adapted to the scale of the project This appreciation of the importance of the adjustment of the architectural and urban design strategies to the scale was related to the project of humanisation of architecture The significance of the ldquoScale of Associationrdquo lies in the fact that it sets up as Volker M Welter mentions a ldquocomparable and synchronic scale that establishes a conceptual relation that binds the smaller communities into a hierarchically structured larger wholerdquo20 In other words

18 BERGEIJK (n 15) 113ndash12419 NAi Collections and Archive Rotterdam CIAM Congresses and Team 10 Meetings Draft statement for

the tenth CIAM with Patrick Geddesrsquo valley Section20 Volker M WELTER ldquoIn-between space and society On some British roots of Team 10rsquos urban thought in

the 1950srdquo in Team 10 In Search of a Utopia of the Present 1953ndash1981 (eds Dirk van der Heuvel and Max Risselada) Rotterdam 2005 p 260

through the visualization provided by the diagram in the Doorn manifesto which was inspired by Geddes the Team 10 aimed to articulate a renewed individual-community assemblage

Thanks to the adjustment of architectural design processes to the needs related to scale that this diagram suggests a mutation of the way the different scales of architectural and urban interventions are related to each other took place This re-articulation of the connections between the different scales of the architectural project was part of the Team 10rsquos project to humanise architecture

The Team 10 placed particular emphasis on the capacity of architectural practice to contribute to the transformation of society The addressee of the architectural scope was not any more understood as an individual user and for this reason it seemed inadequate to reduce the architectural design process to the usersrsquo activities ndash dwelling work recreation and transport In contrast what became the scope of architecture was the establishment of individual-community assemblages In the case of Team 10rsquos approach the question of scale thus was what counted most instead of the categorisation of the satisfaction of the needs related to the userrsquos activities The term ldquofunctionrdquo and its universal and abstract connotations was replaced by the culturally defined experience of the citizens and by the citizensrsquo interaction with the community to which they belonged Architecture was therefore comprehended as a means that can and should enhance the encounter with the community to which the citizens belong transforming the individual into a citizen and treating the citizens as responsible for the future of their communities As one can see in the ldquoScale of Associationrdquo diagram he attention was focused on the relations between the components of the urban fabric and not on its components per se Team 10rsquos ldquoversion of architecture while modern was nevertheless capable of integrating the existing social order of a specific place and societyrdquo21

21 WELTER (n 20) p 262

Fig 10 Draft statement for the tenth CIAM with Patrick Geddesrsquo valley Section (Source Team 10 2005 (n 20) p 48 copy Het Nieuwe Instituut Collections and ArchiveRotterdam CIAM Congresses and Team 10 Meetings)

Od Atenske listine do raquopovezovanja ljudilaquo izpodbijanje predpostavk Listine o habitatu

Povzetek

Za Le Corbusierja je bil arhitekt avtoriteta na področju življenja in njegova vloga je bila vedeti kaj je najboljše za ljudi kot je razvidno iz tega kar je izjavil o Atenski listini raquoKdo lahko sprejme ukrepe potrebne za doseganje te naloge če ne arhitekt ki poseduje popolno zavedanje človeka ki je opustil iluzorne zasnove in ki premišljeno prilagaja sredstva za doseganje želenih rezultatov ki bo ustvaril red ki v sebi nosi svojo lastno poezijolaquo Članek se osredotoča na kritiko načel Atenske listine in njeno povezavo s poskusom krepitve stikov med arhitekturo in njenim družbenim ekonomskim in političnim kontekstom Po eni strani preučuje namene Team 10 za nadomestitev štirih funkcij ndash bivališče delo rekreacija in transport ndash iz Atenske listine s konceptom raquopovezovanja ljudilaquo in po drugi strani vključitev refleksij ki se nanašajo na vpliv velikosti na oblikovalski proces v arhitekturo Deseti CIAM je bil strukturiran okoli dveh skupin ki sta zastopali dve nasprotujoči si generaciji Kot je zapisal Nicholas Bullock v delu Building the Post-war World Modern Architecture and Reconstruction in Britain se je skupina ki je zastopala interese starejše generacije osredotočila na delo CIAM-a od njegovih začetkov v obliki listine podobne Atenski listini medtem ko je skupina mlajše generacije poskušala razširiti delo CIAM-a da bi ponovno premislili raquoosnovno povezavo med ljudmi in življenjemlaquo kot sta zapisala Alison in Peter Smithson leta 1956 Cilj desetega CIAM-a ki je potekal v Dubrovniku med 19 in 25 julijem 1956 je bil izpodbijati predpostavke Listine o habitatu Na tem srečanju na katerem ni bilo ne Le Corbusierja in ne Walterja Gropiusa je mlajša generacija ki so jo zastopali Aldo van Eyck Jacob Bakema Georges Candilis Shadrach Woods ter Alison in Peter Smithson vzpostavila nov program za masivna bivališča raquoHabitat za večje številolaquo (Habitat for the Greater Number) Na tem sestanku sta Smithsonova predstavila njuno idejo raquoZložljivih hišlaquo (Fold Houses) Pred tem srečanjem so potekali številni sestanki v Londonu Doornu Parizu La Sarrazu in v Padovi Glavni cilj tega članka je pokazati kako so razprave ki so potekale pred CIAM-om izpodbijale Listino o habitatu

Display of the Athens Charter Provisions in Architecture

of the Massive Residential Construction in Ukraine in 1960ndash1980s

Olga Mykhaylyshyn Svitlana Linda

Introduction

The ideas which were formulated in the Athens Charter (1933) proved to be very relevant during the post-Second World War construction crisis in Europe Related to the concepts of free urban planning and zoning standardization and typing of residential buildings they have helped to solve housing and infrastructure problems relatively quickly and efficiently It is in this direction that post-war residential architecture developed in Western Europe and the United States However the situation in Ukraine which at the time was one of the republics of the Soviet Union (USSR) was fundamentally different

During the Second World War about 70 million msup2 of dwellings were destroyed in the USSR However the development of architecture did not go the most economical way which allowed to restore military losses in the short term After 1945 the ideas of classical architectural and spatial organization of streets and quarters continued to dominate the construction of the USSR In the development of compositional and stylistic decisions of residential buildings the principle of ldquopalacerdquo dominated It was expressed in the creation of symmetrical order compositions the use of classical architectural decor The historicist orientation of architecture changed dramatically after 1954 - with the coming to power of Nikita Khrushchov who criticized Stalinrsquos neoclassics and its architects who ldquounderstand architecture too aesthetically as artistic activity rather than as a means of meeting the pressing needs of the Soviet It is they who spend peoplersquos money on no one needs the beauty instead of building simpler but morerdquo1 It was believed that during his leadership in the 1950s and 1960s socialism in the Soviet Union and accordingly in Ukraine conquered ldquocompletelyhellip when on the basis of fundamental socio-economic political and spiritual changes in the life

1 Иван БУСАРОВ История laquoхрущёвкиraquo (или жилищное строительство СССР в 1950-1960-е годы) Наука в Мегаполисе 6 2018 httpsmgpu-mediaruissuesissue-6historical-sciencestory-khrushchevhtml (accessed 20 January 2020)

of Soviet society established socialist social relationsrdquo2 The Soviet press characterized these years as the time of building a socialist society when all the prerequisites for the immediate construction of communism were already created3 The New Socialist Society demanded its visual embodiment in new architectural forms This form in the field of housing has become khrushchovka - a house of Khushchov

The purpose of the article is to show the construction of areas of mass housing development of the 1960sndash1980s as a special phenomenon in the development of Soviet architecture to characterize the problems that have arisen today due to the long operation of these areas

Formation of the concept of khrushchovka

Thus in the early 1950s the problem of providing Soviet people with cheap and affordable housing remained an urgent issue The first steps towards overcoming the housing crisis were the resolutions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party and the Council of Ministers of the USSR ldquoOn measures for further industrialization quality improvement and reduction of construction costsrdquo ldquoOn elimination of redundancies in design and constructionrdquo (1955) ldquoOn the Development of Housing in the USSRrdquo (1957) All professional landmarks in urban planning and architecture have changed Soviet architecture began to return to the mainstream of world trends In fact these documents began the process of implementing the ideas of the Athens Charter but with other ideological accents and without the official mention of Le Corbusier This was evidenced by all Soviet housing programs In particular one of the first was the 1955 Program which planned to put into operation in 1959ndash1965 about 100 million msup2 of total living space4

The requirements of the Charterrsquos provisions on the quality of living conditions have led to a change in state policy on the resettlement of citizens In accordance with the aforementioned resolution of 1957 in the USSR the family settlement of apartments instead of kommunalka (shared co-living apartments) began which was justified by ideological and scientific arguments5

- the kommunalka was not a project of Soviet power but a forced means of saving money during industrialization

2 Історія Української РСР Українська РСР у період побудови і зміцненя соціалістичного суспільства (1921ndash1941) (ed ПГудзенко) 6 Кyiv 1977 p 30

3 Історія Української РСР Радянська Україна у період зміцнення соціалізму і поступового переходу до комунізму (1945ndash70-і роки) Українська РСР в період розвинутого соціалізму і будівництва комунізму (кінець 50-х ndash 79-і роки) (ed ВКлоков) 82 Кyiv 1979 p 654

4 Алла ПЛЕШКАНОВСЬКА Проблеми реновації забудови міських територій Містобудування і територіальне планування 25 2006 р 183

5 ПОСТАНОВЛЕНИЕ от 31 июля 1957 г N 931 О развитиии жилищного строительства в СССР httpwwwlibussrrudoc_ussrussr_5213htm (accessed 10 December 2019)

- moving into one apartment of several families can no longer dramatically improve the living standards of these families

- kommunalka - economically disadvantageous type of housing that does not meet modern requirements

- the problem of kommunalka can be solved by mass construction with the use of new technologies

During the 1950s and 1960s it was built of traditional and accessible material - bricks and began the practice of construction of large precast concrete slabs This idea of building cheap social housing spread in the USSR in the 1950s after M Khrushchovrsquos visits abroad Its implementation was made possible by the considerable attention paid by the then-Soviet leader in industrial development and industrialization of construction For example in 1959ndash1964 over 5 thousand large industrial enterprises were built in the USSR and in 1955ndash1966 the factory method of construction was mastered the most optimal engineering and technical solutions and rational construction technology were developed In the Soviet version the German Plattenbau (panel construction) was merged with the American pipeline construction The construction of prefabricated houses was considered a breakthrough as it provided housing for many families resettled kommunalkas and post-war barracks In addition it became a new impetus for the development of industry factories and plants for the production of building structures were being built in the state A new stage in the development of mass housing construction began with the adoption of a government decree ldquoOn the application of typical projects in constructionrdquo (1958) This act has become an instrument of implementation of one of the fundamental concepts of Soviet housing policy for providing each family with an individual apartment through widespread use in the construction of economic model projects of apartment buildings6 Such houses massively erected throughout the USSR were called khrushchovka Construction of khrushchovka lasted from 1956 to 1985

Construction of the first quarters of khrushchovka (based on the example of Kyiv and Lviv)

The first series (K-7) of typical panel houses which have been massively built in the USSR since 1958 was the development of Moscow designer V Lagutenko The structures were brought to the construction site directly from the plant installed and finished Buildings were assembled as a constructor workers worked in three shifts and labor productivity increased Due to the fact that the thickness of the interior panels was 4 cm and the interior 8 cm At the same time most of the construction time occupied by the contractors The five-story building was erected in 12 days the decoration lasted 30 days and the construction took about 50

6 Історія Української РСР 1973 (n 3) р 264

days in total7 New panel houses were 30 cheaper than brick counterparts

Five-storey buildings were designed (a six-storey building envisaged a building elevator) with the simplest architectural design rational planning structure minimal rooms (8ndash12 msup2) kitchens (on average 4-5 msup2) sanitary facilities low ceiling of apartments (23 m) At the time it was believed that the desire for savings was reflected in the architecture of the same comfort of housing for all which is a new aesthetic

In Soviet Ukraine mass construction was carried out in Kyiv (75 million msup2) also in cities with highly developed industrial productions Donetsk (157 million msup2) Lugansk (1006 million msup2) Odessa (622 million msup2) Kharkiv (519 million msup2) and the Autonomous Republic of Crimea (303 million msup2) The total number of houses was about 25 thousand units The total area of the housing stock built in Ukraine in the period from 1957 to 1972 amounted to 72 million msup2 or 23 of the total number of urban apartment buildings8

The master plans of the Ukrainian cities developed immediately after the war were revised in 1955 and large residential areas of khrushchovka began to form from the late 1950s At this time there is a transition from the quarterly development of the first new residential areas to the creation of large urban entities - neighborhoods which were a set of residential buildings clinics schools kindergartens within walking distance The simultaneous construction of large quarters and the complex construction of new areas also had an economic effect

The adopted principles of ldquomicro-districtingrdquo provided for the introduction of functional zoning of the territory and the corresponding structure of the public service system and also led to significant changes in the composite construction of residential areas - the application of the principle of ldquofree planningrdquo This vision of urban space organization directly correlated with the provisions of the Athens Charter on four types of urban planning functions work housing leisure communication It was considered that the allocation of the corresponding zones reflects the progressive direction in the development of the entire Soviet urban development since in this case the prerequisites for a coherent spatial organization of the city where housing service and recreation facilities are harmoniously combined The terrain location of roads and industrial enterprises were taken into account9

The idea of pedestrian accessibility needed for the comfortable life of residents in the city became a marker reflecting another aspect of the impact of the Athens Charter on Soviet urban development the daily functions cycle should be defined in urban planning with strict time and attention given to housing as the main function of city planning Organization of transportation

7 Уляна ГРОМОВА ldquoХрущовкиrdquo як спроба вирішення квартирного питання в СРСР httppobudovanocomuanewskhrushchovki-sproba-virishennya-kvartirnogo-pitannya-v-srsr (accessed 12 January 2020) Серия ldquoК-7rdquo httptipdomaruseries_k-7html (accessed 20 January 2020)

8 ПЛЕШКАНОВСЬКА 2006 (n 4) p 1839 Соломон РАЙЗМАН Николай МИКУЛА Ярослав НОВАКОВСКИЙ Растут и благоустраиваются

города области Строительство и архитектура 9 1967 рp 5ndash7

in the city and housing became another key task that architects had to address That is completely changed the urban planning principles The city was involved in mathematical and statistical science carefully modeled the life of society in new neighborhoods calculated the needs of residents calculated the optimal routes to places of work schools clinics Social preconditions have changed the new city was seen as a comfortable space for the whole population

Modernist architecture of the second half of the 1950s departed from the characteristic of architecture in general with its form and space Its new beauty was finding the right balance in the perfect combination of architectural tools for a perfect life ldquoThe architectrsquos task is to organize not only the space of the building but also the open space between the buildingsrdquo wrote the architects of the 1960s Thoughtful organization of this space balance between its elements and properly placed accents - this is what was needed for the city to work properly In this paradigm an individual house ceases to be understood as a self-contained architectural object becoming a detail of the area - a ldquosocial machinerdquo and a detail of the city - a ldquoproduction machinerdquo10

The first housing estate of the capital of Ukraine in Kiev which was built by the method of the so-called industrial house building became May Day housing estate The land was built in 1956 on an area of 33 hectares and then the territory increased several times reaching more than 220 hectares The building was carried out in three stages If in the first stage the territory was divided into the same small quarters with perimeter building then in the second stage the peculiarities of the terrain were taken into account attempts were made to increase the attractiveness of the buildings to prevent the monotony and to decorate the facades if possible In the development of the array much attention was paid to landscaping yard streets and squares Commercial and cultural services facilities were located in separate two-story insert houses Thus 15 of the territory was earmarked for construction 57 for green space and 28 for streets At present more than 27500 people live on the territory of May Day Residential11

In the future the khrushchovka residential complexes of Chokolivka Syrets Windy Mountains Otradny Nyvky Nova Borschagivka Akademmistechko etc were built in Kyiv on the right bank of the Dnieper Sotsmisto Voskresenka Lisovyy Nova Darnitsa - on the left one However the khrushchovka were built not only compactly within residential areas but also housed between historic buildings in the central areas of the city on the site of destroyed buildings The construction of new large housing estates required considerable vacant areas within the city which were mostly located on the left bank of the Dnipro River in the mid-1950s but much of it flooded during the floods That is why the lands for the first residential areas on

10 Николай EРОФЕЕВ Эстетика советской жилой архитектуры httpsarchirurussia64030estetika-sovetskoi-zhiloi-arkhitektury (accessed 16 December 2019)

11 Михаил ШУЛЬКЕВИЧ Талида ДМИТРЕНКО Киев Архитектурно-исторический очерк Kyiv 1978 рp160ndash161

the Left Bank were allocated 3-5 km away from the Dnipro among them the residential area of the Leningrad (now Darnytsrsquoka) area called Sotsmisto Its construction began in 1957 on a free area of more than 420 ha12

In the first phase the construction of an array of five-story residential buildings was characterized by regular perimeter planning and in the next phase elements of free space planning were more widely used In 1966ndash1967 five-stories residential buildings were built along with them nine-stories buildings also were construct with the infrastructure such as kindergartens and other facilities Social infrastructure facilities were located mainly on the first floors of residential buildings as well as in separate two-story buildings Darnytska Square as a large transport hub became the center of the planning district Currently over 71000 people live on the territory of the Sotsmisto housing estate

The most densely built up khrushchovka residential area was Nyvky with an area of more than 502 hectares whose construction began in 1958 at the place where the farms and villas were located The development also took place in several stages Initially only five-storey houses in small rectangular quarters with dense buildings around the perimeter and within quarters were erected next to private houses and garden areas Since 1965 the construction of high-rise buildings and the organization of large quarters began Currently over 54 thousand people live in the territory of the Nyvky residential area13

In Lviv in 1959 architects A Barabash and V Tolmachev began working out a plan for detailed planning of a housing estate in the shape of three residential districts within the radial streets of Kulparkivska and Stryiska At the end of the year the development of the first 38-hectare residential district was completed which was designed for 11500 people The neighborhood was designed as groups of neighborhoods united by a network of cultural and community buildings Residential homes schools and kindergartens were located in the most favorable areas away from noise and pollution sources14

In 1962 a large-panel house with a capacity of 30 thousand msup2 came into operation in Lviv and subsequently 70 thousand msup2 a year where the construction of panel 5-storey buildings was completed In addition factory of reinforced concrete products was operating on the Stryiska street In order to provide the construction program it was necessary to commission another 80ndash100000 kmsup2 living space for nine-storey buildings As a result the construction of Lviv during the first five years was mainly carried out by five-storey houses with a small volume of nine-storey brick houses which accounted for approximately 72 of the total construction volume It was anticipated that with the introduction of the new building codes the proportion

12 ШУЛЬКЕВИЧ МИТРЕНКО 1978 (n 11) p 16213 ШУЛЬКЕВИЧ МИТРЕНКО 1978 (n 11) pp 184ndash18514 В УСПЕНСКИЙ Проектирование новых жилых районов (из опыта работы Гипрограда УССР)

Строительство и архитектура 11 1959 рp 2ndash5

of nine-story construction would increase sharply to 188 per year in 197015

The first quarters with typical multi-storey buildings were the blocks on the Pasichna street built in the late 1950s under the design of L Nivina and S Dorosh on the Uhorska street (arch A Kamenska) on the May 1 street and Kakhovska street (arch P Cont L Nivina A Consulov) The construction of these first quarters was supposed to be a comprehensive one which included schools kindergartens and trade enterprises The main compositional technique was the placement of four- five-storey houses on the periphery of the quarters or in a row with the end facing towards the roadway The first major residential area designed on the principle of micro-districting was the area between Horodotska Vyhovskogo Lublinska streets and railway tracks One of the first districts of large-panel housing construction (arch L Nivina A Konsulov) was erected on the territory adjacent to Horodotska and Vygovsrsquokogo streets The basis of the composition was the principle of forming residential groups of five-storey buildings placed perpendicular to each other At that time typical large-scale housing construction projects did not include built-in retail outlets so separate brick houses were built for these establishments with built-in stores

In the neighborhood between Kulparkivska and Stryiska streets residential buildings of typical series 1-438 were adopted for the development In general this series included typical projects of 3ndash4ndash5 storey buildings Mostly these were two-section houses Each section was formed by four small-sized apartments three two-room (living space 31 84 msup2 total area 43 98 msup2) and one three-room (living area 4185 msup2 total area 56 3 msup2)

One of the first houses of the typical series 1ndash464 were built along the Pasichna street These

15 Archive of the Design Institute laquoGiprogradraquo Lviv 1966 Проект размещения І-ой очереди строительства Еxplanatory note Львов Гипроград 1966

were the first large-panel houses designed by the KyivZNDIEP Institute and were the most widespread in Ukraine The design of the series was based on a cross-wall structural system The supporting skeleton of the houses of this series became the transverse reinforced concrete walls located in steps of 32 m and 26 m (thanks to this the houses of this type were called houses with the ldquonarrowrdquo step of the transverse walls) They were supported by reinforced concrete floor slabs with the size of ldquoper roomrdquo The end and row sections were practically identical to the living units On one floor of the private section were located four two-room apartments with the minimum admissible standards of area the hallway area was 28 msup2 the combined bathroom 287 msup2 the kitchen 58 msup2 the area of one room was 1388 msup2 and the other 1902 msup2 though the rooms were accessible The front section provided one one-room and three two-room apartments with similar technical and economic indicators The peculiarity of Lviv housing in the 1960s was the fact that in Lviv there were basements under houses while they were not made everywhere in Ukraine16

Improvement in the design of residential districts of the Southern planning region was achieved through the completion of the 1ndash464 series The nomenclature of five-story and nine-story buildings has expanded In particular the draft series 1ndash464Dndash102 which was finalized in Moscow and put into operation in 1967

The project of the first residential district on the Khmelnitskyy street was developed in the early 1960rsquos (arch M Mikula L Kamenska O Radomsky) It is used in a series of five-storey large-panel houses series 1ndash464 ten-section house along the Khmelnitskyy street and point 12 ndashstorey buildings and sides of the Grinchenko street

16 Оксана МОКЛЯНИК Формування архітектури житла в умовах соціальних трансформацій (на прикладі житлової архітектури Львова на прикладі радянського і пострадянського періоду) (Doctoral dissertation) Lviv 2006 рр 99ndash100

Fig 1 The first quarter with typical multi-storey buildings on the Pasichna street in Lviv built in the late 1950s under the design of L Nivina and S Dorosh (photo O Morklyanyk)

Fig 2 Construction of a residential district by five-story paneled houses at Naukova street in Lviv built in the late 1960s (photo O Morklyanyk)

The new neighborhoods designed in the early 1970s were significantly different from those ones built earlier and were built in the typical five-story 1ndash438 and 1ndash464 buildings Already at the time it was recognized that the limited nomenclature caused the uniformity of neighborhoods The main goal of the designers was the desire to expand the nomenclature of typical projects Thus in projects of typical series 67 and 87 of residential district ldquoSriblyastyyrdquo (Silvery) there are provided apartments of improved planning enlarged areas of kitchens in two-room apartments separate bathrooms are designed cells are provided The plastic solution of the facades of the houses has been improved due to the removal of the premises for drying linen the combination of loggias and balconies and individual elements of the locking of buildings17

According to the same principles housing was deployed in all cities and towns of Ukraine

Advantages and disadvantages of khrushchovka and its fate

Initially khrushchovka was considered a temporary dwelling for 25 years and later their service life was increased to 50ndash60 years This means that the first homes built in 1957 hit a critical mark and should be demolished in 2017 However there are now opinions that with regular overhaul of khrushchovka the service life can be extended to 150 years As evidence of the feasibility of preserving residential areas of khrushchovka include such facts as the comparative cheap housing (apartments in ldquokhrushchovkardquo are the most sought flats for poor categories of the population young families students single people) good infrastructure of residential areas a large percentage of landscaping However the disadvantages are also obvious too small flats lack of utility rooms poor quality of work performance respectively poor technical condition of buildings The repair of the khrushchovka was carried out irregularly the engineering infrastructure of most buildings is worn out Therefore the issue of the further fate of khrushchovka needs to be addressed first

The Khrushchov housing estates were built as mass housing for the working class and in most cases they were located near industrial enterprises Due to the decline or closure of these enterprises changes in the functional purpose of industrial premises (in particular the creation of shopping entertainment office art centers in the premises and on the site of former industrial enterprises) lost the connection of residents with the surrounding area Therefore among the residents of the khrushchovka of the older age groups the strategy of ldquosurvivingrdquo in such residential areas prevails and the population of the younger age groups views them within the framework of the transit strategy that is as ldquotemporary stopsrdquo within the life cycle in the way of career growth creation family

In 2006 the decree ldquoOn complex reconstruction of quarters (residential districts) of obsolete housing stockrdquo (residential buildings up to five floors) was adopted in Ukraine At least 60

17 МОКЛЯНИК 2006 (n 16) p 101

of the structural components of khrushchovka are worn18 There are three basic approaches to solving the problem of housing stock renewal and creating comfortable living conditions

bull preservation of the existing housing stock with its further overhaul and modernization (for residential buildings that do not require improvement of apartment planning and with physical deterioration of the basic elements up to 60)

bull reconstruction of buildings (for residential buildings requiring replacement of floors and or redevelopment of apartments subject to physical deterioration of the basic elements up to 40) with possible application depending on the structural schemes of buildings superstructures ldquoinsertsrdquo and additions for obtaining modern apartments that meet the commercial demand of today and new premises for retail public and catering establishments as well as offices

bull renovation or complete demolition of houses with the subsequent construction of new housing which corresponds to modern ideas about comfort of living (for residential buildings that have a physical deterioration of the basic elements over 40) with complex improvement of residential areas

In order to implement this decree it was planned to demolish old khrushchovka in Kiev and to build new modern multi-storey buildings in their place

In 2008 the Urban Planning Institute of Kyiv developed a program for comprehensive reconstruction of quarters (residential districts) of obsolete housing stock according to it the program of the resettlement of demolished khrushchovka residents was developed According to this program about 69 million msup2 of housing stock (which includes both khrushchovka and stalinka) is to be demolished in Kyiv and the area of potential reconstruction is about 1500 hectares Demolition of khrushchovka in Kiev was planned to start from the residential area of Nivky (Academic Tupolev and Marshal Grechko streets) and then - Sotsmista By 2025 it is envisaged to complete the complete renovation of the 11 quarters of the first mass series residential buildings But the process of demolition of khrushchovka has not started due to both economic factors lack of investors and the disagreement of the residents of the old houses on resettlement

There are two opposing points of view regarding the further fate of khrushchovka in Kiev On the one hand the complete renovation of such residential areas is cost-effective since the demolition of five-storey buildings and the construction of the territory by buildings of a much higher altitude are more profitable both in terms of city development and for investors To this should be added the fact that the requirements of the population for the architectural and planning qualities of the housing significantly increased It is also important that as a result of the expansion of the city the arrays of khrushchovka appeared in the middle and

18 Про комплексну реконструкцію кварталів (мікрорайонів) застарілого житлового фонду (2007) Закон України від 22 грудня 2006 року N 525-V Відомості Верховної Ради України 10 2007 p 88

central parts with higher land values which caused a discrepancy between the urban value of these territories and the quality of the housing stock Therefore there are concerns about the ineffective use of the city land fund under five-storey buildings Part of the residents support this view calling their homes khrushchoba (a term that refers to khrushchovka as slums) and emphasizing the critical condition of their engineering infrastructure heat conservation issues inconvenient apartment planning and more On the other hand the opinion is expressed about the need to preserve the housing blocks of khrushchovka as a cultural and historical heritage of the city as an example of socialist planning with a well-developed network of social infrastructure institutions as areas with a high share of green space etc

Discussions about the further fate of areas of mass housing development in the 1960s and 1980s continue in other cities of Ukraine

Conclusions

Thus the process of designing districts in Soviet cities gave architects a unique chance to implement the functionalist principles of urban space organization - from the project to its implementation both at the level of regional planning and at the level of individual apartments This significantly differentiated Soviet designers from most Western European intellectual architects who were predominantly engaged in developing architectural concepts

During the 1960s and 1980s a qualitatively new phase in the development of urban planning and architecture of Ukraine was connected with the large-scale construction of khrushchovka The construction of neighborhoods in the cities was based on the principles of functional zoning it envisaged a complex development with schools kindergartens medical institutions businesses and businesses 4- 5-storey buildings were built of precast concrete structures or bricks The widespread use of typical and redesign methods in architectural practice has enabled relatively large volumes of residential construction to be achieved in a relatively short time Building on typical projects was considered as one of the means of ensuring social equality Such architecture formed a new urban landscape embodied a new doctrine of development of Soviet society which was based on the concept of ldquoSoviet manrdquo - the man of the future

Today an unspecified fate of khrushchovka quarters remains On the one hand the advantages of living in such quarters are stated on the other - it is about the economic inappropriateness of their operation A separate problem is the definition and recognition of the historical value of such housing estates The fact of the khrushchovka phenomenon in the overall architectural context is undeniable These residential quarters really shaped the ldquofacerdquo of their era becoming its visual recognizable symbols However their widespread distribution poor performance and poor quality of construction certain ldquodislikerdquo of society to khrushchovka are serious obstacle to the recognition of the value of these estates and therefore problematic is the protection of this unique heritage

Prikaz določil Atenske listine v arhitekturi masivne stanovanjske gradnje v Ukrajini od 1960-tih do 1980-tih

Povzetek

Historična usmeritev arhitekture v Sovjetski zvezi in Ukrajini se je dramatično spremenila po tem ko je leta 1954 prišel na oblast Nikita Hruščov Začetek sprememb je predstavljal sklep KPSZ Centralnega komiteja in ZSSR Sveta ministrov raquoO odpravi odvečnega v oblikovanju in gradbeništvulaquo (1955) S tem dokumentom se je začel proces implementiranja idej Atenske listine (1933) vendar z drugimi ideološkimi poudarki in brez uradne omembe Le Corbusiera Obodni razvoj okrožij in prehodnih ulic je zamenjalo načelo raquoprostega planiranjalaquo ki je odražalo raquoprogresivno smerlaquo v razvoju sovjetskega urbanističnega načrtovanja Široka uporaba tipičnih oblikovalskih metod in arhitekturna praksa sta omogočili da so bile v relativno kratkem času zgrajene velike količine stanovanjskih zgradb Istočasno je bila tipična gradnja razumljena kot eden izmed načinov zagotavljanja socialne enakosti Med 1959 in 1985 je gradnja okrožij v ukrajinskih mestih temeljila na načelih funkcionalnega coniranja ki so predvidevala razvoj kompleksov s šolami vrtci zdravstvenimi ustanovami obrtjo in vsakodnevnimi dejavnostmi Omejeno število tipov stanovanj ni prispevalo k ustvarjajo udobnega okolja za bivanje človeka Danes so okrožja masivnih stanovanjskih naselij (t i raquoHruščovova okrožjalaquo) v Ukrajini postala problematična za mesta Po eni strani so zaradi velike količine zelenih con in dobre infrastrukture privlačna za živeti po drugi strani pa stanovanja z minimalnim prostorom in nizko kvaliteto gradnje niso popularna na nepremičninskem trgu Danes se odločajo o usodi Hruščovovih okrožij v ukrajinskih mestih ndash strokovnjaki priporočajo da se jih poruši in da se namesto njih zgradijo okrožja novih stanovanjskih naselij

Slovenian Architects and the CIAM Congresses

Bogo Zupančič

Introduction

The most relevant book that describes in detail and analyses the events connected to the CIAM congresses ndash from the establishment until the decline of the movement ndash is the work of Eric Mumford titled The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism 1928ndash19601 In the book the Yugoslav CIAM the 10th CIAM congress in Dubrovnik Zagreb and its analytical plan and architects Ernest Weissmann Vladimir Antolić Drago Ibler and Radovan Nikšić are mentioned Slovenian architects are not mentioned in the book and it appears that ldquoCIAMismrdquo and the events connected to it completely passed us by Architectural theoretic Fedja Košir also wrote about our tardiness a belated ldquociamismrdquo in the chapter Between the CIAM and the Bauhaus movements 1950ndash19652 But is this true

Based on the number of attendants in the atelier of architect Le Corbusier and his cousin Pierre Jeanneret at the 35 Rue de Segravevres before the Second World War Slovenians are placed at the top3 Moreover their role and importance in the atelier are not insignificant4 What are the reasons that Slovenian architects did not participate more actively in the congress activities of the international congresses of modern architecture (fr Congres internationaux drsquoarchitecture moderne) or CIAM for short before the Second World War and after it The congresses were held in the period of a good 30 years thus from 1928 when the first founding congress was held in Swiss town La Sarraz until the last 11th congress in 1959 in the town of Otterlo in the Netherlands when the movement dissolved In the article I research the reasons and

1 Eric Paul MUMFORD The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism 1928ndash1960 Cambridge-London 2000 The preface of the book was written by architectural historian Kenneth Frampton

2 Fedja KOŠIR Zapoznelo ciamovstvo Med ciamovstvom in bauhausovstvom K Arhitekturi (3 del) Razvoj arhitekturne teorije na Slovenskem Ljubljana 2007 pp 160ndash198

3 After the French and Swiss architects and architects from USA Plečnikrsquos students architects Miroslav Oražem Milan Sever Hrvoje Brnčić Marjan Tepina Jovan Krunić Edvard Ravnikar and Marko Župančič Behrensrsquo student architect Feri Novak and civil engineers Fran Tavčar and Janko Bleiweis worked in the atelier

4 More in Bogo ZUPANČIČ Plečnikovi študenti in drugi jugoslovanski arhitekti v Le Corbusierovem ateljeju Ljubljana 2017

factors for a poor connection of Slovenian architects with the CIAM congresses What were the causes for the fact that Slovenian architects attended the congresses only towards the decline of the movement What was happening with these factors before the Second World War and after it

The absence of Slovenian architects from the CIAM congresses before the Second World War Architects Weissmann Antolić and the Work Group Zagreb and Slovenian architects

The CIAM congresses present only a part of the connections of Slovenian architects with international professional environment Traditionally Slovenian space was most connected and susceptible to German and Slavic influences partly also Italian while after the First World War it began to open up more to French and American cultures In the territory of Yugoslavia the contacts with CIAM were first established by Croatian architects5 In 1928 owing to his international reputation Zagreb architect of Jewish descent Hugo Ehrlich (1879ndash1936) was invited to the constituent assembly of CIAM in La Sarraz in Switzerland6 Supposedly Ehrlich did not come to La Sarraz in solidarity with his friend architect Adolf Loos who seemingly was not invited

After finishing Technical High School in Zagreb Croatian architect of Jewish descent Ernest Weissmann (1903ndash1985) first worked with architect Adolf Loos in Paris between 1926 and 1927 and later in the atelier of Le Corbusier and his cousin Pierre Jeanneret also in Paris7 Weissmann was one of the first young architects who worked at the atelier he helped with the first key projects which were crucial for their breakthrough in the international architectural arena Le Corbusier did not only value him and therefore paid him as a co-worker but he also helped him in general Their collaboration was particularly strong between 1927 and 1930 when Weissmann worked at the atelier and occasionally up until 1937 when he collaborated with Le Corbusier for example on his project Pavillion des Temps Nouveaux and the 5th congress of CIAM in Paris Le Corbusier enabled young Weissmann the entrance into the prestigious world of the most important architectural events and personalities connected to modern architecture Weissmann became a member of CIAM and CIRPAC the highest body of this organization as early as 19288 When Weissmann attended the second congress of CIAM in Frankfurt in 1929 the topic of which were apartments for the subsistence level and

5 Several Croatian authors write about this such as Tomislav PREMERL CIAM i naša međuratna arhitektura Arhitektura 189ndash195 Zagreb 1984ndash1985 Tamara BJAŽIĆ KLARIN Ernest Weissmann Društveno angažirana arhitektura 1926ndash1939 Zagreb 2015

6 For more on the architect see Židovski biografski leksikon Hugo Ehrlich httpzbllzmkhr (access 6 February 2020)

7 For more on the architect see Židovski biografski leksikon Ernest Weissmann httpzbllzmkhr (access 6 February 2020)

8 CIRPAC = international committee for solving contemporary architectural problems (fr Comiteacute Internationale pour la Reacutesolution des Problegravemes de lArchitecture Contemporaine)

the building regulations he recognized and saw possible solutions for the question of housing in a capitalist environment He visited the Weissenhof housing estate near Stuttgart with left-wing supporters architects and then the Neue Frankfurt under the leadership of Ernest May where based on real examples he became familiar with the results of the social politics of the Weimar Republic the leading patron of modern architecture9 As Weissmann was also familiar with Zagrebrsquos poor housing conditions and the hygienic conditions connected to them he advocated for the use of similar solutions to solve the issue of housing conditions in Zagreb He was the promoter of the foundation of cooperative Work Group Zagreb (WGZ)10 which is important because the group actively participated at the 4th CIAM congress in Athens Politically Weissmann was a left-wing architect he advocated for a relationship between CIAM and the Soviet Union he was highly critical of CIAM and CIRPACrsquos work he reproached them elitism exclusivity closed nature and their service to international big capital In accordance with these findings his work was consistently socially engaged from the beginning until the end when he was a high representative of United Nations (UN) His belief was that the new international style modern or functional architecture must be a reflection of the time and the new social changes He was convinced that West European countries and the USA took over the architectural expression of the newly emerging modern socialist society which rose with the October Revolution in Russia and the Weimar Republic in Germany He was surprised by bourgeois-capitalistically oriented architects also by Le Corbusier for spending so much time on technical material questions of construction and less on socially important questions He wrote in his article ldquoImali smo drugu verziju poveljerdquo [We had another version of Charter]11 ldquoUnfortunately CIAM was an elite exclusive organization National groups proposed CIRPAC candidates for the membership in CIAM In the same way the lsquodelegatesrsquo of CIAM were chosen and confirmed Aside from leading their national groups the delegates were members of CIRPAC and with that the judges of contemporary architecture That was and remained a closed circle of international lsquoelitersquo in the movement of modern architecture Together with several young delegates and colleagues (membership candidates) our group prompted the action for the lsquodemocratizationrsquo of CIAM (England Spain France)rdquo

9 BJAŽIĆ KLARIN 2015 (n 5) pp 43ndash4410 Work Group Zagreb (cro Radna grupa Zagreb slo Delovna skupina Zagreb) or WGZ was a group of

architects and construction experts members of which were Vladimir Antolić Josip Pičman Josip Seissel Viktor Hećimović Zvonimir Kavurić Bogdan Teodorović and Ernest Weissmann It was founded as a cooperative on the initiative of Weissmann in 1932 It advocated for progressive ideas of modern architecture and in 1933 as a national section for Yugoslavia at the 4th congress in Athens it was accepted into the CIAM membership Part of the material that they prepared for the congress in Athens on the social role of contemporary urbanism especially of the mid-war period in Zagreb illegal construction on the outskirts of Zagreb and other was exhibited at the exhibition of Umetniška skupina Zemlja (The Earth Group) in 1932 Among other things they prepared a project titled Agriculture and forestry of the Faculty in Zagreb (1932ndash35 the agronomic pavilion and the pavilion of dairy production were executed) with which they attempted to establish an organic approach in architecture The group operated for a few years on Croatian cultural scene by participating in architectural competitions exhibitions and public polemics

11 Ernest WEISSMANN Imali smo drugu verziju povelje Arhitektura 189ndash195 Zagreb 1984ndash1985 pp 32ndash37

Numerous Croatian researchers of architecture study architect Vladimir Antolić (1903ndash1981) and his work before and after the Second World War because his professionalism and oeuvre exceed local context and because of his connection to CIAM As a town urban planner and a representative of CIAM for Yugoslavia Antolić instilled the principles of CIAM in the regulation plan of Zagreb After the Second World War at the initiative of Weissmann who was a senior official at UN in New York at that time he worked in southeastern Asia with a similar intention In the book Le Corbusier i hrvatska škola arhitekture [Le Corbusier and the Croatian School of Architecture] Vedran Ivanković dedicated to him the eight chapter12 Antolić was a full member of CIAM from 1932 to 1939 and participated at all CIAM congresses and other meetings such as in Athens Amsterdam Paris Zuumlrich and Budapest In 1933 he signed the Athens Charter with which Le Corbusier set the foundations of modern town planning and which is one of the most important documents of functional urbanism

In professional world literature the Yugoslav CIAM group is connected to Zagreb and WGZ and not to other urban middles in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia such as Belgrade Ljubljana and Sarajevo In the 1930s the connections between Slovenian Croatian Serbian and other architects existed however they were not as strong as to expand over national environments into an integrated activity on the level of the whole country The Yugoslav CIAM group was focused on the circle of architects from Zagreb and Zagreb itself which was known as the financial centre of the country and was at least two times larger than Ljubljana at the time of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia13 In Zagreb social contrasts connected to the urban development of the city which were the consequence of rapid urbanization were more visible than in Ljubljana even though Ljubljana also had poor suburbs and areas of poverty such as were Sibirija Gramozna jama and ldquoLjubljanarsquos Londonrdquo

At the newly founded Department of architecture at the Technical Faculty of the University of Ljubljana (OzA TF UL) in 1920 at the time of the foundation of the Bauhaus school in Germany and the rise of functionalism and the CIAM congresses Prof Jože Plečnik discouraged his students from modern movement even though in the Viennese period he was known as the pioneer of modernity and enthused them about classical principles in architecture He understood modernism in a different way Plečnik also had an influence on the regulation of the town through the head of the construction office of the Municipality of Ljubljana Eng Matko Prelovšek since several of Plečnikrsquos graduates were employed at the office It was different in Zagreb they had younger architects in the office who were well acquainted with modern urban tendencies Zagreb became the centre of modern movement even though Yugoslavia was known as an agricultural country Moreover Croatians had good international connections and several important people in positions connected to architecture Ljubo(mir) Ilić from Split was a correspondent of the AA magazine in Paris while several Croatian

12 Vedran IVANKOVIĆ Le Corbuisier i hrvatska škola arhitekture Zagreb 2016 pp 153ndash17813 Without peri-urban municipalities Ljubljana had slightly less than 60000 inhabitants in 1931

architects were active and strongly represented with articles in the magazine Arhitektura [Architecture] which was published in Ljubljana between 1931 and 193414 It appears that the contacts were pragmatically business-like

Slovenian architects were not included in the pre-war CIAM movement On the one hand based on the number of Slovenian architects among all architects in Le Corbusierrsquos atelier in Paris this fact is somewhat surprising On the other hand knowing Slovenian circumstances and a different view of the charismatic Prof Plečnik towards the urban problem topical at that time it is not It can be gathered from available sources that in contrast to strong relations with architect Juraj Neidhardt (1901ndash1979) Slovenian architects who worked in Le Corbusierrsquos atelier in Paris did not know architect Weismann Architect Miroslav Oražem Plečnikrsquos first student in Le Corbusierrsquos atelier worked there in April 1929 and in the study year 193031 when Weissmann had already returned to Zagreb which is why it is not really plausible that they would have met there Architect Milan Sever did exhibit with Weissmann and Neidhardt in the Cahier drsquoArt gallery in Paris in 193515 however it is unknown whether they met It is known from the letter of architect Vladimir Braco Mušič who studied at Harvard Graduate School of Design in Cambridge16 to his cousin in Ljubljana that Weissmann was an acquaintance of architect Marjan Tepina17 however they probably met only after the Second World War Ravnikar and Weissmann did meet but probably only after 1945 In the chapter Suradnici iz Jugoslavije [Co-workers from Yugoslavia] Weissmann wrote about Ravnikar ldquoEdo Ravnikar was in the atelier before my arrival [It is unknown which departure from the atelier Weissmann had in mind authorrsquos note] I did not meet him in Paris or at the congresses As far as I am

14 In the magazine Weissmann presented the Jewish hospital in Zagreb several articles on modern architecture were contributed by his friend art historian Bogdan Rajakovc Antolić published two articles In 1931 Antolić received the fifth prize at the competition for the new Ljubljana railway station the journal Slovenec reported about it on 15th November 1931

15 ZUPANČIČ 2017 (n 4) p 70 ldquoArchitects Milan Sever and Juraj Neidhardt were good friends despite minor disagreements they were both closely connected to architect Dušan Grabrijan Neidhardt was even his best man All three helped each other and informed each other about all important events Neidhardt invited Sever to his exhibition Jeunes architectes which was on display at the Cahiers drsquoArt gallery in Paris in February and March 1935 Sever is described as a man from Zagreb in the excellent company of ambitious young Zagreb architects Neidhardt and Weissmann Listed among the exhibitors were also furniture designer Charlotte Perriand architect Michel Roux from Paris and othersrdquo

16 He enrolled in HGSD through the arranging of Ernest Weissmann who according to what Mušič told to the author of the article knew well Mušičrsquos mother Erna nee Uzelac from the time he spent in Zagreb

17 ZUPANČIČ 2017 (n 4) p 193 In a letter from Cambridge from 15th October 1963 Braco Mušič mentioned to his cousin architect Marko Mušič from Ljubljana that architects Weissmann and Marjan Tepina knew each other however not much was known about it He wrote ldquoDear Marko as you have probably heard I am presently stationed at Harvard at the Urban Design Studio which is a constituent part of the Graduate School of Design lsquoDean J L Sertrsquo There have been some troubles with formal registration since I arrived late however for this year they accepted me and gave me a program and work in the scope of the regular course Jaqueline Tyrwhitt lsquoCiam Dubrovnikrsquo whom I have met by chance in the United Nations when I was visiting arch Ernest Weissmann for a recommendation for Sert was of great help By the way Weissmann was a close acquaintance of M Tepina and very interested in the state and development of our urbanismrdquo

aware he was not a member of CIAM before 1937rdquo18 Weissmann and Ravnikar later became members of JAZU [Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts] in Zagreb as did Neidhardt In the necrology of Juraj Neidhardt Ravnikar allowed himself to compare Neidhardt with Sert and Weissmann19 Surprisingly he assessed the latter somewhat critically based on his formal and aesthetic expression

The supremacy of Plečnikrsquos doctrine and personality and the slowed down (modern) urbanity

In 1920 Prof Plečnik moved from Prague to Ljubljana owing to his teaching at the OzA TF UL He worked intensively on his studentsrsquo seminar work and oversaw their development He did not allow a departure from the functionalist direction especially not with the generation from the 1920s with whom he was particularly strict20 It was different with the generation of students from the 1930s with whom owing to numerous works he somewhat lessened his strictness as he began to dedicate himself ever more to the construction of the national capital It was precisely this generation from which more than a quarter of his graduates began working in Le Corbusierrsquos atelier in Paris21 that produced the turn towards the direction of modern architecture in Slovenia This includes standing up for public architectural and urban competitions the desire for the establishment of architectural magazine Krog [The Circle] and advocating for greater engagement of younger architects in the profession and the society At that time a defining moment happened as young architect Ravnikar who was drawing Plečnikrsquos project for the Modern gallery in Ljubljana took the project from him and completed it according to his own idea A real explosion of modernist thoughts occurred after the Second World War at the time of the rebuilding of the demolished homeland when it was

18 WEISSMANN 1984ndash1985 (n 11) p 3619 E R (Edvard Ravnikar) In memoriam Juraj Neidhardt Arhitektov bilten 4445 1979 pp 9ndash10 ldquoNeidhart

remained there for years and organized many project works in the atelier which were crucial for Le Corbusierrsquos breakthrough it can be said that for the first time in the history of architecture such a breakthrough on a global scale and in global formalization of the concept of architecture occurred His path will be more clear to us if we think about some parallel examples of course many more could be presented I think except from him of Weissmann and J L Sert and their different future paths We know how in Zagreb after projects made in a completely adequate Corbusier manner Weissmann gave up the latter and clung onto Mendelsohnrsquos cumbersome manner Or how J L Sert later boss at Harvard a participant in and an invalid of the Spanish civil war who in the LC atelier was far from being as important as the quiet hero of the then Le Corbusierrsquos phase and as an emigrant still found his place in America with entirely different possibilities than those that remained for Neidhardt in the homelandrdquo

20 Worth mentioning among Plečnikrsquos students of the first generation from the 1920s are the names of those who later in their careers somewhat moved away from their professorrsquos principles which is something that Plečnik allowed These were architects France Tomažič Dušan Grabrijan Dragotin Fatur Maks Strenar Marjan Mušič Miroslav Oražem Domicijan Serajnik Janko Omahen and possibly others

21 This were Sever Brnčić Tepina Krunić Ravnikar and Župančič The circle around Ravnikar Tepina and Sever to which (occasionally) joined architects from the first generation from the 1920s was especially active

necessary to quickly and efficiently build a better world as soon as possible Owing to the rationality and the housing minimum larger spacious apartments and duplexes in accordance with the model of Le Corbusierrsquos works were not built in Ljubljana In the necrology in memory of Le Corbusier Ravnikar wrote that in Slovenia Le Corbusierrsquos influence was greater in the field of urbanism than architecture ldquoMuch more in urbanism that in architecture did our youth relied on his principles his thinking his urban technique analyses and three-dimensional presentationrdquo 22 With his first post-war works architect Ravnikar offered several comparisons as well as deviations from Le Corbusierrsquos ideas which presents a real challenge for research work When the system and the authority changed after the Second World War social relations and the relationships of power changed in the architectural sphere as well After the war young architects focused on modern architecture took over the leading positions in the field and at the OzA there was a generational change among professors

Slovenian architects and the CIAM congresses after the Second World War

The relationship between Slovenian architects and CIAM was analysed by architect Prof Fedja Košir in a subchapter of his book Zapoznelo ciamovstvo [Late CIAMism]23 however he did not write in detail about the congresses and the Slovenian architects connected to them He focused more on the analysis of the publicity matter and the theoretical postulate and less on the extensive building production characterized by the return to functionalism Despite poor technological equipment of the construction the extent of works produced was enviable24 Publication Urbanizem arhitektura konstrukcije 1945ndash1946 [Urbanism Architecture Construction 1945ndash1946]25 where all the most important Slovenian architects of that time participated was issued in the scope of the Projektivni zavod LRS MG [LRS MG Institute of Design] It appears that the architects were in a whirlwind of intensive building renovations and did not pay attention to theoretical foundations Košir opined that from a theoretical perspective the excellent magazine Arhitekt (1951ndash1963) was not as exclusively ambitious ldquoHowever functionalist headwords were [at that time authorrsquos note] so old and familiar that they can barely be heard or nothing new is to be heardrdquo26 as Košir realized The orthodox CIAMism is prevalent in the first issues of the Arhitekt magazine however soon after the death of architect Dušan Grabrijan (1899ndash1952) great supporter of functionalism the direction slowly changed

22 Edvard RAVNIKAR Charles Edouard Jeanneret Le Corbusier 1887ndash1965 (in memoriam slovenski učenci) Sinteza 3 1965 p 64

23 KOŠIR 2007 (n 2) pp 167ndash18324 A list of architectural and urban works and projects of Plečnikrsquos students who worked in Le Corbusierrsquos

atelier can be found in the article Bogo ZUPANČIČ Plečnikovi diplomanti v Le Corbusierovem ateljeju in Fedja Košir Peter Krečič Bogo Zupančič Le Corbusier Ljubljana 2007 pp 99ndash118 A record of other works by Slovenian architects focused on modernism is either unknown or has not been carried out

25 Dušan GRABRIJAN (ed) Urbanizem arhitektura konstrukcije 1945ndash1946 Ljubljana 194826 KOŠIR 2007 (n 2) p 168

Even though Slovenian architects made contact with important art historians and architects soon after the Second World War which could have been of use in their connections with CIAM nothing came of it France Ivanšek wrote in the Naši razgledi magazine ldquoI first met Professor Alvaro Aalto on 14th December 1952 ndash when he was 54 and I was 30 ndash in the house of Prof Siegfrid Giedion Secretary General of CIAM (International Congresses of Modern Architecture) in ZuumlrichDoldertal At that time I was in Zuumlrich as the editor-in-chief of the Arhitekt magazine visiting architect Max Bill with whom I made contact a few years prior ndash I demonstrated to him Ravnikarrsquos chair Articulum which he appraised highly ndash and Prof Alfred Roth editor of the Swiss magazine WERK with whom we had a good editorial relationrdquo 27

Ravnikarrsquos first students and others at the OzA TF UL were undoubtedly well familiar with Le Corbusierrsquos ideas working methods and his works which can be gathered on the basis of the works that were published in the Zbornik oddelka za arhitekturo na univerzi v Ljubljani 1946ndash1947 [Journal of the Department of Architecture at the University of Ljubljana 1946ndash1947]28 Despite the period of socialist realism which lasted until the ideological division with the Informbiro in 1948 post-war renovation of demolished villages and the urbanisation of the countryside were inspired by the ideas of CIAM and Le Courbusierrsquos works This was confirmed by Ravnikar in the article ldquoUrbanistična misel v Sloveniji od leta 1900rdquo [Urbanist thought in Slovenia since 1900]29 where he wrote that on an ideological level Le Corbusierrsquos urban doctrine prevailed Later on he wrote that all other Central European doctrines began to withdraw which is undoubtedly connected to the already mentioned fact that ldquoin its entirety 20 Yugoslav architects workedrdquo in Le Corbusierrsquos atelier before the war

Slovenian architects attended the congresses of UIA in Rabat in 1952 and Lisbon in 1953 the international congress of the association of designers in Paris in 1953 as well as the last congresses of CIAM in Aix-en-Provence in 1953 and in Dubrovnik in 1956 Košir wrote that ldquofor Rabat Professor Ravnikar also prepared a short French introduction of the catalogue chose images from the first five years of the renovation of the homeland a true lsquopoem without wordsrsquo carefully cleansed of all socialist tones (RPF Yougoslavie 1951)rdquo30 Later Prof Ravnikar and his circle began to move away from the simplified functionalist principles and started to get inspired by critical regionalisms Scandinavian architecture such as Alvaro Aaltorsquos and othersrsquo Owing to various reasons31 some Slovenian architects similar to other architects

27 France IVANŠEK Srečanja z Alvarom Aaltom Naši razgledi 36 10 (849) 29 May 1987 p 29628 Marjan MUŠIČ France IVANŠEK (eds) Zbornik oddelka za arhitekturo na univerzi v Ljubljani 1946ndash1947

Ljubljana 194829 Edvard RAVNIKAR Urbanistična misel v Sloveniji od leta 1900 Kronika 29 2 1981 pp 166ndash18330 KOŠIR 2007 (n 2) p 17131 Those architects who worked in state offices were obliged to increased productivity while among

others Prof Ravnikar and the circle of his supporters worked in the scope of OzA TF UL where it was significantly easier to work with the help of students and participate at numerous competitions as well as to experiment

across the world fell in their works into simplified schemes of modern architecture repetition and monotony Let us look at some events that are important due to their topic and Slovenian architectural history

The first conference of Yugoslav architects and urban planners in Dubrovnik

From 23rd to 25th November 1950 the first conference of Yugoslav architects and urban planners was held in Dubrovnik In 2014 Branislav Krstić (1922ndash2016) wrote a book about this event the Athens Charter and the architectural and urban thoughts in the 1950s in FLRJ (Federal Peoplersquos Republic of Yugoslavia) titled Atinska povelja i misao arhitekata i urbanista FNRJ 1950-ih [The Athens Charter and the Thoughts of Architects and Urbanists of FLRJ in the 1950s]32 In the book he reprinted all three booklets with papers from Slovenian Croatian and Serbian architects from the conference in which colleagues from Montenegro Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina also participated In the introduction of the book Krstić described the identification and uniformity of European and world modernist thought and the Athens Charter with Yugoslav architectural and urban thought at the start of the 1950s He wrote that there was actually no realist socialist thought in the field of architecture in Yugoslavia after the Second World War He said ldquoWhen I mention this I think of the known evaluations that Yugoslav writers and painters under the influence of Central Committee lsquoagitproprsquo created in the style of socialist realism Two years after the Dubrovnik conference there was a congress of writers in Ljubljana (1952) where in his famous paper Krleža strongly criticized socialist realism and predicted the freedom of creation in literature and art Yugoslav architects did not need such a congress and this is an outstanding factrdquo33 Listed at the beginning are also professional biographies of the attendees who participated with papers and in the discussion Among the 15 papers from Belgradersquos booklet are papers from Le Corbusierrsquos Milorad Pantović Jovan Krunić and Krsto Filipović who at that time represented Montenegro There are no Croatian architects who worked at Le Corbusier34 among the 10 papers from the Zagreb booklet except from Filipović who is mentioned among the ones from Montenegro Important among the eight papers from the Ljubljana booklet are the paper from Edvard Ravnikar titled ldquoKratek oris modernega urbanizma v Slovenijirdquo [A short presentation of modern urbanism in Slovenia] and the one from Dušan Grabrijan titled ldquoNaše orijentalne i savremena kućardquo [Our oriental and modern houses] Beside the paper printed in the booklet Ravnikar had another paper titled ldquoArhitekturi dajmo bolje usloverdquo [Let us give better conditions to architecture] written in Dubrovnik in Serbo-Croatian language and distributed to the participants at the conference

32 Branislav KRSTIĆ (ed) Atinska povelja i misao arhitekata i urbanista FNRJ 1950-ih Beograd 201433 KRSTIĆ 2014 (n 31) p 3934 At the end of 1944 Kavurić was hung by Ustashas while Weissmann emigrated from Yugoslavia before

the Second World War Neidhardt was convicted and imprisoned for a short period of time directly after the war however he was released because new authorities needed his knowledge in the renovation of the demolished homeland After the Second World War Neidhardt moved to Sarajevo Ksenija Grisogono and her father a former minister in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia escaped from FLR Yugoslavia in 1949

At this conference Ravnikar strengthened his professional reputation and met the leading Yugoslav architects such as Mate Bajlon Milan Zloković Oliver Minić Viktor Hečimović Ivan Vitić Zdenko Strižić Vlado Antolić Josip Seissel and others In the absence of Neidhardt and Weissmann at the conference Ravnikar who was known for working at Le Corbusierrsquos became one of the leading Yugoslav architects This is why republican and federal officials happily invited him to numerous competitions so that they would acquire great ideas Despite winning these competitions Ravnikar was not really successful in the execution of the ideas presented there except later in the Montenegrin Littoral

The 9th congress of CIAM in Aix-en-Provence

Slovenian architects were first mentioned in connection to the CIAM congress in the scope of the yet unestablished Ljubljana ldquojunior sectionrdquo at the 9th congress of CIAM in Aix-en-Provence The congress was held from 19th to 26th July 1953 and was attended by students of architecture France Ivanšek and Braco Mušič from Ljubljana Among the proposed candidates for the congress were also Prof Ravnikar and his assistant Stanko Kristl which can be gathered from Ivanšekrsquos letter dated 20th May 1953 preserved at the FLC in Paris The reason why the latter two did not attend the congress is unknown In the report ldquoIX mednarodni kongres za moderno arhitekturo (CIAM)rdquo [IX International congress of modern architecture (CIAM)]35 Ivanšek wrote that the congress was held in the shadows of bushy sycamores on the courtyard of the Eacutecole des Arts et Metiers in Aix-en-Provence Beside the presence of the founders Le Corbusier Walter Gropius Sigfried Giedion Cornelis van Eestern and Jose Luis Sert and other known architects a large number of young architects participated at the congress for the first time which was a novelty Beside Mušič and Ivanšek from Ljubljana the 9th congress was attended by another person from Yugoslavia architect Prof Drago Ibler from Zagreb Ivanšek described the topic of the congress ldquoThe topic of the IX CIAM congress the preparation of the lsquoCharte de lrsquoHabitatrsquo (Charter of Habitat) encompassed the question of an apartment in the largest meaning of the word Thus the IX CIAM was not about studying an apartment as a completely constructional task of this or that size (le logis) but rather about its integration in the versatility of relationships raised by everyday life of a person as an individual and a member of a community With the study of an expanded concept of an apartment it was about the fact that the usual interpretation of this problem which is too material and technical as well as too narrow and too schematic was to be contrasted with a new wider more flexible as well as more creative view on the question of apartments In the centre of research were mutual relations between a person-individual and the society which were already addressed at the V2I CIAM during the study of the ldquoheart of the cityrdquo and at the same time the problems of a narrower cohabitation in the scope of a familyrdquo

Later on he stated that the basis for the work of the five commissions into which the

35 Fr[ance] IVANŠEK IX mednarodni kongres za moderno arhitekturo (CIAM) Arhitekt 11 1954 pp 20ndash21

participants of the congress were divided served 40 work studies of architects of 20 nationalities The studies were presented in the form of grilles [nets authorrsquos note] They mostly showed practical examples of blocks of flats neighbourhoods housing estates and entire cities with a display of previous state and economic social hygienic and geographical conditions With the help of planned or executed projects the possibilities or wishes based on the realization of demands of modern residences as well as their land spatial constructive aesthetic legislative and financial execution were presented Grilles were wide work studies which were presented by the Swedes English French Austrians Belgians Swiss and Americans (on the example of Pennsylvanian housing estates) Later in the text Ivanšek problematized some of the conclusions of the congress Among other things he stated that the internationalism of modern architecture was replaced by a new climatic regionalism and added that the working commission for the ldquoformation of an architectrdquo studies problems in which and how to raise young architects Parallel with this commission the problem of education was also addressed by the Junior CIAM conference which Mušič and Ivanšek also attended At the congress the attendees of the Junior CIAM conference set up an ad-hoc exhibition titled Junior Groups Towards the Active School in which the Ljubljana group (in the phase of being established note of the author) also participated Ivanšek concluded the article with an information that the IX CIAM was finished with an excursion through southern Provence and a visit of Le Corbusierrsquos block of flats in Marseille in honour of CIAMrsquos 25th anniversary Mušič summarised with great enthusiasm his impressions of visiting the block of flats in Marseille in the Ljubljanski dnevnik journal where they also published a section view and a ground plan of an apartment with the following words ldquoThey later told us that social life in the lsquoLrsquoUnitersquo is as developed as nowhere else in Marseille Numerous social events are held on the terrace All life in this house gives the impression of a happy commune The author of this incredible building also walks smilingly among the numerous enthusiastic visitors I can sense the satisfaction from his face I have not seen an architect who would walk through his Fig 1 Series of photographs (in a net) taken by Vladimir Braco Mušič at the 9th CIAM congress

(copy Museum of Architecture and Design Archive Ljubljana)

Fig 2 Students of architecture Vladimir Braco Mušič and France Ivanšek at the 9th CIAM congress (copy Museum of Architecture and Design Archive Ljubljana)

building with such an expression He felt to me like the father of all residents I was irrevocably convinced that architecture decisively influences a person as a social being Supposedly an apartment in this block of flats in Marseille costs ca 18000 francs which is a lot The costs of construction and furnishing were in the billions however if more such buildings were constructed at the same time the price would of course lower The execution is solid nevertheless the craftwork of the interior has an aspect of multiplicity The craftwork lacks refinement that Slovenians have gotten used to in the last 20 years But in the face of true value of a bold attempt this is only a triviality That same night we again returned to Marseille where a fun event in celebration of the 25th anniversary of CIAM was held on the terrace of the block of flats A fantastic concrete landscape of towers pavilions chimneys and fans bathed in the milky pale moonlight Approximately 300 people gathered Refreshing drinks dancing movies etc Dozens of the most outstanding world architects dozens of advocates of contemporary architecture dozens of young people future architects There were no barriers among us we all celebrated Corbusierrsquos victory I knew that among these people there are no hesitations which can still be found in our country lsquoShould we trust modern architecture since it cannot yet show anything solid anything that lasts helliprsquo And similar More and more such evidence can be found from India to Scandinavia and Japan The front of rigid academies has been broken through and throughrdquo36

The 10th CIAM congress in Dubrovnik

Only Braco Mušič attended the 10th CIAM congress in Dubrovnik held between 6th and 12th August 1956 At the beginning of the article ldquoDeseti dubrovniški CIAMrdquo [The 10th CIAM in Dubrovnik] 37 he stated that the congress went by in a complete physical and spiritual absence of Yugoslav architects who besides poor organization did not contribute anything to the congress Mušič recognized in the congress an opportunity ndash even though Yugoslavia was not a member of CIAM and did not have its own CIAM-groups ndash for an establishment in this organization by joining our problems and forces to the efforts of the congress which was to lead towards a real progress in contemporary architecture in the world Mušič agreed with the realization of many others that during the changing of generations the congress was going through a deep crisis nevertheless he was convinced that a reorganization will keep it alive which did not happen On the boat from Rijeka to Dubrovnik Mušič met delegates of the congress who had their first meetings in Padua as early as 2nd and 3rd August Members from CIAM groups from all over the world attended the congress in Dubrovnik among the names listed Mušič mentioned those architects38 who we come across more frequently

36 Vladimir B MUŠIČ Arhitektura vpliva na ljudi (Iz popotnega dnevnika) Ljubljanski dnevnik IV 14 januar 1954 p 4

37 Vladimir B MUŠIČ Deseti dubrovniški CIAM Ljubljana Arhitekt 20 1956 pp 36ndash3738 J L Sert S Giedion J Bakema G Candilis P A Emery W Howell E Gueverekian A Sive E May J H

van den Broek F Albini P Bottoni A Korsmo S Markelius A Roth A Neumann A Blomstedt etc

Fig 3 Series of photographs (in a net) from the terrace of the barely built block of flats lrsquoUnite drsquohabitation in Marseille by architect Le Corbusier After the formal part of the congress was concluded a celebration of the 25th anniversary of CIAM was held on the terrace (copy Museum of Architecture and Design Archive Ljubljana)

Gropius and Le Corbusier offered their apologies the latter with the intention of emphasising the need for the changing of generations in the leadership and in the work of CIAM Helena Syrkus and Yugoslav architect employed with the United Nations engineer Weissmann welcomed the congress in writing In the name of the UIA architect van der Broek welcomed the congress while a representative of the Yugoslav peoplersquos authority and even the mayor of Warsaw attended the opening The opening speech was given by president Sert On the side of Yugoslav architects the organization of the congress was led by architect Prof Drago Ibler who was the only member of CIAM for Yugoslavia at that time Later in the text Mušič said that there are no final conclusions from the commissions and summarised his findings in this way ldquothe basis of the Charter of Habitat was formulated which covered the following main chapters people land environment designed by people the factor of time and action The future Charter shows all the width and responsibility of an architectrsquos social work today and thoroughly defines the guidelines of the profession and its development Particularly interesting was the work of other commissions who also debated on the current and future state of human environment (Habitat) on the contents of previous texts from CIAM on these problems on urbanity here on the politics and the creative work of urban authorities on the mobility which includes ecological anthropological and technological problems ie from environmental changes human movement through an environment to the construction of paths on the changes and growth of the environment ie the development and new projects in general and especially based on the submitted lsquogrillesrsquo A special commission led by architect Candilis worked on the relationship between urbanism and habitat and coordinated

the work of all previous commissions and compiled a chart of resultsrdquo39 Mušič continued by writing that they debated on the future of CIAM in a closed circle and at a Plenary meeting The latter consisted of independent groups that were not national but local and mutually coordinated based on the continents The work of the groups was directed by a committee Special attention was placed on younger generations who were to take over the tasks of the older generation Mušič concluded the article with a thought that CIAM is on its way of ceasing to be an exclusive organization and becoming a unique international framework for mutual education exchange and comparison of views and a uniform truly advanced front in the fight for contemporary architecture40

Owing to his attendance at the 9th and 10th CIAM congresses and the connections that he acquired there architect Braco Mušič was in a favourable position in the study year 196364 and with an American scholarship from Ford found himself at HGSD where he received good education and information on contemporary events in architecture and urban design He undoubtedly recognized the tectonic move from rigid functionalist principles towards structuralist tendencies which he skilfully applied after his return home

Conclusion

The first reason for which Slovenian architects were not more actively included in the CIAM congress activity is to be looked for primarily in the time gap as well as in the right personality41 a Slovenian architect that would grow closer to architect Le Corbusier The latter was one of the key personalities of CIAM The Croatians were lucky that at the right time as early as 1928 architect Weissmann worked at Le Corbusierrsquos atelier and became the facilitator between the CIAM congresses and the Zagreb architectural scene The second reason is the omnipresent charismatic personality of architect Professor Jože Plečnik who filled local professional arena with his ideas which is why Slovenian architects were not able to avoid the influence of the great master for a long time Plečnik found in the construction of the Slovenian capital a supporter in the head of the construction office engineer Matko Prelovšek as well as in the city administration which was in favour of Plečnikrsquos vision of the arrangement of the city The third reason are the urban circumstances and the level of modern urbanity which was not as explicit as it was in Zagreb or other large European cities The city administration of Zagreb had several architects who were focused on functionalism as early as the start of

39 MUŠIČ 1956 (n 37) pp 36ndash3740 MUŠIČ 1956 (n 37) p 3741 Architect Edvard Ravnikar worked in Le Corbusierrsquos atelier in Paris from the middle of February until the

beginning of June 1939 thus some three and a half months at the time when the 5th CIAM congress in Paris in 1937 was long over Ravnikar surely would have been professionally suitable for such leadership position however his financial capabilities and the desire for organizational mass meetings can be justifiably doubted since he was sending close colleagues to meetings Hence his students Braco Mušič and France Ivanšek attended the 9th and 10th CIAM congresses

Fig 4 Scenes from the 10th CIAM congress (copy Museum of Architecture and Design Archive Ljubljana)

Fig 5 Document on the foundation of the CIAM J group in Ljubljana (copy Museum of Architecture and Design Archive Ljubljana)

the 1930s The fourth reason is that Slovenian architects especially those working at Le Corbusierrsquos atelier did not accept new ideas uncritically It is true that Slovenian architects soon recognized the ideas of CIAM were enthusiastic about the works of Le Corbusier and other modernists however they also doubted them At the time before the Second World War when young Slovenian architects wanted to translate new modern ideas into reality they did not have the leverages social power and professional plausibility This all changed right after the Second World War when modernism and ldquoLe Corbusiersrdquo prevailed in administrative departments for which the politics and socialist ideology were also responsible After the war and the construction boom or the renovation of the homeland that was demolished during the war after nearly a decade leading Slovenian architects or Ravnikarrsquos circle became critical of replicating and imitating simplified examples of modern construction CIAM of course lived on in the works of numerous imitators across Yugoslavia and outside of it Ravnikarrsquos student Braco Mušič who participated at the 9th and 10th CIAM congresses in Aix-en-Provence and in Dubrovnik was at first highly enthusiastic about modern architecture and the CIAMism Mušič soon realized that the current of professional happenings of new younger protagonists of contemporary architecture was going in another direction which is why he as did many others followed Ravnikarrsquos circle After that Slovenian architectural scene needed a long time for the conflicts between Plečnikrsquos andor Le Corbusierrsquos students to settle and partly clear In Zagreb the capital of ldquoYugoslavian functionalismrdquo the circumstances after the Second World War changed significantly as well42 but in a different way than in Ljubljana

42 See n 34

Slovenski arhitekti in kongresi CIAM-a

Povzetek

V času vzpona kongresov CIAM je od Slovencev v Le Corbusierovem ateljeju v Parizu od 1929 do 1940 delalo sedem Plečnikovih študentov arhitekt Feri Novak in dva gradbena inženirja Glede številčne prisotnosti na 35 Rue de Segravevres v Parizu se slovenski arhitekti pred drugo svetovno vojno uvrščajo v sam svetovni vrh glede aktivnosti povezanimi s CIAM pa ne Vzrok za tolikšen pobeg h guruju moderne arhitekture Le Corbusieru je iskati v nazorih prof Jožeta Plečnika ki je bil v času vzpona modernega gibanja nedovzeten za sodobne trende v arhitekturi čeprav so se njegovi študenti in drugi vse bolj spogledovali z njimi Preobrat v smeri moderne arhitekture je pripravljala druga generacija Plečnikovih študentov oz mladih arhitektov konec tridesetih let ki se je po drugi svetovni vojni v spremenjenih družbenih razmerah izkazala pri obnovi porušene domovine

Prve stike s CIAM so že konec dvajsetih vzpostavili zagrebški arhitekti ključna osebnost je bil Ernest Weissmann Stiki slovenskih arhitektov s slednjim bi bili pomembni saj je bil Weissmann od leta 1928 naprej pomemben član CIAM in CIRPAC Weissmann zelo verjetno ni imel povezav s slovenskimi arhitekti pred drugo svetovno vojno gotovo pa je bil v šestdesetih stiku z Vladimirjem B Mušičem ki se je kot študent v petdesetih udeležil 9 in 10 kongresa CIAM Slovenski arhitekti so se o dogajanjih na CIAM in povezanih s CIAM informirali preko strokovnih revij po drugi svetovni vojni pa tudi preko posvetovanj kjer je ključno I posvetovanje arhitektov in urbanistov Jugoslavije leta 1950 v Dubrovniku

Na 9 kongresu CIAM v Aix-en-Provence leta 1953 sta bila Ravnikarjeva študenta arhitekture Ivanšek in Mušič ki sta poročala za revijo Arhitekt 10 kongresa CIAM v Dubrovniku leta 1956 se je udeležil le še Mušič od hrvaških pa prof Drago Ibler Čeprav je bilo gibanje CIAM takrat že v zatonu je Mušič januarja 1957 poskušal ustanoviti ljubljanski CIAM junior saj je v kongresih prepoznal priložnost za uveljavitev Tako naj bi kot pravi sam raquonaše probleme kot sile priključili h kongresu ki naj bi vodili k resničnemu napredku v sodobni arhitekturi v svetulaquo

Fig 6 Seta Mušič HGSD Dean Jose Luis Sert and V B Mušič at The Deanrsquos Party 27th May 1964 at the end of the study year (copy Museum of Architecture and Design Archive Ljubljana)

IŠČA

Zapuščina prve svetovne vojne in identiteta Nove Gorice

Barbara VODOPIVEC

Pri razmislekih o zapuščini prve svetovne vojne in njeni prisotnosti oz odsotnosti v identiteti Nove Gorice izhajamo iz vprašanja zakaj v samem mestu ni spominskega obeležja prvi svetovni vojni kljub temu da je ta močno zaznamovala prostor kamor je bilo mesto umeščeno Ne glede na to da sta zaledje in okolica Nove Gorice posejana s pomniki vojne je to dejstvo zanimivo in odpira vrsto vprašanj identitete mesta od njegovega nastanka do danes

V Registru nepremične kulturne dediščine pod geslom raquoprva svetovna vojnalaquo zabeležimo 311 zadetkov1 medtem ko raziskovalna naloga študentov Oddelka za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani iz leta 2018 obravnava 64 spomenikov tej vojni razpršenih po celotnem ozemlju Slovenije2 Vili Prinčič pa v topografskem pregledu spomenikov prve svetovne vojne osredotočenem na območje in zaledje Soške fronte predstavlja 54 spomenikov obeležij in drugih spominskih objektov3 Pregled lokacij teh spomenikov pokaže da se številni nahajajo v zaledju in okolici mesta Nove Gorice v samem mestu pa spomenika ali spominskega obeležja prvi svetovni vojni ne najdemo Zakaj je temu tako

V prispevku iščemo odgovore na to vprašanje in pri tem razmišljamo da je Nova Gorica ki v zasnovi in prvih fazah izgradnje velja za modernistično mesto v času nastanka modernistična tudi v odnosu do identitete mesta in prostora in s tem tudi do njune zgodovine Najprej pokažemo da se pri tem odnosu modernizem ujema z ideološkimi izhodišči novega socialističnega režima nato pa na analizi primera spomina na prvo svetovno vojno v prostoru Nove Gorice in s pomočjo historičnega razvoja predvsem po letu1991 sledimo tranziciji (pre)oblikovanja identitete ki temelji na obujanju zavedanja o povezanosti mesta širšega prostora in zaledja Nove Gorice ter njihove zgodovine Zavedamo se da predstavljamo raquopogled od zunajlaquo kar pa razumemo kot priložnost za vzpostavitev distance do predmeta obravnave

1 Register nepremične kulturne dediščine httpsgisportalgovsiportalappswebappviewerindexhtmlid=df5b0c8a300145fda417eda6b0c2b52b (dostop 3 marec 2020)

2 Spomeniki prve svetovne vojne Raziskovalna naloga študentov pri predmetu Socialni spomin in kulturna dediščina (ur Anja Moric) Ljubljana 2018

3 Vili PRINČIČ Neme priče vojnih grozot 1915minus1918 Trst 2018

nikakor pa s tem ne zanikamo oz zmanjšujemo dejstva da so lahko nosilci identitete prostora le in zgolj njegovi prebivalci

Raziskovalci začetkov izgradnje Nove Gorice navajajo da je bila odločitev o gradnji novega mesta izrazito politični projekt katerega rezultat bo raquosocialistično izložbeno okno za kapitalistični svet onstran mejelaquo4 četudi je odločitev hkrati sledila tudi potrebi po vzpostavitvi novega upravnega kulturnega šolskega in gospodarskega središča od Gorice odrezanega zaledja5 Dokumenti o nastanku Nove Gorice pričajo tudi o tem da je bil eden od temeljnih namenov politične odločitve o izgradnji novega mesta tik ob meji tudi kljubovanje nepravični odločitvi Pariške mirovne konference Poleg tega iz literature izhaja da so se s povsem političnimi argumenti spajala tudi ideološka izhodišča socialističnega režima o oblikovanju novega človeka jutrišnjega dne za katerega bo režim iz nič ustvaril idealno življenjsko okolje6 Iz analiz arhitekturne zgodovine izhaja da je zlasti arhitekt Edvard Ravnikar pri načrtih za novo mesto pomembno izhajal iz izhodišč modernizma in načel funkcionalističnega mesta kot jih je mdr leta 1933 opredelila Atenska listina združenja CIAM7 Mnoga od teh načel so bila v času med obema vojnama v Evropi in po svetu razmeroma pogosto udejanjena oz upoštevana v obliki novih urbanističnih podvigov legitimnost v očeh nove jugoslovanske oblasti pa so jim podeljevali urbanistični eksperimenti ki so sicer križani s socrealistično arhitekturo neposredno po drugi svetovni vojni vznikali zlasti v Sovjetski zvezi Bolgariji in na Poljskem8 Tako je bilo mogoče ideološko premiso o novem socialističnem človeku in njegovem življenjskem okolju dovolj oprijemljivo povezati z modernističnih izhodišči in načeli funkcionalističnega mesta ki so sicer vrh dosegli nekoliko pred časom izgradnje Nove Gorice To velja še posebej če ta izhodišča razumemo kot uveljavitev novih principov bivanja za nov čas kot preseganje starega z novim kaosa z redom in stihije z načrtovanim razvojem ki v ospredje sicer postavlja posameznika a le v ustreznem razmerju do skupnosti principi torej ki jih je zagovarjala tudi ideologija socialističnega režima

Čeprav Atenska listina vsebuje razdelek Dediščina zgodovine (raquoLegacy of Historylaquo) v katerem dopušča rušenje slumov zapoveduje pa ohranjanje kvalitetne arhitekturne dediščine identiteta v dokumentu neposredno ni omenjena V celoti gledano pa listina odraža razumevanje identitete kot je bila obravnavana v modernizmu ta namreč ni več dana oz prirojena (kot

4 Jure RAMŠAK Ab initio Moderne ideologije in izgradnja novega urbanega prostora zgodovina arhitektura in perspektive kulturnega turizma v Novi Gorici in Raši Koper 2015 str 95

5 Glej zlasti Tomaž VUGA Projekt Nova Gorica Ljubljana 2018 RAMŠAK 2015 (op 4) Alenka DI BATTISTA Nova odkritja pri raziskovanju Ravnikarjeve Nove Gorice Narodu Gorico novo bomo dali v dar Ob sedemdesetletnici Nove Gorice Nova Gorica 2017 str 113minus117 Alenka DI BATTISTA Nova odkritja pri raziskovanju Ravnikarjeve Nove Gorice in Trenzevega Velenja Zbornik za umetnostno zgodovino 47 2011 str 322minus340

6 RAMŠAK 2015 (op 4) str 29 7 Charter of Athens httpswwwgettyeduconservationpublications_resourcesresearch_resources

charterscharter04html (dostop 1 marec 2020) 8 RAMŠAK 2015 (op 4) str 31

je bil to primer vse do konca 19 stoletja) ampak je namesto tega pridobljena lahko se spreminja temelji na izpraševanju posameznika kdo je kateri skupini pripada in mogoče jo je tudi spreminjati9 govorimo lahko o poteh namesto o koreninah identitete (raquoThe routes rather than roots of identitylaquo)10 Identiteto je posamezniku pa tudi skupini torej mogoče zgraditi oz pripisati to ugotovitev pa lahko prenesemo tudi oblikovanje identitete Nove Gorice ob njenem nastanku raquohellip elite [v skladu s svojim interesi minus op a] s prilagajanjem kolektivnih spominov krčijo lokalno zgodovino in kulturolaquo11 Kolektivni spomini so bili torej v tem procesu oblikovani selektivno raquood zgorajlaquo Raziskave predvsem v zadnjih dveh desetletjih pa kažejo na plasti globljega kolektivnega spomina ki je vezan na zgodovino prostora pred začetkom gradnje mesta12 Ti spomini ki v okolici in zaledju mesta resda nikoli niso ugasnili se počasi prebijajo v ospredje in terjajo svoje mesto tudi v identiteti samega mesta Nova Gorica V idealnih okoliščinah so namreč mesta raquohellipprostori kolektivnih spominov kjer se lokalne značilnosti in vizije skupne preteklosti povezujejo v zamišljeno prihodnostlaquo13

Da pa bi se kolektivni spomini prostora Nove Gorice skozi čas lahko v celoti in celovito prebili v ospredje je treba med drugim poznati omenjene mehanizme selektivnega oblikovanja kolektivne identitete Pri tem je ključnega pomena odnos med identiteto in zgodovinopisjem Tudi tu lahko potegnemo nekaj vzporednic med modernizmom in socializmom Modernizem razume znanost kot izrazito objektivno14 zato tudi modernistično razumevanje zgodovine temelji na prepričanju da je zgodovinska resnica ena sama torej obstaja tudi eno samo resnično razumevanje preteklosti ki ga proizvajajo za to usposobljeni strokovnjaki na podlagi trdno vzpostavljenih metod15 Tudi nov socialistični režim je temeljil na eni resnici in objektivnosti ki jo je določil sam kar velja tudi za zgodovinsko resnico in interpretacijo preteklosti16

9 Christopher TILLEY Identity Place Landscape and Heritage Journal of Material Culture 1minus2 2006 str 7minus26

10 TILLEY 2006 (op 9) str 911 Kevin LOUGHRAN Urban spaces city cultures and collective memores Routledge international handbook

of memory studies (ur Anna Lisa Tota in Trever Hagen) New York 2015 str 204 12 Na primer VUGA 2018 (op 5) Borut KLABJAN Borders in Arms Political violence in the North-Eastern

Adriatic after the Great War Acta Histriae 4 2018 str 985minus1002 Gorazd BAJC Mateja MATJAŠIČ FRIŠ Prednosti Italije pri zasedbi Julijske krajine ob koncu prve svetovne vojne Acta Histriae 3 2019 str 513minus529

13 LOUGHRAN 2015 (op 11) str 204 14 Peter J ATKINS Modern urban landscapes Modern cities and city life People Land and Time (ur Peter

Atkins Ian Simmons Brian Roberts) London New York 1998 str 197minus212 15 Jonathan FRIEDMAN The past in the future History and the politics of Identity American Anthropologist

4 1992 str 850 16 Mateja REŽEK Usmerjena preteklost mehanizmi politične in ideološke raquokontaminacijelaquo zgodovinopisja v

socialistični Sloveniji in Jugoslaviji (1945minus1966) Acta Histriae 4 2014 str 975

Zgodovinske okoliščine nastanka Nove Gorice v veliki meri pojasnjujejo zakaj je identiteta novega mesta temeljila na novosti na poudarjanju konstrukta o praznem prostoru kamor naj bi bilo mesto umeščeno na promociji sposobnosti novega režima za uresničitev urbanističnega podviga na negovanju spomina na udarniško delo brigadirjev in požrtvovalnost graditeljev novega mesta Pomembno je bilo vzpostaviti ideološko distanco do obstoječega ki je v veliki meri ostalo onkraj meje in dokazati da je mogoče več in bolje Novi Gorici je bila tako določena identiteta novega staro pa je bilo prepuščeno pozabi ali kot pravi zgodovinarka Kaja Širok raquoOhranjanje in vrednotenje spominov neizogibno poteka v tandemu s pozabo ki je druga plat istega procesalaquo17

Danes vemo da Nova Gorica še zdaleč ni bila postavljena v prazen prostor18 Če se omejimo zgolj na prvo svetovno vojno je ta prostoru Nove Gorice in okolice zapustila spomin na uničenje in begunce v materialni obliki pa vrsto vojaških pokopališč in obeležij Prostor Nove Gorice in okolice je bila namreč središče Soške fronte in čeprav je ta sprožila ena največjih begunskih kriz prve svetovne vojne samo mesto Nova Gorica o tem molči19 Že samo spričo begunske statistike je to dejstvo presenetljivo

Evropa na poti (raquoEurope on the movelaquo) je sinonim za evropski prostor v času prve svetovne vojne ko je vojna povzročila množične migracije in ustvarila milijone beguncev20 Podatki iz različnih dežel kažejo da lahko govorimo o več kot deset milijonih beguncev ki so bili razseljeni znotraj posameznih držav ali pa so bežali preko meja21 Največja begunska žarišča prve svetovne vojne so bila Belgija Francija Vzhodna Prusija Baltik Srbija Rusija Otomansko cesarstvo (Armenci) in za nas najpomembnejše žarišče Soška fronta Vojna med Habsburškim cesarstvom in Italijo ki se je začela 24 maja 1915 je povzročila demografske premike ki so še posebej vplivali na slovensko prebivalstvo Obe državi Kraljevina Italija in Avstro-Ogrska sta evakuirali prebivalstvo vzdolž na novo vzpostavljene Soške fronte prebivalstvo desnega brega je bilo izseljeno v Italijo (od tega okoli 12000 Slovencev) prebivalstvo levega brega pa na Kranjsko (tu jih je ostalo okoli 50000) Štajersko in Koroško in od tam v begunska taborišča monarhije (okoli 30000 Slovencev) Naslednji begunski val je področje zajel po 12 soški bitki imenovani tudi Čudež pri Kobaridu ko je razpadla Soška fronta22 Begunska ujma ni prizanesla niti Gorici še več junija 1915 se je iz mesta izselilo več kot 50 prebivalstva

17 Kaja ŠIROK Kolektivni spomin pričevalec in zgodovina Diskurzivne konstrukcije preteklosti Acta Histriae 1ndash2 2012 str 138

18 Glej VUGA 2018 (op 5) 19 Na stisko spominja le spomenik beguncem v Solkanu kjer so morali zaradi bombardiranj med prvo

svetovno vojno vsi krajani približno 3000 zapustiti domove 20 Petra SVOLJŠAK Begunci ndash nedokončana zgodba Begunci slovenski begunci s Soške fronte (ur Ines

Beguš Marko Klavora) Nova Gorica Kromberk 2016 str 12 21 Peter GATRELL Refugees International Encycloaedia of the First World War httpsencyclopedia1914-

1918-onlinenetarticlerefugees (dostop 1 november 2019)22 SVOLJŠAK 2016 (op 20) str 15ndash16

(15000) po italijanski zasedbi mesta (9 avgusta 1916) in 12 soški ofenzivi (24 ndash 27 oktobra 1917) pa je v mestu ostalo dobesedno nekaj desetin prebivalcev23 Številke kažejo da se je prostor ki ga obravnavamo soočil z velikanski materialnim uničenjem in hudo begunsko krizo kar nenazadnje potrjujejo tudi upodobitve umetnikov (mdr ciklus Begunci Frana Tratnika upodobitve razrušenega Tolmina in Gorice)

Naslednji primer ki priča o tem da spomin na prvo svetovno vojno ne biva v mestu Nova Gorica oz še bolj o selektivnem zgodovinopisju je poslikava Slavka Pengova v Zeleni dvorani občinske stavbe v Novi Gorici ki je bila dokončana leta 1952 Namen poslikave je vizualni prikaz zgodovine Primorske in velja za enega redkih primerov zgodovinskega slikarstva v slovenski umetnosti24 Na poslikavi pa prizori ki bi bili neposredno povezavi s prvo svetovno vojno niso upodobljeni Kljub temu da bi lahko upodobitev Simona Gregorčiča posredno povezali tudi s prvo svetovno vojno ndash npr upodobitve na razglednicah serije Vojska v slikah25 ndash in da bi upodobitev apokaliptičnega jezdeca ki na poslikavi predstavlja poosebljeno zlo fašizma26 lahko povezali tudi z apokaliptičnim jezdecem ki prinaša vojno oz da bi jo lahko razumeli tudi tako da je bil fašizem posledica vojne je odsotnost neposredne likovne navezave na prvo svetovno vojno opazna Kar je na prvi pogled presenetljivo po drugi strani pa ne le razumevanje okoliščin nastanka poslikave ampak tudi podrobnejši razmislek o zgodovinopisju nudi podlago za razumevanje tega dejstva Umetnostna zgodovinarka Katarina Mohar ki je analizirala poslikavo izpostavlja da je moral avtor poslikavo zasnovati v skladu s takratno politično interpretacijo zgodovinskega razvoja na tem ozemlju in s propagandnimi nameni nove oblasti pri čemer je šlo zlasti za poveličevanje učinkovitosti nove družbene ureditve in prikazovanje preteklosti v skladu z ideološko zaznamovanim zgodovinopisjem27 Slednje je bilo zato selektivno in je sledilo partijskemu ideološko-političnemu programu28 Zgodovinopisje se je moralo po diktatu oblasti osredotočati predvsem na novejšo in sodobno zgodovino zlasti na obdobje med obema vojnama ter na čas druge svetovne vojne in narodnoosvobodilni boj29 Kar zadeva starejšo zgodovino je socialistično zgodovinopisje mdr močno poudarjalo kmečke upore raquokot edine zgodovinske dogodke ki se morejo po vztrajnosti in junaštvu ljudstva primerjati z narodnoosvobodilno vojnolaquo30 usmeritev ki jo odseva tudi Pengovova freska Prva svetovna vojna ki jo je slovenski prostor preživljal na strani centralnih sil kot del takrat že močno načete Habsburške monarhije v zgodovinopisju socialistične Slovenije

23 SVOLJŠAK 2016 (op 20) str 15-16 24 Alenka DI BATTISTA in Katarina MOHAR Občinska stavba v Novi Gorici Ljubljana 2019 str 29minus5325 Janez J ŠVAJNCER Vojska v slikah Slovenske vojne razglednice v 1 svetovni vojni Zbirka Miloša Mikoliča

in Miomirja Križaja Logatec 2015 26 DI BATTISTA in MOHAR 2019 (op 24) str 4927 DI BATTISTA in MOHAR 2019 (op 24) str 29minus53 28 REŽEK 2014 (op 16) str 971minus992 29 REŽEK 2014 (op 16) str 975 30 DI BATTISTA in MOHAR 2019 (op 24) str 47

ni našla vidnejšega mesta To ne nazadnje dokazujejo še vedno trdovratne delitve slovenske zgodovine 20 stoletja na zgodovino do leta 1918 ki hkrati zajema domala vsa starejša obdobja in nato na zgodovino med vojnama na čas druge svetovne vojne in na čas po vojni 20 stoletje se je torej v zgodovinopisju nekdanje države zares začelo šele po letu 1918

Na Primorskem je odnos do prve svetovne vojne še dodatno zapleten Do prve svetovne vojne je bilo vse ozemlje Primorske tudi Trst del Avstro-Ogrske monarhije Z njenim razpadom ki ga je neposredno povzročil razvoj dogodkov prve svetovne vojne se je ozemlje Primorske začelo travmatično obdobje fašističnega nasilja raznarodovanje in italianizacije ter kolonizacije Italija je svojo prevlado na tem ozemlju dokazovala tudi s prisvajanjem spomina na prvo svetovno vojno in padle kar dokazujeta med drugim monumentalni kostnici v Sredipolju in na Oslavju Na levem bregu Soče pa je spomin na prvo svetovno vojno zamrznil Vojaška pokopališča so ostajala zapuščena obeležja so propadala dokler ni pred približno dvema desetletjema zgodovinopisje obudilo spomina na prvo svetovno vojno kar se je ob 100-letnici konca vojne še dodatno okrepilo Po drugi strani pa sta tako socialistična oblast kot tudi italijanska stran to obdobje razlagali vsaka po svoje kar je mogoče med drugim razbrati tudi iz učbenikov31 Freska Slavka Pengova je tako logična upodobitev ne le uradnega zgodovinopisja ampak tudi spomina prostora v času nastanka poslikave

Toda identiteta je proces Postmodernizem je vprašanje identitete močno razprl in razrahljal in jo razume kot nenehno gibanje in iskanje ter se pri tem odmika od kakršnekoli določenosti fiksacije32 To ni ostalo brez odmeva tudi v novo zgrajenih socialističnih mestih ki so še posebej po padcu berlinskega zidu 1989 ko je zgodovinski razvoj povzročil korenite spremembe politične krajine začela pospešeno iskati nove točke oprijema identitete

Vprašanje kaj storiti z ostalinami raquomatičnih režimovlaquo pa je verjetno najbolj prisotno v novozgrajenih mestih kjer celotna urbana struktura izziva deljeni spomin in postavlja pred njihove prebivalce in oblasti dilemo kakšno podobo (raquocity-brandinglaquo) si nadeti pred obiskovalci Tovrstno identitetno vprašanje se najbolj očitno odpira v nekdanjih socialističnih planiranih naseljihhellip33

31 O zgodovinopisju tako na slovenski kot italijanski strani in učbenikih več Mateja REŽEK Obmejni fašizem in antifašizem v slovenskih zgodovinskih učbenikih od konca druge svetovne vojne do danes Acta Histriae 4 2016 str 905minus918 Branko MARUŠIČ Slovensko zgodovinopisje 20 stoletja o slovensko-italijanskem obmejnem območju in o njegovih mejah Acta Histriae 3 2012 str 307minus320 Rolf WOumlRSDOumlRFER LAlto Adriatico tra ottocento e novecento parametri storiografici Acta Histriae 3 2012 str 335minus350 Raoul PUPO La piuacute recente storiografia italiana di frontiera Alcune questioni interpretative Acta Histriae 3 2012 str 293minus306 Egon PELIKAN Zgodovinopisje ob slovensko-italijanski meji Acta Histriae 3 2012 str 281minus292 Marta VERGINELLA Asimmetrie malintesi e sguardi speculari Da una storia etnocentrica ad una storia plurale e congiunta della regione Alto-Adriatice Acta Histriae 3 2012 str 321minus334 Marta VERGINELLA O zgodovinjenju dihotomije mesta in podeželja Acta histriae 3 2017 str 457minus472

32 TILLEY 2006 (op 9) str 10 33 RAMŠAK 2015 (op 4) str 14

Ta iskanja je dodatno spodbudil razvoj turizma še posebej kulturnega turizma ki postaja ena najmočnejših gospodarskih panog34 in ponuja široke možnosti razvoja V zadnjih 15 letih se tako razvija področje imenovano trženje mesta (raquocity-brandiglaquo) ki se v prvi vrsti veže na to na kakšen način bi se mesta rada predstavila turistom in obiskovalcem vendar hkrati pomeni tudi mnogo več in je tesno povezano s tem kako svoje mesto in prostor v katerem bivajo vidijo prebivalci sami raquoTrženje mesta pomeni razumevanje oblikovanje vplivanje in upravljanje podobe za katero mesta želijo da jo občudujejo in prepoznavajo tako tuji obiskovalci kot domačinilaquo35

Nova Gorica priložnosti zagotovo prepoznava mdr tudi s široko paleto aktivnost ob 70-letnici ustanovitve mesta in s kandidaturo za Evropsko prestolnico kulture 202536 kar je oboje prineslo številna nova spoznanja tudi ali pa predvsem glede zgodovine in identitete mesta in prostora torej oblikovanja raquocity-brandingalaquo Novi spomeniki povezani s prvo svetovno vojno v okolici mesta (npr spomenik generalu Svetozarju Boroeviću pl Bojna poveljniku avstro-ogrskih sil na soški fronti na Prevali odkrit leta 2016 spomenik posvečen slovenskim žrtvam Soške fronte na Doberdobu ki je bil prav tako odkrit leta 2016) prenove do nedavnega opuščenih in propadajočih spomenikov kažejo na večje zavedanje o pomenu dediščine prve svetovne vojne na tem prostoru Prizadevanja Nove Gorice za oblikovanje nove identitete segajo vse globlje v zgodovino pa tudi vse širše v prostor in kažejo na ponovno tkanje historične niti časa in prostora na preseganje ločnice med mestom in zaledjem in na stapljanje zgodovine ki jo nosi po eno strani mesto po drugi strani pa okolica (na primer zamisli o somestju) Na ta način tudi spomin na prvo svetovno vojno simbolno vse glasneje vstopa v prostor mesta

34 Kulturni turizem ima 40 delež v evropskem turizmu Štirje od desetih turistov izberejo destinacijo na podlagi kulturne ponudbe Cultural tourism httpseceuropaeugrowthsectorstourismoffercultural_en (dostop 1 marec 2020)

35 City Branding is not about the logo httpswwweuropeancitiesmarketingcomcity-branding-is-not-about-the-logo (dostop 1 marec 2020)

36 Kandidatura za EPK 2025 Nova Gorica ndash Gorizia httpswwwgo2025eu (dostop 1 marec 2020)

Legacy of the First World War and Identity of Nova Gorica

Summary

The territory of present day Nova Gorica and its surrounding experienced the First World War in all its dimensions The fringes and hinterland of Nova Gorica preserve many memories of the war such as war cemeteries memorials and monuments However there are no war memorials andor monuments in the modernist town itself Why is that so Even though the reasons might at first sight be evident due to the political decision to build a new city after the Second World War due to its modernist design and due to history of fascism that followed the First World War exploration of this complex topic should embrace additional aspects of various research fields in order to gain even deeper understanding of this phenomenon It must therefore necessarily interfere with both the analysis of historiography and the theories of collective memory and identity and last but not least with considerations on the so-called City Branding Although such a comprehensive analysis by far exceeds the scope of this paper some reflections upon the topic are given focusing primarily on defining the legacy of the First World War in the multifaceted process of contemporary Nova Gorica identity formation This was done by compilation of the most recent historiographical art historical heritage and sociological studies and by the analysis of selected case studies representing the presenceabsence of memory on the First World War

Being Modern beyond the Conflict the Architecture of Void

in Gorizia and Nova Gorica

Valentina RODANI

The year 1933 is an emblematic moment inward the architecture and urban modern culture of the interwar period More precisely it manifests the whole body of contradictions and telluric forces that would have burst in Europe less than a decade later and beyond

In Wien the revolutionary architect of the Goldman amp Salatsch house which daringly faces the Hopfburg in Michaelersplatz died In Berlin the Gestapo dreadfully closed and seized the Bauhaus school ending its project without any way out except for its exodus In Moscow the planned IV ldquoCongregraves Internationaux drsquoArchitecture Modernerdquo had been cancelled

Nevertheless when the international groups of architects boarded on the steamboat Patris II during the summer of the same year leaving Marseille on 29 July to reach Athens on 1 August and coming back to Marseille on 13 August the mythological and controversial voyage that later would have gave birth to the programmatic manifesto of modern urbanism as well as its exemplary fragment1 the Athens Charter officially began At the IV CIAM opening Sigfried Giedion stated ldquoIf we travel to Greece this does not mean an escape we do not want in any way to escape the difficulties of reality but always attentive to the deep problems that are going to develop we want to take a moment of reflectionrdquo2 However this founding moment is characterized by some significant absences First of all the Soviets but also Mies van der Rohe and Walter Gropius who sent a letter to the secretary of the Ciam to inform him of his condition closing it with a warning ldquocultivez votre jardinrdquo3

It is tangible that even during one of its founding moments the project of modernity is deeply intertwined with conflicts

1 Paola DI BIAGI La Carta drsquoAtene Manifesto e frammento dellrsquourbanistica moderna Roma 1998 pp 25ndash722 ldquoSe noi viaggiamo verso la Grecia ciograve non significa unrsquoevasione noi non desideriamo in nessun modo

sfuggire alle difficoltagrave della realtagrave ma sempre attenti ai problemi profondi che si sviluppano vogliamo intercalare un momento di riflessionerdquo Gino POLLINI Il IV Ciam Parametro 52 1976 p 19 DI BIAGI La Carta drsquoAtene 1998 (n 1) p 40 Translation by the author

3 Giuliano GRESLERI Da Le Corbusier a Otto Neurath Transnational Associations 55 1ndash2 2003 DI BIAGI 1998 (n 1) p 158

Concurrently elsewhere northern and remote in relation to the Mediterranean but also on the front of the Italian landscape the contradictions mentioned above manifested in the rewriting process of the formerly traumatized territory of IsonzoSoča river Gorizia already experienced a profound ideological transformation by means of its architecture but conversely to the several monumental projects that were still changing the city in 1933 the design of a residential villa expressed an alternative form of thought Villa Schiozzi4 designed by Umberto Cuzzi could be in fact considered one of the direct materialization of modern architecture in this borderland

Within this context of conflict between ideologies and ideals which permeated thoughts as well as facts and artifacts architectural theories and practices produced several hypotheses that in many cases have been realized only afterwards Thoughts and intentions were tried rather than their difficult realizations confusing built and constructive failures for disastrous ideas Thus starting from the recognition of the fragmentary nature of the modern project this paper traces a trajectory to investigate the hidden layers of its spatial realm and discourse in order to question whereas the project of modernity could reveal its prospective and unfinished condition

Indeed the permanence and the countless variation of the void will be explored within the multiple garden cities imagined designed built and lived in the territory of Gorizia and Nova Gorica Reckoning with the modern spatial discourse from the symbolic and figurative aspects of the Athens Charter to the theories of Ebenezer Howardrsquos Garden Cities of Tomorrow and Camillo Sittersquos Der Stadte-Bau heterogeneous city images emerged on the isontine ground from the green and functionalist Nova Gorica by Edvard Ravnikar to Antonio Lasciacrsquos projections for a garden Gorizia or the therapeutic vision of an Austrian Nice

The void as absolute sun space and green towards the new city

Lrsquohomme marche droit parce qursquoil a un but il sait ougrave il va Il a deacutecideacute drsquoaller quelque part et il y marche droit LrsquoAcircne zigzague muse un peu cervelle bruleacutee et distrait zig-zague pour eacuteviter les gros cailloux pour esquiver la pente pour rechercher lrsquoombre il srsquoen donne le moins possible [] La rue courbe est le chemin des acircnes la rue droite le chemin des hommes (Le Corbusier 1925) 5

4 Una villa a Gorizia Domus XII 1934 pp 17ndash195 ldquoMan walks in a straight line because he has a goal and knows where he is going he has made up his mind

to reach some particular place and goes straight to it The pack-donkey meanders along mediates a little in his scattered-brain and distracted fashion he zigzags in order to avoid the larger stones or to ease the climb or to gain a little shade he takes the line of least resistancerdquo LE CORBUSIER Urbanisme The city of tomorrow Paris 1925 (reprint New York 1971) p 11 ldquoLrsquouomo marcia dritto perchegrave ha sempre uno scopo e sa dove sta andando si egrave messo in testa di raggiungere un posto particolare e va dritto ligrave Lrsquoasino invece che zig-zaga perche egrave una testa matta perche egrave sempre distratto zig-zaga per evitare i massi piugrave grandi o per attenuare la salita o per guadagnarsi un porsquo drsquoombra segue la linea di minor resistenzardquo Francesco TENTORI Abitare nella pianura friulana Lrsquoinsediamento il sedime la casa Venezia 1987 p 46

Looking at a territory from above as it happens in flight from an airplane or a lookout it is possible to read its geography at least as much as the way man inhabits it Nevertheless as much as such an image can evoke the illusion of a presumed or hoped totality it is still a partial vision of socio-material reality and the imprint it leaves on the earthrsquos surface

In the case of Nova Gorica this sort of view was decisive in the controversial choice of the site in which to locate the new city promised application and impossible translation of the idea of a functionalist city heir to the principles proposed by the Athens Charter and the hope of a hypothetical future integration with the pre-existence

Only shortly after the signing of the Paris Peace Treaty on April 10 1947 the three architects Božidar Gvardjančič Edvard Ravnikar and Marko Župančič carried out an on-site inspection with Minister Ivan Maček to observe the territory from different distances from MontesantoSveta Gora CastagnevizzaKostanjevica6 and San Marco hill in order to choose the location of the future city between the two proposed sites respectively north and south of the CastagnevizzaKostanjevica hill The territory although traumatized by the signs of war and torn by that line that will destroy the unity of the landscape is anything but a tabula rasa

In fact in addition to the specific orographic conditions a characteristic element of the landscape morphology is the water of the CornoKoren and VertoibizzaVrtojbica torrents often manipulated by human action The rural settlements of SalcanoSolkan and San PietroŠempeter have stratified over time according to the northeast to southwest orientation cut only by the more recent signs of the Wochein railway the railway yard and the Transalpina station In this forest of anthropic and non-anthropic signs some artifacts emerged South of SalcanoSolkan in Blanče the straight line marked by wild chestnut trees of via del Camposanto (formerly via San Gabriele then Erjavčeva ulica) crossed the tracks to connect the town of Gorizia to this unfertile and clayey soil where the abandoned cemetery enclosed by walls lay7 In San PietroŠempeter the road connecting the town ran tangent to the asylum and its park embraced similarly by a perimeter wall

Observing this landscape from above and from afar among all these traces not simultaneously visible the fabric of the city of Gorizia could result at a distracted (or intentionally focused) glance the most significant permanent and probably cumbersome presence a figure to be moved in the background by juxtaposing an opposing image of the city

It is possible to draw a parallel by bringing this founding glance of the city idea closer to what many years before had marked the conflicting experience of the IV CIAM

The view from the sea aboard the heterotopic ship Patris II over the city of Athens immersed

6 Letter from Božidar Gvardjančič dated 4 December 1967 The architect tells about the choice of the site by the Minister during the in situ inspection PANG Zbirka Gradnje Nova Gorica 61 f 1 Alessandra MARIN Gorizia Piani e progetti per una cittagrave di confine Udine 2007 p 64

7 Tomaž VUGA Projekt Nova Gorica Ljubljana 2018 pp 29ndash45

in that landscape dominated by the Parthenon and the Acropolis that Le Corbusier had seen in his Voyage en Orient8 reveals some symbolic and iconographic aspects hidden in the founding voyage of modern urbanism and its constitutive medium the Athens Charter (or the Charters considering its multiple versions) These aspects place in violent contradiction the central theme of the IV CIAM the concept of functional city developed from the observation of 33 existing cities and built programmatically (as underlined by the prospective character of ldquoil faut exigerrdquo) on the four functions of living (residence leisure work and circulation) and the implicit objective of giving rise to an idea of city opposite and inverse to the city of origin the classical one

The programmatic and conceptual triad ldquosun space and greenrdquo manifested in the Charter can be traced back to the iconographic tradition of landscape painting that idealized nature by transforming it into a model but it is never defined and coincides with an unspeakable space In the text of the Charter the word ldquospacerdquo takes on different meanings that overlap and confuse Sometimes it seems to mean the unbuilt other times the open or the vacant space as well as free space or metaphorically green space other times instead it indicates the distance between volumes In other words the Newtonian space of the Athens Charter9 corresponds to a necessary and irreducible void a dimension complementary to the material and physical dimension which uses distance as an expressive tool to capture the infinite10

In the case of the foundation of the city Nova Gorica the decision to establish the new urban system south of SalcanoSolkan instead of San PietroŠempeter maximized the expressive and symbolic effect of the void a paradoxically rarefied density which laid the foundations for generating a city or in some ways a garden11 orthogonal and total

The void as a vision the garden Gorizia of tomorrow

La leccedilon de lrsquoacircne est agrave retenir (Le Corbusier 1910)12

At the beginning of the short 20th Century Gorizia is a changing city that until then had grown by parts and specific projects doubling its population becoming a tourist resort centre of industries and trade The urgency of modernization of the city which was facing its full growth while the countryside was becoming depopulated becomes indispensable with the choice to

8 Franco PURINI Indizi per un paesaggio DI BIAGI 1998 (n 1) pp 371ndash3819 Andre CORBOZ La Carta drsquoAtene uno spazio newtoniano DI BIAGI 1998 (n 1) pp 309ndash31610 Leonardo BENEVOLO La cattura dellrsquoinfinito Roma Bari 199111 Tina POTOČNIK Gorizia and Nova Gorica One Town in Two European Countries The Design of Frontier

Spaces Control and Ambiguity (eds Carolyn Loeb Andreas Luescher) Farnham 2015 pp 175ndash19212 ldquoThe lesson of the donkey should be retainedrdquo LE CORBUSIER La Construction des Villes Le Corbusierrsquos

Formative Years Charles-Edouard Jeanneret at La Chaux-de-Fonds (ed Harold Allen Brooks) La Chaux-de-Fonds 1910 (reprint Chicago 1999) pp 185ndash208 ldquoLa lezione dellrsquoasino va meditatardquo TENTORI 1987 (n 5) p 46

graft the second railway which becomes the opportunity to equip itself with a plan at least as much as a unified vision for future urban development13

The architect Antonio Lasciac from his studio in Egypt responds to this altered temporal condition projected into an ever nearer future and proposed not only four design solutions to connect the city with the new Stazione Transalpina located further north but subsequently also the proposal for a master plan for the entire Gorizia plain

The first urban project14 configures a generating system for the entire northern area of the city In fact if the first three hypotheses formulated to recognize the Transalpine Station as the centre from which to radiate tree-lined avenues according to a trident scheme the last hypothesis reverses the system polarity declaring the new station to be the tangential point of a circular scheme which appears in the design partly denied In the latter solution from the point of entry and head of the urban system the station is implicitly read as a boundary one among many It thus leaves a trace of an inversion of the point of view that from the infrastructure moves into the new city shifting the centrality of the system towards the agricultural areas leading to the IsonzoSoča river

The considerations concealed in this design fragment as well as echoing the Sittian lesson both for the shape chosen for the layout of the open spaces and for the design of the greenery are made explicit in the next project15 which reveals the depth of his vision for tomorrowrsquos Gorizia

Radial and curvilinear paths give shape to three new expansion areas of the city delimited longitudinally by the doppelganger railway and enclosed by the left bank of the river Isonzo and the Psychiatric Hospital in the opposite direction The network of roads the services the settlement and the building typology are composed adapting to the topography and the morphological order of the territory immersed in a green foam of public and private gardens Lasciac also hypothesizes three typologies (the apartment building semi-detached villas and the country house) that alternates composing common and permeable green bands with variable density Therefore the architectural dimension of the void is highlighted by the experiments and gutting proposed when the multipolar system interact with the existing city

The antithesis between city and countryside is then rewritten in a Gorizia-garden a total

13 MARIN 2007 (n 6) pp 24ndash3314 Luisa CODELLIA Federico GRAZIATI Il Novecento a Gorizia Ricerca di una identitagrave Urbanistica e

architettura Venezia 2000 pp 24ndash25 MARIN 2007 (n 6) pp 35-3615 The watercoloured and retouched heliographic copy of 1913 Piano regolatore della cittagrave di Gorizia

by Antonio Lasciac on a scale of 1200 is located in Archivio Storico Provinciale di Gorizia Gorizia Fondo Mappe censuarie n 275315 The photographic reproduction of the original is kept in Biblioteca dellrsquoAccademia Nazionale di San Luca Roma coll 1568 The following version of the plan was elaborated in 1917 for the reconstruction of the city with the addition of typological examples to the architectural scale Diego KUZMIN Antonio Lasciac tra Oriente e Occidente la Villa sul Rafut Trieste 2016 pp 84ndash94 httpsartsunitsithandle113682908007mode=simple1002 (accessed 1 January 2020)

landscape most likely aware of Howard and Unwinrsquos model16 but which does not become a rule conforming to the picturesque urban on the contrary it adapts leaving a ground open to invective possibilities

It is interesting to note that in one of the early writings of the young Charles-Eacutedouard Jeanneret on the construction of cities the architect influenced by Camillo Sittersquos reading argues that ldquoroads must be curved vary in width and slope to ensure the closure of the view avoiding geometrical or symmetrical arrangementsrdquo and associates to this principle a lesson that man can learn (and reproduce) by observing nature however domesticated personified in a commentary on the edge of the page by the figure of the mule As is well evident in the not strictly geometrical traces of ancient cities the movement by walking from one point to another is generated by the more human aspects of the inhabited area which viscerally depend on the continuous adaptation of the culture to the place transforming it into the culture of the place

In fact Lasciacrsquos view on the city or rather his vision of a future Gorizia represents a projection which by definition is possible only if the observerrsquos point of view is at a certain distance Perhaps it is precise because of the coincidence between the observer and the object observed in those who received the plan as well as the conflict and heterogeneity of individual interests with respect to collective interests that Lasciacrsquos vision has never been adopted or realized except for fragments and unfinished quotations

The void as an imaginary view the Austrian Nice

The irruption of modernity manifests itself in the city of Gorizia with the materialization of two spatial devices that would change in a very short time not only its deep structure but also its image the railway and the garden

In fact when in 1860 the first railway connection with the Suumldbahn was inaugurated the city which only a few years before had seen the development of the first industrial manufacturing plants and the consequent birth of a working-class alongside the emerging bourgeoisie was the terrain of important social cultural and urban transformations that would be repeated in 1906 with the opening of the Wocheinerbahn line17

16 Ebezener HOWARD The Garden city of To-morrow London 1902 (first published 1898)17 The SuumldbahnFerrovia Meridionale with its 577 km completed in 1857 linked central-eastern Europe

from Wien to the Trieste port system (via Graz and Ljubljana) with the ambition to connect to Venice and Milan through the two lines of the Ferdinandea (283 km from Milan to Venice completed in 1857) and the Veneto-Illirica (197 km from Mestre to Aurisina via Pordenone Udine and Gorizia completed in 1860) The Wocheinerbahn Transalpina on the other hand connected Trieste to Jesenice through the IsonzoSoča valley (144 km completed in 1906) Franco OBIZZI Transalpina un binario per tre popoli Gorizia 1996 Alessandro PUHALI 1000 chilometri di binario tra Vienna e Milano (1839ndash1860) Signori si parte Come viaggiavamo nella Mitteleuropa 1815ndash1915 (ed Marina Bressan) Mariano del Friuli 2011 pp173ndash186

The first signs impressed on the ground trace a road link between the city and the Southern Station with the conversion of agricultural areas into building plots and thus directing the growth of the city towards the south The generating elements of the new city without a plan but built by parts are a bent and tree-lined street via della Stazione (later Corso Francesco Giuseppe nowadays Corso Italia) and via del Giardino (currently Corso Verdi) on which two public gardens are grafted (now the Giardino Pubblico and Parco della Rimembranza) the second of which was created by placing the bottom of the old cemetery and some representative objects the town hall the hotel the theater and public baths18

It is a city that joins the existing one and dilates it opening it to the eye and to a new dimension In fact the two courses draw a linear system that develops for about two km barycentric with respect to the two topographies of Colle del Castello and Valletta del Corno and marks a new way of living the city to the rhythm of walking and passing through the often rarefied and low-density building curtain which never leads to a square

Moreover if the square itself (the ancient ldquotravnikrdquo today piazza Vittoria) as a place of coexistence is refuted and remains in the background of the pre-existing city the garden instead besides becoming critical of it is elevated to a model of the city Both public gardens (with a rectangular ground footprint of 100 x 200 ndash 300 m) are more than twice the size of the main square (triangular in shape with cathets of about 90 x 190 m) and compete in size with the size of the Town Hall park Coronini park or Borgo Castello park but they are strongly spaced out The gardens cultivated and protected by the Gorizia fence are replaced by these large shaded and decorated in some ways exotic green surfaces in other words a new form of landscape

Camillo Sitte in his criticism of the construction of the modern city also recognized in greenery a symbolic and iconographic element that was changing shape and therefore meaning even in political terms The ldquofairly large blocks built along the perimeter and containing vast green areas gardens vegetable gardens courtyards all connected to each other to form remarkable complexes absolutely quiet and full of air and sunshinerdquo almost parts of the countryside risked dissolving into the antithesis between decorative greenery that ldquobelongs almost exclusively to the street and the most lively places because it only has the purpose of being watched by the greatest possible number of people [] according to its only fantastic effectrdquo and sanitary greenery where ldquoeverything must instead tend towards rationality protection from dust and wind isolation from the roar of traffic shady coolness in summerrdquo19

This dichotomy materializes in Gorizia with the construction in a fertile and protected area south-east of the city of the Asylum Francesco Giuseppe I the smallest of the seven hospitals built in the Austro-Hungarian Empire on the Viennese prototype of the Steinhof Characterized

18 MARIN 2007 (n 6) pp 19ndash2319 Camillo SITTE Der Staumldtebau nach seinen kuumlnstlerischen Grundsatzen Lrsquoarte di costruire le cittagrave (ed Luigi

Dodi) Wien 1889 (reprint Milano 1953) pp 149ndash151

by pavilions inspired by suburban villas symmetrically arranged on a central axis of services the Asylum is immersed in a park with a geometric layout with informal inserts and tree-lined areas whose spatiality opposes to the agricultural colony which makes it self-sufficient20

As in many other cases the health and hygiene discourses had found their direct correspondence at the urban level and many localities connected by the Suumldbahn returned an image of small towns surrounded by greenery sunny and favoured by a healthy climate and air attainable alternatives to the congested metropolis

Of course with the railway establishment not only people and goods circulate but also ideas Thus the first imagined Gorizia is depicted as a climatic and therapeutic resort in the words of Baron Carl von Czoernig

[the city] lends itself very well as a winter climatic health resort for sick and sick people [] and occupies among the subalpine climatic health resorts one of the most conspicuous places and offers the citizens of the Empire the advantage of staying in their own country and taking advantage of convenient communications and cheap life21

The view from the railway represented a real perceptive revolution Space as much as time was distorted and compressed by speed distorting the relationship between near and far between looking and being looked at and bringing not only a new dimension to the experience of places marked by constant movement but also their representation And this change of condition is well recognizable in the discursive and visual practices (in the media) that emerge in this transformation of the collective not without contradictions Tourist guides advertising panoramic postcards travel novels magazines maps and geographic maps begin to spread thus heterogeneous and sometimes contrasting images of cities are born22 The gaze that belonged properly to landscape painting becomes first accessible breaking into the collective imagination and then reproducible

20 The project of Manicomio Francesco Giuseppe I is the work of Arturo Glessig and Lodovico Braidotti it dates back to 1904 it was realized in the years 1905-1908 and inaugurated only in 1911 Giuseppina SCAVUZZO Progetto e libertagrave terapeutica Parco Basaglia a Gorizia Design and therapeutic freedom The Parco Basaglia in Gorizia Festival dellrsquoArchitettura Magazine 2017 p 46ndash47 httpwwwfestiva-larchitetturaitfestivalItArticoliMagazineDetailaspID=221 (accessed 1 January 2020) Giuseppina SCAVUZZO Sergio PRATALI MAFFEI Gianfranco GUARAGNA (eds) Riparare lumano Lezioni da un ma-nicomio di frontiera Siracusa 2019 pp 12ndash43

21 Carl VON CZOERNIG Das Land Goumlrz und Gradisca I territori di Gorizia e Gradisca 33 Wien 1873 (reprint Gorizia 1969)

22 In addition to the myth of a climatic and therapeutic resort Gorizia is defined not only as Austrian Nice but sometimes as a ldquoleasantrdquo town or ldquoAustrian Edenrdquo Diego CALTANA Goumlrz immagini di cittagrave tra Otto e Novecento (ed Alessandra Marin) Udine 2007 pp 66ndash75 In other cases it is idealized in the sign of the Habsburg myth of tolerance between peoples ie as belonging to the ldquoimaginary regionerdquo called Central Europe a ldquocomposite city ethnically and culturally mystilingualrdquo Aacutekos MORAVANSZKY Competing Visions Aesthetic Invention and Social Imagination in Central European Architecture 1867ndash1918 Cambridge-Massachusetts 1998 Lucio FABI Storia di Gorizia Padova 1991 p 59

ldquoPhotography does for architecture what the railway did for cities transforming it into merchandise and conveying it through the magazines for it to be consumed by the massesrdquo23

The void as the invention of the landscape

Observing this territory today from the hills that surround it such as CalvarioPodgora MontesantoSveta Gora or Kromberk and from those that structure it such as the Castle Hill and the CastagnevizzaKostanjevica hill on the one hand the simultaneity of conflicting views and images suggests to give up the possibility of a univocal reading of the built environment On the other the landscape emerges in all its exceptionality the uniformity of the whole a large green surface is punctuated by the precise variation of its heterogeneous and innumerable voids

Changing the point of view and dissecting this landscape transversally for instance starting from SalcanoSolkan passing through the heart of Nova Gorica on trg Edvarda Kardelja to Erjavčeva ulica and via San Gabriele and continuing to Corso Verdi to the Giardino Pubblico in Valletta del Corno and beyond to the Isonzo river it is possible to recognize some fragments of emptiness site-specific expression of the many ideas of garden cities composed with that triad of elements ldquolight space greenrdquo never realized in toto but juxtaposed by parts

Reading these fragments archaeologically in their symbolic and figurative aspects it is therefore possible to reconstruct the birth of a condition and a view in movement sometimes narrative sometimes projective certainly partial transitory and alternative but which aspires to the totality of its vision These fragments testify to the birth of a gaze that since the irruption of modernity has been confronted with the symbolic horizon of his vision

The modern eye in fact inflects the void through several spatial devices from the void as an ideal model to the void as an alternative vision the void reveals itself as absence and mechanism of exclusion it is the void that relates at a distance it is a symbolic device of capture and expression of the infinite it is a void to take care of

The void is then a critical device of the existing city of the many ideas of imagined cities of localized utopias24 of those realized and lived in the isontine territory which can be read thinking back to the words of Marc Antoine Laugier in his Essai sur lrsquoarchitecture as the invention of a landscape in some ways unfinished

23 Beatriz COLOMINA On Adolf Loos and Josef Hoffmann Architecture in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction Raumplan versus Plan Libre Adolf Loos and Le Corbusier 1919ndash1930 (ed Max Risselada) Amsterdam 1988 p 69 Beatriz COLOMINA Privacy and Publicity modern architecture as mass media Cambridge 1996 p 47

24 3x3x1 utopie localizzate Gorizia Nova Gorica Šempeter-Vrtojba Quadro conoscitivo volume 1 Trieste 2014

Modernost onkraj konflikta arhitektura praznine v Gorici in Novi Gorici

Povzetek

Urbani sistem Gorice (Italija) in Nove Gorice (Slovenija) kot stične točke prekinjenega teritorija ki ga prečka reka Soča je bil skozi stoletja prizorišče konfliktne zgodovine Zaradi njegovih spreminjajočih se meja in zahtevnega sobivanja med njegovimi deli je to območje ki je sestavljeno iz fragmentov namesto iz načrtov ki so nastali s pomočjo izjem in ne toliko s pomočjo pravil Referat ki se začne z izbruhom modernizma z vzpostavitvijo dvotirne železniške proge (Suumldbahn leta 1860 in Neuen Alpenbahnen leta 1906) sledi krivulji in se osredotoča na vprašanje obstojnosti in neštetih variacij praznine znotraj številnih vrtnih mest ki so si jih zamislili načrtovali zgradili in v katerih so živeli v Gorici in Novi Gorici Če upoštevamo moderni prostorski diskurz od teorij Camilla Sitte Der Staumldtebau in Garden Cities of Tomorrow Ebenezerja Howarda do programskega manifesta Atenske listine so se heterogene mestne podobe pojavile znotraj soškega teritorija od turističnih vizij avstrijske Nizze do napovedi Antonia Lasciaca o vrtni Gorici ali do zelene in funkcionalistične Nove Gorice Edvarda Ravnikarja Medtem ko se urbano tkivo pojavlja kot raztrgano telo realizirano skozi kolizijo fragmentov lahko relevantnost in potrebo po praznini ndash ne samo v sklopu nezgrajenega temveč tudi znotraj konceptualnih in ikonografskih terminov za svetlobo zrak prostor kot tudi za razdaljo in prizor ndash preučujemo kot dispozitiv modernega očesa ali iznajdbo krajine

King Faisal IIrsquos plans for Greater Baghdad

Tanja POPPELREUTER and Lena KARIM

During the short reign of King Faisal II (1939ndash1958) from his coronation at the age of 18 in 1953 to his execution during the ldquo14 July Revolutionrdquo in 1958 plans for the modernisation of Greater Baghdad were initiated It was a large-scale and ambitious programme with the goal to improve and develop infrastructure and housing provide essential public buildings reform the building in-dustries and train Iraqi architects A central part of these plans was the invitation of internationally renowned architects whose buildings would make these modernisation efforts visible

Among the architects who accepted the invitation were Alvar Aalto (1898ndash1976) Walter Gropius (1883ndash1969) and The Architects Collaborative (TAC) Le Corbusier (1887ndash1965) Gio Ponti (1891ndash1979) and Frank Lloyd Wright (1867ndash1959) Most of their designs were not constructed and only the faculty tower and gateway monument to Baghdad University by Walter Gropius and TAC and the office building for the Development Board by Gio Ponti were built The Baghdad Gymnasium that was part of the sports facilities that Le Corbusier worked on until his death in 1965 was constructed in 1980 under Saddam Hussein

The plans for Greater Baghdad have until recently received little attention Among the literature that critically discusses the topic is the 2008 anthology Modernism and the Middle East by Kishwar Rizvi and Sandy Isenstadt1 that contains two chapters on Baghdad and Iraq The 2008 special edition Bagdad of the journal DC papers also contains articles on the political changes and individual commissions The 2009 exhibition catalogue Modernism and Iraq and the article ldquoA Dream we call Baghdadrdquo2 by Nada Shabout provides an analysis of the modern art movement during the 1950s3

Monographs on invited architects occasionally discuss their Baghdad projects Among them is Neil Levinersquos 1998 monograph The Architecture of Frank Lloyd Wright and Mina Marefatrsquos article

1 Modernism and the Middle East Architecture and Politics in the Twentieth Century (eds Sandy Isenstadt and Kishwar Rizvi) Seattle 2008

2 Zainab BAHRANI Nada M SHABOUT Wallach Art Gallery Modernism and Iraq New York 20093 Universitat Politegravecnica de Catalunya Departament de Composicioacute Arquitectogravenica DC Papers Revista de

criacutetica y teoriacutea de la arquitectura Nuacutemero Extraordinario 1 Dedicado a Especial Bagdad 2008 httpsdialnetuniriojaesejemplar311991 (accessed 10 January 2020)

Wrightrsquos Baghdad4 Ala Younisrsquo research on Le Corbusierrsquos gymnasium led to an exhibition at the Guggenheim New York and an article in 20165 The work by Walter Gropius and TAC is addressed by Marefat as well6 Limited material is unfortunately available on the projects by Aalto and Ponti7

Researchers offer diverse interpretations of the plans for Greater Baghdad Magnus T Bernhardsson in the anthology Modernism and the Middle East interprets them as based on multiple pre-existing cultural identities and as a result of a harking back to the Islamic and pre-Islamic past Cultural heritage was utilised and interpreted by local as well as Western architects in order to express a distinct new Iraqi cultural identity8 Neil Levine whose primary interest is in the work of Frank Lloyd seems to support this in writing that ldquoWrightrsquos response hellip articulates in figurative terms the problems of cultural identity and self-determination at a moment of impending changerdquo9 Mina Marefat argues in her article

on Gropiusrsquo plans for the University of Baghdad that they were a means to build ldquoworthy symbols of a nationrsquos entry onto the world stagerdquo and as such the Baghdad University became ldquoa linchpin in the sense of a new identity that was part of the nationalizing processrdquo10

4 Mina MAREFAT Wrightrsquos Baghdad Ziggurats and green visions Docomomo 35 2006 pp 78-86 Joseph M SIRY Wrightrsquos Baghdad Opera House and Gammage Auditorium In Search of Regional Modernity The Art Bulletin 87 2 2005 pp 265-311

5 Ala YOUNIS Le Corbusierrsquos Raised Arm Gestures a Backstroke Cartha 3 2016 httpwwwcarthamagazinecomwp-contentuploads20160903_CARTHA_2016_ISSUE-2_YOUNISpdf (accessed 19 January 2020)

6 Mina MAREFAT From Bauhaus to Baghdad The Politics of Building the Total University Taarii Newsletter 2-3 2008 pp 2-12

7 Frederick GUTHEIM Alvar Aalto New York 1960 pp 29-338 Magnus T BERNHARDSSON Visions of Iraq Modernizing the Past in 1950s Baghdad Modernism and the

Middle East Architecture and Politics in the Twentieth Century (eds Sandy Isenstadt and Kishwar Rizvi) Seattle 2008 p 92

9 Neil LEVINE The Architecture of Frank Lloyd Wright Princeton 1998 p 38310 MAREFAT 2008 (n 6) pp 9-10

Fig 1 Walter Gropius and the Office Tower of the University of Baghdad 1967 (copy Harvard Art MuseumsBusch-Reisinger Museum Gift of Ise Gropius BRGA1247)

100 101

This paper analyses the plans for Greater Baghdad in its political and socio-economic context outlines the individual projects of architects and their aspirations briefly and provides with examples of reactions to these locally and internationally The short period between 1953 and 1958 allows the focus to be on some of the interplaying forces that aimed to develop and modernise Baghdad and with the help of postcolonial theory it can be argued that this situation was the result of cultural hybridisation

In Homi Bhabharsquos 1994 book The Location of Culture11 hybridisation is introduced as a way to discuss and describe sociocultural interactions between diverse groups in conditions of colonialization and globalization In an effort to understand the effects of cultural interactions Bhabha argues that languages cultures and identities are not homogenous but instead ambivalent and results of continuous influx and interactions It is the latter that drives the development of culture and is a motor for cultural productivity In the chapter ldquoSigns taken for Wondersrdquo Bhabha outlines the impossibility of truthful translation from one language and culture to another and uses this as an example to outline the emergence of a hybrid Hybridity therefore is not achieved through an accumulation of elements and symbols but instead a process of interactions It can be used as a theoretical concept that helps to put forward a thesis on the plans towards modernising Baghdad

King Faisal II was a member of the Hashemite Monarchy that ruled from 1921 to 1958 It was a constitutional monarchy modelled on the example of Britain with Faisal I as the first king It had been instated to minimise tensions but was dependent on British military In 1932 the Kingdom of Iraq became a sovereign state the British mandate ended and the country was admitted to the League of Nations Dependency on the British however still remained and changing alliances between landowners military tribal chiefs and officials influenced and guided the regency of the monarchs

During the early years of the Cold War the pre-existing political relationship with Britain contributed to the formation of the 1955 Baghdad Pact The pact was similarly to NATO initiated to safeguard against a feared expansion of the Soviet Union but also stipulated mutual cooperation and protection In addition to Iraq and Britain it was joined by Turkey Pakistan and Iran

The increase in the economy that subsequently enabled the plans for Greater Baghdad to be developed was due to negotiations with the British-controlled Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC) in 1952 that achieved an equitable share of oil rights and a substantial increase in Iraqrsquos revenue12

By 1950 ndash the same year Iraq began to exploit its oil fields ndash the semiautonomous Development Board (ldquoMajlis al arsquomarrdquo) that consisted of six members including a foreign advisor13 had been founded with the directive to improve infrastructure and living conditions

11 Homi BHABHA The Location of Culture New York 199412 Stacy E HOLDEN A documentary history of modern Iraq Gainsville 2012 p 125 Remi BAUDOUIuml To build a

stadium Le Corbusiersrsquos project for Baghdad 1955-1973 DC Papers Revista de criacutetica y teoriacutea de la arquitectura Nuacutemero Extraordinario 1 Dedicado a Especial Bagdad 2008 p 271 LEVINE 1998 (n 9) p 383-384

13 BERNHARDSSON 2008 (n 8) p 84

After negotiations with the IPC in 1952 the Board received a percentage of the annual oil revenues and in 1955 it established a six-year-plan with a large budget a quarter of which was assigned for public buildings The Board therefore commanded the funds necessary for large-scale projects In an effort to secure authority of the monarchy and to thwart possible tensions funds needed to be invested in urban areas where it was feared conflict would appear The exponential increase of the population of Baghdad between 1947 and 1957 made it necessary to invest in infrastructure and housing as well as in projects that would show visible benefits quickly ndash which was another way to counter opposition14

Commissions for public buildings followed and the first ones went to the German architect Werner March (1894ndash1976) for the Iraq Museum and the English firm J Brian Cooper to build the National Parliament and the Royal Palace Swiss architect William Dunkel (1893ndash1980)15 won the 1954 competition for the National Bank while Constantinos Doxiadis (1913ndash1975) built hundreds of dwelling units by the end of the 1950s16 Josep Lluis Sert (1902ndash1983) was contracted by the US government to construct their Embassy in 195517

The first internationally renowned architect who was contacted by the Development Board was Le Corbusier in 1955 At the same time the London planners Minoprio amp Spencely and PW Macfarlane drew a masterplan to lay out ndash among other things ndash sites for public buildings This plan generated a series of discussions during which the above-mentioned world-renowned architects were commissioned for central projects18

According to an anecdote relayed by Rifat Chadirji (1926) the selection of architects originated from his criticism of the initial selection19 Chadirji was the son of the former leader of the Iraq National Democratic Party and after studying architecture at the Hammersmith School of Building and Arts amp Crafts in London he returned to Baghdad in 1952 Together with Nizar Jawdat (1921ndash2017) and his wife Ellen20 a new list of names was made Jawdatrsquos father had been the ambassador of Iraq to the United States and Jawdat had been a student of Gropiusrsquo at Harvard University The influence that these young Western educated architects might have had

14 LEVINE 1998 (n 9) p 383 BERNHARDSSON 2008 (n 8) p 8415 The Orient Expressed The Architectsrsquo Journal 1213142 1955 p 66216 Panayiota I PYLA Baghdadrsquos Urban Restructuring 1958 Aesthetics and Politics of Nation Building

Modernism and the Middle East Architecture and Politics in the Twentieth Century (eds Sandy Isenstadt and Kishwar Rizvi) Seattle 2008 pp 97-115

17 Samuel ISENSTADT ldquoFaith in a Better Futurerdquo Josep Lluis Sertrsquos American Embassy in Baghdad Journal of Architectural Education 503 1997 pp 172-188 Jane C LOEFFLER The Architecture of Diplomacy Heyday of the United States Embassy-Building Program 1954-60 Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 493 1990 pp 251-278

18 LEVINE 1998 (n 9) pp 384-386 Pedro AZARA Nicolaacutes City of Mirages Baghdad from Wright to Venturi DC Papers Revista de criacutetica y teoriacutea de la arquitectura Nuacutemero Extraordinario 1 Dedicado a Especial Bagdad 2008 p 253-254

19 MAREFAT 2008 (n 6) p 220 BERNHARDSSON 2008 (n 8) pp 81-96

102 103

on the Development Board is difficult to discern in retrospect but this anecdote illustrates that there was a group of young architects educated in the United States or Britain ndash Faisal II was himself schooled at the British boarding school Harrow ndash that formed an elite familiar with the principles of modern architecture Their interest in modern architecture was such that in 1955 Ellen Jawdad thought it possible to form a ldquoCongregraves Internationaux drsquoArchitecture Modernerdquo (CIAM) group in Baghdad21

Invitations were issued around January 1957 Oscar Niemeyer rejected it but Wright Aalto Gropius and Ponti accepted the commission and also agreed to ldquogive conferences in Baghdad that would serve as a model and support for a new generation of architectsrdquo22 This shows that the efforts of reforming and modernising the city were paired with efforts to improve the buildings industries by training Iraqi architects In addition to this Western architects would work collaboratively with Iraqi practices and it can be assumed that these collaborations were meant to have an ldquoosmoticrdquo effect whereby skill and knowledge would be imparted to local practices over the course of the projects

This historical narrative reveals a range of interplaying internal interests in the plans for Greater Baghdad The commissioning of modernist architects was supported by a complex political and cultural situation that enabled modernism to become the main expression in art and architecture It was hoped that the modernisation efforts would help stabilise the monarchy This also demonstrates the existence of a strong opposition and unstable conditions Another factor was the young generation of Western educated architects and artists who formed an intellectual elite that supported the belief that progress could be achieved through the invitation of famous Western architects

Wright was the first to work on the project Originally he had been invited to contribute with an opera house and cultural centre but encouraged by the flexibility of the Development Board he changed the site from the centre of Baghdad to ldquoPig Islandrdquo ndash that he renamed ldquoEdenardquo ndash a small island on the Tigris By July 1957 Wright not only drew a cultural and educational complex but also ndash among other buildings ndash a university a gallery for contemporary art a botanical garden and an urban master plan After General Abdul al-Karim Qassimrsquos (1914ndash1963) coup drsquoeacutetat and Wrightrsquos death in 1959 the project came to a halt23

From the beginning Wright was critical of all efforts towards Westernization and modernisation that he amplified in terms of (Western) ldquomaterialismrdquo and ldquocommercialismrdquo and (Eastern) ldquospiritual integrityrdquo This became apparent in a talk for the Society of Engineers in Baghdad and Wrightrsquos appeal to not be influenced by the ldquowrong kind of successrdquo to ldquoreject [Western] commercializationrdquo and instead to seek ldquocontact with what is sound what is deep in the spirit

21 Ellen JAWDAT to Walter Gropius 14 January 1955 MAREFAT 2008 (n 6) p 10

22 AZARA 2008 (n 18) p 25423 LEVINE 1998 (n 9) p 387

and what [is] genuinelyrdquo part of Iraqi history and culture24 Wright argues against an adaptation of modern architectural principles because to him these deplete the historic and cultural integrity of a place ldquohellip no architect should come here and put a [Western] cliche to workrdquo25 Levine interprets Wrights outlook to be that he did not regard Iraq as an underdeveloped nation to which he brought the fruits of technology but that Wright instead wanted to preserve the character of the place This Wright found reflected in historical and literary sources Among them was Caliph al-Mansur who is believed to have founded Baghdad on an ideal circular plan between 762 and 766 AD Another was the selection of tales of Arabian Nights that also originated in the 8th century and during the reign of Harun ar-Rashid Wright also mentions the Garden of Eden that according to a belief was located south of Baghdad26

The plans and drawings that Wright produced echo al-Mansurrsquos circular layout and are imbued in greenery to allude to the Garden of Eden Tales of the Arabian Nights are according to Levine referred to in the design of the Opera house Wrightrsquos contribution was a means to support his reference-based way of design but to a significant extent a way to reject the functionalist architecture of his contemporaries27 The tenuous links of the misogynist tales of Arabian Nights and the reference to the Garden of Eden seem to stem from a romanticised notion of the Orient rather than from an understanding of contemporary Iraqi culture or architectural traditions

Also in 1957 Gropius and TAC were commissioned to build the University of Baghdad Aided by the Baghdad-based architects Madhloom and Munir TAC was responsible for several masterplans as well as for all the subsequently completed buildings28

The master plan(s) incorporated pre-existing dykes and trees and enclosed the university by a ring road The university consisted of low-rise buildings for classrooms lecture theatres laboratories etc that were grouped around a central plaza Here auxiliary buildings were arranged that included the library auditorium administration mosque and ndash in later iterations of the plans ndash the faculty office tower Apart from the dome of the mosque the project was characteristic of Gropiusrsquo designs of that time and adhered to the principles of International Style Gropiusrsquo remark that the plans signify ldquobalance of unity and diversity of integration and differentiation in order to provide for the students the intellectual and emotional experience from both East and Westrdquo29 suggests a wish for integration of diversity but little of this can be discerned in the masterplan or the executed faculty office tower The 1958 revolution slowed down the project but did not bring it to a halt and work continued on the project until Gropius death in 1969 The

24 LEVINE 1998 (n 9) p 38725 Frank Lloyd Wright Talk to Engineers LEVINE 1998 (n 9) p 38726 Frank Lloyd Wright Talk to Engineers LEVINE 1998 (n 9) p 39227 Frank Lloyd Wright Talk to Engineers LEVINE 1998 (n 9) p 389 SIRY 2005 (n 4) p 265

28 MAREFAT 2008 (n 6) p 5 29 Walter GROPIUS TAC the University of Baghdad Architectural Record April 1959 p 148 See also

MAREFAT 2008 (n 6) p 8

104 105

ldquoOpen Mindrdquo gateway to the university and the Faculty Office Tower were built after the coup drsquoetat and under Qassimrsquos government

Aalto was commissioned to design a Post and Telegraph Office and an Art Museum His Museum design was determined by the climate Cooling effects were planned though the use of vertical louvres roof gardens and environment-appropriate construction The latter consisted of a double concrete wall with an insulating air-space to support the air conditioning The critic Frederick Gutheim summarised the project in 1960 as resulting in ldquothe familiar Aalto combination of regularity and original architectural forms practical nature and artistic whimrdquo30 To Gutheim the artistic whim might have been the cladding of the museum in dark blue ceramic tiles which created a striking effect The familiarity that he detected was due to the very similar designs of Aaltorsquos unbuilt museum projects in Tallin Estonia and in Avesta Sweden as well as with his completed Museum in Aalborg Denmark

Pontirsquos office building design focussed also on technological solutions for the climate and displays similarities to his Pirelli Building in Milan Ponti deliberately eschewed historic or regional references as he regarded attempts to implement such motifs by foreign architect as invalid and fatuous31 He therefore focussed on providing a functional solution for a more quantifiable problem such as climate control

Le Corbusierrsquos commission finally was to design sports facilities that were to include a wave swimming pool exercise grounds and a stadium for 50000 spectators32 This project was also not discontinued after the coup drsquoetat and Le Corbusier worked on it (the site however was changed and a new masterplan by Doxiadis was developed) until his death in 1965

The initial site for the sports complex was on the bank of the Tigris and had been set aside for this purpose in the urban plan by Minoprio Spencely and PW Macfarlane Le Corbusier organised the buildings on a trapezoidal terrain in a way that Remi Baudouiuml interprets as implementing the four functional urban principles formulated at the fifth gathering of CIAM in 1937 to dwell to enjoy to work to transport33

These plans for Greater Baghdad acquired international attention as a letter from the British Board of Trade demonstrates that was sent to a number of British architects The letter was published by Rayner Banham in the Architectsrsquo Journal in 1958 only months before the coup drsquoeacutetat The unnamed author wished to ldquoobtain some photographs of unusual architectural work of designs produced by British architectsrdquo34 that could compete with the architects commissioned by the Iraqis Photographs of buildings with ldquoan exciting bizarre or unconventional character which

30 GUTHEIM 1960 (n 7) p 30 and 121 BERNHARDSSON 2008 (n 8) p 8731 LEVINE 1998 (n 9) p 39032 BAUDOUIuml 2008 (n 12) p 27133 BAUDOUIuml 2008 (n 12) p 27534 Rayner BANHAM Donrsquot be a Square BoT The Architectsrsquo Journal 1273303 1958 p 921

might stir the Iraqisrdquo were requested35 Banhamrsquos chagrined response focussed on the lack of ability and skill that he blamed for the omission of British architects but he also mentioned

the unadulterated cultural colonialism hellip the hurt tone that the Iraqis should go out and buy the kind of architecture that they want instead of accepting the kind that we like to hand out to them spending all that lovely lolly from their oil-wells on ldquoforeign architectsrdquo36

The letter and Banhamrsquos response recognise the wealth of Iraq and the status that modern archi-tecture is given in the efforts of modernisation It also demonstrates that these efforts are not quite taken seriously and are regarded merely as based on a superficial desire for the extraordi-nary and bizarre The imperialistic tone of the letter can be regarded as an example for the ways in which the plans for Greater Baghdad were viewed externally the efforts of the former coloniser to find a way to be included in the lucrative commissions

The ways in which the focus on the West and the invitation of modernism was regarded internally can be exemplified with a 1951 talk by modernist artist Jawad Salim A journalist had labelled Salimrsquos Baghdad Modern Art Group ldquoenemies of the peoplerdquo which led Salim to explain that ldquoat least ninety-seven percent of the people would no doubt oppose hellip the modern styles that they usedrdquo37 That the execution of Faisal II in 1958 was justified with the excessive lsquoWesternizationrsquo of Iraq society furthers the recognition that there was no consensus about how the modernisation of Iraq was to be carried out

Bhabharsquos concept of hybridity allows for an interpretation of the ways in which the plans for Great-er Baghdad created tension and his theories aid in understanding the discourse not as a unilateral means to modernise Baghdad but instead as a complex interplay of competing interpretations plans and motivations Bhabha uses the tensions that arise between the seemingly binary system of coloniser and the colonised as object of his study For the narrative of Baghdad in the 1950s this binary system did no longer exist in its original form but implications caused by colonializa-tion have arguably been retained

Political tension had been introduced by the British colonisers already in 1921 when the Hashe-mite Monarchy was instated and when representatives of the colonised now replaced the original coloniser This created a political situation whereby the new king Faisal I became a mimicry of the ldquooriginalrdquo British king As such the monarchy was already a hybrid system consisting of an indigenous king ruling a colonial political system

Mimicry in the context of Bhabharsquos thinking is part of the measures use by colonial forces towards civilising their subjects In the chapter ldquoOf Mimicry and Manrdquo Bhabha argues that ldquocolonial mimicry is the desire for a reformed recognisable Other as a subject of difference that is almost the same

35 BANHAM 1958 (n 34) p 92136 BANHAM 1958 (n 34) p 92137 BAHRANI SHABOUT 2009 (n 2) p 35

106 107

but not quiterdquo38 In fostering mimicry indigenous interpreters of the colonial system are created that will however never be the same as the colonizer This process creates a hybrid class of peo-ple who remain interpreters of the original culture

Regarded in this sense this type of mimicry and hybridisation was continued in the example of Iraq across the next generation ndash in Faisal II as well as the sons of leading officials who were educated in Britain or the United States This way the political power was in the hands of colonial representatives whose position within the binary system of coloniser and colonised was not clear This type of mimicry is according to Bhabha ldquothe sign of the inappropriate hellip a difference or recal-citrance which coheres the dominant strategic function of colonial power intensifies surveillance and poses an imminent threatrdquo39

To Bhabha the class of people who are almost as the coloniser but not quite the same ultimately pose a threat to the coloniser because differences and systems of classification of the ldquoinappro-priaterdquo can no longer be applied effectively

Conversely applying Bhabharsquos theory to the status of the ldquoinappropriaterdquo towards not the colon-iser but the colonised hybridisation has removed them from their previous status to which they cannot return to In the absence of a ruling colonial power ndash Iraq was a sovereign state from 1932 ndash this ldquoinappropriaterdquo class of people continued with the hybridisation process across the next generations so that it shifted into the gap the coloniser left This process can be exemplified with the help of the plans for Greater Baghdad

The commissioning of well-known Western architects was meant to reinforce the Hashemite dy-nasty and to impart knowledge to Iraqi architects This utilisation of Western cultural objects as a means to impart knowledge is a fundamentally colonial method In the chapter ldquoSigns Taken for Wondersrdquo40 Bhabha describes this with the example of the translation of the Bible into Hindi In 19th century India the British colonisers used the Bible not only as a means to instruct but more importantly to reinforce the binary system between coloniser and colonised and to clarify the contours between superior and inferior

The translation of the Bible into the native language led however to a lessening of the desired effect This was caused by the act of translation in that it is impossible to translate a cultural artefact in its entirety ndash including cultural references that are needed for it to have an identical signification Bhabha uses the example of the translation of the Bible to outline that the meaning of an object does not exist in the object itself but that the production of its meaning is a Western historical construct The translation displaces this meaning and leaves a void that is through the same system of signification imbued with new meaning relevant to the culture it now resides in

For the example of the plans for Greater Baghdad this passage in Bhabharsquos book has two

38 BHABHA 1994 (n 11) p 8639 BHABHA 1994 (n 11) p 8640 BHABHA 1994 (n 11) p 102

implications Firstly it supports the suggestion that the invitation of Western architects was a means to reinforce the supremacy of the monarchy secondly that the designing and building of Western architecture created hybrid symbols that were imbued with new meaning and lessened the desired effect

This process of signification can perhaps be explained best in the ways in which General Qassim retained and continued with some of the projects Although the new regime had fundamentally dissimilar notions of nationhood and identity some of the architectural projects continued ndash it was possible to alter the meaning and signification of the architectural language from constitu-tional monarchy to Qassimrsquos republic

Načrti kralja Faisala II za Veliki Bagdad

Povzetek

Med kratko vladavino kralja Faisala II med letom 1953 in njegovo usmrtitvijo v času državnega udara leta 1958 se je sprožilo veliko načrtov za modernizacijo Velikega Bagdada To je bil velik in ambiciozen program katerega cilj je bil izboljšati in razviti infrastrukturo in bivališča zagotoviti nujne javne zgradbe reformirati gradbeno industrijo in vzgajati iraške arhitekte Osrednji del teh načrtov je bilo povabiti mednarodno priznane arhitekte katerih delo bi naredilo te poskuse modernizacije vidne Med njimi so bili Alvar Aalto (1898ndash1976) Walter Gropius (1883ndash1969) in The Architects Collaborative (TAC) Le Corbusier (1887ndash1965) Gio Ponti (1891ndash1979) in Frank Lloyd Wright (1867ndash1959) Po državnem udaru so nadaljevali z razvijanjem večine projektov vendar so bili zgrajeni le stolp fakultete in vhodni spomenik Univerze v Bagdadu Walterja Gropiusa in TAC ter poslovna zgradba Razvojnega odbora (1957ndash58) Gia Pontija Bagdadska telovadnica ki je bila del športnih objektov na katerih je delal Le Corbusier vse do svoje smrti leta 1965 je bila zgrajena leta 1980 pod oblastjo Saddama Husseina Članek analizira prizadevanja za Veliki Bagdad ter poskuša razumeti načine s katerimi so spodbujali modernizacijo Menimo da so načrti za Veliki Bagdad primer kompleksnega procesa hibridizacije v času političnih napetosti

110 111

1913 concludes that in the time of Art Nouveau and National Romantism Rigarsquos regulations does not pay attention to proper ventilation and insolation of the buildings but concentrates on the street and building facade He also underlines than 13 of Rigarsquos residents lived in the rooms with unhealthy conditions8 The essay of architect Janina Jasenas on values of Latvian contemporary architecture was published in 1940 and republished in 19809 In 2004 Jānis Rubīns (1928) published a detailed analysis of the 20th century housing stock in Riga This publication is of special importance because of the authorrsquos practical experience in the field of design and construction of modernist housing estates since he was the head of the State Construction Committee between 1964 and 198510 The terms lsquoregional architecturersquo and lsquoidentityrsquo have been intensively discussed since the second decade of the 20th century when the style of National Romanticism intensified the search for physical expression of Latvian architecture In 2015 French historian Eric Le Bourhis defended his doctoral thesis on urban planning practice in Riga in the USSR (1945ndash1990) analysed professional practice of urban planners in Riga in ldquopolitical administrative professional and intellectual contextrdquo11 This research provides the analysis of vast selection of archival sources in the context of practical implementation of modernist ideas The planning aspects of modernism housing estates are analysed in Chapter 612 The scientific paper of Aija Ziemeļniece (Latvian University of Agriculture) which was written in 2011 describes the importance of cultural historical landscape in ldquotransferring of the intellectual values from one generation to the next onerdquo13 Overall review of architectural competition practice in after war period and its influence on architecture of modernist residential areas is provided in doctoral thesis by Linda Leitāne14

The modernism architecture is a topic of lively interest in the Latvian professional society ndash in 2014 the modernist residential buildings were part of the Latvian Pavilion dedicated to modernism at the Venice Architectural Biennale In 2018 large-scale residential neighbourhoods were the main theme of the Latvian Pavilion In the summer of 2019 the Latvian Museum of Architecture organised the exhibition with the intention to analyse the origin of large-scale neighbourhoods15

The subject of the research is the process of incorporation of modernist housing estates

8 Latvijas Arhitektūras meistari (ed Jānis Lejnieks) Riga 1995 p 2119 Janina JASENAS Arhitektūras tautiskums Latvijas Arhitektūra (1989) p 41ndash4210 RUBĪNS 2004 (n1) p 10411 Eric LE BOURHIS Avec le plan contre le modegravele Urbanisme et changement urbain agrave Riga en URSS (1945ndash

1990) PhD dissertation Eacutecole des Hautes Eacutetudes en Sciences Sociales 2015 p 612 LE BOURHIS 2015 (n 11) pp 327ndash38713 Aija ZIEMEĻŅIECE Restoration and preservation of the identity of historical cultural landscape Rīgas

Tehniskās universitātes zinātniskie raksti 10 sērija Arhitektūra un pilsētplānošana 5 2011 pp 66ndash6914 Linda LEITĀNE Arhitektūras konkursi Latvijā promocijas darbs Rīgas Tehniskā universitāte 2019 pp

57ndash6915 Kristīne BUDŽE Priedes ņurdzēja un ņirbēja Diena httpswwwdienalvrakstskdmakslapriedes-

nurdzeja-un-nirbeja-14223717 (accessed 20 January 2020)

Cohesion of Local Environment and Modernist Residential Architecture in Latvia after the Second World War

Alina BEITANE

The modernist residential architecture is represented by one of the most widespread groups of residential buildings in Latvia built in the post-war period1 Le Corbusier stated ldquoThe problem of the house is a problem of the epochrdquo2 and underlined that the quality of the available housing is fundamental to social equilibrium The concept of high-quality residential architecture and high sanitary standards of urban environment are central for contemporary Latvian architecture since the 1920s and 1930s when the Modern Movement style was introduced Anyhow values of Latvian residential building traditions seem very close to the statements expressed under the section ldquoDwellingrdquo of the Athens Charter (1933)3 but critics still question the architectural value of post-war modernist housing estates4

The existing body of literature provides a diverse description of modernist residential areas and an analysis of political and socio-economical context mostly in Riga with some examples in other cities5 Latvian architect Eižens Laube (1880ndash1967) published numerous essays on modernist and regional architecture6 One of the first Latvian urban planners ndash prof Arnolds Lamze (1889ndash1945) has studied the development of foreign cities and based on this study proposed the Rigarsquos urban development scenario7 The architectrsquos and university teacherrsquos Pēteris Bērzkalns (1899ndash1958) the assistant of prof A Lamze main field of professional interest was architecture of apartments His research on apartments in Riga in

1 Jānis RUBĪNS Rīgas dzīvojamais fonds 20 gadsimtā tipoloģiskā rakursā Rīga 2004 p612 LE CORBUSIER K arhitekture (eds S D Komarov Konstantin Topuridze) Moscow 1970 pp 9ndash24

(Translation of Le Corbusier Vers une architecture Paris 1923 pp XXIIIndashXXVII) 3 LE CORBUSIER 1970 (n 2) pp155ndash190 4 Jānis KRASTIŅŠ Ivars STRAUTMANIS Jānis DRIPE Latvijas Arhitektūra no senatnes līdz mūsdienām

Arhitektūra pēc Otrā Pasaules kara Rīga 1998 p 200 5 KRASTIŅŠ STRAUTMANIS DRIPE 1998 (n 4) pp 185ndash229 Sandra TREIJA Dzīvojamās vides attīstība

Rīgā promocijas darbs Rīga 2006 p160 Jānis KRASTIŅŠ Arhitektūras stili Latvijā Rīga 2012 pp135ndash142 httpsmantojumslvmediauploadsdokumentipetijumiarhitekturas_stili_latvijapdf (accessed 20 January 2020)

6 Eižens LAUBE Raksti par arhitektūru Lincoln 1960 p 2057 Arnolds LAMZE Teritorijas problēma Lielrīgas izbūvē Riga 1932 p 40

112 113

1944 what destroyed 90 of buildings in the city centre18 The first detailed plan for Jelgava city centre rearrangement was developed in 1945 The perimeter block scheme was preserved the plan listed remains of historical buildings and reestablishment of existing industry19

Riga as the capital of the country faced all post-war challenges Already in 1945 the first versions of master plans were produced the project was based on the Master Plan of Riga developed by urban planner-architect A Lamze in 1939 However the markers of socio-economic development of the city were not perceived correctly in the beginning and the master plan was adjusted several times20 The main priorities of the city of Riga in the post-war period were To recover from destructive effect of the Second World War and re-establish the balance

of housing stock21

To continue and rethink building traditions of Art Nouveau and Modern Movement22

18 LNBKaršu lasītava Kartes KtCDL081 Jelgava Arhitektūras un mākslas virtuālā rekonstrukcija Latvija 2007 (digital resource)

19 Latvijas Valsts Arhīvs (LVA) Lasītava Skandu ielā Generalnaja shema gJelgava (General plan of Jelgava city) 19459minusI 796minus797

20 KRASTIŅŠ STRAUTMANIS DRIPE 1998 (n 4) pp 185ndash22921 KRASTIŅŠ STRAUTMANIS DRIPE 1998 (n 4) p 18522 KRASTIŅŠ STRAUTMANIS DRIPE 1998 (n 4) p 191

Fig 1 The map scheme of Jelgava city centre District next to Driksa river is highlighted (scheme by author)

built after the Second World War in Riga (1958ndash1962) Jelgava (1945ndash1982) and Salaspils (1966ndash1982) into existing environment The chosen case studies consist of buildings which were built in various decades of post-war modernism period but all of them respond to the aspects discussed in Athens Charter and allows analysing the differences in interpretation of international modernist and regional values by Latvian architects

The aim of the research is a qualitative analysis of mutual relations between the modernist residential area and unique aspects of the territories where modernist residential neighbourhoods were built To achieve the goal the analysis of planning methods characteristics of modernist housing estates preserved cultural and environmental heritage were analysed Each territory of the case study was visited and observed by the author for spatial analysis

The methods used to reach the aim of research are qualitative analysis of case studies analysis of literature on modernist residential areas and critics of after war modernism by its contemporaries For case studies analysis of unpublished archive materials graphical analysis of maps and images site visiting and observation methods were used

The limitations of research are determined by usage of large amount of secondary sources ( for analysis of critics on modernist residential buildings) the complexity of architecture of residential areas and various aspects of existing environment which lead to the need to pick up only certain qualities for analysis in the context of Athens Charter Not all information about construction process of each building in analysed case studies was gathered a further research is needed for more detailed conclusions

1 Suitability of Modernist Housing Estates to Social Tasks of Residential Architecture in the Post-war Latvia

After the Second World War Latvia was economically and socially exhausted lots of demolished buildings and infrastructure were the cause of constant pressure on urban planning processes The housing stock was both ruined and in shortage because of increase of the number of citizens (eg in Riga in 1945 there were 228000 inhabitants but in 1950 ndash as many as 428000 residents)16 caused both by urbanization and incorporation of Latvia into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in 1945 Lots of Latvian architects and builders went abroad in search for better living conditions and foreign specialists entered professional areas of local architecture and construction

Almost all centres of Latvian cities of republic importance were severely damaged17 One of such cities was Jelgava Its historic city centre (founded in the 13th century as well as Riga with high proportion of the 18th century architectural monuments) was massively bombed on 28 June

16 RUBĪNS 2004 (n 1) p 917 LE BOURHIS 2015 (n 11) p 51 Fig 2

114 115

the government The next criteria for choosing the territory where to erect buildings was the condition that the area should have been vacant However it was challenging as due to issues of master plan the areas of individual housing developed too close to the city centre and inevitably confronted with new large-scale residential areas causing inconsistencies in the composition of the housing estate32 Urban planners were pragmatic and paid attention to the quality of connection between the city centre and a new neighbourhood the proximity of urban networks ndash transport sewage and engineering networks33 and favourable hydrological conditions

The principles of urban planning before 1960 differed from those of a later period The urban planners while choosing lands for building housing estates made an effort not to divide historic plots but rather adjust them for arrangement of large-scale residential areas34 They also took into consideration the existing buildings and surrounding environment35 I Strautmanis underlines a more sensible approach to architecture during the 1950s than in the 1960s36 J Rubīns points out that in the Soviet Union the main measurement for a housing stock analysis was residential area in square meters not the number of flats or houses like in other European countries37 However both measurement systems are solely quantitative and do not provide any information on the quality of dwellings

One of the first modernist housing estates in Riga was Āgenskalna priedes situated amid of Kristapa Dreiliņu Āgenskalna and Alises Streets (1958ndash1962 N Rendelis)38 The territory of Āgenskalna Priedes was a part (10 hectares) of the vast territory adjacent to Schwarzenhof (Švarcmuiža) Manor ldquowhich was likely bought by municipality in 1920rdquo In the Master Plan of Riga this territory was depicted as a public green space and was mentioned as a popular meeting place of residents and nearby lyceum students39 Furthermore the area was covered by a relatively dense pine forest with several dunes ndash iconic elements of Latvian nature However that was not the only that type of dunes in Riga closer to the sea boarder in Bolderājs and Vecmīlgrāvis the sand dunes were one of the highest and were considered nor appropriate for construction of large buildings because of changing relief nor for gardening area both because of unfertile ground and low level of ground water40

The minutes of the meeting of the Interdepartmental Committee of the Riga City which was

32 RUBĪNS 2004 (n 1) pp 81minus8233 LE BOURHIS 2015 (n11) p 32934 LE BOURHIS 2015 (n11) p 32735 LE BOURHIS 2015 (n11) p 32736 KRASTIŅŠ STRAUTMANIS DRIPE 1998 (n 4) pp 185ndash22937 RUBĪNS 2004 (n 1) p 9538 KRASTIŅŠ 2012 (n 5) p 13539 LE BOURHIS 2015 (n11) p 340 KRASTIŅŠ 2012 (n 5) p13540 LAMZE 1932 (n 9) pp 10minus11

To restore traditional urban planning principles of the city (for Riga ndash perimeter blocks with accentuated corners)23

During the first decade of the post-war period the residential areas formed by individual buildings expanded chaotically and were built with high density (average area of a plot ndash 600 m2) At the same time the first standard residential buildings were designed ie Type ldquo301rdquo and a later updated version of it ndash ldquo303rdquo (V Rammane E Kalniņa 1950) which formed the first worker settlements in Riga In the 1950s the built multi-apartment residential areas were up to three floors high and ldquoexpressed an intention to marry pre-war local experience in building multi-apartment buildings and available material-technical resources of that timerdquo24 The housing incorporated traditional building materials brick walls and decorative details in the faccedilade resembling the traditional Latvian patterns25

In 1950 Rigarsquos housing stock was 6500000 m2 that is on average 152 m2 per resident26 However living conditions varied significantly between decently built residential buildings in pre-war periods and worker barracks and dwellings of poor quality27

In 1957 the vision of residential building areas changed to large-scale housing estates This shift was caused by the requirement for simplification of architecture imposed by the central government increase of technological capacity and speed of production28 J Strautmanis and his colleagues expressed the regret that the shift to more rational and unified modernist large-scale neighbourhoods happened not as a result of in-depth studies of previous architectural experience of the interwar period of Modern Movement in 1920s and 1930s but as a strict requirement29

E Le Bourhis states that the meaning of ldquolarge blockrdquo was not absolutely clear to local architects at that time ndash ldquogenerally designated multi-storey group accommodation of a certain size for example offering more 10000 m2 of living space or around 400 dwellingsrdquo and opposed to ldquobuildings often scattered on separate plots in different areas of the cityrdquo30 The choice of appropriate plots for building large-scale modernist housing estates was one of the main tasks of urban planners All modernist housing estates in Riga were built in the outer perimeter of the railroad31 which almost encircles the central part of the city and its historic area The urban planners primary had to operate with the plots which belonged to

23 KRASTIŅŠ STRAUTMANIS DRIPE 1998 (n 4) p 19324 KRASTIŅŠ STRAUTMANIS DRIPE 1998 (n 4) p 18725 KRASTIŅŠ STRAUTMANIS DRIPE 1998 (n 4) p 18726 RUBĪNS 2004 (n 1) p 7327 LE BOURHIS 2015 (n 11) p 24628 RUBĪNS 2004 (n 1) p73 KRASTIŅŠ STRAUTMANIS DRIPE 1998 (n 4) p19129 KRASTIŅŠ STRAUTMANIS DRIPE 1998 (n 4) p 19130 LE BOURHIS 2015 (n11) p 32631 LE BOURHIS 2015 (n11) p 329

116 117

prepared by architect Ruta Paikune (1929) shows that decision to allow construction of Āgenskalna Priedes in the area of a valuable green territory was not unanimous The chief agronomist of Riga disagreed with this decision and the wording of the committeersquos decision from ldquoto recommend the territory [hellip] for construction of a multi-storey residential areardquo was changed to a passive expression as ldquohave no objections againstrdquo41

The construction of modernist residential area in Salaspils (bordered by highway Nometņu and Skolas streets) is tightly connected with the construction of Riga Hydropower Station (Rīgas HES) (1966ndash1974) The new modernist residential area was supposed for the station workers42

The existing private houses on the perspective building-site were demolished and its residents were compensated The hydrological conditions of territory were not favourable for multi-storey residential buildings as the area was rather swampy and stabilization of basement of buildings was problematic Nevertheless the builders aimed to both optimize the construction process and to implement experimental techniques where standardized solutions were not useful43

Riga HES significantly changed the territory of Salaspils as adjacent territories with historical values were submerged44 One of the historical monument which stayed above the water level was St George church (Sv Jūra baznīca) ndash was almost destroyed before in 1976 it was included into the list of protected heritage Nowadays it is ldquothe closest to Riga conservation of 14th century architectural monumentrdquo45

2 Spatial Relations between the Existing Environment and Modernist Residential Buildings

Le Corbusier had seen the solution of a housing crisis in analysis experiment and unification46 But all studied information sources are critical about modernist ldquomonotonous primitive and alienatedrdquo47 built environment There are three types of environment in Latvia where modernist residential buildings were built Territory with a characteristic urban environment (eg Jelgava city centre Riga city

centre etc)

41 LE BOURHIS 2015 (n 11) pp 325ndash38742 Lilita VANAGA Salaspils Novads Gadsimtu hronoloģija 9 g t pr Krndash21 gs Salaspils 2011 pp 209ndash

23343 Genadijs SALFETŅIKOVS Turkur slīka govis Daugavas gaismas pils 1999 pp 70ndash7344 Lilita VANAGA 2011 (n 42) pp 212ndash21845 Lilita VANAGA 2011 (n 42) pp 23046 LE CORBUSIER 1970 (n 2) pp 9ndash2447 KRASTIŅŠ STRAUTMANIS DRIPE 1998 (n 4) pp 185ndash229

Fig 2 The map scheme of Āgenskalna Priedes district (scheme by author)

Fig 3 The map scheme of Salaspils Enerģētiķu district the highlighted zone is a part of the original plan or its edition

(copy Daugavas muzeja krājums DoM 6817 scheme by author)

118 119

workshops were arranged on the fifth floor of buildings which mostly contained two to three rooms standard flats with the minimum area provided for all other utility spaces Probably as a compensation for small areas of rooms in the standard flats the neighbourhood has three large green zones These zones could be called public parks as they are situated in a freely accessible territory of green vegetation Yet its landscape qualities are underdeveloped the structure of pathways is inconsistent as there are only two types of paths ndash diagonal shortcuts and a path running along the perimeter The green zones lack functionality and diversity and overall landscape design is provided on minimal level

In the essay of architect Janina Jasenas the modern architecture as a response to the needs of contemporary spirit of society is tightly connected to the nature ldquoin organic wayrdquo She advocated for both sensitive incorporation of the building in the existing landscape and implementation of the most contemporary technologies ndash which for that time were exactly homogenous structures ndash steel and reinforced concrete products The main aspect which contradicts the result of Āgenskalna Priedes and other modernist housing estates is that ldquothe most important factor in new 20th century architecture is connection between spiritual content and [its] formrdquo50

In the centre of the Jelgava city in spite of the detailed plan of 194551 which continued historical principle of cityrsquos organization in perimeter blocks52 modernist residential buildings however are situated parallel to the streets do not form a visually united perimeter block Inconsistent variation in the volumes of buildings various distance from adjacent street lead to

50 JASENAS 1989 (n 9) pp 41ndash42 51 LVA Generalnaja shema g Jelgava 19459minusI 796 p 1 p 652 Senā Jelgava (ed Elita Grosmane) Riga 2010 p 37

Fig 5 Comparison of axonometry of Jelgava city centre detailed plan (1945) and existing situation in 2020 (copy LVA Generalnaya skhema g Yelgava 19459minusI 796 p 1 p 6schemes by author)

Vacant urban territory or undeveloped rural territory (eg Salaspils collective farm ldquoNākotnerdquo etc)

Territories with a unique urban character (eg Āgenskalna Priedes)All modernist residential areas were incorporated into the cityrsquos transport infrastructure and had a strong connection with adjacent industrial zones and green areas intended for relaxation Although the size of modernist residential neighbourhood increased by the time they kept the form and structure of isolated islands in-between of urban and green territories One of the most developed modernist residential area in Riga ndash Imanta (1970ndash1982) in spite of well thought-out planning ldquolost its purposerdquo after the construction of the neighbouring factory was stopped48

Āgenskalna Priedes is one of the first residential neighbourhoods built in Riga using the principle of free standing buildings instead of traditional perimeter blocks The spatial planning of Āgenskalna Priedes resulted in a visibly flattened ground relief of the site and ldquoapproximately a half of dunes and a pine forest was retainedrdquo49 and other types of trees such as birch oak and linden were added The buildings respect the relief of the ground compensating for the height in the basement level of each building The shorter side of 16 out of 21 buildings of this neighbourhood was oriented from north to south This position ensures the best insolation of flats by eastern and western sun

For the first time in the older part of the neighbourhood Āgenskalna Priedes special artist

48 KRASTIŅŠ STRAUTMANIS DRIPE 1998 (n 4) pp 185ndash22949 LE BOURHIS 2015 (n 11) pp 358

Fig 4 The most expressive standard modernist residential building in Āgenskalna Priedes district with artistsrsquo workshops on the top of it ( photo by author)

120 121

the area of modernist residential buildings in 1960s became larger and its architectural and formal language was enriched by variant on building heights

Āgenskalna Priedes residential area is composed solely of five floor high buildings (brick and concrete panel types of building) which are much higher and more monumental than surrounding it existing architecture The boxy shape of building was product of high rationalisation of construction process and was not as rooted in regional traditions as wooden private house proportions Aija Ziemelniece underlines the same imbalance in the context natural landscape ldquounfamiliar scale and proportions [hellip] reduce the expressiveness and special context of the historical landscaperdquo In Jelgava city centre and Salaspils there also prevail five floor high buildings Nine and twelve floor high buildings seem to be added later not in the first edition of the general plan It contrast with the example of Kengarags (1957ndash1970) residential neighbourhood where 12 floor buildings not only diversify the environment but serve as accents and makes it easier to locate yourself in the area

Fig 7 View on Inženieru iela in Salaspils (photo by author)

Fig 8 View on Kalnciema street historical wooden houses from Agenskalna priedes residential area (photo by author)

Fig 6 The view on modernist residential buildings next to the Driksa river and Neo-eclectism style building of hotel Jelgava (photo by author)

ldquounmotivated axis and formsrdquo53 in historical environment and resulted in lack of compositional conjunction of each perimeter block

Architects felt restricted in their creative thinking by the inflexible requirements set to composition planning principles optimal number of floors and standard technical-economical parameters of the buildings The only parameters that varied were the height of buildings (ie five nine 12 storeys) and the number of sections of each house In such circumstances the picturesque view of the Driksa riverbank in Jelgava accompanied by rhythmically scattered standard residential buildings has produced a surprising result To the left from the post-war residential buildings there is Hotel Jelgava at Lielā Street 6 (1939 Alfrēds Laukirbe (1901mdash1993)) built in the manner of Neo-eclecticism The overall view is balanced by the presence of a unique environmental feature ndash the riverbank The sophisticated architecture of the public building stands out on the rhythmical background made up by modernist residential buildings

The spatial restriction imposed in Salaspils was much looser it was an almost unbuilt territory close to the historic centre Anyway the built-up complex is rather monotonous and alienated from neighbouring areas The main roads of the district provide clear organization of territory on the plan but from the human scale form a ldquotunnelrdquo trough residential area with almost identical facades and underdeveloped courtyards

The critics pay attention to the loss of architectural expression after 1960s when the prefabricated panels were introduced as the general building material54 At the same time

53 KRASTIŅŠ STRAUTMANIS DRIPE 1998 (n 4) pp 185ndash22954 KRASTIŅŠ STRAUTMANIS DRIPE 1998 (n 4) pp 185ndash229

122 123

dwelling and working placerdquo60 The aspect of same importance for A Lamze was aesthetics of the city A Lamze was determined to stop ldquofossilizationrdquo of Riga suburbs expressing critics of first five to six floors high residential areas61

Already before the Second World War the architecture of Modern Movement was criticised for its ldquoanationalityrdquo and strong interest in ornamental planning of residential areas but prof Eižens Laube also admitted that the rational influence of Modern Movement could help with ldquocultivation of [architectural] values which could be of great use to develop Latvian-national stylerdquo Eižens Laube expressed the regret of lack of possibilities to use personal taste and national features in modern architecture62

The analysed residential areas of Salaspils and Jelgava city centre have the mix of types of standard residential buildings but in Āgenskalna Priedes each of residential arearsquos zones is composed of variations of one type of standard buildings Usually the older brick buildings have more decorative details such as ornamental change of brick colour (grey and red bricks) patterns the year of construction laid in contrasting colour of the brick which makes them more vibrant and organically included in the surrounding context

The differences in scale building materials and faccedilade articulation decrease visual homogeneity of the analysed area in Salaspils but consistent realisation of the plan of residential

60 APSĪTIS 1989 (n 59)61 APSĪTIS 1989 (n 59) 62 LAUBE 1980 (n 6) pp 137ndash138

Fig 9 Brick and reinforced concrete panel buildings in Salaspils (photo by author)

3 Mutual influence of Modernist Residential Buildings and Latvian Regional Identity

Le Corbusier promoted the idea of dwelling culture and warned that decline of it ldquowould lead to downfall of contemporary societyrdquo55 His vision of dwelling was based on abstract definitions of human needs ldquohouse ndash resource of comfortable movement standing and laying enjoyment of coolness or warmth relaxation immersing into thinking the opportunity to experience or initiate the presence of the environmentrdquo56 and did not include any external influence factors like politics economical circumstance and traditions

Similar values tried to fulfil Latvian urban planner and scientist prof Arnolds Lamze (1889ndash1945) In 1916 A Lamze defended architects diploma with distinction in Riga Polytechnic University which was evacuated to Moscow57 Since 1919 A Lamze worked in architectural department in Latvian University later the name of institution changed several times He was a docent of urban planning department active researcher and practitioner He intensively participated in international conferences travelled abroad to expend his knowledge and experience was a member of International Federation for Housing and Town planning

From 1924 to 1937 A Lamze led the work on Riga general plan with detailed plan of Old Riga territory The Riga in his vision was to become a global city with 1000000 or even 1500000 residents (despite the shrinkage of population to 180000 in after-war period) His attitude to the heritage is controversial as in sake of ldquoself-representing functionsrdquo of the Riga city the plan offered the demolition of historical districts in Old Riga58

On the other hand A Lamze intensively collaborated with the director of Riga gardens ndash Andrejs Zeidaks (1874ndash1964) He supported the idea of ldquogarden cityrdquo which was already implemented in the beginning of 20th century in Mežaparks ndash residential area of private housing with low density and close presence of nature (pinewood) A Lamze considered this type of residential area as the best development scenario for Rigarsquos suburbs ndash one to two floors high housing in intensively Latvian traditional environment Acknowledging the necessity of expansion of city area for low-density residential territories A Lamze planned to expand the boarders of the Riga city closer to the centres of adjacent cities59

A Lamze had a ldquosocially responsible attituderdquo to residential areas of the city advocating for hygiene healthy living conditions well-being of citizens as well as ldquoharmony in coordination of

55 Le Corbusier Pushki snarjadi Uvoljte Zhilischa Pozhalujsta Predpochitaesh li ti voejevat Le Corbusier Arhitektura XX veka (eds S D Komarov Konstantin Topuridze) Moscow 1970 pp 143ndash154 (Translation of Daria Sophie Le Corbusier sociologue de lrsquourbanisme 1964 pp 182ndash183)

56 LE CORBUSIER 1970 (n 55) 143ndash15457 Latvijas Arhitekturas meistari 1995 (n 8) p14958 Vaidelotis APSĪTIS Pie Lielrīgas šūpuļa Literatūra un Māksla 6 1989 httpperiodikalvperiodika2-

viewerviewindex-devhtmllang=frpanelpa|issuelima1989n006|articleDIVL256|queryArnolds20Lamze20LamC5BEu|issueTypeP-- (accessed 20 January 2020)

59 LAMZE 1932 (n 7) p 10minus11

124 125

Conclusions

It is a much-debated question whether modernist housing estates have any cultural value and can be incorporated into Latviarsquos regional landscape since the introduction of this idea till nowadays The modernist housing estates were an effective tool to increase the area of housing stock in post-war situation and to provide more families with individual apartments

Planning principles used in modernist housing estates differed from Latvian building traditions of the beginning of the 1920s and 1930s as the later one advocated for available housing for the major part of society (families) and could not incorporate Latvian traditional sensitivity to context and aesthetics into the large-scale planning and building process This dilemma resulted in inconsistent solutions in modernist housing estate planning and was an obstacle on the way to the re-establishment of the balance of housing stock in Latvia

The rigid system of planning and huge housing crisis did not allow coming to solid decisions in the choice of territories to build modernist housing estates The question bordered both strong necessity of immediate practical solution and irrational use of unique regional resources with inevident practical value like unique natural landscape of Āgenskalna priedes district

The choice of territories for building modernist housing estates accordingly to Athens Charter was executed thoroughly and with best intentions However misconceptions in general urban planning such as chaotic mix of large-scale housing estates and small private houses with local roots put the limits to realisation of architectrsquos idea In the any type of territory (with or without the existing historical context) modernist residential buildings look alienated as they do not respond to the surroundings as infills and do not form the sustainable urban structure by itself

The quantitative criteria prevailed in evaluation of quality of built environment in the Soviet Union allowed reporting the progress clearly but at the same time excluded the opportunity to discuss and variate the necessary aspects for each unique project area

The comparative analysis of the case studies and analysis of theoretical base of modernist architecture in context of Latvian regional identity shows that the idea of placement of modernist residential buildings is shaped by the factors of external influence like existing surrounding politics economical circumstances and traditions That is why the idea of the ideal placement of modernist residential buildings should be realised in individual and authentic way for each region with intention to find the balance of external factors and rational modernist principles ndash the aspect that was overlooked in Athens Charter ndash both on large scale and on small scale

area63 which followed the modernist urban planning principles such as wide green areas between the houses and ornamental placement of buildings on the plan keep the territory united On the other hand in Jelgava both positive (district near Driksa river) and negative examples of typological diversity have been found

Aija Ziemelniece sees the historical cultural landscape as the link for transferring cultural values from one generation to the next one The functional unity of the historical place creates united historic environment and positioning of the buildings in the territory depicts ldquocirculation of the social life of that timerdquo64 The director of Latvian Museum of Architecture Ilze Martinsone expresses the opinion that for Nordic nations the beauty is in rationality of the forms which respond to practical reasons eg climate conditions65 The nature in Latvia is considered as one of the identity values with intimate and picturesque qualities66

In the meantime Le Bourhis concludes ldquothe conservation principle was imposed on town planners against their willrdquo In January 1958 deeming the initial sketch too rigid the Architecture and Construction Council asked N Rendelis to vary the positioning of buildings taking into account the trees and to integrate a botanist to the design team67 The value of large trees between the buildings in practice was justified not so much by urban landscape value as by military standards of passive defence68 The information sources provide facts that the decision of preservation existing buildings in the territory of perspective modernist housing estates was moral dilemma for specialists ndash as materially consistent and valuable buildings was not practical to demolish69 on the other hand the complete compositional idea of modernist housing estate called for absolutely neutral and clean of buildings plot70

Jānis Rubins finds that economic freedom of society to choose the place to live and its demand for higher standards of dwelling is necessary condition for development of decent quality residential areas ldquoIn the conditions of communal housing stock in the situation of acute shortage of dwellings and subjective principle of dwelling distribution the low culture of dwellings is unavoidablerdquo

63 Daugavas muzeja krājums DoM 681764 ZIEMEĻNIECE 2011 (n 13) p 67 65 Ilze MARTINSONE Unpublished interview with Alina Beitane (Riga December 27 2017)66 KRASTIŅŠ STRAUTMANIS DRIPE 1998 (n 4) pp 185ndash229 67 LE BOURHIS 2015 (n 11) pp 362ndash363 68 LE BOURHIS 2015 (n 11) pp 362ndash36369 RUBĪNS 2004 (n 1) p 10470 LE BOURHIS 2015 (n11) pp 325ndash387

126 127

Kohezija lokalnega okolja in modernistične stanovanjske arhitekture v Latviji po drugi svetovni vojni

Povzetek

V Latviji modernistično stanovanjsko arhitekturo zastopa ena izmed najbolj razširjenih skupin stanovanjskih zgradb ki so bile zgrajene v povojnem obdobju Koncepti visokokvalitetne stanovanjske arhitekture in visokih sanitarnih standardov urbanega okolja so ključni za sodobno latvijsko arhitekturo od 20-tih in 30-tih let 20 stoletja naprej ko se je uveljavil modernizem Zdi se da so vrednote tradicij latvijskih stanovanjskih zgradb zelo podobne tistim ki so zapisane v delu raquoBivališčelaquo v Atenski listini vendar kritiki še vedno dvomijo v arhitekturno vrednost povojnih modernističnih stanovanjskih naselij Vsebina raziskave je proces vključitve modernističnih stanovanjskih naselij ki so bila zgrajena po drugi svetovni vojni v Rigi (1958ndash1962) Jelgavi (1945ndash1982) in Salaspilsu (1966ndash1982) v obstoječe okolje Cilj raziskave je kvalitativna analiza medsebojnih odnosov med modernističnim stanovanjskim okoljem in unikatnimi vidiki območja na katerem so bile modernistične stanovanjske soseske zgrajene Za dosego tega cilja je bila izvedena analiza metod načrtovanja značilnosti modernističnih stanovanjskih naselij ohranjene kulturne in okoljske dediščine Avtorica je za potrebe prostorske analize obiskala in opazovala vsako območje ki je vključeno v študijo primera V prvem poglavju je analizirana ustreznost modernističnih stanovanjskih naselij v povezavi z družbenimi nalogami stanovanjske arhitekture v povojni Latviji Ena izmed glavnih nalog je bila ponovna vzpostavitev ravnovesja stanovanjskih objektov v izrabljenem vendar rastočem mestu V drugem poglavju so analizirani prostorski odnosi med obstoječim okoljem in modernističnimi stanovanjskimi zgradbami Odločitev glede zemljišča za gradnjo modernističnih stanovanjskih naselij je bila kompleksna vendar se zgradbe niso odzivale na okolico in so izgledale odtujene V tretjem poglavju so analizirani medsebojni vplivi modernističnih stanovanjskih zgradb in latvijske regionalne identitete Pomen narave velikosti in proporcev v krajini predstavlja latvijske kulturne vrednote in občutek za estetiko vendar vseh standardov modernističnih stanovanjskih zgradb ni bilo mogoče vključiti v obstoječo krajino Zaključiti je mogoče da se načela načrtovanja ki so bila uporabljena pri modernističnih stanovanjskih naseljih razlikujejo od latvijskih gradbenih tradicij iz začetka 20 stoletja saj so slednje zagovarjale razpoložljiva stanovanja za večji del družbe in niso mogle vključiti latvijskega tradicionalnega občutka za kontekst in estetiko v obsežne procese Rezultat te dileme so nedosledne rešitve pri načrtovanju modernističnih stanovanjskih naselij kar je predstavljalo oviro na poti do ponovne vzpostavitve ravnovesja stanovanjskih enot v Latviji Primerjalna analiza študij primera in analiza teoretične podlage za modernistično arhitekturo v kontekstu latvijske regionalne identitete nakazuje da idejo postavitve modernističnih

stanovanjskih zgradb oblikujejo zunanji vplivi kot npr obstoječa okolica politika ekonomske okoliščine in tradicije Zaradi tega bi morala biti ideja o idealni postavitvi modernističnih stanovanjskih zgradb realizirana na oseben in avtentičen način za vsako posamezno regijo z namenom da se ohrani ravnovesje zunanjih faktorjev in racionalnih modernističnih načel ndash vidik ki je bil spregledan v Atenski listini ndash v večjem in manjšem obsegu

IŠČI

130 131

The city of Adriano Functionalism out of the Box

Giuliana DI MARI Caterina FRANCHINI Emilia GARDA Alessandra RENZULLI

1 Italian historical framework Le Corbusier and Italian architects

In the several International Congresses of Modern Architecture (CIAM) architects present and discuss ideas and experimentations in progress or potential in different European cities regarding the space of living on a domestic and urban scale using a logical and deductive working method of neo-positivist matrix which in some ways also seems to impose the structure and themes of the conferences from the smaller scale housing to an increasingly larger scale neighbourhood city and region

The CIAM in Athens was a unique opportunity for Italian architects to interact with their master Le Corbusier As Gino Pollini recalls in an interview the pre-war congresses like the CIAM IV in Athens in 1933 had seen Le Corbusier as an extremely active protagonist Because of the situation determined by Nazism in Germany the architects of the German group like Gropius were absent and Le Corbusier could be the uncontested leader without other important personalities On the occasion of Athens he personally edited and published the results of the congress known as the ldquoAthens Charterrdquo The inhabitable space that the Athens Charter wants to suggest has the open space as a central element the green that would not be an element of separation between functions a container of isolated objects but rather an element to establish a relationship between different urban areas different functions The Italian group at CIAM in 1933 was formed by Gino Pollini with his wife Renata Melotti Piero Bottoni Piero Maria Bardi and Giuseppe Terragni

In Bergamo in 1949 CIAM members met for the first time in Italy It was a particular moment Europe and the whole world were rearranging after the end of the war the differences and difficulties between the various groups of nations both from a political and cultural point of view were emerging Moreover after the end of the war the CIAMs represented a real point of reference and convergence for all architects of the modern world facing political and social issues and promoting the dialectic dialogue on these issues

Surprisingly at the VII Congress of Bergamo in 1949 Le Corbusier informed the members that ldquoCIAM VII will aim to draw up a Habitat Chartersrdquo a topic that had never been introduced before but that as Eric Mumford says would become from that moment on the main argument of the CIAMsrsquo work to the resumption of activities after the war opening a new phase that would try to overcome the limits of the Athens Charter A first attempt to re-establish a human habitat in the city

Among the topics addressed was the application of the Athens Charter through Le Corbusierrsquos grid Among the various examined there was that of Ivrea presented by Figini and Pollini for the project of the Olivetti building its houses and collective services Le Corbusier found that the project was satisfactory in particular for the optimal solution given by the problem of the orientation of the buildings and their insertion in the environment

The Italian architects of modernity who participated in the CIAM and made Le Corbusier their mentor are the same who thanks to Adriano Olivetti participated in the realisation of what would soon become the industrial Ivrea the city of Adriano

They were not the only ones to recognise themselves in Le Corbusierrsquos ideologies Olivetti himself assimilated them and transposed them creating what would become the thinking behind the city the factory and society

2 From Le Corbusier to Olivetti Transposition of a thoughtOlivetti was certainly Le Corbusierrsquos preferential interlocutor in Italy in a dialogue that began in 1934 and continued until the dead of the entrepreneur Le Corbusier described

Fig1 Le Corbusier Saporta Terragni Renata Pollini e Bottoni at CIAM in 1933 (copy Le Corbusier in Italia (eds Giovanni Denti Andrea Savio Gianni Calzagrave) Milano 1988 p 35)

Fig2 Le Corbusier Saporta Pollini e Terragni at CIAM in 1933 (copy Le Corbusier in Italia (eds Giovanni Denti Andrea Savio Gianni Calzagrave) Milano 1988 37)

132 133

And given that our plan has been published and known everywhere it would create a situation that would be unpleasant for us such as to make our collaboration more or less impossible2

A silence of almost 20 years followed In 1953 Le Corbusier contacted the engineer of Ivrea and wanted to import Olivettirsquos community methods into his studio In the meantime Adriano was more committed than before to urban planning (since 1950 he has presided over the INU Istituto Nazionale di Urbanistica) and the Edizioni di Comunitagrave published Lewis Mumford In addition his experiments on electronic calculators proceeded with extraordinary efficiency In 1957 the first computers were built (Elea 9001 and Elea 9002) and the following year under the guidance of Mario Tchou the Elea 9003 was born the first fully transistorised computer in the world The Olivetti has become a giant in continuous expansion And it is in this context that a document is drawn up of which there is only a typewritten version entitled ldquoReasons in favour of Arch Le Corbusierrsquos choice for the design of the new Olivetti electronic plantrdquo The text explains Bodei ldquohighlights that the architectrsquos work was the main source of inspiration in the construction of the companyrsquos factories from 1936 onwardsrdquo And this for both the general philosophy and the design details The project was assigned to Le Corbusier who on 10 February 1960 wrote to Adriano thanking him and confirming that he was passionate about ldquothe issues related to the machinist civilisationrdquo especially when they are based ldquoon human value and the binomial Man - Nature and aimed at the research of harmonyrdquo It seems the beginning at last of a virtuous collaboration between the architect and the entrepreneur but destiny seems to break these hopes The sudden death of Olivetti and the difficult years that followed make it impossible to carry out this project

Although the two personalities Le Corbusier on the one hand and Olivetti on the other have never been linked in the real realisation of a project they have constantly influenced each other during thirty years of correspondence and meetings Important writings at the basis of Olivettirsquos thought were Le trois eacutetablissements humains translated by Edizioni di Comunitagrave (founded by Olivetti himself) the Athens Charter the two projects of Ronchamp and La Tourette The factory model conceived by Olivetti must incorporate the surrounding landscape and contribute to creating a new one He adopted Le Corbusierrsquos idea that the ldquoblack factoryrdquo symbol of alienating fatigue should be replaced by the ldquogreen factoryrdquo ldquowhich will re-establish the ‛conditions of naturersquo around workrdquo So ldquosun space green will bring here as in residential areas cosmic influences the response to the breath of the lungs the virtues of the air as the presence of that natural environment that accompanied the long and meticulous elaboration of the human beingrdquo This thought supports the commission to Luigi Figini and Gino Pollini to enlarge the Ivrea factory up to the new buildings in via Jervis is replicated by inviting Ignazio Gardella to realise the canteen

2 Renato ZORZI Le Corbusier e il caso Olivetti Le Corbusier in Italia (eds Giovanni Denti Andrea Savio Gianni Calzagrave) Milano 1988 p 93

Adriano as

hellipa man who had a sense of public service a sense of responsibility for his actions a sense of good and evil of the best and the worst He had been able to create an atmosphere full of spirituality and quality around him His research and the value of his attempts are not a providential fruit but the result of great individual strength great will tireless perseverance1

At first sight there are many points of contact between Adriano Olivetti and Le Corbusier the idea that technology is at the service of man the attention towards the new world coming from the United States in particular for the organisation of the Taylorist work the need to theorise onersquos own society projects and then give them direction (Le Corbusier through CIAM Olivetti with the Community Movement) a fund of spirituality the understanding that the 20th century sees the masses bursting into history and therefore how it is necessary to rearrange them into new social morphologies

Olivetti is an entrepreneur in his early thirties caged by Fascism with whom he also has good relations in these ldquoyears of consensusrdquo but he is working to transform his fatherrsquos company into an international group with a new concept of work and the relationship between the factory and the community The architect and the entrepreneur would like to build non alienating factories in territories that are community spaces This is the period of the Valle drsquoAosta Regulatory Plan and the new buildings (the glass factory the social services) of the young rationalist architects Figini and Pollini Le Corbusier declares them his students and proposes a plan of large buildings trying to override the two architects who of course oppose each other Olivetti also has some perplexities both for the nature of the relationship and for the type of project too magniloquent for little Ivrea Le Corbusier knowing of Olivettirsquos intention to create a neighbourhood for the employees ldquowith great confidence and authorityrdquo emphasises Bodei aims to be the designer But Olivetti replies that Figini and Pollini have already been assigned Two years later Le Corbusier and Olivetti meet in Ivrea to visit the area of the intervention Le Corbusier persists with a series of objections to the two architects moved by the desire to have a role in that project anyway But the resistance of the two even in front of the revered master is resolute And Olivetti agrees He declared

hellip we are opposed to this collaboration that Le Corbusier wishes and this for two reasons From a political point of view Le Corbusierrsquos intervention would mean giving a weapon to our friends - the enemies of modern architecture - who even recently on the subject of Brera have accused us of internationalism communism etc Moreover such an intervention even a limited one would represent in the shortest time a fact of public domain in Italy and abroad

134 135

come therefore to divide but to exalt the best to protect the weak to raise the ignorant to discover vocations3

A concept that does not remain utopian but which Olivetti truly concretises with antiracist ideals and high human values within his factories In a speech to the workers of Ivrea he affirms why he never asked at the time of the assumption which religious faith they belonged to in which political group they militated or from which region of Italy they came from

And he continues

hellipour ldquoComunitagraverdquo must be concrete visible tangible ldquoComunitagraverdquo that is neither too large nor too small territorially defined dated with wide powers that gives all activities that indispensable coordination that efficiency that respect for human personality culture and the arts that human civilisation has achieved in its best places ldquoComunitagraverdquo that is too small is incapable of allowing sufficient development of man and of the Community itself on the other hand the great metropolises in their concentrated and monopolistic forms atomise man and depersonalise him between the two there is the optimum4

Technique and culture lead towards decentralisation towards the federation of small cities with intense life where harmony peace green silence far from the current state of overcrowded metropolises as well as from the isolation and dismay of man alone

4 The concretisation of the Adriano community concept

The conditions for ldquoComunitagraverdquo to express itself are

An optimum of living space that can be organised meaning the territory

An adequate administrative structure

Organisation of the Community with a view to its manifestation

This last condition is specific to town planners as it is identified with a formal plan A fourth condition remains unexpressed but is the most important the inclusion of spiritual values in the city

The place for civil development is the factory It is a utopian idea but one that can easily be translated into reality The factory needed to accommodate all the principles of modernisation of workplaces to encourage the socialisation of those who entered and to create different material and living conditions The industrial city of Olivetti in Ivrea is based on these reasons and aims to promote the new industrial culture of community-reforming inspiration

To the ldquoComunitagraverdquo adds the ldquoconcretardquo term with an optimal size of one hundred thousand

3 Adriano OLIVETTI Cittagrave dellrsquouomo Milano 19604 OLIVETTI 1960 (n 4)

and continued with the houses for the employees (again Figini and Pollini) and the other houses (Nizzoli and Fiocchi) Already in the Thirties however the reference to Le Corbusier is constant The pan de verre the large glass walls adopted by Figini and Pollini reflect the matrix of the Swiss master and translate the principle of social transparency capable writes Bodei ldquoof giving an image of dignity to the workerrsquos work and continuous communication with the surrounding context and landscaperdquo

3 The creation of the Adriano community concept

The maximum expression of Olivettirsquos thought turns into the definition of the concept of community In the post war years the ldquoMovimento di Comunitagraverdquo was set up in Italy in order to contribute to democratic reconstruction starting from institutions that considered the measure of man and the necessity of functional autonomism The vision of a city of the CIAM divided into three disciplinary matrices is therefore found again Reference is made in this case to the one that sees the centrality of the technical aspects and of working in synergy with the authorities using the urban plan as an instrument to recompose the inequality between the parts of the city and their functions and re-establishing relations between them through an effective infrastructural system This matrix is the one adopted mainly by the Dutch Van Eesteren group and supported by the Swiss

Adriano Olivetti had developed the concept of ldquoComunitagraverdquo by working on the regional plan of Valle drsquoAosta when in the mid 1930s he identified urban planning as a rational science capable of organising society and corporate economy In the following decade he enhanced the personal value of the ldquoComunitagraverdquo and definitively suppressed the corporatist technocratic and excessively rationalist accents that had characterised the previous conception of town planning even if in a modernist way he would have always lived the plan as ldquoa valid instrument by which the creative power of the leaders of the lsquoComunitagraversquo could express itself and work worthilyrdquo A planning that did not necessarily have to mean ldquoauthoritarian fixation of the quality and quantity of the entire national productionrdquo Olivetti emphasised what he had written during the Second World War and stated that the coordination of the public economy had to be supported by a private and free economy and have to go with urban planning both subject to ldquoa single territorial authorityrdquo the ldquoComunitagraverdquo For Olivetti the need that derives from these reflections is for urban planners to bring organisational work to a single fundamental measure simplifying it If one assumes the second-level community what Olivetti calls the true and vital ldquoComunitagraverdquo on the human scale as the fundamental organisation of planning it is easy to understand how the first-level community plans underlying it constitute the true detailed executive plans of the community The regional plan (third-level community) will be the suitably modified and corrected overview of the fundamental plans of the second level communities

ldquoComunitagraverdquo the name says it and the programme confirms it It is a Movement that aims to unite not divide it aims to collaborate it wishes to teach it aims to build We have not

136 137

experience and ideas have re-emerged and both their legacy and current events have been rediscovered the reintroduction in Italy of sociology the start of regulatory plans and decentralised planning the development of industrial design an original approach to the long-standing southern question and much more The introduction of democracy in the factory and the right of workers to a widespread social welfare The topicality concerns above all the demand for community and participation never affirmed as much as today and that he had tried to make real and operative

5 Ivrea nowadays Between MaAM and UNESCO heritage

The topic of urban requalification of the city was limited in Italy and until before the 1990s only to the historical tissue After those years the redevelopment extended to the existing city beyond the historic centre in the areas that had grown from the nineteenth century onwards This meant for Ivrea to consider the urban tissue that defines the modern city of Olivetti recognising its historical value linked to modern Italian architecture Ivrearsquos master plan therefore includes the rationalist districts of the city Via Jervis Canton Vesco and Bellavista In this sense the open air museum Museo a cielo aperto dellrsquoArchitettura Moderna di Ivrea (MaAM) represented an important step in enhancing the legacy left by Adriano Olivetti in the field of architecture and urban planning that is the design workshop where the architects of the Modern Movement

Fig5 Palazzo Uffici in Ivrea Olivetti Headquarters (view from the main lobby with hexagonal staircase) (photo Studio Casati)

Fig6 Facade of Officine ICO one of the additions by Luigi Figini and Gino Pollini (photo Gianluca Giordano)

inhabitants The ldquoComunitagrave concretardquo is dominated by the four spiritual forces that are the foundation and end of all true social progress truth justice beauty and love From it in federal stages one rises to the regional states to the nation state to the European state and finally to the world state ldquoComunitagraverdquo is the natural place to develop the person who is not an isolated individual (ldquoSociety does not exist There are individualsrdquo minus Margaret Thatcher 31 October 1987) nor a collective in which the individual is dissolved (as in totalitarianism) In the ldquoComunitagraverdquo a fundamental propulsive role in Adrianorsquos thought is played by the factory not only by investing its profits externally on the territory but also by becoming fully democratic internally At the end of a transition process the factory will be based on the tripartition of work culture city

Adriano tried to realise his ideas in his small homeland the Canavese It had begun to transform itself into community centres direct emanations of ldquoMovimento di Comunitagraverdquo and into a network of small industrial and agricultural companies spread throughout the territory the result of local initiatives but strongly supported by the technicians of the Olivetti company So why did this experience collapse with the death of Adriano Because he was a small heretical island surrounded by an adverse environment and because the necessary investments from the profits ground up in those years by Olivetti were lacking

But after an eclipse that lasted about twenty years following his death Adriano Olivettirsquos

Fig 3 Olivetti factories along via Jervis (copy Associazione Archivio Storico Olivetti Ivrea)

Fig 4 Adriano Olivetti portrayed discussing with his workers in a factory in Ivrea (copy Associazione Archivio Storico Olivetti Ivrea)

138 139

Ivrea and the Fondazione Adriano Olivetti the candidacy of Ivrea Cittagrave Industriale del XX secolo as a UNESCO World Heritage Site From that moment on the process began which achieved a first important result in May 2012 with the inscription of the proposal in the UNESCO Tentative List After this date the Comune di Ivrea the Ministero dei Beni e delle attivitagrave culturali e turistiche together with the Fondazione Adriano Olivetti the Fondazione Guelpa and with the active participation of the Regione Piemonte and the Provincia di Torino (then ldquoCittagrave Metropolitanardquo) worked on the preparation of the Nomination File starting the complex work of designing the Management Plan which identifies the fundamental objectives as required by UNESCO of protection conservation and transmission to future generations of the candidate area with the involvement of all those active in the territory

The key words of the candidacy of ldquoIvrea cittagrave Industriale del XX Secolordquo as a World Heritage Site are pride history and belonging Words that bring the possibility to preserve and transmit an exceptional memory together with the hope of a renewal for future generations

It was not possible to deal only with the open-air museum of the city of Ivrea and the UNESCO candidacy without telling the incredible thought that for more than fifty years Olivetti has applied to the city together with his community It would be necessary to retrace even in short steps the path traced and nestled in the architecture to completely understand the great value that Ivrea holds The industrial heritage here is not related to the single building but permeates the entire urban tissue Through its three seasons the birth of the industrial heritage together with the construction of a community the disposal of the industrial heritage and the recognition of the material and immaterial heritage and finally the last stage - the most recent - the candidacy as World Heritage Site Ivrea gives us back an example perhaps unique in the world of an environmental architectural laboratory where beauty springs inevitably and unequivocally from the necessityfunctionality of these buildings designed for man and his dedicated social progress

6 Bibliography

Silvia BODEI Olivetti e Le Corbusier La Usine Verte per il Centro di calcolo elettronico Macerata 2014

Elena BRAMBILLA Discorsi sulla Carta di Atene ZARCH 5 2016 pp 174ndash86

Giuseppe CAMPOS VENUTI Paolo GALUZZI Olivetti a Ivrea Storicitagrave dellrsquoarchitettura moderna Il paesaggio futuro Letture e norme per il patrimonio dellrsquoarchitettura moderna di Ivrea (eds Patrizia Bonifazio Enrico Giacopelli) Torino 2007

Giovanni DENTI Andrea SAVIO Gianni CALZAgrave Le Corbusier in Italia Milano 1988

Giovanni DENTI Le Corbusier Opere ndash bibliografia Firenze 1987

experimented with new architectural and urban languages The museum also represents a stimulus for collective awareness for the preservation of the heritage and its conservation

Historical values are recognised in Ivrea through systematic historical surveys and through updated building and urban planning regulations In Ivrea a unique case in the world there are three modern unitary districts of considerable size built over a period of about forty years

The Master Plan identifies building and urban planning interventions aimed at transforming the modern heritage with a view to protecting and enhancing the physical and morphological features Moreover the cataloguing has made it possible to identify about two hundred buildings of Olivettirsquos modern heritage in the territory of which at least forty are ldquomonumentsrdquo of the modern history of architecture The process of reuse and adaptation offers Ivrea an innovative contribution to urban and architectural culture by continuing to bring these districts and buildings to life protecting them but not embalming them

Developed on a path of almost two kilometres starting from Via Jervis the MaAM leads to the discovery of the main achievements related to Olivetti already the destination of several hundred visits every year The architectural project of the MaAM consists in the construction of seven thematic information stations located along the public pedestrian paths in such a succession as to constitute a possible route of visit and characterised by a strong integration with the urban tissue The themes illustrated by the stations concern the events inherent in Olivettirsquos involvement in architecture urban planning industrial design and advertising graphics and the cultural contexts within which these events take place The thematic stations are Olivetti and Ivrea the community and its social policies production architecture industrial design territorial planning product and image housing Together with the stations an Information and Reception Centre has been set up hosted inside the Centro Servizi Sociali building where visitors are led to discover the themes and contents developed during the visit

The MaAM is a different institution from a traditional architectural museum or even from a simple system of organising itineraries to visit architectures The museum must be considered as an institution that among other aims has to provide visitors with the architectural heritage of the city In this way the heritage becomes more and more an asset shared by a public of visitors specialised and not as well as by the inhabitants themselves

An important instrument of this regeneration process has been the regulations drawn up with the coordination of the Commissione Igienico Edilizia della Cittagrave di Ivrea This regulation provided for different levels of intervention from a more restrictive one aimed at the most valuable buildings and coinciding with a philological restoration to one inspired by awareness and common sense aimed at buildings of lower value

The museum was an opportunity to experiment with models of reorganisation of public spaces in harmony with the characteristics of the pre-existing urban environment which could be proposed as examples that could be reproduced in other cities

The recognition of the value of this heritage allowed in 2008 on the initiative of the Comune di

140 141

Paola DI BIAGI La Carta drsquoAtene Manifesto e frammento dellrsquourbanistica moderna Roma 1998

Fondazione Adriano Olivetti Adriano Olivetti Lrsquoimpresa la comunitagrave e il territorio Collana Intangibili 28 2015

Paolo GALUZZI Storicitagrave dellrsquoarchitettura moderna tutela e rigenerazione delle architetture olivettiane a Ivrea TECHNE 12 2016 pp 122ndash8

Gruppo di coordinamento della candidatura UNESCO Dossier di Candidatura ldquoIvrea cittagrave industriale del XX secolordquo Ivrea 2018

LE CORBUSIER La Carta di Atene Cremona 1960

Carlo OLMO Costruire la cittagrave dellrsquouomo Adriano Olivetti e lrsquourbanistica Torino 2001

Adriano OLIVETTI Cittagrave dellrsquouomo Edizioni di Comunitagrave Milano 1960

Sara PROTASONI Il Gruppo Italiano e la tradizione del moderno Rassegna 52 1992 pp 32ndash6

Emilio RENZI Comunitagrave concreta Le opere e il pensiero di Adriano Olivetti Napoli 2008

Adrianovo mesto funkcionalizem izven okvirov

Povzetek

Ivrea je arhetipski primer industrijskega mesta ki je edinstveno tako v svojih namenih kot arhitekturnih rezultatih Članek poskuša videti zgodovino Ivree skozi tri obdobja od Olivettijeve izkušnje industrijske krize in s tem povezanega konca proizvodnega sistema do nedavne prijave na Unescov seznam svetovne dediščine in posledično do uvrstitve mesta na seznam Ivrea kot izjemen gradbeni laboratorij ki je vključeval najbolj inovativne arhitekte tistega časa je v svojem prvem obdobju doživel povečan občutek skupnosti ndash Adriano je z izrazom raquoComunitagravelaquo poimenoval tudi svojo revijo ndash in močnih povezav z okolico Prav ta občutek pripadnosti je tisti ki predstavlja vrednost edinstvenosti te izkušnje Odstranitev industrijske dediščine zaradi neizogibne krize proizvodnega sistema je morala upoštevati oprijemljivo dediščino tega obdobja metode za njeno ohranitev in izboljšanje ohranjanje preostalih kvalitetnih elementov in zelo inovativno vsebino raquonepreizkušenega eksperimentiranjalaquo V tem kontekstu je zasnovana izkušnja muzeja Museo alllsquoaperto delle architetture moderne olivettiane (MaAM 2001) Muzej je z oblikovanjem smernic za upravljanje transformacij nedvomno spodbudil kolektivno zavedanje o ohranitvi in varovanju te dediščine Ta pobuda je bila v nadgrajeni obliki vključena v mestni načrt ki sprejema vrednote muzeja lansira njegov nadaljnji razvoj in mu podeljuje izobraževalni namen v primerih postopkov obnove industrijske dediščine Leta 2008 so vložili kandidaturo na podlagi katere je leta 2018 Unesco mesto razglasil za industrijsko mesto 20 stoletja zahvaljujoč njegovim posebnostim ki temeljijo na družbenem in proizvodnem sistemu navdahnjenem s skupnostjo ki združuje človeške okoljske in arhitekturne vrednote

142 143

Meblo the Contemporary Design that Built the Identity of the City

Klavdija Figelj

Nova Gorica is a city that has literally grown with industry positioned in the eastern and southeastern parts of the city The industryrsquos flagship horse was the Meblo furniture factory which like the city grew from nothing to a modern organization with its own design institute The factory which was the leading furniture factory in Yugoslavia and exported to all five continents was a bridge between the old and the modern world but not only that with a factory that furnished the emerging city with furniture the new inhabitants of the city were aware of the feeling of a modern space With the industry the identity of the city was being built Although thousands of residents worked in the industry today it is difficult to show any restored industrial arhitecture let alone a space where industrial heritage would be presented

In the article I will be particularly interested in the initial period in the development of the factory but most of all the time of operation of the Institute between 1964 and 1972 which was crucial for the development of furniture design My research will be based on a comprehensive book of the Meblo factory by Beno Vodopivec1 and the professional publications and archival sources I found in the Nova Gorica Provincial Archive2

The furniture factory was created as a project of the economic policy of the industrialization of the new state of Yugoslavia The decision to build the factory in Nova Gorica was made at a meeting of the College of the Ministry of Forestry and Wood Industry on 30th October 1947 Initially this state-owned timber industrial company was based in Solkan and from June 1948 onwards in Nova Gorica In the area of Solkan the carpenterrsquos craft tradition was home in the first half of the century and the carpentersrsquo craftsmen joined the factories in the beginning The industry in the area was poorly developed at the time of joining Yugoslavia there were no experts (designers and technologists) for the timber industry but there were many skilled workers trained in the Italian economic area3

With the help of the working brigades the factory was built in August 1948 and it was opened on 1st May 1950 They wanted to get professional staff initially from Switzerland but the deal failed

1 Beno VODOPIVEC Zgodba o Meblu Nova Gorica 19982 Nova Gorica Provincial Archive (PANG) Meblo Nova Gorica 415 Meblo institut Zbor del Skupnosti

1964ndash70 Statut instituta pohištvene industrije raquoMeblolaquo Nova Gorica t e 3893 VODOPIVEC 1998 (n 1) pp 18ndash23

so the General Directorate for the timber industry selected the best experts from the country who started the production process of the new factory Its growth was almost organic starting from nothing and climbing up to a leading furniture factory and one of the most modern companies in Yugoslavia In the absence of experts they first set up a school ndash an industrial timber school for professional staff then school workshops where factory workers taught For the purpose of nutrition they rented an agricultural estate and arranged their own food production then a fire station a transformer station an ambulance they started their own production veneer they set up an upholstery department where in 1950 they started making mattresses for beds a year later sofas When the factory gained market reputation with its products it received a significant loan so they modernized the technology of furniture production built a sawmill began to manufacture chipboards and to produce of mattresses jogi4

With the constant development of the technology and hardware to meet new market demands different departments were organized and reorganized The important point came in 1963 when experts from Norway were invited to the factory to update the company both financially organizationally they worked on marketing and technical improvements of the company The factory developed rapidly until 1970 then followed the growth phase which lasted until 1978 They increased and expanded production and decided not to produce only living rooms and bedrooms but all the home furnishings and began a new program of furniture made of plastic and a new program of lamps A new particle board factory was built and five subcontractors joined the Meblo at that time (Krn Klavže Bovec Wood Industrial Company Comfort Čepovan Branik Furniture Trnovo Joinery)5

In the 1980s the period of the crisis was happening In 1989 the Law on Companies and Capital Management came into force for the company it was a phase of renovation Entrepreneurship finally ousted self-management and in 1990 14 companies owned by Meblo6 The 1990s wanted to take a step forward Meblo underwent a transformation between 1990 and 1996 Meblo Holding took a controlling and capital stake becoming the owner of the knowledge and trademarks of Meblo and jogi7 As of September 2019 Meblo Holding is in bankruptcy

Development of the Institute (1964ndash1972)

The turning point in designing their own products was the founding of their own institute Already in 1959 with the help of foreign experts they set up a development department in January 1964 they decided to establish an independent development institute - the Meblo Nova Gorica Furniture Industry Institute They decided to develop the products and technology themselves research the materials and organize the company In the same year the institute was employed

4 VODOPIVEC 1998 (n 1) pp 24ndash325 VODOPIVEC 1998 (n 1) pp 42 576 VODOPIVEC 1998 (n 1) p 1257 VODOPIVEC 1998 (n 1) p 131

144 145

by architect Ljerka Finžgar a year later by architect Bogomir Zorman8 who had been the bearers of furniture design for two decades In the late 1960s and early 1970s immediately after studying the industrial design in Venice designer Oskar Kogoj joined for two years Ljerka Finžgar remembers the Institute as ldquoa place of creativity and a shared will to do something even though many things did not go into productionrdquo9 Oskar Kogoj said of the role of the institute ldquoIndustry must have development if it does not invest in development there is no success because in the industry everyone rushes forward and if you do not develop you stay behindrdquo10 They also underlined that they had a lot of support from the factory management especially with the director Oleg Vrtačnik who ran the factory with ambition and clear vision

The Meblo Furniture Industry Institute in Nova Gorica which was registered as an independent legal entity was approved by the Republican Secretariat for Research and Higher Education on 11th May 1964 and entered in the Register of Scientific Institutes How ambitious he was we can see from the list of research assignments he has registered for research into the proper utilization of native and exotic species of wood and their waste functional and aesthetic design of furniture structural typing and standardization of products research and study of materials for binding and surface treatment of wood research and study of basic materials (plastics and metals) that will replace wood in the furniture industry in the future exploring new technological processes and woodworking studying the mechanization and automatisation of technological processes study of methodologies for market processing studying the problems of modern scientific organization of work informing the professional staff of the wood industry of new achievements and providing technical assistance cooperation with related domestic and foreign scientific institutions publication on the scientific and professional findings of colleagues constructing prototypes and testing their properties from a technical technological functional aesthetic economic and market point of view11

The institute had its leader and thirteen employees (two architects chemical engineer mechanical engineer timber engineer modelers) seven of them worked in a prototype workshop to produce new patterns and improve existing products They received money in the form of tantiems from sold products from the sale of samples and from payments for arranging fairs Besides the Stol factory Meblo was the only furniture manufacturer to start creating its own products They also started making advertising gadgets In the sample workshop new products had to be fully prepared for regular serial production at the lowest possible cost Meblo was soon launching itself in the market with a number of new products which were entirely the result of their own knowledge At the furniture fairs in Yugoslavia they received awards for products

8 VODOPIVEC 1998 (n 1) p 449 Klavdija FIGELJ Prispevek k preučevanju industrijskega oblikovanja in oblikovanja modernega sloga na

Goriškem v Industrijska dediščina na Goriškem (ur Inga MiklavčičminusBrezigar) Nova Gorica 2015 p 5210 FIGELJ 2015 (n 9) p 52 11 PANG Meblo Nova Gorica 415 Meblo institut Zbor del Skupnosti 1964ndash70 Statut instituta pohištvene

industrije raquoMeblolaquo Nova Gorica t e 389

and for the arrangement of the exhibition space Through intensive marketing he gained the role of the leading furniture manufacturer in Yugoslavia After 1972 when they moved to the organization by work units the institute was terminated and the activity was partly carried out within the Meblo design service which was part of the marketing sector Institutersquos prototype workshop was included in the Furniture unit architects became an independent department12 The policy of the company which transitioned to a market economy changed when it was no longer a problem to produce but to sell13

The Products

From the point of view of furniture development and design the production of the first bedrooms started already in 1948 the first plans and designs were made in Ljubljana In the years 1952ndash65 plans were already signed by experts from the Meblo School of Furniture and the Ljubljana Technical School Anton Mihelj Angel Susič Julij Batistič and others These were the bedrooms Trstelj Gorica (which was one of the most popular on the market the door had an S-shaped section) Soča Okroglica Olga Jelka Marta Marika London Although affected for industrial production there was still a lot of manual labor especially carpentry the women in the production assembled veneer and pulped with shellac In addition to the bedrooms they also produced bulky furniture especially bookcases and combo cabinets as well as radio cases14 They made furniture also for customers from abroad but they were making plans Quality bedrooms for the English market have been made double veneered rounded in shape made of walnut root Also demanding was the production of office furniture for the US Army in Germany In France they used to sell wardrobes which were the cornerstone of the development of A-program foldable furniture

The first living room entirely designed by the newly established Institute and also awarded at the Belgrade Fair was the Cortina Living Room (1966) designed in brownish red contemporary designed with clean straight lines sharp edges minimal design elements armchair combination of full (cabinets buffet drawers) and empty spaces (bookshelves empty shelves) In addition to Cortina Alenka and Carmen bedrooms were also manufactured for the domestic market But these were bedrooms that were for sale in sets and soon they were no longer suited to the needs and taste of the modern man who wanted furniture adapted to the needs of the apartment Thatrsquos why in 1967 they developed a new A-program which was the first composite program of furniture in Yugoslavia and with which they also became competitive in the European market The basis of the program was the construction of wardrobes which could be complemented by new products such as a bridge a buffet a bookcase linen closet bookcase bed menrsquos closet or

12 VODOPIVEC 1998 (n 1) p 5713 Leon ČERNUTA Meblo design Glas upravljalca Glasilo delovne skupnosti Meblo tovarne pohištva Nova

Gorica 12 1 March 1973 p 3514 VODOPIVEC 1998 (n 1) pp 24ndash29

146 147

1970 ldquobravely and without prejudicerdquo18 The ergonomically designed resting shell was made of polyester for which numerous material studies were carried out and placed on a single leg which had a moving mechanism inside Kogoj designed several versions of the Gondola a whole team of experts from different fields participated in the design

The Gondola series was exhibited as a design object in Ljubljanarsquos Arcades Zagreb Venice and in 1973 in Denmark It received the highest Slovenian award in the field of culture the Prešeren Fund Award for a series of recliners19 Nevertheless the Gondola did not go into mass production apparently because of the complexity of the technological process and the financial conditions

In the late 1960s and early 1970s plastics was the new topic of design and so in the late 1960s the Institute began to study those materials In the prototype workshop experiments were being made technology was newly developed and in 1972 a work unit was also created to design new products made of polyester recliners of the Gondola series Polyurethane made famous products from the Jurček system also came out designed by Bogomir Zorman which was a system of merging individual elements into different products chairs tables bar chairs bar tables ashtrays hangers20

In the early 1970s a brand new product appeared in the Meblo program namely plexiglass acrylic luminaires which also became one of the most significant products of the factory created in collaboration with the Italian company Harvey-Guzzini The Italian partner provided the technology and production program the Meblo spatial conditions As many as 33 types of lamps were produced in different colours (mainly orange brown green yellow red) and circular shapes that complemented the furniture design of the furniture

Worth mentioning here is the Furniture Factory logo which has remained in use throughout After 1963 when they chose the name of the factory - Meblo a new company logo was established After the preliminary image of the sign which has a carpenterrsquos toolbox in its essence was designed by the head of maintenance Anton Repič and after redesigned by designer Oskar Kogoj high school student at the time

Design to be presented at fairs showrooms public buildings

After founding the institute in 1964 Meblo started to appear at international furniture fairs in Milan Paris Cologne later in Bari Tripoli Nairobi regularly appearing at all major furniture fairs in Yugoslavia (Ljubljana Zagreb Belgrade Skopje) Among the most important was the Belgrade Fair where they first appeared in 1966 and received a diploma for the Cortina living room which was the first product of the Furniture Institute21

18 Stane BERNIK Plastični počivalniki Arkade Ljubljana Nova Gorica 1970 p 9 19 VODOPIVEC 1998 (n 1) p 8620 VODOPIVEC 1998 (n 1) pp 85ndash8621 VODOPIVEC 1998 (n 1) p 44

toilet with mirror The characteristic of this program was that the user was able to assemble the furniture set according to his taste and needs he could later purchase certain pieces of furniture and include them in the assembly and thirdly furniture from the A-program could be equipped with different rooms so daily room as double or single bedroom hotel room etc The A-program envisaged a number of different designs ranging from lacquered white lacquers to oak veneer and mahogany15

The most important creation in the field of design and furniture innovation and a big marketing success was the compliant E-program designed by Ljerka Finžgar E-program soon replaced the A-program The E-program differed from the A-program it no longer placed cabinets side by side but directly by joining upright and transverse elements and offered the user even more options for assembling furniture according to their own needs Consisting of 27 basic planar elements three widths and heights and two depths the base color was white The E-program was presented at the Belgrade Furniture Fair in 1970 and was awarded a gold key a year later it received a golden joint in Ljubljana16 According to the factory newspaper Glas upravljalca the compatible program is becoming more and more established on the Yugoslav market The designer Ljerka Finžgar said that their goal is to produce as much individual furniture in the most industrialized way possible The goal is to make custom-made furniture for every individual easily for industrial production The Meblo program was judged by an expert jury to be independent and advanced and the only one comparable to foreign manufacturers17

Among the most well-known Meblo products was the jogi mattress which was modelled after German technology in 1961 It was the first mattress of its kind in Yugoslavia and in the following decades became synonymous for the mattress In fact even today it gives its name to the mattress The first logo they used was a stylized fakir figure and the later sign became recognizable further stylized to pure lines and geometric shapes with the addition of the jogi inscription In addition to the mattresses jogi beds were also designed in Meblo which was characterized by a double suspension (a mattress was also placed on the spring base) and the fact that they had no front cheekbones and the edges were soft and sharp

Meblorsquos design also builds its recognition and quality on the seating sets or individual armchairs recliners The Fjord velvet sets and Neptune a leather cube compound linked to leather straps were designed in a modern way The furniture and combination of leather and curved wood called Lahti and Bergen were also characteristic and modern in design According to designer Ljerka Finžgar the Bergen armchair is one of her favourite pieces

A recliner that has received much attention from the Institute and has received a lot of attention among professionals are the Gondola recliner series designed by designer Oscar Kogoj in

15 VODOPIVEC 1998 (n 1) pp 47ndash4916 VODOPIVEC 1998 (n 1) pp 62ndash6317 UM Mnenje žirije Meblo ubira svojo neodvisno pot kvalitete Glas upravljalca Glasilo delovne skupnosti

Meblo tovarne pohištva Nova Gorica 11 15 November 1970 p 3

148 149

Meblorsquos products were also presented in specially designed showrooms which featured complete production programs In 1970 in Nova Gorica according to the plans of architect Kamil Kolarič the Furniture Salon was built the year after that they opened a salon in Varaždin Novi Beograd in 1972 in Karlovac 1974 in Novi Sad by 1984 there were seventeen salons throughout Yugoslavia

Meblorsquos design as a whole could also be seen in public buildings The furniture was furnished by the Argonavti Hotel in Nova Gorica the retirement home of Nova Gorica with the seats of the Novi Sad Cultural Center and the Gallus Hall of the Cankarjev dom in Ljubljana numerous hotels in Yugoslav cities (Belgrade Zenica Banja Luka Portorož) sports halls and a conference hall in Gabon fair in Lagos Nigeria hotel center in Yalta 250 student rooms in Belgium one of the largest was the equipment of the Sava Convention Center in New Belgrade in 197722

The best mention of the quality of the products is the awards they received at the fairs The Belgrade Fair was of great and prestigious importance for Yugoslav furniture manufacturers Since its debut in 1967 Meblo has received 14 gold and 7 silver keys the highest of all participants A remarkable read and a record not repeated by anyone behind him occurred in 1969 when Meblo received three of four gold keys The A-program furniture the Kameleon soft foam seat and the HO furniture system were awarded The author of all three products was Meblorsquos designer Ljerka Finžgar

Meblorsquos design in professional publications

Probably one of the biggest achievements of Meblorsquos design was the publication on the cover of the special issue of magazine Industrial design - The Science of seating23 The cover published Oskar Kogojrsquos recliner - a drawing the curve of his Gondola and inside the journal short article titled Chair Mechanics with photos and drawings where Kogojrsquos recliner was compared to a recliner designed by Yrjo Kukkapura

Reviewing Slovenian professional journalism as Alenka Di Battista writes24 in the field of industrial design architect Majda Dobravec mentioned in Sinteza magazine the participation of the Nova Gorica furniture factory in the exhibition ldquoModern Equipmentrdquo at the Jurček Pavilion at the Ljubljana Exhibition Hall in 1964 The event wanted to be the first in a series of permanent residential exhibitions intended to educate and inform home buyers and the selection of works indicated possible directions for the future development of domestic commerce and industry The furniture factory Nova Gorica presented at the exhibition a shelving wall for the living room and bunk bed for the childrenrsquos room according to the plans of the Studio for Apartment and Equipment under the direction of France Ivanšek also the organizer of the event The

22 VODOPIVEC 1998 (n 1) pp 58ndash5923 Industrial design 185 1971 24 Alenka DI BATTISTA Urbanizem in arhitektura Nove Gorice skozi oči slovenske strokovne publicistike

Goriški letnik 41 2017 p 53

Fig 1 Furniture A-program the first composite furniture programe in Yugoslavia design Ljerka Finžgar (source Beno VODOPIVEC Zgodba o Meblu Nova Gorica 1998)

Fig 3 Assembly furniture E-program design Ljerka Finžgar (source Beno VODOPIVEC Zgodba o Meblu Nova Gorica 1998)

150 151

establishment of the development institute of the Furniture Industry Institute Meblo Nova Gorica played a decisive role in establishing cooperation Among the key designers employed by the institute between 1969 and 1971 is Oskar Kogoj Synthesis has repeatedly reported on his creative work thanks in particular to magazine editor Stane Bernik As a consultant he participated in the development of prototypes of Gondola plastic recliners and described the process of their creation in word and picture At the exhibition of Kogojrsquos recliners in Ljubljana and 1970 which is prepared in terms of content and design Bernik the magazine also issued positive reviews of the exhibitions of Ješa Denegri and Želimir Koščević as well as the photographic report by Petar Dabac In particular Denegri praised Kogojrsquos efforts by justifying new methodological approaches in the design and production of industrially designed objects and highlighted the process of scientific research that led the author to the final shape of a plastic usable object In a similar way Koščević emphasized that recliners reach not only utilitarian values but also aesthetic categories characterized by design inventiveness He also praised the efforts of Meblo to introduce new technological processes and explore new design options which were novelty on the Yugoslav scale and indicate good business ideas and long-term business policy programming25

25 DI BATTISTA 2017 (n 24) p 53

The fact that the Meblo furniture factory with its products was recognized as a concept of modern design is also evidenced by the entries in the Belgrade magazine Industrial Design and Marketing from 1973 which in an article entitled Meblo design states that it is ldquoone of the few companies which uses design in propaganda messages26 To see how furniture design really works editorial staff have even traveled to Nova Gorica The town itself surprised the editorial staff as something new a masterpiece of architecture a city where young people live and where problems are solved faster and better than elsewhere in Yugoslavia The first condition for the development of the design was attributed to this exceptional environment ready to accept the new The second element they saw was the development path that led to the design department itself whose basic features were the creation designing not only of the furniture but also of the corporate identity of Meblo

Peter Krečič former director of the Museum of Architecture and Design Ljubljana points out the importance of the Meblo Institute In his analysis of the state of industrial design in the Federal Republic of Slovenia it is stated that the Meblo Institute enjoyed the greatest independence The department had a considerable amount of free hand in setting and developing design tasks and it was in this climate that the first original compatible programmable furniture E-program was created in 1969 by Ljerka Finžgar and Bogomir Zorman and a family of plastic recliners27

Krečič also deals with the Gondola resting series in the aforementioned Analysis It ranks them

26 Vanja STANKOVIĆ Meblo design in Industrijsko oblikovanje i dizajn (ed Miroslav Fruht) Beograd 1973 pp 19ndash21

27 Peter KREČIČ Analiza stanja industrijskega oblikovanja v Socialistični republiki Sloveniji Ljubljana 1973 p 29

Fig 5 Recliner Gondola design Oskar Kogoj (source Stane BERNIK Plastični počivalniki Arkade Ljubljana Nova Gorica 1970)

Fig 6 Lamps Meblo ndash Harvey (source Beno VODOPIVEC Zgodba o Meblu Nova Gorica 1998)

152 153

right after the famous chair designer Niko Kralj As the second pole in the design of seating furniture he calls the Furniture Factory Meblo with its plastic recliners after the design of Oscar Kogoj Krečič also notes that these Kogoj recliners thought of as ergonomically appropriate shells for resting and sitting in reinforced polyester are not the first attempt to design in this direction (Tatjana Coloni and Ignac Cedilnik conceived the polyester shell earlier and implemented IMGRAD from Ljutomer in 1969 ) ldquoWhat matters most is that he was able to fully complete the design of the Gondola recliner as part of a completely untested polyester injection molding technology so that after three years of development they came into series productionrdquo28 Designing seats he used anthropometric and ergonomic findings and by working with them he emphasized not only the specific aspects

of plastic furniture design but the whole range of issues from the role of the designer in the production process to interdisciplinarity in the design process and the concrete position of the designer in Slovenia Krečič remarked that good form was unfortunately disqualified by the overpricing However Kogoj acknowledges pioneering in plastics design

The 1970 exhibition at the Arkade in Ljubljana where they presented a series of designs of Kogoj plastic recliners Gondola Krečič named as the first solo exhibition of an industrial designer in Slovenia29 Stane Bernik however writes that ldquowith the theme he set out in the framework of the seat furniture - in Slovenia it is also considered as a test stone of design - he strongly indicated a more comprehensive use of anthropometric psychophysiological and ergonomic achievements and knowledge in order to answer the problem of sitting and resting in the best possible dimensionsrdquo30

The fact that the Meblo design is still present in the consciousness of users and the professional public is evidenced by the award for timeless design which Ljerka Finžgar received two years

28 KREČIČ 1973 (n 27) p 33 29 KREČIČ 1973 (n 27) p 10 30 Stane BERNIK Sodobno oblikovanje sedežnega pohištva v Sloveniji in Vesna Bučič Stol v petih tisočletjih

Narodni muzej Ljubljana 1973 p 47

ago in 2018 48 years after she has made a design for the furniture E-program(1970) The award is presented by Big Institute the Center for Creative Economy of Southeast Europe

Finžgar received a design award that stood the test of time and proved of lasting value In justification they wrote that in the 1970s and 1980s she was the driving force behind Meblo one of the most successful and recognizable home furnishers in our country She has signed on to the most successful programs and individual products of this iconic company and has received numerous awards and recognitions for them Her program of furniture E from 1970 stands out in particular With it it broke a long tradition for the user of a fairly rigid production of furniture sets With a seemingly simple modular system of type pages elements and joints it has provided numerous options for furniture assemblies allowing each individual to create an ambience more freely suited to their wishes options and spatial characteristics Program-E is well-functioning system that with its myriad of configurations and modifications gives you a simple elegant and unobtrusive upgrade frame that transforms your place into a home31

The characteristic of Meblorsquos design and the identity of the city

The furniture factory and the town of Nova Gorica were created at the same time building almost one another Since they were created in an empty space identities were also being created Architecture and urbanism brought clean shapes to the city with straight and smooth roads The coldness of the drawing tool was felt straightened and moved if we recall the words of Edvard Ravnikar the concept of a new life and housing value emerged The city was establishing new lines of recognition and markers of space that were not present in the area and were characteristic only of these cultural space Just like that the furniture that used to come from the townrsquos factory to which three thousand inhabitants of the new town and the surrounding area went to work every morning Furniture of straight lines clean shapes bright colors furniture that is mobile and customizable The modern style was a great turning point for the new residents of the new city ornamentation and massive dark-coloured furniture disappeared from view replaced by empty space glass concrete and greenery The environment for the creation of a new human being has been established

ldquoThe new political order after World War 2 interrupted the direction of development of companies The post-war period was marked by radical changes in their ownership (nationalization) a great need for reconstruction of the newly created country and increased migration from rural areas to cities The socialist policy of the state demanded a new different standard of living Circumstances influenced several aspects of product development and thus the role of designrdquo32 Post-war development policy supported the development of the working class the middle class increased which also required the development of new

31 httpzavodbigcomportfolio-itemsprogram-pohistva-e-ljerka-finzgar (access 12 January 2020) 32 Miha KLINAR Oblikovanje kot dejavnik povečevanja konkurenčnosti slovenskega gospodarstva pregled

položaja oblikovanja v Sloveniji Ljubljana 2008 pp 4minus5

Fig 7 Chair Jurček design Bogomir Zorman (source Beno VODOPIVEC Zgodba o Meblu Nova Gorica 1998)

154 155

products The new standard of living was reflected in the rapid construction of apartments which needed to be furnished in a new way with furniture no longer with large massive cabinets but with lighter and foldable furniture that could be brought by lift The revolution of consumer goods home appliances radios phones etc has begun Already at the turn of the 1950s and 1960s as elsewhere in Europe an era of modern trends fashionable clothing light furniture contemporary architecture everyday goods all shaping a new lifestyle33

ldquoLifestyle is changing People are looking for a more informal easier and freer way of life People would not want to be burdened with many static possessions that are only used one way On the contrary they want to change their environmentrdquo34 they wrote in Industrial Design in 1971

The point of modernist architecture is to have a life of its own that is to be mobile to adapt As Ljerka Finžgar noted our lives are changing so fast that it is unethical to expect us to live the same way our grandparents lived Social policies and urban policies replace investment and new social policies But when it came to issues of residence Finžgar liked to turn to Scandinavia emphasizing that Scandinavians devoted themselves deliberately to the study of man his ways of living and his needs Finžgarrsquos starting points for furniture design as she pointed out in our conversation were based on local conditions ldquoThroughout the cities at that time homes have been crowded with extended families From the knowledge of this situation I designed the components that made it possible to create a sleeping habitable place in the same room which was certainly an idea to create a space in which a wider family can coexistrdquo35

When designing furniture elements especially in Scandinavian countries anthropological measurements have been taken into account ergonometry has become an integral part of modern industrial design ldquoThe rigid and etiquette-prescribed lifestyle is dying and leaving the city more relaxed unconventional All that uncomfortable and painful (domestic work) is being replaced by technical gadgetsrdquo36

Finžgar loved the Scandinavians not only for their simplicity minimalism and functionality but also for the deeper emotional need of a person for a tidy and functional home The Meblo Institute also studied the culture of the home they studied about man and his needs It was believed that architects had the task of examining a personrsquos needs and of teaching him to care where he sleep or how he live They wondered how we would live tomorrow with what needs what materials we would use Oskar Kogoj brought courageous and uncompromising exploration of new materials innovative technologies ergonomic designs and teamwork

33 KLINAR 2008 (n 32) pp 4ndash534 J Roger GUILFOYLE Chair mechanic Industrial design 86 1971 pp 26ndash27 35 FIGELJ 2015 (n 2) p 5236 Ljerka FINŽGAR Stanovanje včeraj danes jutri Glas upravljalca Glasilo delovne skupnosti Meblo tovarne

pohištva Nova Gorica 8 15 August 1970 p 3

Finally it can be concluded that architects and designers with their developing work in Institute of course with the considerable support and encouragement of the companyrsquos management were not only the driving force but also the creative spirit that brought the culture of modern man into many apartments With their active approach they designed not only furniture but a sense of space and quality of life which was part of the identity of Nova Gorica and Yugoslavia as well

Today in Nova Gorica where many homes are still equipped with Meblo furniture and the factory is long gone we have neither a space nor a medium to show how the furniture factory was built in this area and with it the design that was recognizable advanced unique and setting new standards in the culture of being Nova Gorica would therefore urgently need a space where Meblorsquos top-class as well as all Slovenian design could be recognized as ldquoa space of creativity and shared willrdquo if we use the words of Ljerka Finžgar

Meblo sodobno oblikovanje ki je zgradilo identiteto mesta

Povzetek

Nova Gorica je mesto ki je dobesedno zraslo z industrijo postavljeno v vzhodni in jugovzhodni del mesta Paradni konj v industriji je bila tovarna pohištva Meblo ki je tako kot mesto prerasla iz nič v moderno organizacijo z lastnim oblikovalskim inštitutom Tovarna ki je bila uspešna in svoje izdelke izvažala na vseh pet celin je bila most med starim in sodobnim svetom a ne le to s tovarno ki je nastajajoče mesto opremljala tudi s pohištvom so se novi prebivalci mesta začeli zavedati občutja modernega prostora Z industrijo se je gradila identiteta mesta A danes je od vse te industrije v kateri je delalo na tisoče prebivalcev težko pokazati kakršno koli obnovljeno industrijsko arhitekturo kaj šele prostor kjer bi bil predstavljen industrijski dizajn oziroma industrijska dediščina nasploh

158 159

Religious buildings and the Post-war Construction of a Socialist Utopia in

the German Democratic Republic

Marcus van der MEULEN

Introduction

After of the end of the Second World War eastern parts of war defeated Germany became the Soviet Occupied Zone (SOZ)1 In 1949 this SOZ became the German Democratic Republic (GDR) a new socialist state Capital of this new state became East Berlin the Soviet occupied zone of Berlin In the years that followed the GDR was re-constructed as a socialist Utopia During the period of the SOZ building was restricted to retaining and renovation of primarily dwellings War damaged places of worship were hastily repaired and provisional churches were built termed ldquoNotkirchenrdquo for congregations that had lost their place of worship during the war or for refugees from the east mostly Roman Catholics2 In 1949 for seven churches were built six for catholic worship and one for Lutheran3 Typically these are simple structures barracks erected for temporary use

In this paper the religious buildings and the construction of a socialist urban environment in eastern Germany is discussed the three decades from the end of the Second World War until the adoption of the Monument Preservation Law of 19754

The GDR and Religion

Central figure in the re-construction of the new socialist state was Walter Ulbricht who served as the First Secretary of the ruling communist party SED5 from 1950 until 1971 and as Chairman of the State Council from 1960 until his death in 1973 Shaping a new Germany took place on several levels Historic territories were abolished in 1952 and replaced by 14 ldquoBezirkerdquo or districts named after their capital cities These district capitals and the state capital East Berlin were re-constructed as socialist cities reflecting the new and atheist state Many urban

1 Norman NAIMARK Die Russen in Deutschland Die sowjetische Besatzungszone 1945 bis 1949 Berlin 1997

2 Verena SCHAEDLER Katholischer Sakralbau in der SBZ und in der DDR Regensburg 20133 SCHAEDLER 2013 (n 2)4 Denkmalpflegegesetz Gesetzblatt der DDR Part 1 Nr 26 19 June 1975 pp 458-4605 SED Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (Socialist Unity Party of Germany)

centres had been damaged during the war however re-construction is not understood as the restoration to a prior situation rather the intended transformation of an existing urban landscape to an envisioned Utopia This transformative re-construction had far reaching implications for religious buildings not only in new urban developments but also in shaping of the built environment

In 1952 the Construction of Socialism doctrine6 was declared during the second party congress of the ruling SED initiating an offensive against religion The GDR had been established as an atheist state Secularisation was actively supported and although the constitution secured freedom of religion de facto the exercise of religious practices was obstructed In 1957 the State Secretary for Church Affairs was formed7 following the example of the Soviet Union further reducing the influence of the Church in society and education The official objective of this institution was to conduct the relationship between state and Church authorities In reality the State Secretary for Church Affairs tried to push religion from the traditional

6 Aufbau des Sozialismus see Klaus SCHROEDER Der SED-Staat Geschichte und Strukturen der DDR Muumlnchen 1998

7 Staatssekretaumlr fuumlr Kirchenfragen see Armin BOYENS Das Staatssekretariat fuumlr Kirchenfragen Clemens VOLLNHALS Die Kirchenpolitik von SED und Staatssicherheit Eine Zwischenbilanz (= Analysen und Dokumente) Wissenschaftliche Reihe der Bundesbeauftragten fuumlr die Unterlagen des Staatssicherheitsdienstes der Ehemaligen Deutschen Demokratischen Republik Berlin 1997 pp 120ndash138

Fig 1 First Secretary Walter Ulbricht and a model for re-construction in 1951 (copy Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-12896-0003)

160 161

core of social and cultural life towards the margins of society Popular religious traditions were replaced by new customs An example is ldquoJugendweiherdquo a coming-of-age ceremony launched by the Free German Youth (FDJ)8 introduced in 1954 replacing the Lutheran confirmation9 Lutheran church authorities opposed this ceremony however the state intensified their efforts and made ldquoJugendweiherdquo obligatory in 1958 ldquoJugendweiherdquo contributed highly to the secularisation of the GDR10 The closing of the inner German border and construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961 detached Church authorities in the GDR from their partners in western Germany This eventually resulted in the establishment of an Evangelical-Lutheran church authority in eastern Germany In the 1970s the Lutherans promoted a Church within Socialism11 The Catholic bishops were confronted with similar problems as they were no longer allowed to attend the Roman Catholic Conference of Bishops of (all) Germany A Conference of Bishops of

eastern Germany however was never established The Roman Catholic Church in the GDR did not cultivate a Church within Socialism yet retained the classification of dwelling in a strange house12

Active repression of religion by the socialist government resulted in a sharp decline of religious affiliation It is challenging to obtain good data about religious affiliation in the GDR the following accounts are the most optimistic At the end of the Second World War a vast majority of the population was affiliated to the Evangelical-Lutheran Church In 1950 this

8 Freie Deutsche Jugend9 Markus ANHALT Die Macht der Kirchen brechen Die Mitwirkung des Ministeriums fuumlr Staatssicherheit bei

der Durchsetzung der Jugendweihe in der DDR Goumlttingen 201610 Robert GOECKEL Church and Society in the GDR Historical Legacies and ldquoMature Socialismrdquo International

Journal of Sociology 18 1988 p 21511 Peter MASER Glauben im Sozialismus Kirchen und Religionsgemeinschaften in der DDR Berlin 1989 pp

13-20 12 Joachim Kardinal MEISNER Die Wuumlstenjahre der Kirche Welt 23 October 2019 httpswwwweltde

welt_printdebattearticle4943940Die-Wuestenjahre-der-Kirchehtml (accessed 22 January 2020)

number was 85 and in 1989 this had fallen to 25 For Roman Catholics the numbers are 10 of the population in 1950 and 5 in 1989 This means Christianity collapsed from 95 at the beginning of the GDR to 30 when the GDR was abolished13 Today eastern Germany is one of the least religious regions in the word14

Urban planning in the GDR

The aggression against religion by the state was also felt in urban planning Construction of an ideal built environment for the socialist society was envisioned In urban planning the adoption of The Sixteen Principles of Urban Design15 and the Re-Building Act are relevant16 Although religious buildings are not specifically mentioned their traditional importance in the urban fabric is implicitly challenged The Sixteen Principles were the main guidelines for urban planning during the early years of state re-construction Some ideas however continued to have significance especially the three cited below

Decided by the Government of the German Democratic Republic on 27 July 1950

The urban planning and architectural design of our cities which shall influence the construction of all of Germany must express the social order of the German Democratic Republic as well as the progressive traditions and great goals of our German people They shall adhere to the following principles

1 The city as a form of settlement did not arise by chance The city is the richest economic and cultural form of community settlement proven by centuries of experience The city is in its structural and architectural design an expression of the political life and the national consciousness of the people

6 The centre forms the veritable core of the city The centre of the city is the political centre for its population In the city centre are the most important political administrative and cultural sites On the squares in the city centre one might find political demonstrations marches and popular celebrations held on festival days The centre of the city shall be composed of the most important and monumental buildings dominating the architectural composition of the city plan and determining the architectural silhouette of the city

9 The visage of the city-that is its individual artistic form-shall be defined by squares main streets and prominent buildings in the center of the city (in those largest cities containing skyscrapers) Squares and plazas shall serve as the structural basis for the planning of the city and for its overall architectural composition17

13 Gerhard KRAUSE Gerhard MUELLER Theologische Realenzyklopaumldie Berlin 199314 Tom W SMITH Beliefs about God across Time and Countries Chicago 201215 Die 16 Grundsaumltze des Staumldtebaus Lother BOLZ Von deutschem Bauen Reden und Aufsaumltze Berlin (Ost)

1951 pp 32-5216 Aufbaugesetz httpsdewikisourceorgwikiAufbaugesetz_(DDR)_1950 (accessed 20 January 2020)17 See 15

Fig 2 Eisenhuumlttenstadt formerly Stalinstadt Youth preparing for ldquoJugendweiheldquo in 1955 (copy Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-33308-0002)

New urban development areas

The ruling socialist party SED decided to establish new steelworks and a new town to house the steelworkers at the party convention of July 195018 Construction started the following year This town was named Stalinstadt in 1953 to honour the soviet leader in 1961 the settlement was renamed Eisenhuumlttenstadt The new foundation became one of the earliest examples of urban planning in the GDR The first plans were made by Franz Ehrlich Kurt Junghanns and Otto Geiler however the authorities rejected these for being too modernist19 Eventually a masterplan by Kurt W Leucht was executed an urban plan in a so-called National Building Tradition20 Stalinstadt is an experiment between modernist and traditional planning ideas following the guidelines presented in The Sixteen Principles The new town consist of a central square roads for parades and manifestations dwellings schools a hospital and buildings representing the socialist state

During the inauguration of Stalinstadt First secretary Ulbricht declared on 7 May 1953 ldquoYes We will have towers for example one for the Town Hall and one for the Culture House Other towers are not needed in the socialist cityrdquo21 Without mentioning churches Ulbricht implies towers not representing the socialist state are unwanted in the envisioned built environment In the urban planning of Stalinstadt religious buildings were not included however among the inhabitants of the new town were Lutherans and several Catholics Eventually building of a barrack for catholic worship was allowed on the northern outskirts of the town near railway tracks and the factory The Evangelical-Lutheran congregation held services in a wagon and from 1952 onwards in a barrack22 From 1976 onwards plans to erect an Evangelical-Lutheran community centre were made Eventually in 1981 the authorities allowed the building of The Church of Peace on the southern edge of the town23 Both churches were built on the margins of Eisenhuumlttenstadt away from main roads and out of sight In the urban landscape the simple forms and remote locations prevented the new churches to be of any significance

Rostock was declared Re-Building Area after adoption of the Re-Building Act of 195024 The

18 Jascha Philipp BRAUN ldquoDie erste sozialistische Stadt auf deutschem Bodenrdquo ndash Architektur und Staumldtebau der DDR der fuumlnfziger Jahre am Beispiel von Stalinstadt Magisterarbeit Humboldt-Universitaumlt zu Berlin 2010

19 BRAUN 2010 (n 18) 20 Joumlrg KIRCHNER Architektur nationaler Tradition in der fruumlhen DDR (1950ndash1955) Zwischen ideologischen

Vorgaben und kuumlnstlerischer Eigenstaumlndigkeit Hamburg 201021 ldquoJa Wir werden Tuumlrme haben zum Beispiel einen Turm fuumlrs Rathaus einen Turm fuumlrs Kulturhaus Andere

Tuumlrme koumlnnen wir in der sozialistischen Stadt nicht gebrauchenrdquo audio record of the speech RBB archive D026648

22 Heinz BRAumlUER Die ersten drei Jahrzehnte der evangelischen Friedenskirchengemeinde Eisenhuumlttenstadt ndash Erinnerungen Eisenhuumlttenstadt 1991

23 Janet NEISER Neue Kirche fuumlr die neue Stadt httpswwwmozdelandkreiseoder-spreeeisenhuettenstadtartikel0dg01301044 (accessed 20 January 2020)

24 SMITH 2012 (n 14)

Fig 3 Stalinstadt under construction central axis with Friedrich Wolf Theatre and steelworks in the background

(copy Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-61967-0001)

Fig 4 Rostock Reutershagen I (1953-1957) (photo by author)

164 165

town was developed as primary port of the new state and a show town to host foreign officials In the historic core of Rostock the Street of National Reconstruction a socialist promenade following the ideas of The Sixteen Principles was created25 In 1953 the first stone of this re-building project was laid by First Secretary Ulbricht26 The existing urban fabric was secularised and no new places of worship were planned in the new developments Between 1953 and 1957 the new development Reutershagen I was constructed planned in a socialist-realist style27 In 1958 the new development Reutershagen II was begun designed in a modernist style under supervision of Hartmut Colden (1915ndash1982)28 In total 9772 homes were constructed for about 25000 inhabitants These new urban developments included housing in Reutershagen II these were ldquoPlattenbautenrdquo29 shops schools and large green areas For the religious communities however buildings for worship were not part of urban planning After the war Protestants had built a temporary church in Schwanenteich park between the development Reutershagen I and the Komponistenviertel District30 This barrack was first used by the Evangelical-Lutheran congregation and from 1954 also by the Roman Catholics The barrack used for religious services in a park was demolished by the local authorities

25 Johannes KOumlLLNER Magistrale Eine Geschichte der Langen Straszlige in Rostock Bremen 1997 26 KOumlLLNER 1997 (n 25) 27 Hartmut COLDEN Wohnkomplex Reutershagen II in Rostock Berlin195828 Hartmut COLDEN Diskussion uumlber Reutershagen II Berlin 195929 Buildings mostly for housing developments using prefabricated concrete slabs30 Zur Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Reutershagen httpwwwluther-st-andreas-gemeindede

geschichte (accessed 20 January 2020)

pushing the presence of religion in the urban landscape to the margins The Evangelical-Lutheran congregation were allowed to construct The Church of St Andrew31 after 1975 This simple structure was not located in the localities Reutershagen I or Reutershagen II but on the northern outskirts of Rostock The Church of St Joseph a catholic house of worship was built in the grounds of a garden allotment out of sight from all main roads Surrounded by sheds behind garages and a housing block the inconspicuous church remained hidden The building is a plain shed-like structure)

Between 1961 and 1965 the new development Suedstadt was planned32 a modernist urban development of nearly 8000 homes and 20000 inhabitants located to the south of historic centre across the railway tracks Suedstadt included schools shops ldquoPlattenbautenrdquo and large areas of greenery Religious buildings were intentionally not planned although several thousand people would have been religious Protestants gathered in a wagon A catholic church was constructed in 1970 south of historic Rostock near the railway tracks The Christ Church is a modernist structure on a square plan with a concave roof in concrete This church is often hailed as an example of sacred architecture in the GDR and consequently proof construction of churches was tolerated in this atheist state However construction of this building was granted by the authorities as a replacement for the much larger Christ Church demolished by the authorities in 197133 Old Christ Church had been the largest Roman Catholic in the wider region a neogothic edifice located in a prominent location on the western side of the historic centre34 Socialist urban planning of the city centre intentionally envisioned the removal of this church to construct a traffic junction a plan that never materialized The replacement of this church is not only much smaller it is also located on the verges close to railway tracks and out of view from major roads New Christ Church is part of the continuous efforts by the socialist state to push sacred architecture from its traditional place at the centre of the built environment to the margins thus reducing the appearance of religious buildings and progressively secularising the urban landscape

In 1964 a new town was planned for the workers of Chemical plants Buna and Leuna35 Initially planned for 11000 homes the number was soon doubled to 22000 homes for a population of about 70000 making this new town one of the most populous new developments in the GDR Halle Neustadt as the development was later named was from the beginning intended as a socialist counterpart for bourgeois Old Halle36 The new town became an independent

31 KOumlLLNER 1997 (n 25)32 Kai BERDERMANN Planung und Bau der Suumldtstadt in Rostock 1960ndash1968 Rostock 200233 Christuskirche Katholische Gemeinde in Rostock im Wandel der Zeit Schwerin 2010 34 Christuskirche 2010 (n 33) 35 Peer PASTERNACK 50 Jahre Streitfall Halle-Neustadt Idee und Experiment Lebensort und Provokation

Halle (Saale) 2014 36 Frank BETKER Einsicht in die Notwendigkeit Kommunale Stadtplanung in der DDR und nach der Wende

(1945ndash1994) Stuttgart 2005

Fig 5 Rostock The Evangelical-Lutheran Church of St Andrew Built after 1975 (photo by Schiwago)

166 167

municipality with its own Bureau for Urban Planning Richard Paulick was the leading architect Urban centre was the Neustaumldter Passage with department stores shops a hospital a post office and municipal buildings Halle Neustadt is a typical modernist development following the ideas of the functionalist city dividing work dwelling recreation and transportation37 Buildings for the purpose of religion however were not included in the urban planning A small church in the nearby village of Passendorf served as the house of worship for the Evangelical-Lutheran congregation of Halle Neustadt Even if religious affiliation had already dropped significantly several thousands of people would be considered Lutherans Apart from Passendorf village church there are no places of worship in Halle-Neustadt

Re-constructing the historic entity

Not only were new buildings for religious functions not included in the planning of new urban developments also the position towards existing religious buildings can be described as hostile Allegedly when First Secretary Walter Ulbricht saw a model of the proposed reconstruction of the city centre of Dresden in 1953 he personally seized the model of The Church of St Sophie exclaiming ldquoA Socialist City does not need gothic churchesrdquo38 The war damaged church was subsequently demolished in the 1960s and replaced by a modernist restaurant the Gaststaumltte HO AM Zwinger39 The prominent location of this religious building and its two towers were a cause to erase the church from the built environment Demolition of

37 KOumlLLNER 1997 (n 25)38 ldquoEine sozialistische Stadt braucht keine gotischen Kirchenrdquo See Andreas GOLINSKI Dresden zum

weitererzaumlhlen Von Kaffeefiltern Drachenboten und verbogenen Hufeisen Dresden 2010 p 1639 Guumlnther GRUNER Gaststaumltte ldquoAm Zwingerrdquo Deutsche Architektur 4 1968 pp 218ndash225

Christ Church in Rostock was not incidental also the largest medieval church in Rostock The Church of St James was demolished40 These destructions were part of a wider phenomenon erasing religious buildings throughout the GDR As district capitals and other main towns were re-constructed as part of the Re-Building Act of 1950 buildings not representing the state ideology were removed from the built environment New central squares streets for manifestations and new structures dominating the urban landscape were planned following the guidelines of The Sixteen Principles

Magdeburg had been declared a re-building area in the re-building act of 1950 In 1952 Magdeburg became a district capital and was consequently re-constructed as a socialist city41 During this transformation nearby half of the historic churches were demolished A central space was shaped in the historic core following the guidelines formulated in The Sixteen Principles Forming this central square two medieval churches were destroyed The Church of St Ulrich-and-Levin and The Church of the Holy Spirit42 Roughly in the location of The Church of the Holy Spirit a new building was planned the tallest structure in Magdeburg however this plan never materialized43 The new central space divided the historic core of the city in a southern and northern sector In the southern sector several historic buildings were preserved such as the cathedral The Church of Our Lady was reused as a concert hall Urban planning of the northern sector followed the ideas of the functionalist city The Church of St Catherine the dominant building on the main street Breiter Weg was first dynamited in 1964 and the remains were pulled down in 196644 This medieval church was substituted by the House of the Teacher the new dominant building in the northern section of Breiter Weg Also The Church of St James in the northern section was destroyed45 leaving a void

In Leipzig the Augustus Platz was renamed after Karl Marx and transformed as the central square of the socialist city Religious connotations on and around Karl Marx Square were erased The Church of St John with its spire located at the end of the main street leading onto the square was destroyed in 196346 leaving a void until this day Prominent building in the square was the University or St Paulrsquos Church Inaugurated in 1240 as the Dominican church St Paulrsquos became part of the university in 1543 In the early 1960s the decision to replace the university buildings by a modern building was made and in 1968 on Ascension Day the church undamaged during

40 Arno KRAUSE Rostock (Stadtkreis) Schicksale deutscher Baudenkmale im zweiten Weltkrieg (ed Eckardt Goumltz) 1 1978 pp 59ndash61

41 Eckhart W PETERS Magdeburg minus Architektur und Staumldtebau Halle an der Saale 200142 Tobias KOEPPE Die Magdeburger Ulrichskirche ndash Geschichte Gegenwart Zukunft Petersberg 201143 Thomas GROSSBOELTING Ruumldinger SCHMIDT Gedachte Stadt-Gebaute Stadt Urbanitaumlt in der deutsch-

deutschen Systemkonkurrenz 1945-1990 Cologne Vienna Weimar 201544 Hans-Joachim KRENZKE Kirchen und Kloumlster zu Magdeburg Magdeburg 200045 KRENZKE 2000 (n 44) 46 Der Johanniskirchturm in Leipzig httpwwwjohanniskirchturmde (accessed 20 January 2020)

Fig 6 Halle Neustadt New town (1964-1969) planned for 70000 inhabitants following the ideas of the functionalist city A birds eye view (public Domain)

168 169

demolishing old blocks of houses of this old university town50 Jentower as the tower is called today is domineering the skyline and shaping the appearance the tower of the nearby St Michaelrsquos church appears insignificant in comparison As in Leipzig this implies irrelevance of religion in comparison to science and education In Frankfurt Oder a central square was shaped in the historic core of the town with a new dominant structure located on the new main road named after Karl Marx A new dominant was constructed in this square the 95 meter tall Oder Tower or Oderturm (1968ndash1976 Tulke and Eichmann)51 It was in part built by the Free German Youth and was partially used as a youth hostel for the socialist offspring In Neubrandenburg the derelict church was juxtaposed by the modern tower of the House of Culture and Education (1965 Grund)52 constructed in a modernist square shaped within the core of the historic urban fabric Jena Frankfurt Oder and Neubrandenburg are illustrations of a widespread phenomenon

All over the GDR churches especially those with tall spires were demolished The cases in Rostock Magdeburg and Leipzig mentioned above were not incidents The Garrison Church in Potsdam initially renovated after war damage was demolished in 1968 Allegedly this was related to a visit by First Secretary Ulbricht to district capital Potsdam in 196753 Also in Potsdam The Church of the Holy Spirit was demolished and its tower pulled down in 1974 One of the first churches that were pulled down was The Church of St George in East Berlin54 The tower of this church dominated Alexanderplatz Square Eventually this tower was replaced as the tallest structure in (East) Berlin by the TV Tower or Fernsehturm A model by Hermann Henselmann and others for constructing the new centre of the state capital as a stage for the GDR was presented in 195955 This model shows a tall TV tower in the location of the demolished City Palace and a void in the location of the Lutheran Berlin Cathedral Eventually a devised plan was executed and the cathedral not demolished56 The TV Tower however was constructed and became the new landmark of the capital of the socialist state57 In Berlin Mitte an unsettling number of religious buildings were erased from the built environment including the Bethlehem Church major parts of the New Synagogue and the Petri Church58

50 Christian GRAUDENZ Zur Entstehungsgeschichte des Universitaumltshochhauses 1968 bis 1972 Hochschule im Sozialismus Studien zur Geschichte der Friedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena (1945ndash1990) (eds Uwe Hoszligfeld Tobias Kaiser Heinz Mestrup) Weimar 2007 pp 339ndash376

51 Ingrid HALBACH Matthias RAMBOW Horst BUETTNER Peter RAETZEL Architekturfuumlhrer DDR Bezirk Frankfurt (Oder) Berlin 1984

52 Frieder SIEBER Hans FRITSCHE Bauen in der DDR Berlin 200653 Christina EMMERICH-FOCKE Stadtplanung in Potsdam Berlin 1999 p 16054 Marcus VAN DER MEULEN One Ideology Two Visions Ecclesiastical Buildings and State identity in

the Socialist Capital City during the Post-War Rebuilding Decades 1945ndash1975 East-Berlin and Warsaw Warsaw 2019

55 Hermann HENSELMANN Model ldquoForum der Nation und der Turm der Signalerdquo 1959 Building Archive (Baukunstarchiv) Academy of Arts Berlin

56 FLIERL 2018 (op 48) 57 Das neue Wahrzeichen der Hauptstadt der DDR Berlin 1969 58 EMMERICH-FOCKE 1999 (n 53)

Fig 7 Magdeburg St Catherinersquos Church before demolition in 1964-1966 (photo by Berit Wallenberg public domain)

Fig 8 Magdeburg St Catherinersquos Church replaced by the House of the Teacher (1967-1979) (photo by author)

the war was detonated47 The new dominant building in the square and the urban silhouette of Leipzig became the 142 meter tall University Tower (1968ndash1972) by Herman Henselmann48 representing the new society and the place of education

Demolition and constructing towers

The architectural silhouette of cities as formulated in principle six of The Sixteen Principles was transformed by adding a new dominant structure City Dominants49 and removing towers representing the religious past New towers symbols for the socialist town and shaping its appearance were related to education culture or housing and surpassed the spires of churches the historic dominant structures in these towns The University Tower (1969ndash1972 Henselmann) in Jena is 1445 meters tall and located on a large central square shaped in the historic core

47 Chronik der Universitaumltskirche St Pauli zu Leipzig httpsunigottesdienstorggeschichte (accessed 20 January 2020)

48 Thomas FLIERL Der Architekt die Macht und die Baukunst Hermann Henselmann in seiner Berliner Zeit 1949ndash1995 Berlin 2018

49 In German Stadtdominanten

170 171

Urban planning of the GDR was inspired by the functionalist city as defined by CIAM The Athens congress 1933 made statements on five areas dwellings recreation work transportation and the historical parts of the city59 Needs for religious buildings were not specified however point five in the summery reads ldquoThe functional city must bring individual and social life into harmony on a spiritual and material basisrdquo60 Arguably the spiritual basis was ignored in urban planning in the GDR At CIAM VII (1949) on the Athens Charter in practice Opbouw Group Rotterdam presented ldquoHousing Unit-Neighborhood-Districtrdquo61 which included churches The model for ldquoModelwijk Lakenrdquo by Renaat Braem presented at the World Exhibition in Brussels (1958) included a church Van den Broek en Bakema presented the plan Kennemerland (1957ndash1959) 62 at CIAM XI (1959) including churches The Athens Charter states the historic entity should be preserved63 and only advises flattening of bad dwellings Urban planning in the GDR however showed an offensive against religious buildings not including the construction of these types of buildings in the development of new localities and even demolishing historic churches This resulted in a secularisation of the built environment

Conclusion

After the Second World War a new state was established in eastern parts of war defeated Germany the German Democratic Republic which existed from 1949 to 1989 The re-construction as an atheist state had significant implications for religious buildings Urban planning for new towns and developments exclude construction of churches although initially over 90 of the population in the GDR was affiliated to Evangelical-Lutheran and Catholic churches A progressive aggression towards religion with the objective to reduce and eliminate religion from society was observed in urban planning Although texts in the GDR about urban planning do not explicitly mention religious buildings the envisioned socialist environment described implied reducing the presence of religious buildings in the urban landscape When construction of religious buildings was allowed these are typically simple structures located on the margins of the built environment Re-construction of towns as socialist cities encompassed the deletion of religious buildings from the built environment This is a secularisation of the urban landscape Religious buildings were erased from the historic core of cities and new tall buildings were planned further pushing religious buildings from the architectural silhouette of the city Principle urban spaces in district capitals intended as a stage for public celebrations and political demonstrations were secularised

59 Eric MUMFORD The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism 1928-1960 Cambridge 200060 Auke VAN DER WOUD Het Nieuwe Bouwen InternationaalInternational CIAM Volkshuisvesting Stedebouw

Housing Town Planning Delft 1983 p 166 61 VAN DER WOUD 1983 (n 60) p 85 62 VAN DER WOUD 1983 (n 60) p 10063 VAN DER MEULEN 2019 (n 54)

The transformations in Magdeburg Leipzig or East Berlin are illustrations of the phenomenon Urban planning in the GDR envisioned the construction of a built environment for an ideal atheist society the creation of a socialist Utopia

Bibliography

Anders AringMAN Architecture and Ideology in Eastern Europe in the Stalin Era Cambridge 1988

Frank BETKER Einsicht in die Notwendigkeit Kommunale Stadtplanung in der DDR und nach der Wende (1945ndash1994) Stuttgart 2005

Werner DURTH Joumlrn DUEWEL Niels GUTSCHOW Architektur und Staumldtebau der DDR Frankfurt 1998

Bruno FLIERL Gebaute DDR ndash Uumlber Stadtplaner Architekten und die Macht Berlin 1998

Peter MASER Glauben im Sozialismus Kirchen und Religionsgemeinschaften in der DDR Berlin 1989

Frieder SIEBER Hans FRITSCHE Bauen in der DDR Berlin 2006

Marcus VAN DER MEULEN One Ideology Two Visions Ecclesiastical Buildings and State identity in the Socialist Capital City during the Post-War Rebuilding Decades 1945ndash1975 East-Berlin and Warsaw Warsaw 2019

Verske stavbe in povojna izgradnja socialistične utopije v Nemški Demokratični Republiki

Povzetek

Leta 1949 je bila v sovjetski okupacijski coni v Nemčiji ustanovljena Nemška Demokratična Republika (NDR) Leta 1950 so bile predstavljene smernice za urbani razvoj t i Šestnajst načel urbanega načrtovanja (Sixteen Principles of Urban Design) Po teh načelih v urbanistično načrtovanje npr Stalinstadta (ustanovljen 1950 danes je to Eisenhuumlttenstadt) niso bile vključene verske stavbe Med otvoritvijo Stalinstadta leta 1953 je prvi sekretar NDR Walter Ulbricht komentiral raquoda imeli bomo stolpe enega za mestno hišo in enega za kulturni center Drugih stolpov socialistično mesto ne potrebujelaquo Kasneje so bila nova mesta kot npr Halle Neustadt načrtovana in zgrajena po načelih funkcionalističnega mesta Stavbe za bogoslužje niso bile vključene Ko je bila nenazadnje dovoljena gradnja cerkva so bile to neopazne zgradbe zgrajene na obrobju grajenega okolja V prvih desetletjih NDR-ja so prisotnost verskih stavb v urbanem okolju aktivno zmanjšali Številni kraji in mesta so bili med vojno poškodovani Rekonstrukcija teh mest še posebej okrožij glavnega mesta (ldquoBezirkstaumldterdquo) je predstavljala transformacijo v smeri socialističnega mesta Poškodovane cerkve so ostale v takšnem stanju ali pa so jih porušili Po celotni NDR so cerkvene stolpe odstranili iz urbanih silhuet ali z rušenjem ali z razvijanjem novih vertikalnih dominant stavb ki so zasenčile obstoječe cerkvene stolpe Takšen primer je Jena Glavne urbane komponente socialističnega mesta kot npr glavni trg so bile sekularizirane na način rušenja cerkva Leta 1968 je bila Univerzitetna cerkev na trgu Karla Marxa v Leipzigu označena in izbrisana Urbanistično načrtovanje v vzhodni Nemčiji v prvih treh desetletjih povojne rekonstrukcije lahko označimo kot gradnjo sekulariziranega grajenega okolja za socialistično družbo kot so si jo zamislili

174 175

Komisija za verska vprašanja in gradnja sakralnih stavb v slovenskih

povojnih modernističnih naseljih Primer Nove Gorice

Helena SERAŽIN

V prvih letih po drugi svetovni vojni so slovenski urbanisti pri načrtovanju novih mest in naselij sledili modelu funkcionalističnega načrtovanja v obliki ločevanja delov naselja v cone temelječemu na Atenski listini manifestu ki je povzel ugotovitve udeležencev četrtega kongresa CIAM-a iz leta 19321 Ta načela so se ideološko komplementarno prekrivala s politično idejo o ustvarjanju nove pravičnejše družbe v leta 1945 nastali Federativni ljudski republiki Jugoslaviji (FLRJ) katere del je bila takrat tudi Slovenija Modernistično mesto Nova Gorica ustanovljeno leta 19472 je bilo tako načrtovano in delno zgrajeno po teh načelih3 Vendar pa so slovenski urbanisti že kmalu ugotovili da gradnja velikih zgolj spalnih naselij v na cone ločenih mestih ni najprimernejša za ugoden razvoj socialistične družbe zato so se pri načrtovanju novih raje naslonili na skandinavski model gradnje samozadostnih stanovanjskih sosesk ki so bile z vso ustrezno infrastrukturo zasnovane kot mesta v malem4 Čeprav so ta t i mesta ABC v svojih središčih poleg trgovin šol vrtcev poslovnih stavb uradov in družbenih centrov dosledno vključevala tudi sakralne objekte je na prvi pogled nerazumljivo zakaj teh v na novo zgrajenih soseskah slovenskih mest ni mogoče zaslediti5

Prispevek bo to zelo kompleksno vprašanje skušal osvetliti predvsem z vidika vloge Komisije za verska vprašanja (KVV) ki je kot organ političnih oblasti od sredine petdesetih let 20 stoletja do osamosvojitve leta 1991 med drugim nadzorovala in odrejala gradnjo in obnovo sakralnih objektov v Sloveniji Pri tem je imela odločilno vlogo ne samo pri določanju smernic

1 Eli RUBIN The Athens Charter Themenportal Europaumlische Geschichte 2009 wwweuropaclio-onlinedeessayidfdae-1486 (dostop 22 februar 2020)

2 Branko MARUŠIČ O nastajanju Nove Gorice Umetnost na stičišču kultur Mestna občina Nova Gorica Ljubljana 2019 str 12

3 Načrte za iz političnih razlogov povsem na novo zgrajeno obmejno mesto Nova Gorica je v letih 1948ndash1950 pripravil arhitekt Edvard Ravnikar s sodelavci Več o tem glej Alenka DI BATTISTA Nova Gorica in Velenje Čudeža socialistične gradnje v drugi Jugoslaviji Ljubljana 2011 (diplomska naloga) Alenka DI BATTISTA Nova odkritja pri raziskovanju Ravnikarjeve Nove Gorice in Trenzevega Velenja Zbornik za umetnostno zgodovino n v 47 2011 str 322ndash340

4 Martina MALEŠIČ Nastanek in rast ljubljanskih stanovanjskih sosesk AB ndash Arhitektov bilten 45203ndash204 2015 str 64

5 MALEŠIČ 2015 (op 4) str 64

za izbiro lokacij in oblike novo zgrajenih verskih stavb temveč tudi pri zavlačevanju izvajanja upravnih postopkov kar je bilo zaradi posebnega položaja in ideološkega pomena mesta še posebej očitno v primeru Nove Gorice

Ker je gradivo republiške KVV hranjeno v Arhivu Republike Slovenije6 postalo javnosti prvič dostopno leta 1992 v celoti pa šele po letu 2006 je bilo raziskav na temo povojne gradnje novih cerkva povezanih s tem upravnim organom doslej bolj malo Najbolj poglobljeno je to problematiko skozi primer cerkve sv Lucije v Dražgošah raziskala Katarina Mohar7 primer gradnje nove cerkve v Novi Gorici pa sta z dokumentacijo Skupščine občine Nova Gorica hranjeno v Pokrajinskem arhivu Nova Gorica rekonstruirala Renato Podbersič in Tanja Martelanc8

KVV je bila ustanovljena leta 1959 kot naslednica Verske komisije pri Izvršnem svetu Ljudske skupščine Ljudske Republike Slovenije (LRS) ustanovljene leta 1953 po združitvi Verske komisije pri Predsedstvu Slovenskega narodnoosvobodilnega sveta (ustanovljena 1944) in posebne verske komisije pri Predsedstvu Vlade LRS Kot samostojen upravni organ je bila pristojna za upravne zadeve ki so se nanašale na razmerje med državo in verskimi skupnostmi spremljala je izvajanje in uporabo zakonov in predpisov vezanih na verske skupnosti ter pripravljala osnutke predpisov Izvršnega sveta s katerimi so se reševala razmerja med državo in verskimi skupnostmi spremljala pa je tudi zakonitost predpisov območnih ljudskih odborov Z reorganizacijami republiške uprave se je v nadaljnjih letih večkrat preimenovala nazadnje v Komisijo Republike Slovenije za odnose z verskimi skupnostmi ki je s svojim delom prenehala leta 19919

Gradnja v Sloveniji se je v prvih letih po drugi svetovni vojni tako kot drugod po Evropi osredinila predvsem na reševanje stanovanjske problematike oživitev gospodarstva z gradnjo novih industrijskih območij in objektov ter prometne in druge infrastrukture10 Pri tem se je slovenska arhitektura skladno z državno politiko pod vplivom Sovjetske zveze sprva naslonila na socrealizem in kljub razkolu z njo leta 1948 v tej smeri nadaljevala vse do ponovne otoplitve odnosov med državama leta 1955 V tem obdobju so se v Sloveniji po sovjetskem vzoru ki je temeljil na izhodiščih coninga Atenske listine na novo gradila industrijska območja s

6 Arhiv Republike Slovenije (ARS) AS 1211 Komisija Republike Slovenije za odnose z verskimi skupnostmi 1953ndash1991

7 Katarina MOHAR Gradnja cerkva na Slovenskem v prvih desetletjih po drugi svetovni vojni Primer cerkve sv Lucije v Dražgošah Profano v sakralnem Študije o vizualizaciji posvetnih teženj in motivov v sakralni umetnosti Ljubljana 2019 str 283ndash313

8 Renato PODBERSIČ Cerkev in meja na Goriškem po drugi svetovni vojni Goriški letnik 41 2017 str 89ndash104 Tanja MARTELANC V mestu brez zvonikov - Nekaj paberkov o novogoriškem župnijskem središču Izvestje Raziskovalne postaje ZRC SAZU v Novi Gorici 13 2016 str 26ndash33

9 Tatjana ŠENK Arhivsko gradivo Komisije za odnose z verskimi skupnostmi pri Skupščini mesta Ljubljana Arhivi 151ndash2 1992 str 63ndash65

10 Martin KAVČIČ Bogoslužne stavbe na Slovenskem po drugi svetovni vojni Metodologija in kriteriji vrednotenja Ljubljana 2015 (doktorska disertacija) str 92

176 177

stanovanjskimi naselji kot so Novo Velenje (1946ndash1955) ljubljansko naselje Litostroj (1947ndash1951) Kidričevo (1947ndash1953) in Nova Gorica (1948ndash1950)11 v katerih za sakralne objekte že iz ideoloških razlogov ni bilo predvidenega prostora Po leta 1946 sprejeti ustavi FLRJ so namreč verske skupnosti v Sloveniji predvsem Rimokatoliška cerkev postale ločene od države12 Cerkev pa zaradi protikomunistične usmerjenosti medvojnega sodelovanja z okupatorjem in povezave z Vatikanom še posebej označena za nevarno in reakcionarno13 Ker se je vsa gradnja večjih objektov izvajala preko velikih državnih gradbenih podjetij in pod strogim državnim nadzorom sta bila obnova ali gradnja novih sakralnih objektov tako praktično onemogočena14 Pravni položaj Cerkve se je spremenil šele s sprejetjem Temeljnega zakona o pravni ureditvi položaja verskih skupnosti leta 195315 vendar so odnosi med oblastjo in Cerkvijo še dolgo ostali napeti16

Vprašanje obnove in gradnje cerkva je tako postalo aktualno šele sredi petdestih let 20 stoletja ko je KVV leta 1956 s pomočjo območnih ljudskih odborov po vsej Sloveniji izvedla poizvedbo o številu in stanju sakralnih objektov17 Na podlagi tako pridobljenih podatkov so po letu 1958 najprej stekla obnovitvena dela na med vojno poškodovanih cerkvenih objektih načelno pa se je začela dopuščati tudi nadomestna gradnja povsem požganih ali porušenih cerkva18 saj je v skladu s 13 členom Temeljnega zakona o pravni ureditvi položaja verskih skupnosti državna oblast pravno omogočila svobodno opravljanje verskih obredov ldquov cerkvah hramih in v drugih javnih prostorih ki jih je verska skupnost določila za opravljanje verskih obredov []rdquo19 Prve neformalne smernice za gradnjo novih sakralnih objektov so člani komisije dobili jeseni leta 1960 od predsednika Izvršnega sveta Ljudske skupščine LRS Borisa Kraigherja (1914ndash1967) v

11 DI BATTISTA 2011 (op 3)12 Ustav Federativne narodne republike Jugoslavije Beograd 1946 str 10 čl 25 httpwwwarhivyugov

rsactivesr-latinhomeglavna_navigacijaleksikon_jugoslavijekonstitutivni_akti_jugoslavijeustav_fnrjhtml (dostop 23 februar 2020)

13 Aleš GABRIČ Rimskokatoliška cerkev in nova oblast Slovenska novejša zgodovina Od programa Zedinjena Slovenija do mednarodnega priznanja Republike Slovenije 1848ndash1992 Ljubljana 2005 str 852 France Martin DOLINAR Katoliška Cerkev v Sloveniji po drugi svetovni vojni Temna stran meseca Kratka zgodovina totalitarizma v Sloveniji 1945ndash1990 (ur Drago Jančar) Ljubljana 1998 str 222

14 V prvih povojnih letih sta bili zgrajeni le kapela Marijinega srca v Martinjah v Prekmurju po načrtih arhitektke Majde Neřima (1916ndash2001) in kapela Fatimske Matere božje v Grušovcu v obeh primerih pa gre za manjši stavbi ki so ju zgradili vaščani sami (KAVČIČ 2015 (op 10) str 92) Prvi večji prenovljen sakralni objekt je bila v letih 1951ndash1958 po načrtih Jožeta Plečnika obnovljena med vojno požgana cerkev na Ponikvah (Damjan PRELOVŠEK Plečnikova sakralna umetnost Koper 1999 str 233ndash237)

15 Zakon je s številnimi kasnejšimi dopolnitvami ki so se tikale predvsem financ in siceršnjega delovanja verskih skupnosti v osnovi ostal bolj ali manj nespremenjen (Temeljni zakon o pravnem položaju verskih skupnosti Ur l FLRJ št 22-1511953 z dne 27 5 1953 httpswwwiusinfosiLoginReturnUrl=2Fzakonodaja2Fflj-22-151-1953 (dostop 14 februar 2020)

16 MOHAR 2019 (op 7) str 28817 ARS AS 1211 t e 116 mapa 1575618 MOHAR 2019 (op 7) str 28919 Temeljni zakon o pravnem položaju verskih skupnosti (op 15)

zvezi s problemom gradnje nove cerkve v Dražgošah20 Na tem srečanju je bil sprejet dogovor naj se cerkvenim predstojnikom povsod kjer je to le mogoče raje kot novogradnja predlaga preureditev ali širitev obstoječih podružničnih cerkva V primerih ko bi bila novogradnja župnijskih cerkva neizogibna pa naj izberejo lokacije ki niso na ldquovidnejšihrdquo mestih v naselju pri zasnovi zunanjščine stavbe naj se opusti klasične [tradicionalne] oblike še posebej zvonik stavba pa naj po višini in velikosti ne presega dejanskih prostorskih potreb Te smernice so ostale v veljavi ves čas delovanja KVV saj zakonskih določil ki bi vsebovala konkretna navodila zgolj v zvezi z gradnjo cerkva nikoli niso pripravili ampak so se raje odločali od konkretnega primera do primera21 Kot primer dolgotrajnega vztrajanja pri teh navodilih lahko služi po načrtih Ivana Berganta zgrajena župnijska cerkev sv Družine v ljubljanskih Mostah (1979ndash1981)22 Objekt ki je bil zgrajen na mestu starejše lesene cerkve je z ulične vizure praktično neopazen na drugi strani pa vkleščen med garaže in v zgodnjih petdesetih letih zgrajene stanovanjske bloke ter hkrati prostorsko ne presega dimenzij starejšega objekta

Omenjene smernice pa niso veljale le v primeru gradenj novih cerkva v starejših že obstoječih naseljih temveč tudi za novogradnje cerkva na krajih kjer jih dotlej ni bilo ndash v povsem na novo zgrajenih mestih in mestnih stanovanjskih soseskah S tem problemom se je KVV prvič soočila leta 1959 ko je apostolski administrator jugoslovanskega dela goriške nadškofije dr Mihael Toroš (1884ndash1963) najverjetneje na podlagi leto prej sprejetega republiškega Zakona o urbanističnih projektih ki je mdr urejal zemljišča za družbene namene in družbeno organizacijo naselij23 vložil prvo prošnjo za določitev lokacije nove cerkve v Novi Gorici ki pa je

20 ARS AS 1211 t e 116 mapa 365 Informacija o novogradnji cerkva 1 7 1964 Za podrobnejše informacije glede gradnje nove cerkve v Dražgošah glej MOHAR 2019 (op 7)

21 Prva z gradnjo sakralnih stavb kakorkoli povezana določila vsebuje šele 26 člen Zakona o verski svobodi iz leta 2007 (Zakon o verski svobodi (ZVS) Ur l RS št 1407 4610 ndash odl US 4012 ndash ZUJF in 10013)

22 KAVČIČ 2015 (op 10) str 19323 Milan NAPRUDNIK Regionalno prostorsko planiranje v Sloveniji 1 del Urbani izziv 152 2004 str 79

Slika 1 Ivan Bergant ž c sv Družine v Mostah v Ljubljani pogled s Partizanske ulice (foto Helena Seražin copy ZRC SAZU UIFS)

Slika 2 Ivan Bergant ž c sv Družine v Mostah v Ljubljani pogled z dvoriščne strani (foto Helena Seražin copy ZRC SAZU UIFS)

178 179

bila zavrnjena z utemeljitvijo da v urbanistični ureditvi Nove Gorice lokacija za gradnjo škofijske cerkve z župniščem ni bila predvidena24 Dejstvo namreč je da arhitekt Edvard Ravnikar (1907ndash1993) v svojih urbanističnih načrtih za Novo Gorico iz leta 1948 skladnih z načeli Atenske listine in tedanjimi političnimi zahtevami slovenskega političnega vrha tovrstnega objekta dejansko ni predvidel kakor tudi ne kasnejši prostorski načrti ki jih je potrdila občinska skupščina25 Cerkev kot civilnopravna oseba tudi ni bila upravičena do zemljišč za družbene namene ki so sicer z vidika prostorskega načrtovanja Nove Gorice predstavljala skoraj celotno mestno središče Te težave ni povsem odpravil niti Zakon o graditvi investicijskih objektov iz leta 1961 saj je določal da mora investitor za izdajo gradbenega dovoljenja predložiti potrdilo da je nameravana gradnja v skladu z urbanističnim načrtom26 priložiti je moral tudi investicijsko tehnično dokumentacijo in potrdilo o zagotovljenih zadostnih finančnih sredstvih za dokončanje stavbe

Cerkveni organi so tako končno lahko sprožili redni upravni postopek za pridobitev vseh ustreznih dovoljenj za novogradnje saj gradnje novih cerkva v primerih ko ji ni bila naklonjena ni mogla več pravno preprečiti postopek je lahko ob sodelovanju občinskih upravnih organov le še administrativno zavlačevala

Ker upravni lokalni organi pri reševanju konkretnih zaprosil ubirajo zelo različna pota za preprečitev predvidene novogradnje ki pogosto niso v skladu s pozitivnimi predpisi ali vsaj niso odklonilna stališča objektivno dovolj prepričljiva predlagamo pri nakazani pojačani težnji za izgradnjo novih cerkva da se glede tega vprašanja zavzame principielno stališče za primere ko bi skladno s predpisi in politično oceno takega ukrepa v največji meri zasigurali vzdržnost odločitev lokalnih upravnih organov27

V ta namen je Sekretariat Izvršnega sveta za urbanizem stanovanjsko izgradnjo in komunalne zadeve KVV leta 1962 posredoval Pogoje za gradnjo objektov civilnih pravnih oseb med katere spadajo tudi cerkveni objekti in v njih še posebej izpostavil da bo prvemu pogoju investitor zelo težko zadostil ldquoKer urbanistični programi naših naselij nimajo rezerviranih prostorov za gradnjo cerkvenih objektov bi bilo treba v določenih primerih še nadrobneje razčleniti omenjene pogoje in jih konkretizirati za nadrobna navodila občinskim urbanističnim organomrdquo28 Pri določanju ožje lokacije cerkvenih objektov je bilo tako treba upoštevati še vidik morebitnega oviranja javnega cestnega prometa s tem da stavba ne bi stala na glavni komunikaciji zagotavljanje ustreznega dostopa z motornimi vozili in zagotavljanje parkirišč ter požarno varnost in zaklonišča

Republiški zakon o urbanističnih projektih Ur l LRS 2258 je opredelil vrsto urbanističnih dokumentov ter postopke in vlogo sodelujočih pri nastajanju v razpravah in sprejemanju urbanističnih dokumentov Za sestavo t i urbanističnega projekta [urbanistični program in ureditveni načrt] je bil zadolžen občinski ljudski odbor in z njim določil smernice za razvoj naselja v določenem časovnem obdobju predvsem za smotrno izkoriščanje zemljišč za družbene namene in družbeno organizacijo naselja

24 PODBERSIČ 2017 (op 8) str 9525 DI BATTISTA 2011 (op 3)26 NAPRUDNIK 2004 (op 23) str 7927 ARS AS 1211 t e 116 mapa 1267 dopis z dne 31 3 196228 ARS AS 1211 t e 116 mapa 6162 dopis z dne 27 3 1962

Z arhitekturnega vidika pa je zanimivo priporočilo da naj bi bil cerkveni objekt oblikovno ldquoprilagojen naši sodobni ureditvi ki naj bi prišla do izraza v arhitektonski razčlenjenosti objekta v mnogo večji meri kakor v preživelih stilih takih gradenjrdquo saj vsebinsko še vedno sledi načelom Atenske listine v delu ki se nanaša na zgodovinsko dediščino v mestih29

Zakonsko in administrativno ustvarjeni gordijski vozel s pridobivanjem gradbenega dovoljenja skladnega z urbanističnim načrtom ki gradnje sakralnih objektov sploh ni predvidel je bilo tako praktično skoraj nemogoče presekati brez potrebne politične volje republiških najvišjih političnih organov in občinskih ljudskih odborov ki bi pristali na ustrezne spremembe urbanističnega načrta Vendar so se zadeve kljub zavlačevanju pri izdaji dovoljenj za novogradnjo ali popolno obnovo cerkva v prid prosilcem okoli leta 1965 počasi začele spreminjati V zapisniku sestanka KVV z dne 27 7 1965 označenim s strogo zaupno člani komisije ugotavljajo da je v zadnjih letih Cerkev sprožila trinajst postopkov vendar

samo v treh primerih se zaprosila nanašajo na novogradnjo cerkva v novonastalih naseljih Iz tega izhaja da smo uspeli in še uspevamo zadrževati novogradnjo v večini primerov in da smo samo v nakazanih treh primerih prišli v položaj ko je odlašanje praktično zelo težko in bo zlasti z ozirom na že cit določilo pogodbe med Vatikanom in SFRJ30

V pričakovanju sporazuma med Jugoslavijo in Vatikanom podpisanega leta 1966 ter na podlagi pozitivnega mnenja kabineta sekretarja Centralnega komiteja Zveze komunistov Slovenije Mihe Marinka (1900ndash1983) so gradnjo zgoraj omenjenih novih cerkva na Teznem v Mariboru31 v Novi Gorici32 in na Zlatem polju pri Lukovici zelo neradi odobrili33 Kljub temu se je postopek

29 V 70 členu Atenske listine je zapisano ldquoThe practice of using styles of the past on aesthetic pretexts for new structures erected in historic areas has harmful consequences Neither the continuation of such practices nor the introduction of such initiatives will be tolerated in any formrdquo CIAMrsquos ldquoThe Athens Charterrdquo (1933) Modernist Architecture A Database of Modernist Architectural Theory httpsmodernistarchitecturewordpresscom20101103ciamE28099s-E2809Cthe-athens-charterE2809D-1933 (dostop 22 februar 2020)

30 ARS AS 1211 t e 116 mapa 365 Lokacija in gradnja cerkva (splošno)31 Ibid dopis z dne 28 6 1965 Iz tega je razvidno da je mariborski škof Maksimilijan Držečnik (1903ndash

1978) vlogo za gradnjo nove cerkve na Teznem vložil že proti koncu leta 1963 in je bila sprva odklonjena češ da je za to območje predvidena le stanovanjska gradnja Ordinariat je v pritožbi navedel da ima Rimskokatoliška cerkev do gradnje te cerkve potrebne pravice in da urbanistični program ki v novem naselju ne predvideva lokacije za tak objekt ni popoln

32 Ibid Škof Janez Jenko je leta 1964 vložil prošnjo za določitev lokacije in izdajo gradbenega dovoljenja za gradnjo cerkve v Novi Gorici ldquoObčinska skupščina v Novi Gorici je vse doslej z raznimi izgovori in prehodno prepričljivimi upravnimi rešitvami odlagala dokončno rešitev sedaj pa je zadeva v fazi ko bo najkasneje v razdobju 6 mesecev sprejet urbanistični načrt še nezazidanega predela Nove Gorice in bo ob tej priliki nujno rešiti tudi vprašanje ali se pri tem določi tudi lokacija za novo cerkev oz bi bilo treba navesti razloge zakaj cerkve ni mogoče graditi Urbanistični načrt predvideva Novo Gorico za 30000 prebivalcev ki pa sedaj nimajo odgovarjajoče župne cerkveldquo Pozitivno mnenje so utemeljili z bližino meje [ugled države v zahodnoevropskih državah] in dejstvom da v novonastalem mestu sploh ni cerkvenega objekta

33 Ibid dopis z dne 29 7 1965 ldquoZa dokončno zavrnitev izdaje zaprošene lokacije in gradbenega dovoljenja pri obeh cerkvah [Tezno in Nova Gorica] ni zakonitih možnosti edino bi se moglo še nekaj mesecev administrativno zavlačevati izdajo zaprošenih rešitevldquo

180 181

v primeru Nove Gorice še kar naprej vlekel saj je občinska komisija za usmerjanje nadaljnje graditve mesta Nova Gorica gradnji cerkve ves čas vztrajno nasprotovala34 KVV je tako na posvetu o novogradnji in obnovi kultnih objektov 18 1 1967 katerega namen je bil določitev čim enotnejših kriterijev za reševanje prošenj za lokacije cerkvenih novogradenj in za vzpostavitev enotnejše prakse v ravnanju občinskih upravnih organov med drugim ponovno obravnavala problem vnašanja sakralnih objektov v urbanistične načrte saj je bilo to zakonsko predvideno le za družbene objekte kar pa cerkveni objekti niso izraženi so bili pomisleki o pravilnosti dosledne izbire lokacije sakralnih objektov izven mestnih naselij saj je to preprečevalo boljšo asimilacijo vernikov z okoljem pri prošnjah cerkvenih pravnih oseb bi bilo treba postopati na enak način in po enakih zakonskih določilih kot pri drugih interesentih saj je bilo objektivnih težav pri vsakem postopku že tako več kot dovolj zato določenih zavlačevanj v postopku tudi pri Cerkvi ne bi mogli ocenjevati kot šikaniranje našli so tudi nov način oteževanja financiranja cerkvenih novogradenj s tem da bi ljudi z davčnimi prispevki obremenili do te mere da bi jim za financiranje drugih stvari ne ostalo dovolj sredstev Zavod za spomeniško varstvo pa bi bilo treba opozoriti naj pri presoji kulturne vrednosti sakralnih objektov ne pretirava in naj ne izvaja pritiska na upravne organe glede finančne pomoči za posamezne objekte35

V tem procesu nenehnega iskanja načinov KVV kako po zakoniti poti čim bolj učinkovito preprečiti cerkvene novogradnje predstavlja mariborska cerkev na Teznem pomemben precedens saj je cerkvenim oblastem uspelo po povsem običajni poti do leta 1969 pridobiti vsa ustrezna dovoljenja za gradnjo cerkve čeprav locirane izven na novo zgrajene stanovanjske soseske modernistično zasnovana cerkev sv Cirila in Metoda je bila po načrtih arhitekta Cirila Zazule (1924ndash1995) zgrajena v letih 1970ndash1971 kot eden prvih primerov večnamenskega bogoslužnega kompleksa na Slovenskem36 Le-ti so v primerih gradnje novih cerkva ob novih mestnih stanovanjskih soseskah ali mestih predvsem v osemdesetih letih postali stalnica saj je Cerkev kot je razvidno iz dopisa koprskega škofa Janeza Jenka (1910ndash1994) v zvezi z gradnjo cerkve v Novi Gorici leta 1970 v novonastalih naseljih že zgodaj zaznala potrebo ljudi priseljenih iz različnih koncev Slovenije in Jugoslavije po prostoru za medsebojno druženje in s tem krepitvi nove krajevne pripadnosti37 Na pomanjkanje t i družbenih centrov v novih

34 ARS AS 1211 t e 116 mapa 4766 dopis z dne 5 3 1966 Svoje nasprotovanje člani občinske komisije argumentirali z vprašanji kot so ali so gradnjo novogoriške cerkve zahtevali verniki iz mesta ali zgolj cerkveni veljaki razmišljali so o političnem ozadju med Vatikanom in državo v povezavi z mejo ugotovili so da je za potrebe meščanov v bližnji okolici mesta več kot dovolj verskih objektov (Solkan Kromberk Kostanjevica Šempeter in Sveta Gora) nekateri so razmišljali celo o razpisu referenduma Pravi odnos se razkrije šele na koncu dopisa ldquoKakor izgleda je namen cerkvene herarhije če bi bila cerkev v Novi Gorici prirejati škofovske ceremonije za vso Goriško za vernike iz cele Slovenije in za zamejstvo To bi bila res raquopoplava črnih dušlaquo proti katerim bi prav gotovo Novogoričani zapirali okna lepih zgradb novo nastajajočega mesta posejanega v zelenju in rožamildquo

35 ARS AS 1211 t e 116 mapa 126736 KAVČIČ 2015 (op 10) str 20037 ARS AS 1211 t e 116 mapa 611969-3 191970-2 dopis škofa Janeza Jenka predsedniku SFRJ Josipu

Brozu Titu (1892ndash1980) z dne 24 2 1970

stanovanjskih soseskah slovenskih mest ki bi po skandinavskih zgledih vsebovali prostore družbenih organizacij in društev klubske prostore dvorane za kulturne dogodke prostore izobraževalnih organizacij za odrasle knjižnice in delavnice za ročne spretnosti je že leta 1964 opozoril Vladimir Mušič v svoji raziskavi ldquoDružbeni center kot urbanistični elementrdquo38 Kot za ljubljanske stanovanjske soseske ugotavlja Martina Malešič je krivdo za to treba iskati predvsem v dejstvu da so bile zaradi načina financiranja te le redko realizirane v celoti zgolj s stanovanjskimi poslopji in najnujnejšimi servisi kot so šole vrtci in trgovine medtem ko so družbeni centri ostali le na papirju Skandinavski model stanovanjskih sosesk (t i mesta ABC) so slovenski urbanisti namreč obravnavali predvsem kot oporo urbanistični organizaciji mesta in kot bolj organiziran način stanovanjske gradnje zato izgradnja popolnih družbenih centrov ki bi vključevali zdravstvene izobraževalne in kolektivne storitve ob veliki bližini mestnega središča ni bila bistvenega pomena39 Z gradnjo bogoslužnih kompleksov ki so v skladu z na začetku omenjenimi smernicami KVV stali v oblikovno prikriti obliki ob robu stanovanjskih sosesk ali mestnih središč je Cerkev tako v določeni meri uspela zapolniti vrzel slovenskega povojnega urbanističnega načrtovanja modernističnih naselij

Lepa primera tovrstne gradnje sta župnijska cerkev Božje Matere Marije v ljubljanskih Kosezah zgrajena v letih 1969ndash1973 po načrtih Antona Bitenca (1920ndash1977)40 in župnijska

38 Vladimir MUŠIČ Urbanizem ndash bajke in resničnost Zapisi na robu dvajsetletnega razvoja našega prostorskega načrtovanja Ljubljana 1980 str 282ndash287 Simptomatično za ta čas je da avtor v program družbenih centrov sakralnih objektov ni vključil

39 MALEŠIČ 2015 (op 4) str 6640 Helena SERAŽIN Bitenc Anton (1920ndash1977) Slovenska biografija Slovenska akademija znanosti

in umetnosti Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU 2013 httpwwwslovenska-biografijasiosebasbi1018480novi-slovenski-biografski-leksikon (dostop 23 april 2020) Izvirna objava v Novi Slovenski biografski leksikon 2 zv B-Bla (ur Barbara Šterbenc Svetina et al) Ljubljana 2017 Prošnja za dovoljenje cerkvene novogradnje v Kosezah je bila na ljubljanski odbor za urbanizem naslovljena že leta 1964

Slika 3 Ciril Zazula ž c sv Cirila in Metoda na Teznem v Mariboru(foto Helena Seražin copy ZRC SAZU UIFS)

182 183

Ob rob mestnega središča oziroma središča stanovanjske soseske sta umeščeni župnijska cerkev Kristusa odrešenika v Novi Gorici po dolgi odisejadi iskanja primerne lokacije zgrajena leta 1982 po načrtih Franceta Kvaternika (1933ndash2018)42 in župnijska cerkev Vstalega Jezusa zgrajena v letih 1985ndash1988 po načrtih Jureta Jakliča na ljubljanskih Fužinah prva se kljub oblikovno opaznemu zvoniku sramežljivo skriva za okoliškim rastjem druga pa se zaradi uporabe enakih gradbenih materialov neopazno zlije z okoliško stanovanjsko arhitekturo V bližino velike stanovanjske soseske BS 3 ter med industrijske in storitvene objekte je umeščena župnijska cerkev sv Duha v ljubljanskih Stožicah zgrajena po načrtih Milana Miheliča (r 1925) v letih 1992ndash1994 torej v času ko političnega pritiska KVV ni bilo več zato stavba kljub svoji

42 KAVČIČ 2015 (op 10) str 201 Glede nadaljnjih zapletov pridobivanja lokacijskega in grabenega dovoljenja za gradnjo novogoriške cerkve med katerimi je njena gradnja postala celo meddržavni problem med Italijo in Jugoslavijo glej PODBERSIČ 2017 (op 8) str 98ndash102

cerkev Kristusovega učlovečenja v ljubljanskih Dravljah zgrajena v letih 1982ndash1985 po načrtih Marka Mušiča (r 1941)41 obe postavljeni nedaleč stran od večjih novozgrajenih stanovanjskih sosesk dokaj neopazno delata družbo manjšima starejšima nekoč vaškima cerkvama Če prva s svojo zunanjo podobo od daleč še najbolj spominja na industrijski objekt potem je druga z glavne cestne strani zaradi vkopanosti pod zemljo za okolico praktično nevidna s tem pa vsaka na svoj način oblikovno spoštljivo nagovarjata sosednja starejša sakralna objekta

in ugodena na sestanku Mestnega sveta tri leta kasneje Navodila KVV so bila da je pri načrtu treba upoštevati preprosto gradnjo kvadrature 10 x 20 m ustrezno usklajeno s sedanjo cerkvico Ugotovljeno je bilo tudi da je gradnja nove sakralne stavbe potrebna tako za vernike župnije Koseze kot za prebivalce novega bližnje soseske za katero je bila cerkvena novogradnja zavrnjena (ARS AS 1211 t e116 mapa 1267 zapisnik sestanka Mestnega sveta Ljubljana 23 3 1967)

41 KAVČIČ 2015 (op 10) str 189

Slika 4 Na levi Anton Bitenc p c Božje Matere Marije na desni ž c Presvetega Odrešenika v Kosezah v Ljubljani (foto Helena Seražin copy ZRC SAZU UIFS)

Slika 5 V ospredju južna stranica p c Božje Matere Marije v Kosezah v Ljubljani (foto Helena Seražin copy ZRC SAZU UIFS)

Slika 6 Marko Mušič ž c Kristusovega učlovečenja v Dravljah v Ljubljani pogled s Korenčanove ulice (foto Helena Seražin copy ZRC SAZU UIFS)

Slika 7 Na levi p c sv Roka na desni Marko Mušič ž c Kristusovega učlovečenja v Kosezah v Ljubljani(foto Helena Seražin copy ZRC SAZU UIFS)

184 185

Vsled vsemu opisanemu dogajanju in vlogi KVV pri preprečevanju oziroma zavlačevanju gradnje cerkva v novonastalih naseljih zato ne čudi da trenutno veljavni Zakon o verski svobodi sprejet 2 2 2007 vsebuje na prvi pogled nenavaden člen o svobodi gradnje in uporabe prostorov in stavb za verske namene 26 člen tako pravi

(1) Cerkve in druge verske skupnosti imajo pravico graditi in vzdrževati prostore in stavbe za bogoslužje druge verske obrede ter za druga zbiranja in imajo pravico do prostega dostopa do njih

(2) V novih urbanističnih predelih zlasti v predelih namenjenih za stanovanja in prebivanje se pri pripravi prostorskega akta glede predvidene prostorske ureditve pridobijo in sporazumno uskladijo tudi potrebe priporočila in interesi cerkva ter drugih verskih skupnosti ob upoštevanju številčnosti pripadnikov cerkva in drugih verskih skupnosti Pripravljalec prostorskega akta mora v predlogu oceniti potrebo po verskih objektih

Slika 8 France Kvaternik ž c Kristusa Odrešenika Nova Gorica (foto Andrej Furlan copy ZRC SAZU UIFS)

lokaciji ponosno razkazuje vse atribute sakralne arhitekture Nobena od naštetih cerkva prvotno ni bila vključena v urbanistični načrt naselja ob njegovem nastanku ampak so bile iz potrebe v skladu s smernicami KVV v bližino že dograjenih naselij vključene naknadno

Nekatere ljubljanske stanovanjske soseske sakralnih objektov nikoli niso dobile saj vloge cerkvenih organov za določitev lokacije novih cerkva niso bile odobrene leta 1966 so na podlagi preteklih težavnih izkušenj s pridobivanjem gradbenega dovoljenja samo v Ljubljani vložili prošnje za kar 19 lokacij novih cerkva z namenom da bi jih upoštevali v pripravljajočih se občinskih urbanističnih načrtih in se s tem izognili negativnim odločbam v prihodnje43 Kako uspešni so bili v svojih prizadevanjih kažejo odločitve ljubljanskega Mestnega sveta v zvezi z vlogami za gradnjo novih cerkva v predvideni soseski na Brodu v Vižmarjah ki je bila odklonjena z izgovorom da naj bi bili domačini že vezani na cerkev v Šentvidu gradnja cerkve za Savsko naselje se jim kljub prostorsko premajhni pokopališki cerkvi sv Križa na Žalah ni zdela potrebna za stanovanjsko sosesko v Novih Jaršah kjer je župnik iskal lokacijo na območju današnjega BTC pa se je izkazalo da je zazidalno območje projektno že zaključeno in za sakralni objekt ni več razpoložljivih prostih površin44

43 ARS AS 1211 t e116 mapa 20966 dopis z dne 21 12 196644 ARS AS 1211 t e 116 mapa 1267 Zapisnik Mestnega sveta 23 3 1967

Slika 9 Jure Jaklič ž c Vstalega Jezusa na Fužinah v Ljubljani (foto Helena Seražin copy ZRC SAZU UIFS)

Slika 10 Milan Mihelič ž c sv Duha v Stožicah v Ljubljani (foto Helena Seražin copy ZRC SAZU UIFS)

186 187

(3) Prostorske akte iz prejšnjega odstavka ki so bili v veljavi ob uveljavitvi tega zakona je treba v razumnem roku ustrezno dopolniti ali popraviti če obstajata za to interes in potreba tam navzočih cerkva in drugih verskih skupnosti na območjih na katere se ti prostorski akti nanašajo45

S tem pa je gradnja novih sakralnih objektov končno bila zakonsko vključena tudi v pripravo urbanističnih načrtov novih stanovanjskih sosesk mest Republike Slovenije

45 Zakon o verski svobodi (ZVS) Ur l RS št 1407 4610 ndash odl US 4012 ndash ZUJF in 10013

Commission for Religious Affairs and Building of Religious Buildings in Slovenian Post-war Modernist Settlements The Case of Nova Gorica

Summary

The purpose of this paper is to find out why in the post-Second World War Slovene newly built residential neighborhoods and cities despite abandoning the principles of the Athens Charter and planning settlements with coning in favor of the Scandinavian model of residential neighborhoods with social centers (the so-called ABC towns) no religious buildings were planned or built

This paper will try to highlight this very complex issue especially in view of the role of the Commission for Religious Affairs (KVV) which as a body of political authorities from the mid-1950s until the independence of Slovenia in 1991 supervised and ordered the construction and renovation of religious buildings in Slovenia In doing so it played a decisive role not only in determining the guidelines for the selection of locations and the form of newly constructed religious buildings but also in delaying the implementation of administrative procedures This was especially evident in the case of Nova Gorica because of the ideological significance of the new modernist town along the border it served as a showcase of the socialist Federal Peoplersquos Republic of Yugoslavia (FPRY)

After the 1946 FPRY constitution was adopted through which religious communities especially the Roman Catholic Church became separate from the state They stayed until 1953 when the Basic Law on the Legal Regulation of the Religious Communities was passed due to the anti-communist orientation inter-war cooperation with the occupier and links with the Vatican

The authorities only allowed the reconstruction of the churches in the mid-1950s and opposed the construction of new ones The KVV received its first informal guidance regarding religious buildings in the fall of 1960 The main instructions were to suggest to church leaders wherever possible rather than building new parrish churches rebuilding or expanding existing branch churches as a substitute for the demolished parrish churches wherever possible In cases where new construction of parish churches would be unavoidable select locations that are not in ldquoprominentrdquo places in the settlement while designing the exterior of the building the classic [traditional] forms especially the bell tower should be abandone The height and size of the building should not exceed actual spatial needs These guidelines remained in force throughout the KVVrsquos operation and were also applicable to new church construction in places where they had not previously existed - in completely newly built cities and urban residential neighborhoods Since in later social centers were never fully implemented for

various reasons the Church by constructing sacral buildings as multifunctional complexes which in accordance with the aforementioned KVV guidelines stood in a formally concealed form along the edge of residential neighborhoods or urban centers to some extent managed to close the gap of post-war urban planning of modernist settlements in Slovenia

I V JA

192 193

Artistic Heritage of the 1970ndash1980s in the Architectur of Lviv

Problems of Assesment and Preservation

Svitlana LINDA Anna FEDAK

The historic Ukrainian city of Lviv has a significant architectural heritage of the Soviet Union period especially in the area of mass housing construction During the period of intensive deployment of mass construction (from the 1970s to 1991) about 1 million 19 thousand msup2 of living space were built The historic core of Lviv is surrounded by a ring of typical five- and nine-storey buildings with poorly expressed and monotonous facades

The key issue of amplification of diversity of the architectural appearance of residential quarters was solved especially on the one hand ndash aesthetically and on the other ndash ideologically In order to enhance the artistic expressiveness of newly built residential districts by typical projects the common practice has been to incorporate artistic compositions especially mosaics into the architecture of the facades In the period from 1965 to 1991 there were 55 mosaics created in Lviv Mostly mosaics had ideological messages and their themes were aimed at emphasizing visually the dominance of communist ideology Mosaics were extremely varied in their size content and eventually at artistic value However some of them have become real favoured symbols of their neighbourhoods As of 2018 48 mosaics have been preserved in Lviv By now soviet mosaics are in various conditions some of them are in relatively good conditions while others are slowly being destroyed or have been deliberately destroyed

These days researchers have already drawn attention to the value of soviet monumental art heritage in Ukraine and in Lviv too For example an online website Soviet mosaics in Ukraine1 covers up-to-date information about monumental and decorative art of Ukraine of the Soviet period Yevgen Nikiforov published in his book Decommunized Ukrainian Soviet Mosaics2 photos of a considerable number of survived (as of 2017) mosaics of 1950ndash1980s A significant contribution to the study of the mosaics heritage of the 1970sndash1980s was made

1 httpssovietmosaicsinukraineorgfbclid=IwAR1a7ZjKamK9-wqLBUnrp3jXF7xg25rtSHQEHjO-qzJ2CoIGzVf4xt9qk5U (accessed 5 December 2019)

2 Yevgen NIKIFOROV Olga BALASHOVA Lizaveta GERMAN Decommunized Ukrainian Soviet Mosaics Berlin-Kyiv 2017

by Nataliya Piddubna who thoroughly examined the mosaics in Lviv from the late 19th to the early 20th century3

The aim of the research is to characterize the current state of Lviv mosaics created during the Soviet period and draw attention to their value as an artistic legacy of the era of ldquodeveloped socialismrdquo

Mosaics in Lviv architecture of the Soviet Union period

At the beginning of the 1960s a weak building base in Lviv significantly slowed down the development of construction especially residential one However in 1962 a large-panel house-building plant was put into operation in Lviv (in Zelena street) which capacity was 30 thousand msup2 per year This was the beginning of massive large-panel construction The first microdistricts with typical multi-storey buildings were the blocks in Pasichna street built in the 1950s in Uhorsrsquoka street in 1 Travnya street (today Horodotsrsquoka) The main compositional technique was the placement of four- five-storey houses on the periphery of the neighbourhoods or in a row with the orientation of the ends towards the roadway

Based on the main provisions of the master plan in Lviv branch of Dipromisto in the early 1960s the development of microdistricts started in the system of planning districts on the outskirts of the city The first of them appeared on the southern outskirts between Stryysrsquoka street railway and Lyubinsrsquoka street The principle of groups of microdistricts designed for 10-12 thousands inhabitants underlined the urban planning of the city district4

This scenario of the spatial development of Lviv was extended in the next master plan of the city developed in 1962 by Dipromisto Institute Unprecedented in its scope construction program unfolded in Lviv the South planning district Sriblyastyy district East residential district Sykhiv district etc were intensively built up Initially only two types of five-storey 1ndash464 series apartment buildings were used while building new neighborhoods Multisectional large-panel five- and nine-storey apartment buildings of a typical series 1ndash464 and five-story brick apartment buildings of a typical series 1ndash438 were used in the development of microdistricts of the South planning district Greater expressiveness of the development in the design of the third fourth fifth and sixth microdistricts of the South planning district was achieved due to the refinement of the 1ndash464 typical series The nomenclature of five-storey and nine-storey houses has expanded In particular it is seen in the draft of typical series 1ndash464Dndash102 which was finalized in Moscow and put into effect in 19675 Even then architects recognized that the

3 Nataliya PIDDUBNA Kompozytsiyni pryntsypy zastosuvannya mozayichnykh tvoriv v arkhitekturi Lvova kintsya 19 ndash pochatku 21 stolittya (doctoral dissertation) Lviv 2018)

4 Oksana MORKLYANYK Formuvannya arkhitektury zhytla v umovakh sotsialrsquonykh transformatsiy (na prykladi zhytlovoyi arkhitektury Lrsquovova radyansrsquokoho i postradyansrsquokoho periodiv) (doctoral dissertation) Lviv 2006) pp 84ndash86

5 MORKLYANYK 2006 (n 4) p 100ndash101

194 195

limited nomenclature caused the monotony and inexpressiveness of the architectural image of the microdistricts Architects tried to expand the range of standard projects using various types of typical series of large-panel and brick apartment buildings of 5 9 and 12 floors Subsequently the houses of so-called ldquothird generationrdquo appeared which for example had already been built in Sykhiv residential district The main elements of its development were groups of elongated and polygonal in the plans large-panel nine-storey apartment buildings of 84 typical series which were designed by TsNIIEP zhilishcha in Moscow6

Thus despite the efforts of the architects it became clear that it would not be possible to overcome the depressing monotony of residential district only by the means of architecture Therefore they had to resort to the means of decorative and monumental art In 1974 the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the governing Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) Leonid Brezhnev delivered a speech on improving the quality and diversity of buildings This contributed to the fact that architects started to use more different artistic means to design more aesthetically appealing buildings7

The most important type of monumental art became mosaic - the most durable way to decorate the facade In fact the mosaic was almost the only tool for decorating the new building At the same time the Soviet mosaic became a form of visual ideological propaganda and the epicness of the artistic scope was consistent with the scale of the ideas Most often masters depicted portraits of leaders compositions with Soviet symbolism and narrative allegorical compositions which reminded of important events in the Soviet history (for example the theme of the ldquoreunificationrdquo of Ukraine and Russia etc) However often mosaics demonstrated the heroism of the daily routine of workers and collective farmers peace space Sometimes there were mosaics generally devoid of the ideological message

Since the 1970s the synthesis of art and architecture which was peculiar for unique designers buildings actively spread in the design of clubs schools public service institutions etc8 Lviv was not an exception the facades of Lvivrsquos buildings of that period were also decorated with mosaics The mosaics were made to the government order and their sketches had to be approved by the Artistic Council and the Chief artist of the city of Lviv which ensured that the composition was fulfilled in line with the ideological policy of the state9

The development of Lviv was following the general tendency of introducing diversity into the urban environment and the mass building of schools or public service establishments acquired the authorrsquos interpretation which was expressed in the exterior decoration At first

6 ЦНИИЭП жилища - Центральный научно-исследовательский институт экспериментального проектирования жилищаCentral Scientific Research Institute for Prototype and Experimental Designing of Housing

7 Feliks NOVIKOV V poiskakh arkhitekturnogo obraza Moskva 1979 p 38 Mykola KOLOMIYETSrsquo Problemy formuvannya suchasnoyi arkhitektury Ukrayinsrsquokoyi RSR Kyiv 1973 p 959 Natalya KOVPANENKO Problemy vysvitlennya mystetsrsquokoyi spadshchyny u ldquoZvodi pamrsquoyatok istoriyi ta

kulrsquotury Ukrayinyrdquo Kyiv 2011 p 36

only important public objects were decorated with mosaics but later they spread to the facades of apartment buildings Mosaic panels in Lviv of that period were often painted not only by professional artists but also by students of the Institute of Decorative and Applied Arts who often designed mosaics on the facades of buildings as their diploma works10

The artists experimented with techniques and materials The mosaics were made of smalt natural stone ceramics glass broken ceramics and floor tiles which were often applied to bas-reliefs

Yevgen Nikiforov divided Soviet mosaics by the topic of compositions labor and industrialization history and ideology sport and leisure science and space folklore and national motifs small architectural forms mosaic ensembles According to this classification the majority of Lviv mosaics belong to the category folklore and national motifs Among them there is a mosaic at 16 Stefanyka street created before the 150th anniversary of the Ukrainian poet Taras Shevchenko

Also a significant number of Lviv mosaics describe the subjects of industrialization and daily life of people work sports and leisure The theme of Lviv development is reflected in mosaics

10 Nataliya PIDDUBNA The typology of mosaic compositions application in Lviv architecture of the end of the 19th ndash the beginning of the 21st centuriesTypologia stosowania kompozycji mozaikowych w architekturze Lwowa końca 19 ndash początku 21 wieku Przestrzeń i FormaSpaceampForm 31 2017 р 165

Fig 1 Mosaic on the side faccedilade of building at 4 Volodymyra velykoho Street January 2020 (photo by authors)

196 197

at 8 Kalicha Gora street at 52 Volodymyra Velykoho street The theme of the labor is covered in a mosaic on the side facade of the house at 55 Lychakivsrsquoka street etc Mosaics at 17 Pymonenka street 4 Volodymyra Velykoho street etc have a scientific theme

Mosaics in Lviv architecture today state of preservation

So the Soviet period has left an interesting artistic heritage which very often has a real artistic value What has happened to the Soviet mosaics today

Unfortunately the biggest issue is that this value is not realized either by the professionals or at the level of consciousness of the average citizen The tendency to interpret everything that was done in the Soviet era as uniquely ldquodisgracerdquo ldquopropagandardquo and ldquoless valuablerdquo remains dominant in the outlook of city dwellers Some of the mosaics are damaged or destroyed

Thus currently there is a building boom in Lviv and there are more buildings built here in a year than in the capital of Ukraine Kyiv Apartment building and infrastructure are being built not only on new territories sometimes Soviet buildings which are not architectural monuments and are not protected are also destroyed for this

Over the last decade due to the active development of the city of Lviv there has been a tendency to completely or partially demolish Soviet-era buildings that are not architectural monuments This is due to the increase in the population of the city and the desire of developers to build more modern in terms of functional content and appearance public and residential complexes In addition certain facades with mosaics or bas-reliefs that embody ideological symbols of the USSR are under the threat of destruction as a result of the process of decommunization of Ukraine As can be seen from Figure 1 some of the Soviet mosaics of the 1970sndash1980s were damaged or destroyed

In this context the fate of the mosaic Fish which was on the facade of the store Ocean is typical The one-storey building was built in 1982 designed by architects Vasyl Kamenshchyk and Yaroslav Mastylo11 A distinctive feature of this store was that it was designed as a store exclusively for fish products and included kitchens where this fish was prepared Throughout the years of its existence the functional content of the store has not changed (only the assort-ment expanded somewhat compared to the one that was in the first years of its opening) The facade of the building was decorated with a characteristic visor in the form of wave-triangles which resembled the waves of the ocean There was a large volumetric mosaic composition of stylized fish on the wall made according to the sketches of the famous Lviv artist Volodymyr Patyk The performers of the mosaic were Volodymyr Patyk Bohdan Soroka Grigoriy Oleksyuk Mykola Andrushchenko The mosaic was made of pieces of smalt and stones measuring ap-proximately 85 square meters12 on the main and side facades of the building which contribut-ed to a better perception of it in the city space The mosaic was the brightest spot in the mo-notonous residential district along the former Artema street which today is called Volodymyra Velykoho street One of its peculiarities was that it was completely devoid of any ideological connotations and was a separate completed work of monumental art

On 15th February 2019 the Executive Committee of Lviv City Council approved the reconstruction project of the store13 The project envisaged the completion of additional floors of the building and alteration of the facades According to the visualizations provided by the architectural

11 Ihor MELrsquoNYK Lrsquovivsrsquokyy Novyy Svit ta pivdenni okolytsi Korolivsrsquokoho stolychnoho mista Halychyny vid Svyatoho Yura do Navariyi Lviv 2014 p 234

12 PIDDUBNA 2018 (n 3) p 31913 httpswww8city-admlvivuapoolinfodoclmr_1nsf(SearchForWeb)4121348FE4B207D-

6C22583A2003BB539OpenDocument (accessed 20 December 2019)Fig 2 Current state of Soviet faccedilade-mosaics created between 1970ndash1980rsquos in Lviv (map by authors)

Fig 3 Fish mosaic on the facade of the Ocean store 7th December 2017 (photo by authors)

Fig 4 Destroyed Fish mosaic 18th October 2019 Text on the banner reads ldquoMosaic is coming back soonrdquo (photo by authors)

Fig 5 Fragments of restored Fish mosaic 18th October 2019 (photo by authors)

company and the developer the mosaic and the visor were to be preserved14 However in July 2019 the mosaic was destroyed during the construction process

Like all Soviet buildings the Ocean store and the mosaic on its facade had no architectural heritage status and therefore were not protected However they were a kind of symbol of the area which stood out from the surrounding buildings as a landmark and gave an identity to the district Destruction of the mosaic caused the dissatisfaction of the inhabitants of the city Due to the appeals of concerned citizens and a wide resonance in the media the developer had to begin work on the mosaic reconstruction

The Volodymyr Patykrsquos son the artist Ostap Patyk takes part in the restoration work Mosaic restoration works are performed in three stages wall restoration relief application which is performed according to the 3D model15 and the actual application of the mosaic itself Residents hope to see a mosaic back but unfortunately this will no longer be an authentic masterpiece of art

14 httpslvivcomnovynyna-vul-volodymyra-velykoho-rekonstruiuiut-mahazyn-okean-zatsiny-proekt (accessed 20 December 2019)

15 httpssketchfabcom3d-modelsmosaic-the-fishes-in-lviv-ukraine-a016f4700bcb4abd92669082c36db2ebfbclid=IwAR050Cv5mi3Fjx9f20NbdZTUHPUrtrItpYhBZJCZuE9Mvpn02Av9Ygr6cOU (accessed 21 December 2019)

200 201

Near to the Ocean store there is a building with another mosaic by Volodymyr Patyk The office building of SoftServe (the former building of Lviv Design Institute) was built in 1958 and the mosaic itself was created in 1983ndash1985 The mosaic area is approximately 833 square meters16 and it is located on the main facade above the entrance to the building The same as the mosaic composition of the Ocean store this mosaic reflects the functional purpose of the building to which it belongs Designed as the facade decoration for the building of Lviv Design Institute it depicts the silhouette of the city of Lviv which is made in a geometric style This mosaic is preserved although it has suffered partial damage as a result of the visor installation above the entrance

In August 2019 another mosaic of authorship by Volodymyr Patyk was destroyed This mosaics created in 1967 on the fence of the territory of the former Kineskop factory reflected technological progress it depicted a girl who was holding a light bulb in her hands

This event although it went almost unnoticed by the dwells of the city was coordinated by art critics in time Due to this while dismantling the fence (it was located on the area where the construction of a new public facility has been performed) a part of the fence that had not been destroyed yet was neatly dismantled and transferred to the Territory of Terror Memorial Museum of Totalitarian Regimes17

Sometimes the destruction of the artistic heritage of 1970ndash1980s goes completely unnoticed by the city residents Thus in 2015 another mosaic by Volodymyr Patyk was destroyed during the reconstruction of the Furshet store in Sakharova street Mosaic composition depicted an abstract pattern made of various geometric elements - circles triangles squares and waves18 Presumably the composition could have been preserved and can be covered by the metal panels that are now lined with the facade of the store however there is no way to verify the truth of this statement

Unfortunately this is not the only case For example approximately in 2017ndash2018 the mosaic located above the entrance on the main facade of Lviv Professional College of Hotel and Tourism and Restaurant Service was destroyed during the construction of the additional third floor and installing the external wall insulation It depicted representatives of various occupations (education sports etc)19

The dismantling of certain elements from mosaic compositions that contain the ideological symbols of the USSR is not very typical for Lviv mosaics of the 1970ndash1980s since most of them have more abstract images Though there are isolated cases where mosaics are disman-tled as a part of the decommunization process Thus mosaics in the territory of the SKA sports

16 PIDDUBNA 2018 (n 3) p 32117 httpterritoryterrororguaukmuseumnewsdetailsnewsid=945 (accessed 11 January 2019)18 httpsphoto-lvivinuavtracheni-ale-nezabuti-5-radyanskyh-mozajik-u-lvovi-yaki-vzhe-ne-pobachyty

(accessed 10 January 2019)19 httpssovietmosaicsinukraineorgenmosaic604 (accessed 21 December 2019)

Fig 6 Mosaic on the faccedilade of the Softserve office building (the former building of Lviv Design Institute) 18th October 2019 (photo by authors)

Fig 7 Mosaic on the fence of Kineskop factory before destruction August 2019 (source httpswzlvivuanews396480-mozaiku-zavodu-kineskop-u-muzei-terytoriia-teroru accessed 21 December 2019)

202 203

complex at the 39A Kleparivsrsquoka street were partially painted over because they in addition to ath-letes also contained Soviet sym-bols20 A mosaic depicting the act of ldquoreunificationrdquo and located at the side facade of a historic building in the city center in Doroshenka street is covered with billboards

Some of the soviet mosaics although not destroyed were damaged and hidden due to the installation of the external wall insulation - this is the most common reason for the disappearance of mosaics from the facades of apartment buildings For example this way was completely lost a mosaic from the side facade of an apartment building at 118 Tarnavsrsquokoho street which was 100 covered with external wall insulation The mosaic on the side

facade of the apartment building at 38 Vitovsky street which depicts a guy and a girl was partially hidden under the external wall insulation

There is no comprehensive program to preserve the heritage of the second half of the 20th century in Ukraine although this problem is extremely urgent Today there is a threat of the complete loss of the monumental works of art that adorn facades of soviet buildings The resonant event for Lviv the destruction of the mosaic of the Ocean Store has somewhat changed the public attitude to such objects On 2nd August 2019 The Executive Committee of Lviv City Council made a resolution ldquoAbout the preservation of mosaics on the territory of Lvivrdquo21 This decision envisages an inventory of all the mosaics in Lviv for further consideration of this information when issuing town planning permits for the construction or reconstruction of buildings and structures This decision by Lviv City Council sets the stage for future improvement and dissemination of information about those objects In addition it is anticipated that the Department of Historic Preservation of Lviv will provide a list of mosaic

20 httpssovietmosaicsinukraineorgenmosaic576 (accessed 11 January 2019)21 httpswww8city-admlvivuapoolinfodoclmr_1nsf (SearchForWeb)7178512D030F-

5874C2258497003ED1D0OpenDocument (accessed 12 January 2019)

artefacts that need urgent reconstruction

In spite of this fundamental changes in the issues of heritage preservation of the 1970s and 1980s have not taken place yet and those mosaics that are truly damaged and in need of urgent restoration continue to be in a state of disrepair On the plus side the mosaic from the faccedilade of the Ocean Store is still being restored though it is difficult to judge the quality of the work Also thanks to the resonance of this case it was possible to preserve a part of the mosaic from the fence of Kineskop factory All this would not happen if the residents of the city did not make such a large-scale publicity about the ldquodeath of the Fishrdquo However the absence of sanctions for the destruction of the Soviet buildings does not protect them from the intervention of developers residents or users of the building

Conclusions

1 Mosaics created in Soviet period that adorn the facades of Lviv buildings are an important integral part of the architectural image of a city of ldquoadvanced socialismrdquo and are a material testimony of its era In this regard they have both a separate artistic value and value as components of a holistic architectural and artistic ensemble Most of these mosaics were created by famous Lviv artists based on individual sketches so they are unique not only in the context of Lviv but of the whole Ukraine

2 The belief that all mosaics visualize exclusively ideological messages of the Soviet era is not true The themes of most Lviv mosaics are unrelated to political or ideological motives For the most part their compositions were based on topics of peace work or on abstract phytomorphic or zoomorphic motifs

3 Created in due time as elements of aestheticization of the urban environment mosaics today need to be preserved and restored The lack of legislation does not allow the state protection of objects on which mosaics are placed Single acts taken by the city authorities under public pressure can not yet ensure the preservation of all mosaics Therefore today mosaics are being destroyed (often together with buildings) closed under new facade systems or under external wall insulation That mosaics that are still scattered on the facades are in poor technical conditions and require restoration

In general the difficult situation with mosaics reflects a long-overdue problem in the field of architectural heritage preservation - a revision of positions and an objective assessment of the architectural and artistic heritage of Soviet modernism

Fig 8 Fragments of mosaic on the side facade of apartment building at 38 Vitovsky Street 29th January 2020 (photo by authors)

Umetniška dediščina 1970-ih in 1980-ih v arhitekturi Lviva problemi ovrednotenja in ohranitve

Povzetek

Smer ki jo je prevzela Sovjetska zveza konec 60 let 20 stoletja in cilj katere je bila nadaljnja industrializacija in masivna gradnja bivališč je zahtevala novo strategijo urbanističnega načrtovanja za številna ukrajinska mesta tudi za Lviv kot eno izmed največjih regionalnih mest V tem pogledu se je masivna gradnja bivališč odvijala v Lvivu vse od poznih 70 let 20 stoletja Ena izmed najpomembnejših nalog urbanističnega razvoja je bilo nadaljnje načrtovanje mikro-okrožij južnega stanovanjskega naselja razvoj katerega je bil že precej raznolik Da bi povečali umetniško izraznost novozgrajenih stanovanjskih naselij na projektu je bila ustaljena praksa da so vključevali umetniške kompozicije v fasade arhitektur Primer tega je trgovina Ocean zgrajena 1982 v skladu s projektom Vasyla Kamenshchyka in Yaroslava Mastyla Fasada zgradbe je bila okrašena z značilnimi senčniki v obliki valovitih trikotnikov pod katerimi je bila velika volumetrična mozaična kompozicija stiliziranih rib ki je bila narejena v skladu s skicami znanega umetnika iz Lviva Volodymyra Patyka Med obnovo zgradbe leta 2019 so bili značilni senčniki in mozaik na fasadi uničeni Glede na vizualno predstavitev ki jo je priskrbelo oblikovalsko podjetje bi morala prenovljena zgradba ohraniti tako mozaike kot val senčnikov Zgradba trgovine Ocean in mozaik na njeni fasadi nista imela statusa arhitekturnega spomenika in nista bila zaščitena (to pomeni da je težko uveljavljati administrativno odgovornost za dejanja) Ne glede na to so mozaiki postali nekakšen simbol območja dajali so mu identiteto Zato se je v povezavi z ogorčenostjo meščanov in masivnim pozivom mestnemu svetu gradbeni investitor odločil restavrirati mozaik Kljub temu restavriran mozaik ne bo povrnil avtentičnega videza stavbe in ulice in za prebivalce ne bo predstavljal takšnega kulturnega simbola kot original Tega leta je bil uničen še en modernistični mozaik avtorja Volodymyra Patyka na steni blizu nekdanje tovarne Kineskop v Lvivu Na žalost je ostal ta dogodek skoraj popolnoma spregledan

Tako se danes soočamo s problemom ocenjevanja in varovanja objektov nedavne preteklosti ndash zadnjih štiridesetih ali petdesetih let ki žal niso prepoznani kot arhitekturni spomeniki vendar imajo pomemben simbolni pomen za prebivalce naših mest

206 207

Delovanje Kluba starih goriških študentov v mestu Nova Gorica

Ernesta DROLE

Začetek Kluba starih goriških študentov sega v čas srečanj nekdanjih maturantov goriške gimnazije in ostalih goriških srednjih šol ki so jih obiskovali pred letom 1915 Na srednjih šolah v Gorici so se srečevali dijaki iz dežele Goriške in Gradiščanske in preko družabnih stikov tudi v kasnejšem poklicnem obdobju združevali to ozemlje v celoto V Gorici je delovala tudi edina slovenska državna gimnazija Goriškim Slovencem in njihovim narodnim buditeljem je uspelo to kar ostalim Slovencem ni uspelo 3 avgusta 1913 je bilo s cesarskim odlokom določeno da se z novim šolskim letom v Gorici iz tedanje nemške državne gimnazije ustanovijo tri srednje šole popolna humanistična gimnazija s slovenskim učnim jezikom realna gimnazija z italijanskim učnim jezikom in realna gimnazija z nemškim učnim jezikom1 Nekdanje maturante je družilo šolanje v mestu kjer so Slovenci vselej znova morali dokazovati da so tudi oni eden od narodov živečih v mestu Gorica in da je to tudi njihovo mesto Po maturi so se razkropili eni so odšli študirat drugi so se zaposlili Preživeli so prvo svetovno vojno Tisti ki so ostali na Primorskem so občutili raznarodovalno fašistično obdobje ločevala jih je rapalska meja preživeli so še eno vojno klanje in bili so priča novi meji ki je bila potrjena na pariški mirovni konferenci Goriške pokrajine iz njihove mladosti ni bilo več Tok zgodovinskih dogodkov je šel svojo pot prepustili so se mu in med njegovimi bregovi in brzicami uspeli izpolniti kulturno poslanstvo za katerega so se čutili odgovorni

Nekdanji maturanti goriških srednjih šol ki so maturirali pred letom 1915 so gojili medsebojne prijateljske stike čeprav so jih življenjske poti in politične razmere odpeljale vsakega na svoj konec Pripadnost rodni zemlji se ni pretrgala Srečevali so se v Kromberku Solkanu včasih srečanje zaključili s krajšim izletom Marsikdo se je vsako leto znova spraševal kdaj se bodo spet srečali Tako kot je svoje vprašanje spesnil nekdanji maturant France Kompara

Pod Čavnom visokim prebivam in s čisto vodico se umivam gledam dolinco prekrasno in vidim Vipavco počasno

1 Andrej GABRŠČEK Goriški Slovenci narodne kulturne politične in gospodarske črtice II Ljubljana 1934 str 427

Večkrat mi šine starcu zrsquo doline misel v višine Bo ali ne bo2

Prelomno je bilo srečanje 42 še živečih slovenskih maturantov goriških srednjih šol ki so maturo opravili do leta 1915 22 septembra 1963 v gostilni Komel v Kromberku To ni bilo samo navadno obujanje spominov na pred desetletji opravljeni zrelostni izpit ampak je preraslo svoj prvotni namen Med starimi goriškimi maturanti na srečanju v Kromberku so bili tudi taki ki so si ustvarili zavidljive poklicne kariere dr Mihael Toroš apostolski administrator jugoslovanskega dela goriške nadškofije bivši poslanec v rimskem parlamentu dr Engelbert Besednjak Franc Trdan nekdanji župnik v Podgori in kasneje minister za verske zadeve v hrvaški republiški vladi Ob obujanju spominov in razglabljanju o problemih se je rodila ideja da Andreju Gabrščku in dr Antonu Gregorčiču v Kobaridu in na Vrsnem postavijo spominski plošči in se jima tako obdolžijo za njuno delo ki sta ga vložila v razvoj slovenskega časnikarstva in slovenskega šolstva na Goriškem Izvolili so odbor za postavitev spominskih plošč Predsednik je postal France Gorkič tajnik Ludvik Zorzut člani pa dr Josip Gerbic ing Josip Rustja in Valentin Poberaj Akcija jim je sijajno uspela in ploščo obema zaslužnima možema so postavili leta 1965 Večino denarja so za svojo prvo akcijo zbrali sami Ob tej uspeli akciji se jim je odprlo široko polje kulturnega dela ki ga morajo še opraviti Odbor se je preimenoval v Klub starih goriških študentov ki mu je do svoje smrti leta 1977 predsedoval France Gorkič Šele leta 1968 že po nekaj letih uspešnega dela je bil Klub registriran kot društvo

raquoTa peščica starejših mladincev tam okoli sedemdesetih osemdesetih križev si je zadala lepo nalogo postavljati spominske plošče našim zaslužnim ljudemlaquo je o sebi in ostalih članih zapisal Venče Žnidarčič3 Poleg predsednika Franceta Gorkiča so delo Kluba usmerjali in bili njegovi najbolj dejavni člani še dolgoletni tajnik Ludvik Zorzut Kazimir Saunig Jožko Žigon Venče Žnidarčič Anton Gerbec Zvonimir Luznik Posebno vzdušje sta dajala prireditvam Zorzut in Gorkič Zorzut je s svojimi prigodnicami dal vsaki prireditvi pridih domačnosti in neposrednosti Njegova pesem včasih vznesena drugič hudomušna in nagajiva je naredila prireditev drugačno kot je bilo tedaj običajno

France Gorkič je bil tudi tisti ki je vodil vsa odkritja spominskih plošč in spomenikov ter vse prireditve ki jih je organiziral Klub4 Ob vsaki priložnosti je Gorkič med drugim dodal tudi svoje

2 Pokrajinski arhiv v Novi Gorici (PANG) Klub starih goriških študentov (KSGŠ) 429 dopisnica Franca Kompare Ludviku Zorzutu 24 7 1961 t e2 a e 14

3 ANG KSGŠ 429 t e 3 a e 274 France Gorkič se je rodil v Vrtojbi 19 februarja 1888 Osnovno šolo je obiskoval v rodni Vrtojbi gimnazijo v Gorici

vstopil je v goriško bogoslovje a je že po nekaj mesecih izstopil Leto dni je služil vojsko nato pa služboval pri go-riškem deželnem odboru in urejal list Samouprava Z začetkom bojev na soški fronti se je Gorkič skupaj z deželnim odborom umaknil na Dunaj in pomagal slovenskim beguncem Poslan je bil na različne fronte Po prvi vojni se je posvetil delu pri obnovi Goriške Deloval je kot urednik različnih glasil Po nastopu fašizma je bil leta 1923 upokojen

208 209

Dokaj skromen začetek delovanja Kluba je prerasel v ambiciozno združenje ki je zajelo vse ustvarjanje in delovanje med goriškimi Slovenci v preteklosti Osvetlili so spomin na pesnike pisatelje časnikarje politike borce za narodne in politične pravice Slovencev glasbenike in jezikoslovce Poskušali so v svojo kulturno akcijo zaobjeti vse tiste posameznike ki so delovali na Goriškem in so prispevali k razvoju pokrajine S postavljenimi spominskimi ploščami in spomeniki so ustvarili zanimiv prerez dogajanja na Goriškem Tako je nastala dokaj popolna slika najpomembnejših dosežkov Goriških Slovencev V dobrih dvajsetih letih delovanja so vklesali v kamen in vlili v bron spomin na številne posameznike Poseben pečat so dali novemu mlademu mestu Novi Gorici Od leta 1972 do 1984 so vzdolž Erjavčeve ceste postavili spomenike enajstim zaslužnim goriškim možem spomenik Franu Erjavcu 1972 spomenik Simonu Gregorčiču 1973 spomenik Andreju Gabrščku 1974 spomenik dr Henriku Tumi 1975 spomenik dr Antonu Gregorčiču 1976 spomenik Lojzetu Bratužu 1978 spomenik dr Alojzu Gradniku 1978 spomenik dr Josipu Vilfanu 1979 spomenik Ivanu Trinku 1979 spomenik Andeju Budalu 1980 in spomenik dr Engelbertu Besednjaku 1984

Klub starih goriških študentov je vodil spontane akcije postavljanja spominskih plošč in spomenikov po Goriški Bil je glasnik kulturne zavesti in samozavesti v tedanjem času Oživel je prekinjeno kulturno delovanje te vrste na Goriškem S koncem prve svetovne vojne in začetkom fašizma so bile vse te akcije iz časa v začetku stoletja prekinjene Fašizem ni dovoljeval nikakršnega izražanja narodne identitete Zato je marsikatero obeležje oskrunil ali uničil Tako se je zgodilo s spomenikom Miroslavu Vilharju v Postojni Hrabroslavu Volariču v Kobaridu spomenik vojaku Andreju Čehovinu v Dolancih so vaščani zakopali da bi ga tako obvarovali pred popolnim uničenjem8 Goriška je ob koncu stoletja imela številne ljudi ki so pripomogli k napredku in rasti narodne zavesti in so si s svojim delom prislužili trajen spomin Vendar je obstajala nevarnost da bi ostali pozabljeni v evforiji novih časov po drugi svetovni vojni

Kot pietetno obdolžitev so člani Kluba starih goriških študentov na svojo pobudo in z lastnimi zbranimi sredstvi postavili spominske plošče širom po Primorski in uredili grobove goriških pomembnih mož Njihovo delo pa se je nato osredotočilo tudi na novonastalo mesto po drugi svetovni vojni Novo Gorico Spomeniki ki so jih postavili goriškim narodnim buditeljem so imeli pietetno in mestotvorno funkcijo Srednjeveško mesto Gorica se je razvilo kot upravno gospodarsko in kulturno središče Goriške Gorico so imeli za svoje mesto tako Italijani Furlani Avstrijci in Slovenci To se je še posebno kazalo v šolskih ustanovah ki so delovale v mestu V času Avstro-Ogrske je tu delovala edina popolnoma slovenska državna gimnazija Meja postavljena na pariški mirovni konferenci je razdelila ne samo Goriško pač pa je tudi del ozemlja ki je bil priključen Jugoslaviji pustila brez dotedanjega zgodovinskega središča - mesta Gorica Kljub zahtevam jugoslovanske delegacije in pripravljenosti večine delegacij v mirovnih pogajanjih v Parizu da bi Gorica pripadala Jugoslaviji je sovjetski zunanji

8 Tudi spomenik madžarskemu huzarju Rostasu Palnaku padlemu v bojih med Avstrijo in Napoleonovo umikajočo se vojsko v Logu pri Vipavi so uničili

spomine V svoji visoki starosti (rojen je bil leta 1888) je bil še živa priča ljudi in dogodkov ki so jim bila odkritja in slovesnosti namenjena Vrednost teh spominov je v tem da so to drobci iz življenja ljudi na Goriškem ki pa niso nič manj pomembni kot raquovelikilaquo zgodovinski dogodki Njegovi spomini so dragoceni ker so spomini enega izmed množice ljudi Ni bil osebnost ki bi na visokem položaju ustvarjala zgodovino Bil je posameznik kot kamenček v mozaiku ki je droben v celoti neopazen a če manjka deluje zasnovana celota moteno Zato so Gorkičevi spomini o izkazovanju slovenske pripadnosti v mestnem okolju Gorice droben kamenček v svetovnem zgodovinskem procesu narodnega osveščanja

Kot otrok sem opazil da so dekleta in mlade žene v Vrtojbi kar naenkrat začele nositi ob nedeljah predpasnike v slovenskih barvah Seveda nosile so jih tudi ko so šle v Gorico v veliko jezo Italijanov A slovenska trobojnica četudi v obliki predpasnika se je le smela pokazati v Gorici Drugi primer Vrtojbenci so se pripravljali na nabor in tudi na borbo z goriškimi policaji Kako jih prepetnajstiti Vrtojbenci so imeli v svoji sredi dobrega pekovskega pomočnika In ta jo pogrunta Na precej veliko desko narišejo velikega dvoglavega avstrijskega orla avstrijski državni grb In pekovski pomočnik Angel Mozetič je zalil z zmesjo sladkorja in moke vendar tako da je bila zgornja tretjina bele barve srednja tretjina modre barve in spodnja tretjina rdeče barve torej prava slovenska trobojnica In s tem orlom so vrtojbenski naborniki hodili po Gorici in policija jih je pustila pri miru S takimi ukanami so goriški okoličani prodirali v Gorico5

Ob stoletnici slovenske čitalnice v Vrtojbi 1969 je s svojimi spomini segel daleč v njene začetke delovanja raquoPrvič sem prišel z njo v stik kot štiri ali petleten otrok krog leta 1892 ali 93 Drugič se spominjam da je čitalnica priredila na prostem veselico na kateri so nastopali goriški Sokoli Bilo je leto 1896 Prepovedali so nam v šoli da bi se šolarji udeležili te prireditve A ni bilo sile ki bi nas zadržala Vsi otroci iz Dolenje Vrtojbe smo se na eden ali drugi način vtihotapili na veselični prostorlaquo6

Ob odkritju doprsnega kipa Henriku Tumi zopet ni skoparil z zanimivimi podrobnostmi

Pozneje je Tuma opustil sodno službo in se posvetil odvetništvu in se kot odvetnik nastanil v Gorici A ko je prišel do lastne hiše v Gorici v takratni ulici Treh kraljev je pustil vklesati v kamen nad vhodnimi vrati geslo lsquoSvoja hišica - svoja voljicarsquo To je bilo v tistih časih v Gorici pogumno delo Študentje smo hodili gledat ta vklesani napis kakor kakšno čudo A tudi kmetje iz bližnje goriške okolice so opazili ta slovenski napis in ga kazali svojim otrokom Priprosta a jako učinkovita propaganda za dvig narodnega osveščanja in narodne zavesti7

Da se je izognil zaporu je pobegnil v Jugoslavijo Do začetka druge svetovne vojne je delala na upravi Dravske bano-vine v Ljubljani Bil je mobiliziran zajeli so ga Nemci a ga oprostili nato je bil nekaj časa zaprt v okupirani Ljubljani (Marijan BRECELJ Gorkič Franc v Primorski slovenski biografski leksikon Gorica 1974 str 454)

5 PANG KSGŠ 429 govor Franceta Gorkiča ob odkritju spomenika Andreju Gabrščku 30 10 1974 t e 4 a e 386 PANG KSGŠ 429 govor Franceta Gorkiča ob odkritju spominske plošče ob stoletnici čitalnice v Vrtojbi t e 3

a e 257 PANG KSGŠ 429 govor Franceta Gorkiča ob odkritju spomenika Henriku Tumi 21 9 1975 v Novi Gorici t e 4

a e 40

210 211

izročilo potomcem večji del njihovih življenj kakor bi to mogli storiti posamezniki po spominu z govorjeno besedolaquo13 Goriško podeželje je potrebovalo to raquoposodolaquo ki bi uskladiščila prihodnjim rodovom ne samo vse materialne dobrine pač pa predvsem vsa duhovna bogastva Že od srednjega veka je to podeželje dihalo in utripalo z mestom Gorica in je ob izgubi le-tega razpolagalo z raquomožnostmi in pripravljenostjo za družbeno življenjelaquo14

Mestu Nova Gorica je združba Kluba starih goriških študentov pomagala uresničevati glavno funkcijo ki jo mesto ima raquospreminjati moč v obliko energijo v kulturo mrtvo snov v žive simbole umetnosti in biološko presnavljanje v družbeno ustvarjalnostlaquo15 Če le delno drži da mesto raquoživi le od spominjanjalaquo16 potem je Klub veliko pripomogel k življenju tega mesta Saj je človek kot nobeno drugo bitje odprt v čas raquoČlovek živi v sedanjosti iz preteklosti za prihodnostlaquo17 V njegovi zavesti se srečujejo tri med seboj prepletene časovne dimenzije preteklost na katero ohranja spomin ker se v njej zrcali identiteta posameznika in naroda njegova ustvarjalna energija se realizira v sedanjosti in prihodnost mu je imaginarno polje na katero usmerja svoje delo in obstoj Nova Gorica je postala raquoposodalaquo ki je uskladiščila spomin goriških Slovencev ki je bil vezan na to in ono stran meje Ker pa spomin ne priznava meja in umetnih na silo narejenih ločnic je Nova Gorica vsrkala vso tisto simbolno in materialno preteklost ki je bila v zavesti slovenskega prebivalstva vezana na Gorico in celotno deželo Goriško Dejavnost Kluba starih goriških študentov je pomagala ustvarjati mesto Nova Gorica na njegovi duhovno-simbolni ravni

Predlog o postavitvi parka zaslužnih mož v Novi Gorici je že v začetku šestdesetih let podal Branko Marušič Erjavčeva cesta naj bi postala aleja velikanov Leta 1972 je bil na pobudo Kluba starih goriških študentov in v njegovi organizaciji na Erjavčevi cesti postavljen doprsni kip Franu Erjavcu ki so mu v naslednjih letih sledili še številni drugi Erjavčeva cesta ki je postala nekakšen Panteon Goriške je bila nekdanja Gabrijelova cesta Vodila je iz Gorice na staro goriško pokopališče in je postala cesta spominov tudi v novo rastočem mestu Z novo mejo je bila slepa ulica (mejni prehod na Erjavčevi cesti je bil odprt šele 23 februarja 1980) in je na drugi strani tvorila cestni križ z novo magistralo Klub starih goriških študentov je v praksi udejanjil idejo spominskega parka v Novi Gorici Nova Gorica je s spominskim parkom na Erjavčevi cesti dobila simbolno ovrednotenje mestnega značaja in dežele iz katere je rasla

Neomajno prepričanje v svoje delo in poslanstvo jih je peljalo v zavzeto zbiranje sredstev za spominska obeležja posameznim osebnostim Imeli so svojstven način zbiranja sredstev V začetni fazi je bilo njihovo delo omejeno na sredstva pridobljena s prostovoljnimi prispevki Akcijo so izvajali mesec ali dva preko svojih znancev prijateljev in vseh tistih za katere so

13 Lewis MUMFORD Mesto v zgodovini Ljubljana 1969 str 14014 MUMFORD 1969 (op 13) str 1115 MUMFORD 1969 (op 13) str 79716 MUMFORD 1969 (op 13) str 140 17 Anton TRSTENJAK Človek simbolično bitje Maribor 1994 str 109

minister Molotov na seji zunanjih ministrov 3 julija 1946 nepričakovano pristal na francoski razmejitveni predlog ki je Gorico prepuščal Italiji9 S podpisom mirovne pogodbe 10 2 1947 je bila Gorica za Jugoslavijo dokončno izgubljeno mesto Ljudje ki so živeli v njenem vzhodnem zaledju so ostali brez svojega večstoletnega središča Vendarle je skozi stoletja mesto Gorica globoko razpredlo korenine v samo bistvo identitete okoliškega prebivalstva in obratno Kajti mesto in podeželje sta v zgodovini hodila kot večna tesno prepletajoča si elementa Živita v tesni simbiozi in eden brez drugega ne preživita vsaj ne na daljšo dobo Odvisna sta drug od drugega in sta v stalni interakciji Enkrat je podeželje pred mestom drugič je mesto tisto ki ustvari podeželje raquoPodeželje in mesto ubogata obojestranskost perspektiv jaz ustvarim tebe ti ustvariš mene jaz obvladujem tebe ti obvladuješ mene jaz izkoriščam tebe ti izkoriščaš mene in tako naprej po večnih zakonih skupnega bivanjalaquo10 Samo tokovi prehajanja kapitala in ljudi so se v posameznih zgodovinskih obdobjih večkrat obrnili Enkrat so tekli iz vasi v mesto drugič obratno odvisno od družbene situacije11 Podeželje vzhodno od Gorice je ostalo brez mestnega središča Ekonomski in družbeni tokovi med mestom in vasjo so bili prekinjeni Med obstoječim mestom in podeželjem je nastala umetna ločnica ki je bila v začetku skorajda nepropustna in neprehodna12 Razdružila je oba elementa ki sta bila vselej v zgodovini tesno povezana Pretok ki se je oblikoval v stoletjih in ga je ustvarila medsebojna odvisnost preživetja je bil prekinjen raquoNaravna logikalaquo oziroma zgodovinska logika je vodila v ustvarjanje novega mestnega naselja Pustili bomo ob strani nedvomno prisotno politično iniciativo in sledili zakonitostim ki so že tisočletja ustvarjali mesta Povsem naravno je bilo da je bil tok prehajanja kapitala in ljudi ob nastajanju Nove Gorice obrnjen iz vasi v novo mestno naselbino Mesta pa ne definira samo ekonomska determinanta pač pa predvsem organizacija njenega družbenega življenja in lastnega zavedanja Mesto je prostor kjer se kopiči znanje in zavedanje o sebi sodobnikih prednikih in prihodnjih rodovih in ne samo skupek številnih zgradb V svojem večstoletnem razvoju je mesto s svojo duhovno energijo in zmožnostjo materializacije pridobilo vlogo povezovalnega elementa med preteklostjo sedanjostjo in prihodnostjo Vas vse te sposobnosti nima oziroma je ne materializira v tolikšni meri in na takšni stopnji kot je to zmožno mesto Vas je uspela ohranjati spomin na jezikovni ravni preko ustnega izročila Mesto pa je spomin materializiralo ga ohranjalo in prenašalo na prihodne rodove s tem ko je že zelo zgodaj postavljalo na najbolj vidna mesta kipe in spomenike zgradilo knjižnice in arhive Slikovita je Mumfordova prispodoba mesta kot posode raquoki ne le da je držalo skupaj več ljudi in ustanov kot katerakoli druga vrsta skupnosti temveč je hkrati tudi ohranilo in

9 Jurij ROSA Zgradili bomo Novo Gorico Razstava dokumentov o pripravah in začetnih delih izgradnje Nove Gorice v letih 1947 in 1948 Pokrajinski arhiv v Novi Gorici Nova Gorica 1988

10 Fernand BAUDEL Strukture vsakdanjega življenja mogoče in nemogoče Ljubljana 1988 str 28811 Začetek 17 stol je prinesel selitev kapitala na podeželje Meščani številnih evropskih mest so si kupovali

posesti in gradili podeželske vile Pri nas poznamo primer Sežane kjer so od 18 stol dalje nastajale številne hiše tržaških meščanov

12 Več o načinu in tegobah življenja ob novi meji gl Andrej MALNIČ Topografija spomina na novo mejo Acta Histriae 66 1998 str 331ndash346

212 213

Smatram za svojo dolžnost da se tudi pri tej priliki zahvalim vsem ki ste nas podprli ne da bi navajal imena svojih prijateljev ki jih ni malo Moram pa poudariti da smo v zadnjem času deležni podpor tudi od naših javnih ustanov Z zahvalo naj navedem da nas je podprla občinska skupščina Nova Gorica občinska skupščina Tolmin Zveza kulturno prosvetnih organizacij Nova Gorica Slovenska Matica Ljubljana22

Z njimi so sodelovali v pripravi na postavitev ali kot slavnostni govorniki umetniki znanstveniki in tudi takratni politiki (France Bevk Anton Slodnjak Saša Vuga Joža Vilfan )

Moramo opozoriti še na eno dejstvo ki smo ga dolžni priznati tem gospodom Nikoli se niso obremenjevali z dnevno politiko niti niso preteklih političnih sporov prenašali v svoje delo S svojo modrostjo so znali ločiti zrno od plev Zavedali so se da je ustvarjalno delo ki prispeva k narodovi samobitnosti samostojnosti in samozavesti nesmrtno in neuničljivo ne glede na to kdo ima v rokah oblast Oblast propade delo pa ostane za prihodnje rodove Zato jih tudi ni zanimala Gabrščkova in Gregorčičeva politična dejavnost pač pa samo tisto kar je prispevalo k narodni osveščenosti Slovencev na Goriškem Svojo usmeritev so ohranili ves čas delovanja čeprav se nekateri z njimi niso strinjali Ko so ob odkritju spomenika Antonu Gregorčiču predlagali da bi bil slavnostni govornik Ivo Juvančič je to odklonil češ da se takšnih manifestacij ne udeležuje in med drugim tudi zapisal raquoZlasti pa bi ne mogel govoriti o dr Antonu Gregorčiču niti diskutirati o njegovi vlogi ki mi je za dobo ko je postal lsquostarostrujarrsquo odbijajočalaquo23 Seveda pa tudi takratnim oblastem ni bila vselej po godu njihova odločitev in način izvedbe posamezne slovesnosti Pri pripravi za postavitev spomenika pesniku Alojzu Gradniku je Venče Žnidarčič pisal raquoKer pa se nam kaže večja borba za dovoljenje posebno s strani politike in gotovih nebodigatreba nam je potrebno več izjav mož ki bi izpodbivale trditve da je sodil tako kot bi po njihovem ne smel hellip24 Nič pravijo nimajo proti njemu drugega pa ne vejo laquo25 Razširjene neresnice in klevetanja so zelo trdožive in marsikdaj je potrebno veliko dokazov da se jih utiša Zato so člani iskali dokaze in pravo rešitev pri številnih osebah in ustanovah ki so pesnika poznale in s katerimi je sodeloval Neomajnost v iskanju resnice se jim je obrestovala Po štirih letih truda so leta 1978 vendarle odkrili spomenik Alojzu Gradniku v Novi Gorici Kadarkoli so krenili izven takrat politično sprejemljivega načina delovanja so trčili ob oviro To se je zgodilo tudi ob predvidenem kulturnem sporedu pri odkritju plošče Stanku Premrlu v Podnanosu Semeniški pevski zbor naj bi zapel dve Premrlovi pesmi Zdravljico in nabožno Bodi pozdravljena ki pa za nekatere ni bila primerna Predsednik Gorkič je pomiril

22 PANG KSGŠ 429 govor Franceta Gorkiča ob odkritju plošče Stanislavu Škrabcu 28 5 1970 t e 3 a e 28

23 PANG KSGŠ 429 pismo Iva Juvančiča Francetu Gorkiču 27 5 1976 t e 4 a e 4124 Gradnik je bil v letih 1929ndash1930 sodnik državnega sodišča za zaščito države v Beogradu Njegovo

osebnost in pesniško besedo so izrabile tudi italijanske okupacijske oblasti leta 1941 ko so poudarjale besede Umberta Urbanija ki ga je že pred vojno imenoval raquopesnik s slovensko-italijansko dušolaquo za kar pa se Gradnik sam ni nikoli opredelil (gl Bojan GODEŠA Priključitev Ljubljanske pokrajine h Kraljevini Italiji Slovenska kronika XX stoletja Ljubljana 1996 str 14)

25 PANG KSGŠ 429 pismo Venčeta Žnidarčiča Sergeju Gradniku 11 5 1977 t e 4 a e 45

vedeli da podpirajo njihovo delo Številna pisma predvsem predsednika Gorkiča pričajo o njihovi vnemi

Dragi BercePošiljam ti ta poziv v znanje in uvaževanje Poštna položnica je priložena Če smatraš za umestno priobči kratko vest o naši nameri tudi v Gospodarstvu Vsaka pomoč nam bo dobrodošla Moramo hiteti da izvedemo svojo zamisel ker naše vrste se hitro redčijo Oba moža pa res zaslužita da jima postavimo skromen spomenik prav mi ki smo poznali njihovo uspešno delo in deloma sodelovali z njima v tistih junaških časih Goriških Slovencev Veselilo me bo če mi sporočiš če imaš ti kakšno svojo misel za uspešno izvedbo naše zamisli18

In nato v naslednjem pismu

Dragi Boris Hvala lepa za odgovor in pozdrave Hvaležen sem ti tudi da si poskrbel da je dr Svetek dobil naš poziv Na tvojo željo pošiljam Tudi tebi vabilo s poštno položnico Zahvaljujem se ti za tvojo pripravljenost da prispevaš za izvedbo naše zamisli Prav imaš Tvoj oče bi brez dvoma dal tudi svoj prispevek za naš namen Ne zabi oglasiti se v Vrtojbi če boš romal tod okrog Vedno boš dobrodošel19

Skupaj so se šolali in potem delovali širom po Goriški Sloveniji tedanji Jugoslaviji in Italiji Njihov način dela je bil zgleden primer dobrega obmejnega sodelovanja Zanje je meja obstajala samo fiktivno Sami je niso čutili kot pregrajo kot mejo dveh različnih nespravljivih političnih sistemov Njihovo delo misli in delovanje je prehajalo preko te umetno ustvarjene ločnice Za njih ki so bili raquovedrega duha polnega goriške toplote in tolminske trdotelaquo20 so bili problemi te vrste le vzgib in vzpodbuda za delo in vztrajnost Ne bomo pretiravali če rečemo da so bili zgled dobrega medsosedskega sodelovanja V odboru Kluba so imeli tudi predstavnika preko meje Dolga leta do svoje smrti je bil to Rado Bednarik potem pa ga je nasledil dr Dorče Sardoč Stari goriški študentje ki so živeli v Italiji so se redno udeleževali prireditev Kluba Rado Bednarik je na vsaki slovesnosti sodeloval s krajšim nagovorom Kakšno povezanost so čutili med seboj s svojim ozemljem in z zgodovino ter njenimi osebnostmi pričajo naslednje besede Rada Bednarika raquoTu imate sedaj Gregorčičev spomenik na Katarinijevem trgu nekoč Goriščeku pa raste mogočna cedra ki smo jo goriški Slovenci vsadili na mestu kjer je nekoč stala Gregorčičeva hišalaquo21

Sčasoma je postalo njihovo delo vse bolj odmevno in pridobili so si tudi predstavnike tedanje oblasti Gorkič je na odkritju spominske plošče Stanislavu Škrabcu poudaril

18 PANG KSGŠ 429 pismo Franceta Gorkiča dr Lojzetu Bercetu 29 6 1964 t e 3 a e 1919 PANG KSGŠ 429 pismo Franceta Gorkiča inž Borisu Cijanu v Zemun 24 7 1964 t e 3 a e 19 20 PANG KSGŠ 429 pismo z dne 28 9 1958 t e 2 a e 1421 Nagovor Rada Bednarika ob odkritju doprsnega kipa Simonu Gregorčiču v Novi Gorici 24 6 1973 B

Spomenik Gregorčiču Družina 22 1 7 1973 str 4

214 215

grob in nagrobnik obnovljen in narejen kakor se spodobi Stroški za obnovo znašajo 77000 starih dinarjev Upam da bomo zbrali v kratkem toliko prispevkov da bomo tudi te stroške pošteno poravnali28

V tej akciji so očistili grob oprali nagrobnik obnovili napise in na novo prepleskali ograjo Leta 1970 so zopet izvedli akcijo na njegovem grobu in namestili kažipote ki so jih leta 1977 znova očistili in obnovili napise na njih Fašizem ni prizanesel niti slovenskim nagrobnikom Poskušal je uničiti vse domoljubne napise do umrlih je ohranil samo toliko pietete da je pustil njihova imena in priimke Nekateri grobovi zaslužnih Goričanov so po novi meji med Italijo in Jugoslavijo ostali na italijanski strani Klub starih goriških študentov se je lotil obnove tudi teh nagrobnikov Obnovili so prvoten napis na nagrobniku Frana Erjavca in Karla Lavriča za slednjega so tudi dosegli da se zanj trideset let ne plačuje pristojbine Čutili so veliko odgovornost do tistih ljudi ki so v svojem življenju uspeli opraviti delo ki bo ostalo za večno Zato so se trudili da bi tudi njihova zadnja počivališča bila dostojna vez s prihodnjimi rodovi Klub starih goriških študentov ni bil samo društvo ki je imelo svojo kulturno nalogo pač pa je članstvo skrbelo tudi za medsebojne socialne stike Vezala jih je kulturna dejavnost in prijetno druženje

Tvojemu vabilu na odkritje spominska plošče Stanku Premrlu sem se odzval vendar samo za kake pol ure (do Berlotovega govora) ker se mi je jako mudilo v Ljubljano Saunig me je z odra dol videl in sva se pozdravila Z drugimi pa nisem utegnil govoriti Toliko ti sporočam da ti dokažem disciplino nas starih lsquokerlcevrsquo kakor si se v svojem govoru izrazil Lepe pozdrave Kaj bo pa s tistim teranom na Krasu kamor nas je lansko leto v Kromberku povabil neki kolega Kraševec (kako se piše ne vem)

je bil radoveden stari goriški študent29 Klub je zrasel iz srečanja maturantov goriških srednjih šol z nalogo kulturnega udejstvovanja ob tem pa njegovi člani niso pozabili na človeško plat medsebojnih odnosov Niso pozabili na rojstne dneve ali na besede sožalja ob smrti ki je postala vedno pogostejša obiskovalka njihovih vrst Delovali so kot neke vrste kulturniški ceh Njihove kulturne akcije in njihovo vsakdanje življenje sta se tesno prepletala in se marsikdaj poistovetila Tako je bilo darilo Jožka Žigona predsedniku Gorkiču za rojstni dan denarni prispevek za ureditev groba Alojziju Resu

Gorkič in Zorzut sta bila oba zelo močni osebnosti Gorkič je bil operativen človek ki je želel čimprej rezultat svojega dela Zorzut je bil estet in je stvari želel imeti dodelane in perfektno izpeljane Za verze ki jih je sestavljal za napisne plošče je želel iz dna svoje duše izvleči čim globljo in čim izvirnejšo misel Misel ki bo označila človeka ki mu je namenjena Na drugi strani se je zavedal daljnosežnosti dela ki ga opravljajo in da mora zato biti dobro opravljeno Zato si je vzel čas za globoki premislek V pismu je Gorkiču zapisal raquoNe smeš si pa predstavljati da misli in verzi pritečejo kar sproti kot bi orehe trllaquo30

28 PANG KSGŠ 429 pismo Franceta Gorkiča Andreju Budalu v Trst 27 11 1967 t e 5 a e 5529 PANG KSGŠ 429 dopisnica Avgusta Pretota Francetu Gorkiču 8 6 1972 t e 4 a e 3330 PANG KSGŠ 429 Pismo Ludvika Zorzuta predsedniku Francetu Gorkiču 7 2 1969 t e 3 a e 26

zaskrbljenega duhovnika in pevovodjo Toneta Požarja raquoNaš Klub je vložil na občinsko skupščino v Ajdovščini posebno vlogo za dovoljenje vzidanja Premrlove spominske plošče a do danes nismo dobili nikakega odgovora Ne glede na to pa bomo slovesnost odkritja izvršili v nedeljo dne 4 junija 1972 ob 16 uri Vabimo tudi vas da nastopite s svojim zborom Gre pač za počastitev spomina zaslužnega slovenskega moža in nič drugegalaquo26 In spomin na zaslužnega slovenskega moža je bil obujen v slogu ki je bil lasten starim goriškim študentom manjkala ni niti sporna nabožna pesem

Njihova dejavnost je pripomogla tudi k temu da je slovenska javnost spoznala delo za Goriško zelo pomembnih posameznikov Goriška je tako pridobivala svoj prostor v slovenski zgodovini raquoTa teden so imeli sejo tajništva v Društvu novinarjev in so dodelili 30000 dinarjev za ploščo Gabrščku Na seji so kot sem nekaj slišal precej debatirali koliko naj bi dali ker niso vedeli koliko stane takšna plošča Imam jih pa močno na sumu da niso vedeli kdo je bil dr Anton Gregorčič ker mi je nekako tajnica po telefonu omenila naj bi se za Antona Gregorčiča pobrigalo Društvo pisateljev So pač zamenjali te nesrečne Gregorčiče med seboj in je naša krivda da smo jim imputirali večje znanje preteklosti Tako pa se iz tistih preskopih podatkov vloge res niso mogli znajtilaquo komentira Albert Rejec27 Veliko duhovne in fizične energije so potrebovali za izvajanje svojega dela Že sama prometna sredstva so jim predstavljala problem Konec šestdesetih in v začetku sedemdesetih let je bilo avtomobilov malo In kasneje ko je družbeni in osebni standard rasel je njih omejevala visoka starost Pa vendar so uspeli navezati stike priti v najbolj odročne kraje svojim leto navkljub Tam kjer se je cesta končala je bilo treba tudi peš (do domačije Iva Šorlija raquoPod robmilaquo nad Podmelcem je peljala samo steza) A prišli so in izpeljali svojo akcijo

Niso pa postavljali samo novih spomenikov in spominskih plošč pač pa so poskrbeli tudi za kulturno dediščino ki je že obstajala a je bila zanemarjena Tudi grobovi pomembnih ljudi potrjujejo nacionalno kulturo in bi moral osveščen narod zanje skrbeti Člani Kluba starih goriških študentov so imeli v sebi toliko pietete da so kljub visokim letom oskrbeli lepo število grobov pomembnim osebnostim Njihova stalna skrb je bil grob Simona Gregorčiča pri sv Lovrencu na Libušnjem Po prvi ureditvi groba je Gorkič zapisal

S prijatelji smo si grob ogledali dne 9 septembra 1967 Slišal sem namreč da je hudo zanemarjen Govorice so bile utemeljene Zob časa je pač opravil svoje A nikdo lsquone mož ne mladenič noben se ne ganersquo Pepca Gregorčičeva pesnikova pranečakinja in sedaj tudi oskrbnica Gregorčičevega muzeja na Vrsnem mi je ogorčeno pisala da se že nad deset let trudi pri odgovornih činiteljih ki imajo sredstva da bi obnovili pesnikov nagrobnik ali zaman Hudovali so se nad to zanikrnostjo posebno naši izseljenci ki vsako leto pridejo na obisk v staro domovino in redno obiščejo tudi Gregorčičev grob Letos so bile tri take skupine ki niso skrivale svojega ogorčenja radi zapuščenosti pesnikovega groba Zdaj bo tega konec Zdaj je

26 PANG KSGŠ 429 pismo Franceta Gorkiča 25 5 1972 t e 4 a e 3327 PANG KSGŠ 429 pismo Alberta Rejca Francetu Gorkiču 10 10 1964 t e 3 a e 19

Slika 1 Od leve proti desni v prvi vrsti A Černic Kazimir Saunig Joško Žigon v drugi vrsti Kristjan Bavdaž Ludvik Zorzut Josip Gerbec v tretji vrsti Rado Bednarik France Gorkič Vencelj Žnidarčič 15 03 1974(vir PANG 429 Klub starih goriških študentov te 7 št fotografije 1 foto Foto Mario Šempeter pri Gorici)

Slika 2 Sestanek Kluba na vrtu hotela Sabotin v Solkanu 1969 ali 1971 (vir PANG 429 Klub starih goriških študentov te 7 št fotografije 66)

Konec sedemdesetih let je je Klub izgubil svoje najstarejše člane Ljudi ki so bili od vsega začetka tvorci in duhovni vodje te samosvoje združbe (Gorkič Zorzut in kmalu za njima Žnidarčič) Vendar delovanje ni zamrlo pred seboj so videli še veliko nedokončanega dela Vstopili so raquomlajšilaquo stari študentje ki so zastavljeno pot nadaljevali Klub je bil dejaven do svoje ukinitve V zadnjih letih si je pridobil sodelavce ljudi ki so že po službeni dolžnosti delali v kulturi in prosveti Kulturni program je pomagala sestavljati tajnica kulturne skupnosti Alenka Saksida med svoje sodelavce je Klub pritegnil še kustosa Goriškega muzeja Tomaža Pavšiča in profesorja Marjana Urbančiča Vendar jedro so še vedno ostali stari študentje V letu 1987 so prenehali z delovanjem Ne zaradi lastne nedejavnosti ali nespravljivih idej pač pa zaradi naravnega procesa ki se mu nobeno živo bitje ne more izogniti Starost in smrt sta razredčila njihove vrste Nalogo ki so si jo zadali so izpolnili Veliko želja in idej pa je zaradi neizprosnega toka časa ostalo samo v njihovih mislih in so jih odnesli s seboj

218 219

Slika 5 Pogled na Erjavčevo ulico gledano z zahoda proti središču mesta Na desni strani ceste še ni postavljenih spomenikov (vir PANG 583 Zbirka fotografij serija 009 št fotografije 82)

Slika 6 Nova Gorica danes in spomeniki ob cesti (foto Ernesta Drole)

Slika 3 France Gorkič dolgoletni predsednik Kluba (vir PANG 429 Klub starih goriških študentov te 7 št fotografije 51)

Slika 4 Otvoritev spomenika Franu Erjavcu 15101972(vir PANG 429 Klub starih goriških študentov te 7 št fotografije 201)

220 221

Activities of the Old Gorizia Students Club in Nova Gorica

Summary

The article discusses the Old Gorizia Students Clubrsquos role of in the development of Nova Gorica The beginning of the Old Gorizia Students Club dates back to before 1915 when former high school graduates and other high school students from Gorizia would arrange meetings At the secondary schools in Gorizia students from the Gorizia and Gradiščanska regions met and united this area into a whole through social contacts in their later professional lives Gorizia also had the only Slovenian national high school Gorizian Slovenes and their national activists succeeded where other Slovenes had failed On 3rd August 1913 an imperial decree decided that with the start of the new school year in Gorizia three secondary schools would be created out of the then German state grammar school a complete humanities gymnasium with Slovene as the educational language a realistic gymnasium with Italian as the educational language and a realistic gymnasium with German as the educational language Former high school graduates from high schools in Gorizia who had graduated before 1915 cultivated friendly relations with each other although their lives and political circumstances led them off in different directions Their feeling of belonging to their native land never faltered They would meet in Kromberk Solkan sometimes concluding their meeting with a short trip

The meeting of forty-two still-living Slovene high school graduates from Gorizia high schools who had graduated before 1915 on 22th September 1963 at the Komel Inn in Kromberk was groundbreaking It was there that the idea was born to set up commemorative plaques for Andrej Gabršček and dr Anton Gregorčič They in Kobarid and Vrsno thus repaying them for the work they invested in the development of the Slovenian newspaper and Slovene education in Gorizia With this successful campaign a wide field of cultural work opened up for them to complete The committee was renamed the Old Gorizian Students Club and it was chaired by France Gorkic until his death in 1977 It was not until 1968 after several years of successful work that the Club was registered as a society

The society left its mark on the town of Nova Gorica Monuments were erected for eleven meritorious men of Gorizia along Erjavec Road Fran Erjavec Simon Gregorčič Andrej Gabršček dr Henrik Tuma dr Anton Gregorcic Lojze Bratuž dr Alojz Gradnik dr Josip Vilfan Ivan Trink Andej Budal and dr Engelbert Besednjak Their work and the spontaneous erection of monuments are the building blocks in the development of the cityrsquos consciousness By erecting monuments they connected the history of Gorizia and linked it to the emerging urban settlement of Nova Gorica

222 223

Spomeniki v Novi Gorici in Sloveniji v času modernizma in danes

Gojko ZUPAN

Spomeniki so večplastni in večpomenski materialni ter nematerialni pomniki ter odsev razvoja družbe Najprej moramo določiti kaj pomeni termin spomenik in slovenske besede okoli njega saj nam slovarji kadar pojem monumentalen opredeljujejo kot raquoobjekte ki imajo velike razsežnosti in lep videz ne zadoščajolaquo1 Naš zakon za področje varovanja kulturne dediščine natančno določa kaj je kulturna dediščina

Dediščina so dobrine podedovane iz preteklosti ki jih Slovenke in Slovenci pripadnice in pripadniki italijanske in madžarske narodne skupnosti in romske skupnosti ter drugi državljanke in državljani Republike Slovenije opredeljujejo kot odsev in izraz svojih vrednot identitet etnične pripadnosti verskih in drugih prepričanj znanj in tradicij Dediščina vključuje vidike okolja ki izhajajo iz medsebojnega vplivanja med ljudmi in prostorom skozi čas2

Kot krovni termin za izbrano v posebnem postopku razglašeno kulturno dediščino na lokalnem ali državnem nivoju zakonodaja in stroka uporabljata izraz kulturni spomenik (spomenik) za nepremično in premično dediščino raquolsquokulturni spomenikrsquo (v nadaljnjem besedilu spomenik) je dediščina ki je razglašena za spomenik ali ki je vpisana v inventarno knjigo pooblaščenega muzejalaquo3 Termin iz slovenske zakonodaje ustreza angleškemu pomenu besede raquomonumentlaquo ali nemški besedi raquoDenkmallaquo

Del nepremične kulturne dediščine so tudi javni spomeniki to so v prostor postavljeni spominski objekti iz trajnega materiala Lahko so kipi kakršnekoli oblike znamenja arhitekturne forme ali namensko urejeni zasajeni naravni elementi kakor so posamezna spominska drevesa (npr spominska lipa) in parkovne ureditve (Pot spominov in tovarištva) Primarno so namenjeni spominjanju Simbolne ureditve pa včasih presegajo ozko obravnavane javne spomenike ker obsegajo nove četrti mest ali celo nova mesta kakršni sta Brasilia zlasti njena federalna četrt ali avstralska Canberra Značilnost obeh mest podobno jedra Washingtona DC v ZDA je da izhajajo iz nacionalnih simbolov ali ključnih arhitektur (vladna poslopja parlament Kapitol Lincolnov in Washingtonov spomenik) Nova Gorica pa ima prazno jedro pred občino ob kateri geometrizirana mreža cest usmerja poglede proti Sveti gori ali Kapeli ndash Frančiškanskemu

1 Fran httpsfransiiskanjeFilteredDictionary (dostop 5 november 2019)2 Zakon o varstvu kulture dediščine (ZVKD-1) Ur l RS št 1608 1 člen 3 Zakon o varstvu kulture dediščine (ZVKD-1) Ur l RS št 1608 3 člen

samostanu ali proti železniški postaji

Oblike posameznega spominskega objekta lahko segajo do spominskih plošč in nagrobnikov Običajno pa nagrobnikov4 na pokopališčih in v cerkvah ter plošč znotraj objektov ne štejemo med javne spomenike ker ne spominjajo vedno na pomembne osebnosti niso vedno namenjeni vsej javnosti in niso vedno dostopni Pri spominskih ploščah natančne delitve ni ker so te lahko le skromne informativne table brez likovnih prvin ali pa večje ureditve z dodanimi reliefi mozaiki in drugimi okrasi Javni spomeniki imajo raznoliko materialno obliko Ta ima skoraj vedno neke likovne elemente in dodatno simbolno nematerialnost spominjanja Spominjanje je običajno dvoplastno ker je odmev na nek zgodovinski dogodek ali osebo in pogosto prezrt odsev časa nastanka neredko prepleten s političnimi cilji

Delna zadrega pa obstaja ker v slovenščini ni posebnega izraza za vse raznolike materializirane spominske oblike ki jih angleščina povzame v terminu raquomemoriallaquo5 Zato se v laičnih obravnavah pogosto kar vsi spominski objekti od spominskih plošč znamenj do likovno izjemnih javnih spomenikov napačno tolmačijo kot kulturni spomeniki Konservatorji morajo znova in znova pojasnjevati da so kulturna dediščina zgolj posebej ovrednoteni in izbrani javni spomeniki kadar spominjajo na pomemben zgodovinski dogodek ali dogajanje na pomembno osebo in imajo dodatno prepoznavnost v javnem prostoru v idealnem primeru tudi likovno ali drugo vrednost ki je prepoznana kot družbeni pomen

raquoDružbeni pomenlaquo je vrednost ki jo ima dediščina za skupnost in posameznice in posameznike (v nadaljnjem besedilu posamezniki) zaradi svojega kulturnega vzgojnega razvojnega verskega simbolnega in identifikacijskega potenciala ali za preučevanje strok kot so antropologija arheologija arhitektura etnologija umetnostna zgodovina in zgodovina6

Družbeni pomen enot dediščine s strokovnimi analizami7 razberejo konservatorji Izbrane objekte kot kulturno dediščino predlagajo za vpis v register kulturne dediščine Če izjemnost ovrednotene dediščine sprejme in potrdi lokalna skupnost ali država postanejo te enote skozi poseben postopek razglašanja objekti s statusom kulturnega spomenika lokalnega ali državnega pomena V Sloveniji imamo razglašenih 334 kulturnih spomenikov državnega pomena kar 65 je spominskih objektov in krajev Med njimi so tudi Prešernova spominska hiša v Vrbi Partizanska bolnišnica Franja ter poslovilni objekti na Žalah v Ljubljani ter spominska cerkvica Javorca Najviše ovrednoteni javni spomeniki v Sloveniji so Taborišče Podljubelj skupaj s spomenikom Dražgoški spomenik z grobnico Plečnikova spomenika v Dolenji

4 Nagrobni spomeniki imajo pieteten spomin najprej namenjen ožji družini in niso vedno namenjeni vsej javnosti pokopališča so posebni simbolni prostori

5 Povzeto po različnih slovarjih in angleški Wikipediji Memorial httpsenwikipediaorgwikiMemorial (dostop 27 februar 2020)

6 Zakon o varstvu kulture dediščine (ZVKD-1) Ur l RS št 1608 3 člen7 Vrednotenja javnih spomenikov znotraj svojih strokovnih raziskav delajo umetnostni zgodovinarji

zgodovinarji etnologi sociologi likovni kritiki in drugi Pogosto so ti objekti tudi predmet političnih vrednotenj in zlorab

224 225

vasi in v Črni na Koroškem ter raznoliki spomeniki istega arhitekta v Ljubljani (od Ilirskega stebra do skladateljev ob Vegovi ulici) Enak status imajo spomenik Pohorskemu bataljonu pri Osankarici spomenik žrtvam povojnih pobojev v Spominskem parku Teharje in drugi8

Javni spomeniki razen izjemnih ki jih omenjamo zgoraj so v Sloveniji pogosto spregledan del javnega prostora in urbanistične zgodovine čeprav živimo z njimi in ob njih Ostajajo likovna dekoracija neredko konservativna Simbolni nematerialni pomen pa je prezrt ali pozabljen Neredko se zanje po slovesni postavitvi spomnijo zgolj ob obletnicah in proslavah ali zaradi različnih vandalizmov Skrb zanje naj bi bila naloga lastnikov Običajno pa je odrinjena komunalnim službam Zavodu za varstvo kulturne dediščine in posameznim društvom ali podobnim civilnim iniciativam

Po prvi svetovni vojni ko se je začel v prostoru sedanje Slovenije postopoma uveljavljati arhitekturni modernizem v ožjem prostoru sedanje Nove Gorice ni bilo javnih spomenikov Prostor v predmestju starega mesta z opekarno in starim pokopališčem za železniško postajo ni imel zgodovinskega pomena V širši okolici Gorice kjer je nekaj let prej bila frontna črta ob Soči pa je Kraljevina Italija začela načrtno graditi ali urejati objekte ki imajo značaj javnih spomenikov celo spominskih območij Pretežno gre za prostore preurejenih ali novo zasnovanih grobišč raquoVelike vojnelaquo Za politične potrebe nove oblasti ki je celo leta začela šteti na novo so jih monumentalizirali z vso fašistično patetiko in simboli Med večje ureditve z značilnostmi arhitekture modernizma Giannina Castiglionija in Giovannija Greppija sodita RedipugliaSredpolje in kostnica na griču sv Antona v Kobaridu urejena leta 1938 Nekaj drugih manjših spomenikov v okolici Gorice so podrli po drugi svetovni vojni

Veliko bolj patetične ureditve trgov s spomeniki mest ali posameznih četrti so v obdobju med obema vojnama znane na vseh straneh Evrope Italija ima v glavnem mestu Rimu široko cesto Via della Conciliazione Ta samozavestno usmerja poglede in promet proti Berninijevim kolonadam in Michelangelovi kupoli bazilike sv Petra Značilno cesto med nizoma novih palač je zasnoval Marcello Piacentini s sodelavci leta 19369 Še bolj patetična je bila zasnova novega mesta EUR (raquoEsposizione Universale Romalaquo) kjer je isti arhitekt med 1932 in 1942 na južni strani Rima zasnoval novo četrt z modernističnimiantikizirajočimi stavbami in širokimi avenijami z značilno geometrično mrežo poti ter s simbolnimi poudarki fašističnega časa Podobne urbanistične podvige bi našli v Parizu Washingtonu ali Moskvi

Gorica je v zgodnjem obdobju modernizma znova dobila monumentalne poudarke ki se nam zdijo samoumevni in večnostni vseprisotni simboli prostora V širšem prostoru Soške fronte so bile podrte ali vsaj poškodovane vse izpostavljene cerkve Minirani in uničeni so bili zvoniki

8 Register nepremične kulturne dediščine httpsgisportalgovsiportalappswebappviewerindexhtml (dostop 27 februar 2020)

9 Benito Mussolini je ob rekonstrukciji Are Pacis in gradnji ceste cesarskih forumov izjavljal raquoRim mora v petih letih postati čudovit za vse ljudi sveta razsežen urejen močan kakor je bil v obdobju prvega cesarja Avgustalaquo Marco ZAGNI Alla ricerca della Tirrenide perduta Esoterismo e Fascismo storia interpretazioni documenti Roma 2006 str 281

stoletja orientacijske in simbolne točke prostora naselij in izpostavljenih gričev Nadomestne sakralne gradnje postavljene po letu 1920 so zaradi konservativnih arhitekturnih oblik pri likovnih izborih prezrte ker ne gre za kakovostno arhitekturo Simbolno vlogo zvonikov in cerkva ki sega na področje urbanističnih izhodišč in javnih spomenikov pa bi morali celostno ovrednotiti Najbolj izstopajoč dominanten kulturni spomenik Gorice in posledično prostora Nove Gorice je od leta 1928 naprej triladijska bazilika Kraljice svetogorske ali Bazilika Marijinega vnebovzetja na Sveti gori Za rekonstrukcijo cerkve in samostana sta zaslužna arhitekta Maks Fabiani (1919ndash1928) in vodja ter glavni načrtovalec nove zunanjosti Silvan BaričBaresi (1924ndash1928)10 Zrasla je monumentalna dominanta Že skoraj sto let je ta cerkev eno od izhodišč tudi za urbanistično načrtovanje

Veduta Gorice je bila jeseni 1938 dodatno zaznamovana s spominskim stolpom Arhitekt Ghino Venturi je na Oslavju načrtoval veliko kostnico imenovano Sacrario militare di Oslavia Avtor je povzel renesančni trdnjavski tloris dodal monumentalno stopnišče in dal zasaditi značilne linije cipres

Podrejeni in zatirani Slovenci niso mogli niti smeli obdobju vse do osvoboditve izpod fašizma in nacizma postaviti nobenega javnega spomenika Po vzponu fašizma so na pokopališčih Primorske in Furlanije znani in neznani podirali nagrobnike s slovenskimi napisi Vandalizmi podobnih ekstremnih skupin se nadaljujejo v našem tisočletju Strah in kasnejša avtocenzura sta uspeli na pokopališčih prekriti spomine na generacije prednikov s slovenskimi imeni Redek nagrobnik z napisom v treh jezikih (italijansko nemško in slovensko) je bil v tem času postavljen v spomin matere Maksa Fabianija na pokopališču pri Sv Gregorju nad Kobdiljem

Bazovske štiri žrtve na Primorskem tedaj niso mogle dobiti spomenika Slovenci so jih leta 1931 lahko počastili s prvim javnim spomenikom žrtvam fašizma v Evropi zgolj v Kranju Pesnika Simona Gregorčiča je leta 1937 s spomenikom v Ljubljani počastil Jože Plečnik11 Pesnikovo poprsje je dodal kipar iz primorske begunske družine Zdenko Kalin Redke starejše obstoječe spomenike slovenskim kulturnikom so predhodniki neofašistov vandalsko podirali kakor se je zgodilo s spomenikom skladatelju Hrabroslavu Volariču v Kobaridu Zavedni domačini so kakšnega od starejših spomenikov celo sami odstranili s podstavka in skrili kar se je zgodilo s kamnito figuro barona Andreja Čehovina leta 192612

Veličastna slavja ob velikih spomenikih z Mussolinijem v glavni vlogi so bila v prvem desetletju po osvoboditvi v novi državi Jugoslaviji pozabljena Izjemen zbor na Okroglici leta

10 Na izbor nosilcev projekta je verjetno vplivala tudi politična oblast Branko MARUŠIČ Marginalije k političnemu opredeljevanju arhitekta Maksa Fabianija Razpotja 21 httpoldrazpotjasimarginalije-k-politicnemu-opredeljevanju-arhitekta-maksa-fabianija (dostop 8 februar 2020)

11 V Novi Gorici je pesnik Gregorčič dobil spomenik šele leta 1973 Kipar poprsja je isti kakor v Ljubljani Zdenko Kalin

12 Kip je zakopan preživel drugo svetovno vojno in začetno obdobje socializma Po letu 1987 znova stoji v naselju Dolanci pod Štanjelom Sonja ŽITKO DURJAVA Po sledeh časa Spomeniki v Sloveniji 1800ndash1914 Ljubljana 1996 str 32

226 227

1953 je bil politično spodbujen in je slavil vladarja države in ne žrtve ali slavne kulturnike ali nov spomenik V desetletju po vojni so pretežno postavljali manjše anonimne nagrobnike in podobna znamenja Nastala sta dva večja javna spomenika ki nimata političnih izhodišč Na izbrani legi na robu Trente je bila leta 1953 nameščena bronasta figura gornika Juliusa Kugyja delo Jakoba Savinška Popularni pesnik Soške doline Simon Gregorčič je dobil svoj bronasti lik šele leta 1959 ko so sredi Kobarida postavili izvrstno bronasto skulpturo Jakoba Savinška13

Ob novo uveljavljajoči se meji med Republiko Italijo in Socialistično federativno republiko Jugoslavijo pa je med tem postopoma raslo novo mesto skromen odmev vehementnosti svetovnih zgledov in arhitekturnih teorij14 Začetek del brigadirjev so 13 junija 1948 označili s spominsko ploščo Skupaj z Edvardom Ravnikarjem so želeli raquoZgraditi nekaj velikega lepega in ponosnega kar bi sijalo preko mejelaquo15 Gradili so mesto ki bi postalo upravno in gospodarsko središče stanovanjsko jedro s šolami in spomenik

Nova Gorica je sama vsaj simbolno tudi javni spomenik svojega časa in nekdanjih idej Nova Gorica je urbanistični podvig največji tovrstni dosežek pretekle države v Sloveniji16 Kritične misli novega tisočletja in le delno izpolnjene obljube politike in strokovnjakov tega ne morejo zanikati Zato ima uresničeni projekt skupaj z načrtovalcem Edvardom Ravnikarjem v ožjem jedru naselja od leta 1998 svoj bronast spomenik Verjetno bo prišel čas ko bomo dodatno razmišljali ali je vse grajeno jedro mesta kulturni spomenik državnega pomena če ga ne bo pred tem uničila stihijska gradnja igralnic in poslovnih stavb

Zgodovinarji so natančno raziskali dokumente o prvih idejah in datumih začetka gradnje Kaj pa je o Novi Gorici po 35 letih mislil avtor nove ureditve Zapisal je

Nove družbene razmere leta 1945 so prinesle spremembe tudi v urbanizem Nekaj let prej je bila utečena praksa še v celoti togo in zastarelo administrativna z zelo redkimi prebliski že znane širše misli in za usmerjenega mladega strokovnjaka ni bilo niti mesta niti razumevanja Z novimi generacijami arhitektov in z njihovimi spoznanji pa je razdelitev kompetenc naenkrat postala drugačna vse od širine novega urbanističnega mišljenja do sistema odločanja in poslovanja je bilo popolnoma novo (hellip) Obenem pa danes vidimo kako smo tudi mnogo preskočili mnogo zamudili in kako so nam velike in bistvene reči popolnoma ušle iz rok Pogled nase pa nas je le opozarjal da smo napravili določen predvojni razvoj povezan z navdušenjem takrat še mladih arhitektov ki so že začeli spoznavati napetost med neuporabnostjo starih mest in eksplozivnimi odkritji novih nazorov povezanih z novimi

13 Na otvoritvi v Kobaridu ni bilo visokih državnih politikov tedanje Jugoslavije Govornik je bil lokalni politik in uveljavljen pisatelj France Bevk Gojko ZUPAN Kobariška kostnica in dva spomenika Simonu Gregorčiču Castiglioni Savinšek Vuković Kras št 118119 2012 str 62ndash66

14 Gojko ZUPAN Arhitektura 20 stoletja 20 stoletje arhitektura od moderne do sodobne Vodnik po arhitekturi Ljubljana 2001 str 5minus10

15 Ravnikarjev stavek je povzet z napisa na spomeniku v Novi Gorici16 Podobni so bili posegi v Velenju v Strnišču (Kidričevo) v Ljubljani na območju Litostroja in drugje Gotovo

pa je Nova Gorica simbolno ključno mesto na zahodnem robu nekdanje države

tehnikami Te so šele omogočale globlje in resne analize obstoječega kot tudi vizije možnosti povezanih z modreno tehnologijo in revolucionarnim oblikovanjem Največji del tega je z zgledom in besedo pokazal arhitekt Le Corbusier17

Za naše novo mesto ob italijanski meji kljub prevladi urbanističnih zgledov povzetih po Le Corbusieru in predvsem po optimističnih usmeritvah kongresov CIAM (raquoCongregraves internationaux darchitecture modernelaquo)18 politika ni zmogla ali znala uveljaviti vseh svojih želja Vsej vehementnosti socialističnih konceptov navkljub je očitno da je Nova Gorica orientirana proti Sveti gori Napis raquoNAŠ TITOlaquo na pobočju Sabotina je bolj karikatura preteklega obdobja kakor načrtna oznaka19

Niti Velenje niti Nova Gorica se po velikosti ne moreta meriti z Novim Zagrebom ali z Novim Beogradom ki sta nastala v isti državi v istem obdobju Opazni odmevi časa so predvsem pri geometrizirani mreži in širinah prometnic ter delno pri razmeščanju namembnosti določenih palač ob glavnem trgu Na osrednji še vedno travnati površini novega mesta v Sloveniji ni nobenega grozljivega heroja ali kipa svobode ali tatlinovskega stolpa Brdarjev kip drevesa pri knjižnici te zadrege ne preseže20

Med gradnjo novega mesta so bili novi javni spomeniki na obrobju razmišljanja Enako velja za kulturno dediščino saj v jedru novega mesta razen ostanka opekarne Frnaže praktično ni starejšega objekta Postopen razvoj Nove Gorice je preskočil spomeniške kiparske okrase v odmevu socialističnega realizma Nekaj politično všečnih starejših kipov na stavbi občine v Novi Gorici le spominja na sovjetske vzore21 Najboljša poznavalka povojnih javnih spomenikov dr Špelca Čopič22 bi jih gotovo razvrstila že v skupino socialnega realizma

Umetniško ustvarjanje Sovjetske zveze in velikega dela vzhodne Evrope v desetletjih tik pred in po drugi svetovni vojni posplošeno imenujemo socialistični realizem23 Pred desetletji ko je bila

17 Edvard RAVNIKAR Nova Gorica po 35-ih letih Umetnost in arhitektura Zbornik esejev (ur Aleš Vodopivec) Slovenska matica Ljubljana 2007 str 131

18 Organizacija CIAM je na enajstih evropskih mednarodnih kongresih od Sarraza v Švici leta 1928 do zadnjega v Otterloju na Nizozemskem leta 1959 skrbela za izmenjavo idej o urbanizmu arhitekturi krajinski arhitekturi Na kongresih so sodelovali številni uveljavljeni arhitekti in znanstveniki Za Novo Gorico je bil pomemben predzadnji kongres v Dubrovniku leta 1956

19 Na jugu je Nova Gorica zamejena z gričem s frančiškanskim samostanom ter Panovcem in na zahodu z linijo meje vzdolž železnice in avstro-ogrske železniške postaje kar sta bili danosti že pred začetkom gradnje naselja Na vzhodni strani jedra mesta se strnjena shema zaključuje s parkom raquoBorov gozdičeklaquo ki ni dovolj določen kot eno možnih in dragocenih jeder mestnega življenja Vojkova cesta pa ga vizualno in funkcionalno odreže od zaledja

20 Ker so bile v Novi Gorici kulturne palače (gledališče knjižnica) postavljene pozno in z drugačnimi zunanjimi formami je osnovni koncept orientacije geometrijske prostorske mreže mesta nekoliko zabrisan

21 Avtor štirih simbolnih kipov (ujetnik upornik partizan kmet) nad vhodom v občino (arhitekt Vinko Glanz) je bil Boris Kalin Alenka DI BATTISTA Katarina MOHAR Občinska stavba v Novi Gorici Umetnine v žepu 17 Ljubljana 2019 str 31minus36

22 Špelca ČOPIČ Javni spomeniki v slovenskem kiparstvu prve polovice 20 stoletja Ljubljana 200023 V Sovjetski zvezi značilnosti socialističnega realizma zasledimo že sredi tridesetih let 20 stoletja

Podobna patetična izhodišča z nekoliko drugačno ikonografijo so razvijali v Nemčiji Franciji Italiji

228 229

v Berlinu organizirana mednarodna konferenca z naslovom Bildersturm so Rusi Poljaki Madžari in drugi razpravljali o problemih kam z velikanskimi kipi herojev in ideologov Marxa Engelsa in predvsem Lenina Slovenci podobnih težav nismo imeli24 saj v Sloveniji predimenzioniranih kipov ni bilo vse do postavitve pretirano povečanega Augustinčićevega Josipa Broza 25 junija 1977 v Velenju Nova Gorica ni nikoli naredila takšne napake

Pri javnih spomenikih socialistične Jugoslavije je vsaj do sredine petdesetih let ponekod do gospodarske krize okoli leta 1965 izraz socialistični realizem pogojno ustrezen Večinoma so nove politične usmeritve že v petdesetih letih dovoljevale celo podpirale postopen razvoj novih iskanj in oddaljevanje od sovjetskih vzorcev Dr Čopičeva je tovrstne bronaste figure poimenovala socialni realizem

Pozno ali po-modernistične oblike so korak za korakom prerasle v likovno samosvoje izjemne postavitve abstraktnih objektov sredine šestdesetih in sedemdesetih let ko je kiparska ustvarjalnost dosegla enega od vrhuncev25 Med izstopajočimi so spomeniki v Podgariću Jasenovcu Kamenskem (razstreljen po osamosvojitvi Hrvaške) na Petrovi gori v Kragujevcu na Tjentištu in Kozari Vehementno oblikovane betonske ali kovinske konstrukcije so bile običajno postavljene v preurejeno krajino do njih so peljale nove ceste ob njih so rasli muzeji ali hoteli Spomeniški kompleksi so do osemdesetih let postali zgled premišljene inventivnosti monumentalnosti in velikih krajinskih posegov26 Po razpadu Jugoslavije nobena samostojna država še ni dosegla niti podobne likovne kakovosti Figuralni spomeniki kakor so spomeniki Franju Tuđmanu v Zagrebu Draži Mihajloviću v Bileći Aleksandru Velikemu v Skopju ali Billu Clintonu v Prištini so bolj karikatura stanja kakor kakovosten spomin na nove čase

Nadaljevanje akademske ponekod patetične figuralike Meštrovičeve šole in Augustinčića je krajši čas le desetletje in pol opazno v Sloveniji Najbližji patetičnemu realizmu je bil Lojze Dolinar z zapoznelo okrasitvijo trga v Kranju Dolinar je bil enako patetičen že pri oblikovanju nagrobnika Janezu Evangelistu Kreku na Žalah leta 1920 pri spomeniku kralju Petru I pred Magistratom (odkrit 1931 podrt 1941) in pri konjeniku v bronu Aleksandru I na Kongresnem trgu v Ljubljani (odkrit 1940 podrt 1941) raquoSocialističnilaquo so bili pet ali deset let kasneje po Sloveniji zgolj simbolni dodatki zvezde oblačila orodje ali orožje napisi Nekaj deset bombašev borcev s puškami (npr Kočevje Senožeče Cerknica) in podobnih kipov so hitro presegle pretehtane postavitve v prostor in zazelenitve ter bolj nežne pogosto gole intimistične figure

Če primerjamo javne spomenike nastale v desetletju pred drugo svetovno vojno in po njej s spomeniki vzhodnega in zahodnega dela Evrope ter ZDA v Sloveniji ne znamo ali ne želimo postavljati takšnih velikih monumentalnih figur Meštrovićeva Indijanca v Chicagu postavljena

24 Gojko ZUPAN Les monuments et lespace public Slovene de 1945 agrave 1991 Bildersturm in Osteuropa Bildersturm in Osteuropa die Denkmaumller der kommunistischen Aumlra im Umbruch Muumlnchen 1994

25 Zoran KRŽIŠNIK et al XXXIX Biennale di Venezia - Yugoslavia - Bogdanovic - Dzamonja - Tihec - Živkovic katalog Ljubljana 1980

26 Toward a Concrete Utopia Architecture in Yugoslavia 1948minus1980 Museum of Modern art New York 2018

1926ndash27 ali Augustinčićev Mir postavljen 1954 v New Yorku težko razvrstimo v socialistični realizem Nedvomno gre za patetične ekspresivne figure na razsežnih podstavkih Podobno velja za spomenike žrtvam in herojem druge svetovne vojne po Evropi Primerljivi kipi grobišč v Normandiji so večji in bolj patetični kakor karkoli kar stoji v Sloveniji

Monumentalnih spomenikov če ne vključujemo izjemnih krajinskih ureditev v Dragi na Ljubelju na Urhu v Sloveniji vse do Dražgoš ni bilo Celo spomenik ki je neposreden odvod sovjetskih zasnov Arončikov spomenik osvoboditeljem v Murski Soboti odkrit avgusta 1945 je prilagojen grajskemu drevoredu in dopolnjen z dvema sorazmerno majhnima kipoma statičnih vojakov brez izrazitih čustev Avtorja kipov sta bila brata Boris in Zdenko Kalin27 Večina drugih spomenikov od plošč do arhitektur je v prvih povojnih letih bolj ali manj uspešno posnemala Plečnikova dela in oblike njegove arhitekturne šole z v antiki izvirajočimi stebri vazami triglavimi zaključki fontanami28

Za Slovenijo je poimenovanje socialistični realizem za večino javnih spomenikov manj primerno Poznamo nekaj izjem postavljenih v prvi ali drugi povojni petletki Posamezni trendi drugih držav in republik z iz konteksta iztrganimi postavitvami pa niso in ne morejo biti utemeljeni z berljivimi esejističnimi razlagami29 Vprašljive so razprave kjer opisovalci trendov najprej postavijo tezo in za tem brez terenskih preverjanj na osnovi enega ali dveh izbranih primerov podkrepijo izhodišča z usmerjenimi fotografijami kjer izstopa neobstoječi monumentalizem Generaliziranje izjem na splošno pojavnost postavljanja spominskih znamenj žrtvam vojn bo v bodoče potrebno premisliti in korigirati

Nadaljevalci Plečnikove prostorske prefinjenosti so se uveljavili s krajinskimi ureditvami Med vplivnimi so bili arhitekti Edvard Ravnikar Boris Kobe Vinko Glanz in Marko Župančič30

Prvi svobodni prvi maj je leta 1946 v Sloveniji in Tivoliju označil goli Pastirček Zdenka Kalina Kipar je nadaljeval na podoben način s Spomenikom pionirjem leta 1962 in Fontano življenja na grobišču talcev na Žalah leta 1965 Nedaleč je Gramozna jama kjer najdemo znano simboliko temna jama in svetel obelisk Ureditev je 1955ndash1957 podpisal Vinko Glanz Antikizirajočega golega umirajočega talca je oblikoval Boris Kalin leta 1955 nameščen je bil dve leti kasneje Ikonografije socialističnega realizma pri figuri in ureditvi ni Niti na nekaj korakov oddaljenih Žalah je ne najdemo (arhitekt Fedja Košir kipar Janez Boljka 1965) Boljša celota je bila postavljena v Brdih kjer nad Gonjačami dominira vitek razgledni stolp arhitekta Marka Šlajmerja pod njim pa je reliefni spomin kiparja Boljke Verjetno gre za najboljšo spomeniško

27 Višina spomenika vizualno ne presega dimenzij Ilirskega stebra v Ljubljani Spomenik v Murski Soboti skupaj s podstavkom meri 175 m ljubljanski spomenik pa nima poudarjenega postavka in je 13 m visok

28 Spomenik ustanovitvi Osvobodilne fronte Ljubljana 1951 Spomenik žrtvam 1 in 2 svetovne vojne Črna na Koroškem 1952 Spominska kapelica v Dolenji vasi v Selški dolini 1950

29 Simona VIDMAR (ur) Heroes we love Ideology Identity and Socialist Art in the New Europe Maribor 2017 30 E Ravnikar Nova vas na Blokah 1951 Draga 1953 Kampor na Rabu 1954 B Kobe Podljubelj 1954

Urh 1955 Glanz Ulaka 1953 Gramozna jama 1955 Praktično povsod so arhitekti vključili tudi kipe tedaj uveljavljenih slovenskih kiparjev

230 231

celoto šestdesetih let v bližini Nove Gorice

Celo pri političnih veljakih kakršen je bil Boris Kidrič so v Ljubljani celopostavno figuro pritrdili na nizko ploščad in s tem omilili agresivno držo govornika Delo Zdenka Kalina iz leta 196031 je ostalo na evropsko primerljivi kakovostni ravni če jo postavimo ob bok dve desetletji mlajšemu spomeniku Georgesu Pompidouju (kipar Louis Derbre 1984)

Osrednji slovenski spomenik postavljen v zgodnjem povojnem času je bila Grobnica narodnih herojev To je na podstavek dvignjena replika antičnega sarkofaga okrašena z dvema le 60 cm visokima reliefoma (Boris Kalin) in prefinjenimi verzi Otona Župančiča Prvotna postavitev je skušala celo omiliti os dostopne poti z okroglimi kamni tlaka Arhitekt je sarkofag herojev poudaril s postavitvijo v senco drevesa Takšna zasnova Eda Mihevca bi bila izven Slovenije razumljena kot preskromna pri nas pa je bila nadgradnja znamenj s triglavimi zaključki in posnemanji predvojnih zgledov arhitektov kiparjev ter kamnosekov Raznolika znamenja so postala značilnost včasih preveč številnih povojnih spomenikov po Sloveniji Izhodišča Eda Mihevca pri Grobnici narodnih herojev in Eda Ravnikarja pri pokopališču v Dragi pa je najbolje razumel arhitekt Branko Kocmut

Simbolno in konceptualno nadgradnjo zasnove kjer se naravno okolje staplja s kamnom in bronom spomenika sta odlično nadgradila Branko Kocmut in Slavko Tihec na Pohorju leta 1959 Njuna granitna plošča žrtvenika na katerem ležita bronasti žrtvi stoji med označevalnimi kamni in vitkimi smrekami Tihec je svoj razvoj več kot desetletje za tem v kompleksnem urbanem okolju nadgradil s spomenikom žrtvam vojne v Mariboru (1975) in s spomenikom Ivanu Cankarju v Ljubljani (1982)

V ključnem obdobju razvoja kiparstva v javnem prostoru so se v Sloveniji likovni eksperimenti in nova iskanja že preselili v odprte prostore forme vive32 kjer političnih diktatov ni bilo več Kiparjev z vsega sveta v Sloveniji ni zanimalo politično okvirjanje ali pomeni spomenikov Ohranjanje spomina na dogodke v preteklosti ki so bili politično poudarjeni so prevzeli arhitekti

Nekatere njihove postavitve so z razvojem in dodano funkcijo prerasle osnovno označevanje in z dodanimi ureditvami postale izjemen krajinski spomenik Pot ob žici s pili arhitekta Vlasta Kopača je dopolnil arhitekt Mitja Omersa s peščeno sprehajalno potjo in drevoredi v Pot spomina in tovarištva Oblikovanje kažipotov je z neokonstruktivističnimi oblikami uredil Janez Koželj Primat oblikovanja novih spomenikov zlasti največjih so arhitekti nadaljevali po osamosvojitvi države Spomenik žrtvam vojne za Slovenijo je načrtoval arhitekt Marko Mušič leta 1991 Na natečaju je isti arhitekt dobil izvedbo za spomenik žrtvam povojnih pobojev v Spominskem parku Teharje Spomenik brez dodatno načrtovane kapele in miniaturnega muzeja je bil končan leta 2004 Spomenik žrtvam vseh vojn ob Kongresnem trgu v Ljubljani

31 Več kot dve desetletji kasneje postavljen spomenik istega avtorja v Novi Gorici je likovno bistveno slabši32 Kostanjevica in Seča 1961 za tem Ravne Maribor in drugje

je načrtovala skupina arhitektov leta 2016 (Rok Žnidaršič Mojca Gabrič Samo Mlakar Žiga Ravnikar s sodelavci) Večina drugih spominskih označb zlasti piramidastih znamenj in spominskih dreves ostaja v državi Sloveniji daleč od novih avtorskih likovnih rešitev

Javni spomeniki Nove Gorice so znotraj razvoja v slovenskem prostoru nekoliko samosvoji Jedro novega mesta ni imelo rojstnih hiš ni bilo prostor pomembnega dogajanja vse do začetka gradnje naselja Po Sloveniji se je večina materializiranih spominjanj iz figur in Plečnikovskih oblik spreminjala v abstraktne forme in postopoma vračalo v figuraliko V novem mestu je na prvem in ključnem prostoru naselja likovno odlična abstraktna oblika spomenika Edvardu Rusjanu Delo Janeza Lenassija ostaja likovno nepreseženo kljub novi preveliki novi stolpnici v bližini Spomenik prvemu slovenskemu pilotu so slovesno odkrili 11 septembra leta 1960 Le tri leta kasneje so postavili dekorativno figuro Petnajstletna pred gimnazijo

Spominu na Rusjana so postopoma sledili politiki znanstveniki in druge osebnosti povezane z Novo Gorico Ustvarjanje in ohranjanje zgodovinskega spomina na pomembne osebnosti v posameznem kraju z javnimi spomeniki ni izvirna ideja Nove Gorice V Ljubljani je že Plečnik zasnoval manjšo alejo Vegovo ulico ob kateri stojijo portretne glave skladateljev poprsja slavistov in na začetku osi spomenik Simonu Gregorčiču Manj posrečeno se podobni spomeniki nadaljujejo v parku pred ljubljansko univerzo s portreti zaslužnih profesorjev33

V Novi Gorici samo Ljubka Šorli dela družbo več kot dvajsetim možem če pogledamo kipe ob Erjavčevi in Kidričevi ulici Velika večina doprsij na podstavkih v Novi Gorici je likovno konservativna Okvirna stilna oznaka zanje bi bila akademska figuralika Prvo osebo Karla Lavriča je je s portretom počastil kipar Boris Kalin leta 196834 trenutno zadnjega v vrsti Stanislava Škrabca je oblikoval Mirko Bratuša leta 2011 Večino postavljenih portretov je oblikoval Negovan Nemec nekatere Boris ali Zdenko Kalin35 Del drugih kiparjev je v spominski aleji malo36 Kritičnost do tovrstnih spominjanj je s svojo bronasto kompozicijo izrazil Mirko Bratuša leta 1999 ko je nastal spomenik Novi Gorici (Spomenik NG) kompozicijo z množico anonimnih glav Dobro desetletje za tem je tudi Bratuša zašel v standardno poprsje na podstavku s spomenikom Stanislavu Škrabcu Podobno izhodišče ima na lokaciji za gledališčem Begićev portret režiserja J Babiča postavljen 2018

Likovni strokovnjaki niso vedno navdušeni nad izhodiščem kamnit podstavek in bronast

33 Podobno dober namen imajo serija portretov kulturnikov v Žirovnici Park kulturnikov v Ribnici in doprsja v Gornji Radgoni Na aleji zaslužnih v Škofji Loki so dvanajstim možem 23 januarja 2020 dodali prvo žensko Žužemberk ima park z reliefnimi podobami osebnosti

34 Nelida SILIČ NEMEC Javni spomeniki na Primorskem 1945ndash1978 Koper 1982 str 14035 Ob Erjavčevi in Kidričevi stoje pretežno bronasta poprsja posvečena Alešu Beblerju Engelbertu

Besednjaku Lojzu Bratužu Andreju Budalu Rastislavu Delpinu Franu Erjavcu Andreju Gabrščku Alojzu Gradniku Antonu Gregorčiču Simonu Gregorčiču Martinu Greifu Borisu Kidriču Milku Kosu Karlu Lavriču Jožefu Lemutu Sergeju Mašeri Radu Simonitiju Jožu Srebrniču Stanislavu Škrabcu Miletu Špacapanu Ivanu Trinku-Zamejskemu Antonu Veluščku-Matevžu Josipu Vilfanu in Ljubki Šorli

36 Vsi trije kiparji z največ naročili so bili doma blizu Nove Gorice Brata Kalin sta bila iz Solkana N Nemec iz Bilj

232 233

portret na njem Smelo za svoj čas so ravnali naročniki za spomenik Francetu Bevku leta 1974 Figura pisatelja pa še vedno spominja na starejše vzore37 Slikar Rafael Nemec in arhitekt Vasilij Željko sta s sidrom in simboličnim premcem ladje razrahljala monotonost ko sta leta 1973 sestavljala spomenik Sergeju Mašeri Drugačne likovne oblike pa imajo spomenik brigadirjem kiparja Zmaga Posege in kipi ki niso več spomeniki Bor ob obali ovidovska prispodoba raja Jakova Brdarja parkovna plastika Matjaža Počivavška in Brodar duš Mirsada Begića Iskanje likovne kakovosti novih okrasov v mestnem prostoru ne nadgrajuje osnovne zasnove jedra Nove Gorice ki je samo zase že spomeniško območje Serijsko materializiranje zgodovinskih oseb ni več nujno Mesto pod kulturno konstanto - Sveto goro v uveljavljeni mreži Ravnikarjeve zasnove bo iskalo nove koncepte nove arhitekture in častilo nove heroje

37 Spomenik Francetu Prešernu v Ljubljani znani Augustinčićev lik Josipa Broza in figura Toneta Tomšiča v Ljubljani ki je kot Spomenik Francetu Bevku delo Borisa Kalina

Monuments of Nova Gorica and Slovenia in the Time of Modernism and Today

Summary

Nova Gorica is a new city that exhibits its identity through remembrance This includes a memorial plaque erected on June 13 1948 at the beginning of the brigadiersrsquo work lasting at least until September 6 2008 when they received their public monument in the city

Monuments are multifaceted material and immaterial reminders of development for individuals and societies The word monument (ldquospomenikrdquo) in Slovenian is multifaceted Therefore in the introduction the terms cultural monument (ldquokulturni spomenikrdquo) and public monumentmemorial (ldquojavni spomenikrdquo) are explained on the basis of the heritage protection law Public monuments are a materialised memory of an important person or event They can take the form of memorial plaques sculptural or architectural forms or memorial sites The register of immovable cultural heritage records the number of memorial objects in Slovenia that hold the status of a monument of national importance

Diverse public monuments almost always have material visual elements and non-material memories The memory has at least two layers the reflection of the time of occurrence is too often ignored at during the time of the event or person it is often intertwined with political goals Memorials or memorial sites range from the largest such as new cities or city centres Brasilia Canberra and Washington DC to figurative memorials to victims of the Rotterdam bombing or to Anne Frank

Public monuments in Slovenia created during the period of the birth and growth of Nova Gorica differ from most of the monuments that were erected in the other republics of Yugoslavia after a short period of adopting Soviet models Descriptions stating that these are monuments in the style of socialist realism are unfounded The development of monuments in the first half of the 20th Century was researched by dr Špelca Čopič She coined the term social realism for artistic pursuits of that time This transformed into abstract figural art and completely abstract forms The newly formed monumental units throughout Yugoslavia gained international esteem in the 1980s when presented at the Venice Biennale by Zoran Kržišnik The quality of the failed statersquos monuments was rediscovered by critics at the exhibition of Yugoslav architecture in New York in 2018 However in the mid-1970s Slovenia took a step back in public monuments and their artistic forms more modern forms were being moved to Forma viva sites since 1961

The cultural monuments in the wider Nova Gorica area have more than a symbolic influence on the image and constants of the town between Sveta Gora and the Kostanjevica monastery The city itself is also at least symbolically a public monument of a certain time and its ideas It is an urban development the greatest achievement of this kind in the Sloveniarsquos past The

critical thought of the new millennium and the partially fulfilled promises of politics and experts cannot deny this That is why the realised project together with planner Edvard Ravnikar has had a bronze monument at the heart of the settlement since 1998 Dozens of other public monuments in the city hold a similar significance creating a historical identity for the area and its inhabitants regardless of their artistic quality

236 237

Arhitekturna utopija na odprti meji Primer novogoriškega hotela Argonavti (arhitekt Niko Lehrman in skupina OHO)1

Nadja ZGONIK

V besedilu postavljam novogoriški hotel Argonavti 1976ndash19852 visokomodernistično arhitekturno ruševino v kontekst konceptov ki jih iz preteklosti mesta v katerem je stala lahko razbiramo kot identitetne momente Z njimi se je uglasil formalni in funkcionalni vokabularij arhitekture zato da se je uskladil z načeli s katerimi se je želela potrjevati tedanja jugoslovanska družba Govorim o tistih umetniških konceptih ki naj bi skladno s prepričanjem modernističnih avantgard prispevali k celoviti družbeni preobrazbi To so koncepti svobode (osvobajanje posameznika družbenih skupnosti etničnih skupin razredov v umetnosti pa osvobajanje od diktata norm in preživelih umetnostnih obrazcev ) medkulturnega dialoga prostega prehajanja meje (v najširšem smislu tudi metaforično npr v umetnosti vse do rušenja avtoritete) in kulture kakovostnega preživljanja prostega časa Na krilih revolucionarnega leta 68 so se v začetku sedemdesetih let vse družbene utopije zdele uresničljive Iz takega razpoloženja je leta 1970 začel nastajati projekt Argonavti ki se verjetno ne bi mogel zgoditi nikjer drugje kot le v raquomladem mestu na odprti mejilaquo

Novi koncepti

Avgusta leta 1972 se je v Novi Gorici začela gradnja sodobnega hotelsko-gostinskega kompleksa Argonavti zabaviščnega centra ki naj bi vključeval tudi kulturni in rekreativni program3 Zlato

1 Prispevek je rezultat raziskovalnega programa Gledališke in medumetnostne raziskave (P6-0376) ki ga je sofinancirala Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije iz državnega proračuna

2 Stavba je bila leta 1985 s predelavo značilne belo-rumene strehe preobražena do te mere da se je izgubila njena izvorna arhitekturna misel Že takoj na začetku naj opozorim da je rekonstruiranje zgodovinskih po-datkov o izvorni arhitekturi nepričakovano zahtevno delo kljub temu da gre za nedavno zgodovino mesta V Pokrajinskem arhivu Nova Gorica je shranjena gradbena dokumentacija iz let 1970ndash1980 (Pokrajinski arhiv Nova Gorica (PANG) Skupščina občine Nova Gorica 104 t e 2075ndash2085 gradivo ni arhivsko obdelano) ki so jo pridobili od Upravne enote Nova Gorica šele po mojem prvem poizvedovanju leta 2017 (Prevzem je bil izveden 23 1 2018 Zapisnik o izročitvi in prevzemu arhivskega gradiva št 22-302017 Za podatek se najlepše zahvaljujem Eleni Makorič) Zaradi menjave lastnikov stavbe o drugi dokumentaciji ni sledi arhivsko gradivo podjetja HIT ki je aktualni lastnik predelane stavbe pa tudi še ni uradno dostopno

3 Pričeli so graditi hotel raquoArgonavtilaquo sodobni zabaviščni center v Novi Gorici Primorski dnevnik (Trst) 193 (8286) 17 8 1972 str 3

Šindič direktor Sindikalno-turističnega podjetja Alpe-Adria ki je bilo investitor se je odločil brez javnega natečaja na podlagi uspešnega sodelovanja pri prejšnjem projektu pivnici Alpe-Adria v Ljubljani4 k sodelovanju pritegniti mladega arhitekta Nika Lehrmana ki je deloval v ljubljanskem projektivnem biroju Agens5

Niko Lehrman6 je bil rojen v Ljubljani leta 19397 Obiskoval je gimnazijo v Kranju in se leta 195758 vpisal na študij arhitekture pri prof Edu Mihevcu Postal je vodja seminarja dobil eno izmed nagrad na natečaju Društva arhitektov za urbanistično ureditev centra Ljubljanje in kot tehnični urednik pisec satir ter risar v letih 19591960 sodeloval s študentskim listom Tribuna Leta 1965 je diplomiral pri profesorju Edu Mihevcu z odlično oceno z nalogo Regionalni načrt severo-zapadne Istre sinteza 1250008 Po končanem študiju se je najprej ukvarjal s propagandnim dizajnom pri ČGP Delo potem pa je bil med ustanovitelji projektivnega biroja ambiciozno imenovanega Agens (gonilo vzvod)9 V času ko je prevzel naročilo za Argonavte je bil še član uredniškega odbora Problemov

4 Pivnica (stavba ne stoji več) je stala na vogalu Resljeve in Masarykove ceste nasproti ljubljanske železniške postaje

5 Zaradi pomanjkanja arhivskih dokumentov je mogoče zgodovino biroja le približno rekonstruirati Ustanovljen je bil v Ljubljani ob koncu šestdesetih let Med ustanovnimi člani so bili poleg Nika Lehrmana Fedor Žigon ki je bil v začetnem obdobju projekta Argonavti leta 1970 tudi direktor leta 1971 je to postal Sašo Poumlschl Sonja Završnik Podlesek Marjan Loboda Jure Apih Pri zbiranju podatkov sta mi pomagali arhitektka Marinka Pogačnik Arnič in oblikovalka Sonja Završnik Podlesek ki je oblikovala znak zanj za kar se jima najlepše zahvaljujem Pri projektu Argonavti so z Lehrmanom sodelovali arhitekti Aleš Guček Andrej Goršič Marinka Arnič Pogačnik in Breda Dobovišek (mdr Sončna skulptura) vrtove je risal Ognjen Bavdek PANG Skupščina občine Nova Gorica 104 t e 2075ndash2085

6 Arhitekt je svoj priimek v projektni dokumentaciji za hotel Argonavti zapisoval z dvema n a je potem to obliko opustil Gl PANG Skupščina občine Nova Gorica 104 t e 2075 in drugje

7 Edini objavljen zapis o arhitektu je nekrolog ki ga je v poetičnem jeziku napisal njegov prijatelj in sodelavec Fedor Žigon Fedor ŽIGON Niko Lehrman 1939ndash1998 Sporočilo Srp 729ndash30 1999 str 56ndash61

8 Vpisna knjiga diplomskih del Arhiv Fakultete za arhitekturo Univerze v Ljubljani9 Biro je bil ustanovljen kot podjetje g g (grupa građana tedaj uveljavljen model podjetniškega organiziranja

ko je določeno število posameznikov skupaj v enakih deležih zbralo ustanovni kapital)

Slika 1 Fotografija hotela Argonavti z naslovnice knjige Občina Nova Gorica 1947ndash1977 Nova Gorica 1977

Ambicija po tem da bo projekt nekaj prelomnega in novega se je kazala že iz inovativne multifunkcionalne zasnove stavbe namenjene tako udobnemu preživljanju prostega časa mestnih prebivalcev kot industriji zabave ki naj bi prinašala dobičke V resnici drzna in nekonvencionalna pa je bila arhitektova odločitev da bo že na samem začetku k sodelovanju pritegnil konceptualistično skupino OHO10 To ni bilo klasično sodelovanje ko arhitekt povabi vizualnega umetnika da prispeva arhitekturno plastiko ali stensko slikarijo naredi barvno študijo ali drugače interpretira kakšen del arhitekturne celote temveč prava združitev ustvarjalnih sil Praksa delovanja skupine OHO ki jo Marko Pogačnik imenuje raquopeti članlaquo je pomenila da je skupina ob svojih štirih stalnih članih Marku Pogačniku Davidu Nezu Milenku Matanoviću in Andražu Šalamunu kot s petim sodelovala vedno z nekom drugim glede na skupni projekt v tem primeru na področju arhitekture z Nikom Lehrmanom11 Ohojevska umetniška izhodišča v pozni fazi delovanja skupine so se vse bolj usmerjala k celostni zaznavi izkušnje bivanja in k transcendenci Vpis v prostor je bil v ospredju pri Poletnih projektih ki jih je skupina izvajala leta 1969 v Zarici na Sorškem polju in v Čezsoči V primeru arhitekturne naloge je pomenil preizkusiti možnost na kakšen način delo v velikem merilu omogoči celostno preobrazbo družbe za kar je arhitekturni projekt ki povezuje fizični prostor in njegov spomin z umetniškimi oblikami in človeškimi odnosi ki jih sproža idealna naloga Nova arhitektura naj bi bila sežetek vsega kar je bilo v globalni kulturni preteklosti dobrega ustvarjeno Velikopotezna zasnova naj bi obujala spomin na pretekle civilizacije od kamene dobe starozavezne pripovedi o začetku človeštva z Adamom in Evo do majevskih piramid Marko Pogačnik je projekt pozneje opisal takole

10 Pogovor z Markom in Mariko POGAČNIK Šempas 19 januar 202011 Marko Pogačnik Nazaj k umetnosti - naprej umetnost Marko Pogačnik Umetnost življenja ndash življenje

umetnosti The Art of Life - The Life of Art Moderna galerija Museum of Modern Art Ljubljana 2012 str 38

Slika 2 Niko Lehrman Hotel Argonavti (fasada) 1970 arhitekturna risba 296 x 42 cm papir (vir Moderna galerija Ljubljana)

Slika 3 Niko Lehrman Hotel Argonavti (pogled) 1970 arhitekturna risba 296 x 42 cm papir (vir Moderna galerija Ljubljana)

Slika 4 Niko Lehrman Maketa hotela Argonavti 1970 črno-bela fotografija 302 x 40 cm (vir Moderna galerija Ljubljana)

upravljanje Park hotel in računalniško podjetje Iskra Delta18 ki je leta 1985 ustanovilo izobraževalni center Iskra Delta Argonavti19 Odstranjena je bila značilna belo-rumena poliesterska streha in zamenjana z novo ravno s čimer je bil videz hotela radikalno predrugačen izgubljena je bila prvotna arhitekturna koncepcija Leta 1993 je podjetje Iskra Delta delež prodalo in iz Argonavtov je nastal hotel Perla Zadnja sled za hotelom Argonavti je bila zabrisana ko je podjetje HIT leta 1999 ob preobrazbi objekta v hotel Perla dalo odstraniti Sončno skulpturo skupine OHO eno najmarkantnejših kiparskih del v Sloveniji Od leta 2001 zadnje celovite prenove živi hotel Perla raquonajvečji igralniški kompleks v Evropilaquo20 kot terra incognita sredi Nove Gorice

Zgodovina mladega mesta

Tolikokrat ponovljene besede Edvarda Ravnikarja prvega urbanista Nove Gorice novega mesta ki naj bi zrastlo ob jugoslovansko-italijanski državni meji se zdijo s časovne distance kot bi bile vpisane v genetski kod tega mesta Postale so nekaj čemur bi lahko rekli mit o stvarjenju mesta raquoZgradili naj bi nekaj velikega lepega in ponosnega nekaj kar bi sijalo preko meje je bilo rečeno Vsi od kmeta do najvišjih političnih mest smo se te misli navdušeno

18 Jure RAMŠAK Casino v socialističnem mestu začetki igralniške industrije in socialnoekonomska preobrazba Nove Gorice Annales 272 2017 str 363ndash378

19 Izobraževalni center Delta SloRaDe httpsjuremgithubioSloRaDezgodovinaizob_center_delta (dostop 22 januar 2020)

20 Perla Casinograve amp Hotel httpsslwikipediaorgwikiPerla_Casino27_26_Hotel (dostop 22 januar 2020)

Ohojevski projekt raquoArgonavtovlaquo predvideva da je sodobna visoko razvita civilizacija zaključna faza tega kar so s svojo potjo utemeljili stari Argonavti Zato se je v tem času spet potrebno podati na pot velikega iskanja in utemeljevanja evolucijskega ciklusa ki je pred nami Stavbni kompleks ki ga zdaj naseljuje Iskra Delta naj bi kot znamenje te ponovne poti iskanja vseboval prvine najvišjih dosežkov človekovega snovanja iz dob ki so za nami Od tega je na primer ohranjen hotelski del oblikovan kot stopničasta piramida kakršne poznamo iz kulture Majev Po sredini piramide teče neprekinjeno stopnišče od tal do vrha Os stopnišča je usmerjena proti Sveti Gori ki se kronana s samostanskim kompleksom dviga nad dolino Soče Ime gore daje slutiti da gre za raquomagnetni centerlaquo krajine kjer se križajo med seboj akupunkturne linije Zemlje Ob isti osi stojijo Sončna skulptura ki povzema izročilo megalitskih sončnih svetišč kakršno je Stonehenge na Angleškem Je nedvomno ena od najrazsežnejših skulptur na Slovenskem visoka 15 metrov S projektom Sončne skulpture in Argonavtov je skupina OHO predstavljala jugoslovansko umetnost na Bienalu mladih v Parizu leta 197112

Že ime zanj Argonavti se je navezovalo na mitizirano izročilo prostora saj naj bi Jazonovi vojščaki prenesli ladjo Argo po kopnem čez današnje slovensko ozemlje od Ljubljanice do Jadranskega morja To naj bi se zdaj v obliki ndash Marko Pogačnik jo imenuje raquočasovna posodalaquo13 ndash uresničilo v prostoru ki bi udejanil radikalno nov ambient za novo družbo O utopičnosti projekta govorimo zdaj s časovne distance leta 1970 pa je bilo upanje da se uresniči družba socialne pravičnosti spolne enakosti in svetovne harmonije v povezanosti z naravo dosegljivo v zraku ki so ga dihali vsi od vizionarskih umetnikov do socialističnih politikov in podjetnikov Zato so na začetku vsi navdušeno podprli tak projekt Na žalost se je kmalu izkazalo da arhitekt brez izkušenj pri velikih projektih in z napačno presojo o uporabnosti materiala poliesterskih piramidastih kupol ki jih je izbral za strešno kritje ni bil kos nalogi Skupina OHO se je umaknila že kmalu po začetku gradnje aprila 1971 ko se je začelo novo poglavje njihovega delovanja Družina v Šempasu Argonavti so bili namesto leta 1974 kot je bilo načrtovano dokončani z dveletno zamudo leta 197614 Projekt je presegel predvidena finančna sredstva zato se je opremljanje zavleklo15 poliesterska streha vir vseh težav pa je že od vsega začetka puščala16 Prve zamisli o predelavi hotela z gradnjo dodatnega trakta segajo že v leto 198017 Leta 1983 je prišlo do usodne poplave v Novi Gorici ko je voda zalila podzemne prostore hotela To je bil konec kratke zgodbe Argonavtov Leta 1984 je hotel šel v stečaj Po tem sta ga prevzela v

12 Marko POGAČNIK Sončna skulpturaSunčeva skulpturaThe Solar SculptureScultura solareSonnenskulptur s l 1987

13 POGAČNIK 2020 (op 10)14 Pričeli so 1972 (op 3)15 B P Pokrivanje izgub v gospodarstvu Dogovori 57 197716 ŽIGON 1999 (op 7) str 5817 Hotel raquoArgonavtilaquo Nova Gorica Direktivni program (izvajalec Institut za turizam Zagreb avtorji Ante

CAREVIĆ Krešimir TADEJ and Aleksandar VLAHOVIĆ naročnik LIZ - inženiring Ljubljana) Zagreb 1980

Slika 5 Marko Pogačnik Koncept hotela Argonavti 1970 293 x 21 cm flomaster tipkopis in kemični svinčnik na papirju (vir Moderna galerija Ljubljana)

242 243

oprijeli Moderni urbanizem je tako za nas postal tudi orožje v nacionalnem in političnem bojulaquo21 Ko ga je Boštjan Vuga v intervjuju zadnjem v Ravnikarjevem življenju nagovoril da se je vnovič spomnil svoje izkušnje z mestom v nastajanju je besede podobno ponovil takrat na še bolj slikovit način

Z njo (Novo Gorico op a) je povezano vse kar smo Slovenci mislili in čutili za ta del Slovenije in posebej čutili za Gorico ki še danes ne more skriti svojega slovenstva V naši zavesti se je takrat ob začetku premišljevanj o kaki Novi Gorici rojevala ideja o združenem mestu ob Soči Razen spominov na Goriško se je v nas prebudilo vse kar smo starejši preživeli od velikih soških bitk do Titovih obljub da bi vse nekdanje povrnili z nečim da sija preko granice kar pa se ni zgodilo22

Iz Ravnikarjevih besed lahko razberemo da je bila Nova Gorica mesto v nastajanju kjer je bila arhitektura oblikovalka prostora zato da bi bila instrumentalizirana za drugo družbeno-politično funkcijo To je arhitektura ki naj raquosije čez mejolaquo in je raquoorožje v političnem in nacionalnem bojulaquo Zato moramo tudi Argonavte postaviti v družbeno-politični kontekst saj so iz njega nastali Ne glede na to da gre za visokomodernistični projekt za katere velja izločitev iz konteksta je dekontekstualizacija lahko usmerjena v vzpostavljanje nove moderne identitete Argonavti so delovali kot ladja ki je pristala se zasidrala in nasedla v prostoru Bili so visokomodernistični in hkrati tudi poznosocialistični projekt ndash usoda te arhitekture se v marsičem prekriva s procesi tranzicije Nenavsezadnje je zadnja sled te arhitekture bila zabrisana v interesu čim večjega kapitalskega donosa prostora Končna preobrazba hotela Argonavti v igralniški hotel Perla podjetja HIT je idealna metafora družbenopolitičnih sprememb tranzicije sistemov iz socializma v kapitalizem ko se je prostor pluralnih dejavnosti od rekreacije do kulture in prostočasnega druženja namenjen hkrati meščanom čezmejnim obiskovalcem in turistični industriji preobrazil v prizorišče najdobičkonosnejše turistične dejavnosti igralništva namenjeno skoraj izključno tujcem23

Ko se je s petintridesetletne distance Ravnikar postavil kot člen v verigi kolektivne identitete kot izvrševalec skupinske volje izgraditi novo mesto ki bi povezala vse raquood kmeta do najvišjih političnih mestlaquo katere izvorni namen je bil postati socialistični svetilnik s svojimi besedami seveda ni razmišljal o gigantističnem projektu v maniri socialističnega klasicizma Koncept modernega mesta ki bi lahko postalo v dosledni realizaciji izvorne Ravnikarjeve urbanistične

21 Edvard RAVNIKAR Nova Gorica po 35 letih Arhitektov bilten 868ndash69 1983 str 4622 Boštjan VUGA Intervju Edvard Ravnikar raquoMogoče ste za to premladi laquo Razgledi 17 (1000) 17 9 1993

str 1023 Več o tem RAMŠAK (op 18) 2017 str 363ndash378 V besedilu uporabljena oznaka Argonavtov kot

postmodernistične arhitekture je problematična Argonavti črpajo iz vplivov poparta (navdušenje nad novimi sintetičnimi materiali poliestrom in uporaba barve) uporaba vidnega betona in eksperimentiranje z razkritimi strukturami (paličevje) pa je značilno za obdobje postbrutalistične arhitekture res pa je da s konceptom minimesta (mesta v malem) napovedujejo rekontekstualizacijo ki jo je sprožilo postmodernistično gibanje v arhitekturi

ideje ki se je naslonila na Le Corbusierova načela mesto sredozemskega tipa z dominantno longitudinalno osjo magistralo S-J kot nosilko centra ki bi nadomeščala trg ob različnih krakih pa bi se razporedili rekreacijski stanovanjski in industrijski del Magistrala dopolnjena z drevoredi bi postala povezovalna os in presečišče dejavnosti hkrati24 A da bi se tako mesto lahko uresničilo na nepozidani čistini iz nič bi bila potrebna zaslomba centralističnega planiranja ob stabilnem dotoku finančnih sredstev V projekt izgradnje Nove Gorice pa je že pol leta po pričetku gradnje zasekala radikalna politična sprememba Gradbeni zanos s katerim se je začela decembra 1947 gradnja novega mesta s tisočimi prostovoljcev v mladinskih delovnih brigadah je usodno zaustavil spor z informbirojem in prekinitev odnosov s Sovjetsko zvezo in ostalimi članicami Vzhodnega bloka Po 28 juniju 1948 ko je bila sprejeta resolucija informbiroja kritična do jugoslovanske poti v socializem ki se je oddaljila od marksizma-leninizma ni bilo več tako pomembno raquosvetitilaquo proti Zahodu kot utrditi meje proti Vzhodu in se z vlaganjem v vojsko ubraniti potencialne vojaške nevarnosti ki bi lahko prišla od tam25 Težišče pozornosti se je premaknilo projekt je postajal vse manj ambiciozen in se je z zvezne ravni najprej preselil na republiško po razhodu z Ravnikarjem leta 1949 pa na lokalno raven Arhitekt Edvard Ravnikar je večkrat izrazil razočaranje da se njegova urbanistična zamisel o gradnji novega mesta ni uresničila26 Morda mesto ni postalo monument nove družbene ureditve ideološki raquosvetilniklaquo ki bi oznanjal gradnjo nove utopične družbe nedvomno pa je v več kot sedemdesetletni zgodovini s sledmi ki so jih v njem puščali urejevalci prostora in oblikovalci novih zgradb obstalo kot živahen prostor izmenjave estetskih in družbenih konceptov Če ne kot svetilnik se je v preteklih sedemdesetih letih uveljavljalo kot izložbeno okno posebne jugoslovanske poti v socializem V njem se je v vsakem od desetletij zasvetil kakšen nov artikel27 arhitekturna inovacija ki se je skladno z razvojem socialistične družbe in njenimi prioritetami prilagajala ciljem tako široko zastavljenim kot si jih je zastavljala za današnji pogled utopična socialistična družba Že Ravnikar je opozoril na dvojnost cilja da bo moderno mesto raquoorožjelaquo tako v nacionalnem kot v političnem boju Prioritete so se v razvoju mesta v različnih obdobjih spreminjale marketing socialistične ideologije je zamenjala nacionalna ideologija že v naslednjem koraku pa so prioritetne lahko postale težnje po regionalističnem uveljavljanju Mesto na meji je svojo identiteto razvijalo iz svoje mejne pozicije črte preloma ki je pomenila trk dveh političnih sistemov dveh različnih kulturnih identitet in dveh nacionalnih zgodovin ki sta se konfrontirali tudi zaradi dogodkov iz obdobja fašistične dominacije iz nedavne zgodovine Svojo robno pozicijo pa je mesto na meji vseskozi razumelo kot koncept odprte meje ki je odprta v obe smeri in prav ta prepustnost za eksperimentalne političnorobne ali estetskoradikalne odločitve je utemeljevala njegovo identiteto

24 RAVNIKAR 1983 (op 21) str 4625 Več v Tomaž VUGA Projekt Nova Gorica Ljubljana 2018 str 10026 RAVNIKAR 1983 (op 21) VUGA B 1993 (op 22)27 Tu namenoma uporabljam pojem ki ga je Marko Pogačnik (OHO) uvedel v svojo umetniško prakso za

označevanje uporabnih predmetov ki jim moramo nameniti novo pozornost

244 245

Tretja pot v socializem

Zavest o tem kako pomembno je ne le prezentirati novonastalo državo in njen revolucionarni politični sistem torej ne le sijati prek Zahodne meje temveč tudi prikazovati da je samostojna politična pot ki si jo je izbrala Federativna ljudska republika Jugoslavija tista ki bo po socialistični poti pripeljala v družbo blaginje je postalo po sporu s Sovjetsko zvezo zelo pomembno Nova država je bila prisiljena začeti sprejemati ameriško gospodarsko pomoč in se trgovinsko povezovati z Zahodom Navzven je bilo treba mehčati podobo socializma tudi s sprejemanjem in dopuščanjem širjenja ameriških vplivov in konzumerizma Sprožil se je nezadržen proces amerikanizacije ki se je širila predvsem prek popularne kulture Zgovoren je podatek da je v začetku 50 let film Ples na vodi v Beogradu videlo 333000 ljudi kar je neverjetna številka za polmilijonsko mesto ob tem pa v zgodnjih petdesetih do leta 1954 jugoslovanski kinematografi niso uvozili niti enega sovjetskega filma28 Amerikanizacije ki jo Radina Vučetić opredeli kot ključni dejavnik izgradnje posebnega statusa SFRJ v hladnovojni delitvi sveta ni bilo več mogoče zajeziti29

Da bi ustvarili državo blaginje pokazali da je mogoče uresničiti raquosocializem s človeškim obrazomlaquo je bila dopuščena tudi tiha podpora konzumerizma kot zakrito spodbujanje porabništva in omejeno pristajanje na tržne zakonitosti Industrijsko delo je moralo dobiti komplement v kulturi kakovostnega preživljanja prostega časa in na počitnicah namenjenih delavcu kot prikaz da ni več izkoriščan Na področju turističnega gospodarstva se je zgodil premik od razvijanja socialnega turizma v petdesetih letih v komercialni turizem v šestdesetih letih v sedemdesetih pa sta si postala enakovredna socialni in komercialni turizem30 Sedemdeseta so bila čas ko je proces v razvoju turistične propagande prešel fazo oglaševanja Jugoslavije kot progresivne socialistične dežele s progresivno nacionalno in delavsko politiko in bil žrtvovan za podobo sredozemske priobalne destinacije31

Pozitivnih učinkov medsebojnega poznavanja se je jugoslovanska politika zavedla že takoj po Informbiroju Avgusta 1949 je Jugoslavijo obiskal francoski intelektualec Jean Cassou ki je pozneje v svoji knjigi Une vie pour la liberteacute pisal o tem kako ga je Marko Ristić jugoslovanski ambasador v Parizu leta 1949 povabil da preživi poletne počitnice skupaj z ženo in hčerko v Jugoslaviji kjer je takoj videl da so Stalinove obtožbe Tita krivične in izmišljene Francoska diplomacija je ocenila obisk kot izjemno pomemben francoski ambasador v Beogradu Jean

28 Tvrdko JAKOVINA Povijesni uspjeh šizofrene države modernizacija u Jugoslaviji 1945ndash1974 Socializam i modernost umjetnost kultura politika 1950ndash1974 Muzej suvremene umjetnosti Zagreb 2012 str 29

29 Radina VUČETIĆ Koka-kola socijalizam Amerikanizacija jugoslovenske popularne kulture šezdesetih godina XX veka Beograd 2012

30 Karin TAYLOR Hannes GRANDITS Tourism and the Making of Socialist Yugoslavia An Introduction Yugoslavias Sunny Side A History of Tourism in Socialism (1950sndash1980s) (eds Hannes Grandits in Karin Taylor) Budapest-New York 2010 str 3

31 Igor TSCHOUKARINE The Yugoslav Road to International Tourism Opening Decentralisation and Propaganda in the Early 1950s Yugoslavias Sunny Side A History of Tourism in Socialism (1950s-1980s) (eds Hannes Grandits in Karin Taylor) Budapest-New York 2010 str 132

Payart pa je obisk komentiral kot prvi uspeh jugoslovanske Komunistične partije da bi mnenje komunističnega in naprednega sveta obrnila proti Kominformu in SZ32 Na 3 plenumu CK KPJ leta 1949 je Edvard Kardelj ki je bil tedaj zunanji minister poudaril pomen tujih obiskov v Jugoslaviji ker tako postaja jugoslovanski boj širše poznan v tujini33 Ideologija odprtosti je ostala ključna v prihodnjem jugoslovanskem razvoju tudi v poznejšem kontekstu gibanja neuvrščenih

Odprta meja

Leta 1969 je Mako Sajko posnel kratki film z naslovom Kje je železna zavesa Ideološko postavljeno vprašanje v naslovu enajstminutnega filma se v pričakovanju odgovora spremeni v dinamičen tok prehajanja množice sproščenih državljanov ki državno mejo na italijansko-jugoslovanskem mejnem prehodu v Rožni dolini prečkajo kot bi šle na nedeljski sprehod se zabavajo v lokalih uživajo v restavracijah Dinamična menjava poteka v obeh smereh Če Novogoričani v Gorico hodijo nakupovat proizvode kapitalističnega blišča italijanski prebivalci prihajajo na slovensko stran po bencin kakovostne agrarne produkte največ po meso pa tudi v gostilne in restavracije Šestdeseta in sedemdeseta leta so bila raquozlata letalaquo raquojugoslovanskegalaquo ideala blaginje in konzumerizma Proces vesternizacije se je odvijal na način ki se je komaj še razlikoval od ostalih evropskih ameriško vplivanih kultur predvsem v primerjavi s skandinavskimi bi komaj še našli razliko

Zahodna jugoslovanska meja je že kmalu postala prostor posebnega režima prehajanja ki je bil vzpostavljen z videmskim sporazumom iz leta 1955 Maloobmejni promet je z uvedbo posebnih prepustnic za lokalno prebivalstvo omogočil enostavnejše prehajanje meje in brezcarinski prenos manjših količin blaga čez mejo Šestdeseta leta so k temu doprinesla še nove meddržavne dogovore ki so utrjevali gospodarsko in kulturno sodelovanje Obseg storitvenih dejavnosti trgovine turizma prometa in drugih se je predvsem po zaslugi čezmejne blagovne menjave v Novi Gorici od začetka šestdesetih do začetka sedemdesetih let kar podvanajsteril34 Jugoslovansko-italijanski odnosi so kulminirali v sklenitvi osimskih sporazumov leta 1975 ki naj bi obsegali vse do izgradnjo vodne poti med severnim Jadranom in Donavo (pot Argonavtov) ter oblikovanje proste carinske cone kar je ostalo neuresničeni del sporazumov

Zamisel o tem da bo ta prostor postal prelomnica v razvoju turističnega gospodarstva je bila navdahnjena z možnostmi ki jih je omogočal z lego na meji klimatskimi in naravnimi pogoji (lovski turizem) in geografskim položajem raquonekje na polovici poti med Beogradom Dunajem in zapadnimi italijanskimi mestilaquo35 Goriška se je zdela prava socialistična Arkadija

32 TCHOUKARINE 2010 (op 30) str 114ndash11533 TCHOUKARINE 2010 (op 30) str 11634 Več v RAMŠAK 2017 (op 18) str 36735 Pričeli so 1972 (op 3)

246 247

Tako je bila opisana izbira lokacije v članku v Primorskem dnevniku ki je navdušeno poročal o začetku gradnje novega hotelsko-turističnega kompleksa36 Zamisel za gradnjo hotela z 256 ležišči 2100 restavracijskimi sedeži v pokritih prostorih in na vrtu v njem naj bi bilo 15 različnih ambientov kot je bar pivnica bazen kegljišče diskoklub restavracija 6 specializiranih boutiquov razstavni prostori ekspozitura Jugobanke agencija Alpe-Adria ipd so predstavili na tiskovni konferenci v Novi Gorici par dni pred začetkom gradnje 15 avgusta 197237 Izgradnja je bila projekt sindikalno-turističnega podjetja Alpe-Adria38 saj naj bi za izlete za katere so se specializirali na tem prostoru potrebovali objekt ki bo nudil gostu raquotudi vse ostalo po čemer povprašujelaquo Turistična organizacija naj bi bila tudi raquotesno povezana z vzhodnimi državamilaquo pri organiziranju izletov in počitnic pa raquosodeluje tudi z italijanskimi organizacijamilaquo39

O začetku gradnje novega hotela so poročali časopisi ki so objavili natančno poročilo z velikopotezne tiskovne konference ki so se je udeležili predsednik občinske skupščine Rudi Šimac direktor agencije Alpe-Adria Zlatko Šindič predstavnik njene projektantske organizacije glavni direktor podružnice Jugobanke direktor gradbenega podjetja Obnova in drugi Dogodku so pozornost namenili tudi slovenski časopisi onstran državnih meja (npr Primorski dnevnik v Trstu Slovenski vestnik v Celovcu) Napovedovali so prelomnico v konceptu turizma tega novega mesta ki mu bo objekt dal nov videz raquoObjekt je mini mesto sodoben zabaviški Babilon pod skupno streho in enotnim pametnim vodstvom ndash pravi glavni projektant ing Lehrmann

36 Pričeli so 1972 (op 3)37 Pričeli so 1972 (op 3)38 Pozneje delovalo v sestavi SOZD SAP Viator preimenovan v Integral RAMŠAK 2017 (17) str 37139 Pričeli so 1972 (op 3)

kateremu je pomagalo 52 sodelavcevlaquo40 Pomenil bo raquopravo turistično atrakcijolaquo in bo raquonudil razvedrilo gostom vseh ravni in slojev skratka tu se bo lahko zabaval vsak od petičneža do navadnega zemljanalaquo41 raquoStrokovnjaki ki so pri načrtovanju imeli glavno besedo so mnenja da bo hotel ki je delo najmlajše generacije slovenskih arhitektov v povprečju ndash kar se tiče sodobne arhitekture ndash daleč nad evropskim nivojemlaquo je še bilo mogoče prebrati v celovškem Slovenskem tedniku42

Že sama zamisel združiti rekreacijo s kulturo torej aktivnosti za socialističnega delavca ki si jih je zaradi pravice do prostega časa in letnega dopusta lahko privoščil z mehanizmi delovanja tržnega turističnega gospodarstva je bila inovativna A kot sem že omenila turizem ni bil samo gospodarska panoga temveč je v privabljanju tujcev v deželo videl priložnost za širjenje novih konceptov jugoslovanskega socializma po svetu V učbeniku za turizem iz tistega časa lahko preberemo da je bila Jugoslavija ena do prvih dežel ki je razglašala načelo raquoturizem propustnica za mirlaquo in ga raquodosledno izvajala tako da je svoje meje puščala široko odprte vsem dobromislečim ljudemlaquo43 Turizem kot pogon družbene preobrazbe je imel hitre propagandne učinke predvsem pa je deloval kot miroljubni in prostočasni topilec razrednih in nacionalnih razlik Za izvajanje ideologije raquobratstva in enotnostilaquo ki naj bi ustvarila enotno socialistično nacijo ni bilo primernejšega prostora kot je plaža jadranske obale zapišeta Karin Taylor in Hannes Grandits44

Arhitekturni projekt in njegova kritika

Arhitekturo hotelsko-gostinskega kompleksa Argonavti bi lahko imenovali arhitekturo onstran arhitekture saj se je izmaknila diktatu dominantnega estetskega standarda v arhitekturi in bila sistemsko revolucionarna včasih v neprilagodljivosti funkciji celo ekshibicionistična kar je arhitekturna kritika težko sprejemala Ko je Edvard Ravnikar v sintetičnem preletu v enem stavku zajel zgodovino Nove Gorica so si Argonavti zaslužili oznako anarhične subjektivnosti raquoV vedno hitrejšem tempu se je prvotna želja po nečem lsquokar bi sijalo čez mejorsquo umikala domišljavemu in nevednemu pragmatizmu ki ga je končno popolnoma prekosila anarhična subjektivnost (lsquoArgonavtirsquo ipd)laquo45

Še bolj natančno so se kritike lotili v Arhitektovem biltenu Sistematično so oblikovali kriterije za ocenjevanje elementov družbeni učinki samo delo orodje in rezultat Zaradi nekonvencionalnosti projekta so se v marsikateri opredelitvi naslonili kar na avtorjevo stališče Tako izvemo za Lehrmanovo ugotovitev raquoda je njegova lastna predstava v stalnem konfliktu

40 Pričeli so 1972 (op 3)41 V Novi Gorici gradijo nov hotel Argonavti Slovenski vestnik (Celovec) 2434 (1571) 25 8 1972 str 242 V Novi Gorici 1972 (op 41)43 Stevan M STANKOVIĆ Turizam u Jugoslaviji Beograd 1990 str 17344 TAYLOR GRANDITS 2010 (op 30) str 445 RAVNIKAR 1983 (op 21) str 43

Slika 6 OHO (Marko Pogačnik) Sončna skulptura ob hotelu Argonavti 1971ndash1972 črno-bela fotografija (vir Moderna galerija Ljubljana)

z investitorjevo celo do te mere da bi bil avtor edini ki bi znal upravljati z objektomlaquo da je raquoobjekt zasnovan za človeka ki je razpet med telesnost in duhovnost tja do kozmičnostilaquo prostor je primerjal z raquoamebo v kateri so si fizične meje in človek enakovrednilaquo raquoPo besedah projektanta je objekt več kot koncipirana arhitektura je konceptualna umetnostlaquo je stavba stilno opredeljena Pod kritiko podpisani ocenjevalci Matjaž Garzarolli Jurij Kobe in Janez Koželj so se ustavili ob samovoljnem projektiranju ki je izpostavljalo predvsem osebnost projektanta investitorjevo željo po atraktivni pojavnosti objekta pa je reševalo predvsem s plejado najrazličnejših efektov Arhitektu so očitali navidezno avantgardnost in tehnološko nerazumevanje uporabljenih sodobnih vrst konstrukcij konstrukcijskih detajlov in materialov nesmotrno uporabo dragih materialov z nerazumno tehnologijo in vprašljivo uporabnost objekta Spraševali so se o razliki med izvirnostjo in nenavadnostjo detajlov Ko so ocenjevali stavbo kot znak so ji priznali da kot objekt v prostoru sicer predvsem s svojo nenavadnostjo uspeva doseči določeno mero čitljivosti in zapomnljivosti46

Hotel Argonavti so bili primer radikalne arhitekture ki ni le pri nas temveč tudi po svetu zbujala glasne polemike in je programski primer uresničene modernosti z uporabo novih konstrukcij novih poliesterskih materialov in trendovskih barv Princip nezakrite strukture gradnje oblikovane iz zapletenega paličevja ki je bilo na notranji strani dobro vidno spominja na arhitekturo Centra Georges Pompidou v Parizu arhitektov Richarda Rogersa in Renza Piana ki je nastajala prav v istem času (1970ndash1977) Oba projekta povezuje tudi zamisel za stopnice ki stečejo po celotni longitudinalni osi arhitekturnega objekta pri pariški so to tekoče stopnice postavljene v cevi ob stavbnem boku pri novogoriški pa so to v centralno os postavljene stopnice ki so peljale po terasasti strukturi pod stropom pod šotorastimi poliestrskimi kupolicami in odpirale skozi okna pogled na Sveto goro Fantomska arhitektura Argonavtov je prisotna v spominu in ohranjena v arhitekturnih ter konceptnih študijah iz osebnega arhiva Marka Pogačnika ki jih je podaril Moderni galeriji Ljubljana gradbena dokumentacija od leta 1970 do 1976 z dopolnitvijo iz leta 1980 pa je od leta 2018 dostopna v Pokrajinskem arhivu Nova Gorica

Zaključek

Kako hitro so bili Argonavti izbrisani iz mestne vedute (in spomina) nam pokaže primerjava dveh edinih doslej natisnjenih reprezentančnih monografij o mestu z barvnimi reprodukcijami Leta 1977 so bili na naslovnici monografije o Novi Gorici v knjigi deset let za tem leta 1988 pa jih ni več na nobeni od fotografij v knjigi

Projekt Argonavti za skupino OHO pomeni konec in hkrati začetek neke poti Konceptualistična umetniška skupina ki je v času svojega delovanja dinamično prehodila različne faze razvoja se neprestano spreminjala tako po sestavi kot po oblikah in načinu dela je s tem zadnjim

46 Matjaž GARZAROLLI Jurij KOBE Janez KOŽELJ Arhitekturna kritika Hotel Argonavti Nova Gorica Arhitektov bilten 28 1976 str 7ndash8

Slika 7 Hotel Argonavti ok 1980 črno-bela fotografija (vir Arhiv fotoateljeja Pavšič Zavadlav)

Slika 8 Vhod v hotel Argonavti ok 1980 črno-bela fotografija (vir Arhiv fotoateljeja Pavšič Zavadlav)

250 251

projektom želela uresničiti zadnjo umetniško utopijo in dati prostoru časovno dimenzijo tik preden so izvedli premik iz sveta umetnosti v celostno življenje kot umetnost in oblikovali Družino v Šempasu

Arhitektura Argonavtov je uresničila nekaj kar je popolnoma nepričakovano to je da se lahko arhitekturna misel umesti hkrati kot futuristična in kamenodobna bila je produkt družbene revolucije šestdesetih let ki je zajela vse sfere bivanja od umetnosti množične kulture in družbenih obrazcev in se je kot utopija tudi končala Zgodba o Argonavtih je emblematična kot zgled pred časom kako se bodo v osemdesetih letih raztreščili vsi družbeni ideali in zamisli o novi družbi So metafora za preobrazbo otrok cvetja v polikane administratorje (tako kot se je Cvetlična pivnica47 preobrazila v lasvegaški kazino) Argonavti so po dolgotrajni gradnji od leta 1970 do leta 1976 in kratkem življenju do leta 1985 danes fantomska arhitektura celo do te mere da se je za njimi čeprav so skoraj še umetnost našega časa ohranila komaj kakšna sled Le še v stopničasti strukturi glavnega trakta lahko razberemo izvorno misel projektanta So arhitekturni privid in hkrati arhitektura ki je pustila najbolj neizbrisljiv pečat v mestu predvsem v družbeni zavesti tistih ki smo jo doživeli

47 VUGA T 2018 (op 24) str 191 Ime najdemo tudi v projektni dokumentaciji iz leta 1970 PANG Skupščina občine Nova Gorica 104 t e 2077

Architectural Utopia on the Open Border An Example of the Argonavti Hotel in Nova Gorica (Architect Niko Lehrman and OHO Group)

Summary

In 1972 the construction of the modern hotel and restaurant complex Argonavti an entertainment center that was also supposed to include a cultural and recreational program began in Nova Gorica Nova Gorica a young city on the open border was the opposite of the Iron Curtain between two political blocs in the Cold War partition of the world rather it was the Yugoslav window to the West Here socialism demonstrated its achievements as well as its concern for the worker and his quality of leisure time and by developing a profit-driven entertainment industry it focused on a market economy An ambitious project in which architect Niko Lehrman partnered with the OHO conceptualist group grew out of pop culture the social movements of the 1960s and the revolutionary year of lsquo68 when social utopias still seemed feasible in the early 1970s OHO was attracted to the architectural task of connecting physical space and its memory to art forms and human relationships through opening an opportunity for art to create the spatial conditions for the development of a new society Architecture should be a culmination of all things good that have been created in the global cultural past The building was given the appearance of a stretched staircase that resembled the Mayan pyramids The top floor could be reached by a staircase along the central axis of the pyramidal segment just below the roof and the building was complemented by a monumental solar sculpture that replicated the idea of megalithic solar shrines This was the last OHO group project (representing Yugoslav art at the 1971 Biennale of Young Artists in Paris) before they retreated from the art world in 1971 to a commune the Family in Šempas The Argonavti Hotel was completed in 1976 but its polyester pyramid domes which had been leaking from the start were an insurmountable problem Therefore in 1985 two years after the 1983 flood it was replaced with a flat roof that changed its appearance The last memory of the Argonavts the Solar Sculpture was removed in 1999 Argonavti was both a high-modernist and late-socialist project which today is emblematic as an example of how all social ideals and ideas of a new society would be shattered in the 1980s The final transformation of the Argonavti Hotel the Cvetlična Pivnica as it was first called into the HIT Perla casino hotel is an ideal metaphor for sociopolitical change the transition of systems from socialism to capitalism when the space of plural activities from recreation to culture and leisure intended both for the locals visitors and the tourism industry was transformed into the most profitable tourist activity a casino intended almost exclusively for foreign visitors

Slika 9 Naslovnica knjige Občina Nova Gorica 1947ndash1977 Nova Gorica 1977

254 255

is immediately filled by the homogeneity of lifestyles The ldquopostmodern cityrdquo has also been called the ldquocontemporary cityrdquo but if we were to choose the adjective contemporary even only in its strict temporal meaning we would be faced with a quality that is meaningless With the contemporary term we merely indicate a city that is no longer modern but in the same times contemporary becomes synonymous with postmodern in the meanings of Lyotard and Jencks

Historians sociologists anthropologists artists architects urban planners engineers are today called to confront themselves in contemporary cities on the theme of the development of cities in Europe according to a multidisciplinary and multipolar approach to collect and amalgamate all the changing and complex aspects of cities and society which are constantly evolving Architectural functionalism is contrasted with ldquoconceptual formalismrdquo the needs of living are taken seriously so much so that we go from architecture at the service of ldquogloryrdquo to architecture of ldquodignityrdquo But the city also becomes ldquonarrative textrdquo his work on memory is in fact reconstructive In this reconstructive work on memory the care for the past and the welcoming of the new go together curiosity about the new enhances the past We can talk about parallelism between architecture and narrative in which architecture would be for the space what the story is for the time that is an analogy is established between building which means building in space and telling which means weaving a story with time Indeed the history of the city can be read in the ldquoconfigurationrdquo of the city itself through its urban space organized in a representative way Monumentality takes on its main etymological meaning so monument is synonymous with document Narrative and architecture follow similar historical courses And together with building places can be read and re-read by our way of living the strength of the model of reading is precisely living

Thus receptive and active living implies a careful reinterpretation of the urban environment Monuments and buildings become traces of the past The ldquoplaces of memoryrdquo which I intend to deal with become a reasoned and reflective composition of space and time Our cities tell the ruins of mid-century Europe we see not only monuments destroyed and lost lives but there is something of inextricable Our cities alternate glory and humiliation life and death the most violent founding events and the sweetness of living our cities lead us to do a memory work but not a duty they give us a plural reading of past eras

All these cultural and social processes the urban change which is also a human change the upheaval of the city which is also a complication in human life is what happened to the city of Berlin After the Athens Charter and starting from 1943 also Germany realized examples of urban fragments inspired by the ideas of functional cities In fact the adoption of this model on German soil is assimilated to the import of the many cultural products from the winning powers in particular the United States and Great Britain Yet probably due to the administrative division of the city in 1949 before the construction of the wall in 1961 the idea of the functional city in Berlin finds particularly significant fields of application In the Soviet-controlled area during the 1950s the Stalinallee (Stalin Avenue) the monumental axis

Mapping Berlin The Space of Monuments

and the Perception of Visitors

Eirene CAMPAGNA

In 1933 the Athensrsquo Charter was promoted where the ldquofunctional cityrdquo had a central rule To understand the importance of the functional city it is possible to quote Le Corbusier the most important member of CIAM who said ldquoThe city must materially ensure individual freedom and at the same time the common benefitrdquo1 Indeed the architectural anthropology elaborated by Le Corbusier revived in his buildings even if his project of a ldquoradiant cityrdquo remained only a theory the concept of ldquohuman measurementrdquo has materialized in a biophysical anthropology the ldquomodulorrdquo which becomes the unifying criterion of the housing unit

So the architecture has to satisfy biological needs but also has to interpret historical changes therefore it should follow both the biological and the social factors Cities thanks to modernist architects start changing and they assume more and more the aspect they have today from a concept of city intended as an organism to a new concept of urban space understood as ldquocontinuous spacerdquo In brief we are facing a dynamic city ready for complex relationships a city that develops geographical economic social and cultural relationships with the surrounding area But the modern city organized following the concept of order cleanliness equality has been handed over to past history and transformed into something very different that we struggle to represent to describe to tell

The rupture or discontinuity with the modern era represents the beginning of a new one and unprecedented phase a ldquosecond modernityrdquo or a ldquopostmodernityrdquo a term that indicates a real transition from one era to another The first theorist in the early eighties of postmodernity is the French philosopher Jean-Franccedilois Lyotard for whom this term ldquoDesignates the state of culture after the transformations undergone by the rules of science literature and the arts since the end of the 19th centuryrdquo2 When Charles Jencks first uses the term ldquopostmodernrdquo in relation to architecture he wants to indicate above all the overcoming of rationalist architecture3 In the same way the postmodern city that arises in the crisis of certainties requires an afterthought on the one hand everything changes quickly on the other it seems that the void of certainties

1 Teresa GIURA La cittagrave senza cuore dalla fisiologia alla fenomenologia urbana Napoli 1974 p 252 Jean-Franccedilois LYOTARD The Postmodern Condition A Report on Knowledge Paris 1979 p 5 3 Charles JENCKS The Language of Post-modern Architecture London 1977

256 257

of principles applied too often in an abstract way In Berlin in particular the enclave of the Western sector can no longer serve as an exemplary case while architects and urban planners themselves often refuse to ignore the Eastern part when drafting urban planning instruments

Ultimately the visitor who travels today through the streets of former West Berlin will not fail to recognize some of the characters largely related to the idea of the functional city a low population density to the point of having to increase it in the central areas after the fall of the wall a relative equivalence of the different districts in terms of importance and attractiveness also due to the original multi-centrism of the city a not too uneven endowment of recreational and leisure facilities within the urban territory the presence of greenery the distinction between urban highways expressways and secondary roads even if the former are not always at an adequate distance from homes Ultimately even if Berlin is not ldquotherdquo functionalist city that emerged from the post-Second World War debate on the basis of the principles of the Athens Charter it can be said to be a good example of a functional city able to find its identity in the liveability and human dimension of the metropolis as the ldquosum of villagesrdquo Since the 1990s Berlin becomes also the public space for a lot of monuments and memorials to commemorate the extermination of the Jews

In 1993 James Young wrote

The best German memorial to the Fascist era and its victims may not be the only memorial rather the debate without solution about which memory to preserve how to do it in name of whom and with what objective [hellip] Indeed it is strange for a nation to remember the victims of crime committed by itself7

In fact what has been happening in Germany since 1988 is quite unique the German journalist Lea Rosh publicly denounces the absence in Berlin of a memorial for the murdered Jews of Europe the following year with the support of the historian Eberhard Jaumlckel she founds the Perspektive Berlin committee and gathers 10000 members among citizens politicians exponents of the world of culture In the aftermath of the fall of the wall in November 1989 Chancellor Helmut Kohl spoke out in favour of a memorial to remember all the victims of the war The question immediately arises whether it is right to dedicate a memorial to the six million Jews or whether it is more right to include all the victims of Nazism The history of the competition which was subsequently called is long and troubled and only found its actual realization in the distant 2005 but it is important to remember that the winner and creator of the memorial architect Peter Eisenman (1932) chooses to dedicate the monument exclusively to the Jews The memorial which we see in Berlin is the admirable outcome of the collaboration between a deconstructionist architect Peter Eisenman and a post-minimalist artist Richard Serra (1938) although the latter then decided to leave the project In fact on 3 June 1998 Serra decided not to continue the work which since then with the modifications

7 James E YOUNG At Memoryrsquos Edge After-Images of the Holocaust in Contemporary Art and Architecture New Haven-London 2000 p 191

leading from Alexanderplatz (Alexander Square) to the east ldquogaterdquo of Frankfurter Tor (Frankfurt Gate) in the direction of the Polish border was built The scheme of the great axis is based on the return to the ldquocompactrdquo city with a continuous road curtain and on architectural forms inspired by the Prussian neoclassicism of Schinkel (1781minus1841)4 The competition between the western and eastern sectors of the divided city work as support of an alternative model that of the functional city even more marked by the technicians and administrators of West Berlin On the model of London a collective led by the German architect Hans Scharoun (1893minus1972) presented a plan for the city in 1946 still covering the entire urban territory even the surviving monuments which had escaped the Allied bombardments would have to be demolished in order to build an orthogonal mesh oriented according to the course of the river and organized by the zoning criterion a separation of functional zones The plan would never be adopted but even by reaction would have lasting effects on Berlin and German town planning in the following decade

From the Athens Charter also derives the classification of the sectors of intervention as housing work leisure and movement just as the idea of thinning coincides of the Charter itself that ldquothe population is too denserdquo5 Also derived from the Charter the principles of the traffic system are affirmed articulated according to a hierarchy with axes of traffic secondary roads and pedestrian routes and the separation of the road from schools and residences through green spaces This urban model finds its most explicit expression in Berlin in the Hansaviertel (Hansa district) built for the Interbau exhibition (International Building Exhibition) in 19576

However the post-war reconstruction of Berlin is proceeding in a chaotic and disorderly manner not only because of the clear difference between planning strategies in the east and west but also because of the difficulty of following clear and unambiguous lines in the same western sector In more than one case the competitions organized follow an anomalous and contradictory procedure while during the 1950s there is a progressive bureaucratic paralysis that marks the failure of urban planning practice even more relevant when compared to the rich disciplinary debate With the beginning of the 1960s the political situation radically changed the ldquocold warrdquo became even worse and the construction of the wall decisively changed the space within which Westerners moved in the former capital The functionalist city model increasingly shows its limits and international urban planning culture questions the validity

4 Karl Friedrich Schinkel was an exponent of the architectural style that most influenced the German capital neoclassicism The dominant aesthetic of the 19th century aspired to detach itself from the heavy florilegies of the Baroque rather seeking elements characteristic of classical antiquity such as columns domes and pediments without frills It is no coincidence that the splendid front colonnade of the Altes Museum (Old Museum) is considered one of Schinkelrsquos masterpieces and perhaps the most mature and complete expression of his art

5 Teresa GIURA La cittagrave senza cuore dalla fisiologia alla fenomenologia urbana Napoli 1974 p 266 The Interbau 57 (International Building Exhibition) was a major architectural exhibition held in West

Berlin in 1957The following works were created for the occasion Hansa Quarter in Berlin-Tiergarten Kongresshalle in Berlin-Tiergarten (today Haus der Kulturen der Welt) Unite drsquoHabitation in Berlin-Charlottenburg

258 259

Moreover in Berlin it is clear that the aim is to commemorate a history that is composite and in conflict built on the stones and ruins of a country that remembers its victims in the centre of the capital and just a stonersquos throw from the Brandenburg Gate 2700 concrete blocks stand out in the urban fabric and make the memory of the murdered Jews vibrant this is the Denkmal fuumlr die ermordeten Juden Europas (Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe) At this point we cannot but recall the words of Lewis Mumford who when Europe was on the brink of the Second World War wrote ldquoThe idea of a modern monument is a contradiction in terms If it is a monument it cannot be modern if it is modern it cannot be a monumentrdquo8 The monument is therefore for Mumford synonymous with death because in a certain sense it walls life Even if he expressed himself before the Second World War currently more than seventy years after the end of the conflict we should still ask ourselves whether monumentsmemorials can play an ldquoatoningrdquo role and what the relationship they have with the places where they raise It is therefore clear why a Jewish Holocaust Memorial monument of 19000 m2 has been built in Berlin certainly the enormity of the project immediately presented problems regarding both the physical quality of the approximately 400 stelae and the possible deterioration over time also taking into account possible acts of vandalism And as if this were not enough the visitors inside the building which as has already been said presents a structure similar to a labyrinth are almost naturally induced to play hide and seek run climb jump and snap the famous selfie even if all this is officially forbidden In addition it should also be said that since the summer of 2006 numerous fast-food restaurants have sprung up on the edge of the monument allowing tourists to ldquoenterrdquo the monument while enjoying their burgers without perhaps even knowing the nature of the Jewish Holocaust Memorial

It is important to emphasize that in Germany the theme of Holocaust remembrance does not only touch the aspect of collective remembrance but inevitably gives rise to intense feelings of co-responsibility shame and guilt as well as the awareness of not having reacted to something that was psychologically skilfully introduced first in small steps and then advanced to implement what the German Nazi regime called ldquoEndloumlsungrdquo (Final Solution) It was probably the progressive alienation of human moral and ethical values that caused there to be no real resistance in that place In the same way this ability in other forms is also recognized on the side of the deportees

In this regard the testimony of Shlomo Venezia is significant who in his book Sonderkommando writes ldquoThe Germans were clever to group us by families when you are alone in fact the idea of escaping is more intense But how can one accept to abandon onersquos parents or childrenrdquo9

Moreover German Nazism could count on a series of industrial and institutional aids it became a normal thing for example the work of ldquoDeutsche Reichsbannrdquo (German Reichsbann) which organized the mass transport of the victims towards their extermination Right in

8 Lewis MUMFORD The culture of cities New York 1938 p 438 9 Shlomo VENEZIA Sonderkommando Auschwitz Milano 2007 p 26

requested by Kohl will be carried on by Eisenman alone until its inauguration on 10 May 2005

Although the desire to give the perception of the memorial a strong sense of instability is attributable solely to Eisenman Serra seems to have been the true creator of the memorial and this is demonstrated by the desire to put the user in the foreground the work would not have needed images or information but only the direct experience of the visitor without which the memorial would remain an expanse of inert and inexpressive fragments in the heart of the reunified city

The Berlin memorial is therefore neither a talking monument realistically or symbolically representing the tragedy nor a container of objects and images documenting it It doesnrsquot look to the past but to the present the grid the usual element of precision is transformed in Eisenmanrsquos project into a labile insecure and highly disorienting structure Another disorienting aspect is that the memorial is dedicated to the Jews but is not erected for them who probably would not need memorials to remember what happened

The real addressee is undoubtedly the German people and it is the architectural choice of the memorial that represents a change of the way in which the Germans especially those of today those of the third and fourth generation can integrate the memory of the past into the construction of a new national identity Indeed since the 1950s the German people have felt the need to create memorials install memorial tablets in many places promote information centres and places of remembrance Thus many former concentration camps were turned into museums and opened to the public as places through which to remember the history of that terrible regime From this moment on the monument is also interpreted as an architectural object with which to evoke a new aesthetic form of art the memorials in fact interact with the urban space changing its appearance and becoming spokesmen of the past The architectural result that appears to our eyes in addition to reflecting the nature of contemporary museum devices creates a particular but compelling contrast with the history that they convey as happens for the Jewish Museum of Berlin

This museum by the Polish-American Jewish architect Daniel Libeskind (1946) was designed between 1989 and 1999 After completion of the work the building was left without interior fittings for two years although it was open to the public It was then inaugurated on 11 September 2001 The architect in this case developed an itinerary in relation to the Shoah based on the concept of ldquoemptinessrdquo promoting a reading of absence through the physical crossing of a space deliberately devoid of solid volumes empty precisely which was able to declare the lack of memory and induce the user to experience first-hand the feeling of oblivion of de-memorialization The museum visit today is still largely an itinerary made up of desolate spaces that create a particular emotional effect for the visitor Along the way the strange overlap that is determined between real time and remembered time between present and past creates a circuit that cancels the space-time boundaries projecting the user into an unnatural space from which he would like to get out suffocated by a conscious sense of constraint and oppression

260 261

Mapiranje Berlina Prostor spomenikov in percepcija obiskovalcev

Povzetek

Leta 1933 je bila popularna Atenska listina v kateri je raquofunkcionalno mestolaquo imelo osrednjo vlogo Arhitektura je morala poskrbeti za biološke potrebe ob tem pa tudi interpretirati historične spremembe tako da je morala slediti tako biološkim kot družbenim faktorjem Zahvaljujoč modernističnim arhitektom se mesta začenjajo spreminjati in vedno bolj prevzemajo današnji videz od koncepta mesta kot organizma do koncepta urbanega prostora ki ga je mogoče razumeti kot raquokontinuiran prostorlaquo Ta prelom ali diskontinuiteta z moderno dobo predstavlja začetek nove in edinstvene faze raquodrugo modernolaquo ali raquopostmodernolaquo termin ki nakazuje na resnično tranzicijo iz enega obdobja v drugo V zgodnjih 80-tih letih 20 stoletja je bil prvi teoretik postmoderne francoski filozof Jean-Franccedilois Lyotard Nemčija je po Atenski listini in začenši z letom 1943 ustvarila primere urbanih fragmentov ki so jih navdihnile ideje funkcionalnih mest Sprejetje tega modela na nemških tleh je pravzaprav prilagojeno uvozu številnih kulturnih izdelkov zmagovalnih držav še posebej Združenih držav in Velike Britanije Navsezadnje lahko rečemo da tudi če Berlin ni funkcionalistično mesto ki je nastalo iz razprav po drugi svetovni vojni in na podlagi načel Atenske listine predstavlja dober primer funkcionalističnega mesta ki je zmožno najti svojo identiteto v metropoli kot raquovsoti vasilaquo v kateri je mogoče živeti in ki ima človeško razsežnost Od 90-tih let 20 stoletja je Berlin tudi javni prostor številnih spomenikov in obeležij ki spominjajo na iztrebljanje Judov Kar se je dogajalo v Nemčiji od leta 1988 naprej je pravzaprav edinstveno nemška novinarka Lea Rosh je javno opozorila na to da v Berlinu ni spomenika v spomin evropskim Judom Zgodovina tekmovanja kot so jo kasneje poimenovali je dolga in težavna in je bila realizirana šele daljnega leta 2005 Kljub temu si je potrebno zapomniti da se je zmagovalec in avtor spomenika arhitekt Peter Eisenman (1932) odločil posvetiti spomenik izključno Judom Spomenik ki ga je mogoče videti v Berlinu je občudovanja vreden rezultat sodelovanja med dekonstruktivističnim arhitektom Petrom Eisenmanom in post-minimalističnim umetnikom Richardom Serro (1938) kljub temu da se je slednji nato odločil da ne bo sodeloval pri projektu Berlinski spomenik je tako govoreči spomenik ki realistično ali simbolično predstavlja tragedijo ni samo kontejner objektov in podob ki to dokumentirajo Ne obrača se v preteklost temveč v sedanjost Mreža ki je navadno element natančnosti je v Eisenmanovem projektu spremenjena v labilno negotovo in močno dezorientirano strukturo Vse od 50-tih let 20 stoletja so Nemci čutili potrebo po tem da ustvarjajo spomenike na številnih mestih postavljajo spominske plošče promovirajo informacijske centre in spominske kraje Tako so bila številna koncentracijska taborišča spremenjena v muzeje in odprta za javnost kot kraji skozi katere se je mogoče spominjati zgodovine tega groznega režima Od tega trenutka naprej je spomenik interpretiran

the centre of Gruumldenwald a quiet district of Berlin one of the largest railway deportation centres was found Today in the same place stands a memorial commemorating each of the past functions of Platform 17 Memorial An invitation-only competition was held for the construction of the memorial The members of the jury included Ignatz Bubis President of the Jewish Central Council of Germany Heinz Duumlrr Director of the Management Council of the ldquoDeutesche Bahnrdquo Jerzy Kanal Head of the Jewish Community of Berlin and architect Salomon Korn The winners were architects Hirsch and Lorch und Wandel The central core of the monument consists of 186 steel grids arranged chronologically and immersed in gravel along the edge of the railway platform In each one you can read about each individual trip the number of deportees the date of departure and the destination The vegetation that has formed spontaneously on Platform 17 over the years has been deliberately left uncultivated as if to say that no train can ever leave that track again Not far from the track and connected to it is Karol Broniatkowskirsquos sculpture commissioned by the Federal State of Berlin which points the way to the deportation ramp

The reverse of memory exasperation can be read in Yolocaust a photographic project (2017) of Israeli artist Shahak Shapirarsquos denunciation a website that has collected photos taken from social networks such as Facebook and Instagram10 These photos were taken in the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe in Berlin and the artist has transformed them into gifs first the original shot appears where smiling tourists pose in the memorial and then you see the same photo shopped image where images of concentration camps have been replaced in the background of the monument The word Yolocaust is a fusion of the word Holocaust and the acronym YOLO which stands for ldquoyou only live oncerdquo often used as a hashtag in photos of people ldquohaving funrdquo inside the memorial However Shapira has given the possibility to the people protagonists of the shots to request that they be removed by writing to an email address with a particularly evocative name undouchemeyolocaustde Given the enormous resonance of the project in the end all the people involved became aware of it and asked to be removed Following this the artist explained that the project was concluded because ldquoit reached all twelve people who had taken the selfierdquo adding that the site had been viewed by two and a half million visitors

10 Yolocaust httpyolocaustde (accessed 28 February 2020)

tudi kot arhitekturni objekt s katerim je mogoče vzbuditi novo estetsko obliko umetnosti spominska obeležja pravzaprav komunicirajo z urbanim prostorom spreminjajo njegovo podobo in postajajo predstavniki zgodovine Arhitekturni rezultat ki se pojavi pred našimi očmi odraža ne samo naravo sodobnih muzejskih naprav temveč tudi ustvarja določeno privlačno nasprotje z zgodovino ki jo predstavljajo kot je to vidno pri Judovskem muzeju v Berlinu Ta muzej ki je delo poljsko-ameriškega arhitekta Daniela Libeskinda (1946) je bil zasnovan med 1989 in 1999 Po končanem delu je bila zgradba dve leti brez notranje opreme kljub temu da je bila odprta za javnost Nato je bila 11 septembra 2001 uradno odprta V Berlinu je tako jasno da je cilj pokloniti se zgodovini ki je sestavljena in konfliktna zgrajena na kamnih in ruševinah države ki se spominja svojih žrtev Nasprotje ogorčenemu spominu predstavlja Yolocaust fotografski projekt (2017) izraelskega umetnika Shahak Shapira ki izraža njegovo obsojanje Gre za spletno stran ki je zbirala fotografije vzete iz družbenih omrežij kot sta Facebook in Instagram

264 265

načrtovanju mladega mesta2 Ker pa razumevanje in interpretacija arhivskih virov zahtevata tudi podrobnejšo obrazložitev vzvodov in konteksta nastanka nekega dokumenta je v nadaljevanju poleg naštevanja prevzetega arhivskega gradiva na kratko povzeta tudi zakonodaja ki je od leta 1945 do leta 1995 krojila urejanje prostora na občinski ravni3

Obdobje med leti 1945 in 1957

Za povojni čas ni bilo značilno prostorsko planiranje celotnega občinskega teritorija ampak je bilo urbanistično načrtovanje usmerjeno v njegove dele t j gradbene okoliše Najprej so se izdelovali urbanistični regulacijski načrti ki pa so nastajali zgolj na podlagi strokovne in politične presoje Ministrstva za gradnje in kasneje tudi Ministrstva za komunalne zadeve v sklopu t i centralnega planiranja V tem obdobju se je porodila zamisel o izgradnji novega središča na Goriškem Tako je med leti 1947 in 1950 arhitekt Edvard Ravnikar izdelal več osnutkov načrta novega mesta in generalni urbanistični načrt za Novo Gorico4 ki je nastal na podlagi Temeljne uredbe o generalnem urbanističnem planu iz leta 1949 (Ur l FLRJ št 7849) Temeljna uredba je uzakonila izdelavo urbanističnih planov za okraje kraje in mesta večja pooblastila je dala tudi lokalni oblasti

Odločanje o prostorskem planiranju se je z državne ravni preneslo na ljudske odbore Tako je leta 1953 izšla Uredba o uporabi zemljišč za gradbene namene (Ur l LRS št 4453) ki je želela zavarovati splošne družbene koristi tako da je ljudskim odborom okrajev mest in mestnih občin odredila da morajo z odloki določiti zemljišča ki se smejo pod posebnimi pogoji uporabljati za gradbene namene ki ne pridejo v poštev za gradnjo in tista zemljišča ki so zavarovana in se na njih ne sme graditi5

Leta 1954 je arhitekt Božidar Gvardjančič na predlog OLO Gorica izdelal generalni urbanistični

2 V okvir mesta Nova Gorica so nekdaj spadali tudi Solkan Rožna dolina Pristava in Kromberk Navedeni kraji se danes smatrajo kot samostojne urbanistične celote oz kot primestna naselja Nove Gorice zato pričujoči članek ne predstavlja na novo pridobljene urbanistične dokumentacije omenjenih naselij ampak se v tem smislu osredotoča le na ožje pojmovanje mesta Nove Gorice

3 Pri pripravi pregleda urbanistične zakonodaje je bilo poleg v članku citiranih uradnih listov LRS SRS in FLRJ uporabljeno tudi naslednje gradivo Jože DEKLEVA Pregled in komentar normativne ureditve prostorskega planiranja skozi čas ter instrumenti prostorske regulacije v svetu Urejanje prostora na občinski ravni (ur Luka Štravs) Ljubljana 2011 str 27ndash38 Tim MAVRIČ Oris razvoja sistema urbanističnega in prostorskega planiranja med letoma 1945 in 1990 s posebnim ozirom na primer Nove Gorice (diplomsko delo) Koper 2016 Tim MAVRIČ Zgodovinski pregled razvoja urbanističnih ustanov in zakonodaje v Sloveniji med letoma 1945 in 1990 Urbani izziv Posebna izdaja 7 2017 str 132ndash142

4 Idejne skice in generalni urbanistični načrt mesta Nova Gorica se hranijo v Muzeju arhitekture in oblikovanja v Ljubljani v arhivu Fakultete za arhitekturo Univerze v Ljubljani in v Arhivu republike Slovenije (glej Alenka DI BATTISTA Nova Gorica in Velenje Čudeža socialistične gradnje v drugi Jugoslaviji (diplomsko delo) Ljubljana 2011 str 46ndash47

5 Pri tem je poudarila da se za gradbene namene ne smejo uporabljati zemljišča ki bi se jih dalo koristneje uporabiti za potrebe poljedelstva gospodarstva zdravstva ali narodne obrambe ter taka zemljišča kjer so naravni ali drugi pogoji potencialno škodljivi zdravju

Arhivski dokumenti prostorskega planiranja mesta Nove Gorice in goriške regije v Pokrajinskem arhivu v Novi Gorici Predstavitev nedavno prevzetega arhivskega gradiva bivše občine Nova Gorica

Tanja MARTELANC

Ob 70 obletnici začetka gradnje Nove Gorice se je zanimanje za arhivsko gradivo bogato s podatki o tej pomembni prelomnici v goriški zgodovini skokovito povečalo Izjemen interes so poklicni in ljubiteljski raziskovalci ter novinarji pokazali predvsem za spisovno in fotografsko gradivo ter arhitekturne načrte in risbe ki jih hranimo v Pokrajinskem arhivu v Novi Gorici v fondih Zbirka gradiva o gradnji Nove Gorice 0061 Okrajni ljudski odbor Gorica 0080 Skupščina občine Nova Gorica 0104 Zbirka fotografij 0583 Zbirka razglednic krajev 0667 Splošno gradbeno podjetje Gorica 0594I in Oblastni ljudski odbor za goriško oblast 0677

V letu 2020 pa se je arhivsko gradivo ki razkriva potek gradnje Nove Gorice povečalo za okrog 50 arhivskih škatel1 Mestna občina Nova Gorica se je odločila prepustiti v hrambo pokrajinskemu arhivu urbanistično dokumentacijo nekdanje raquovelike občinelaquo Med njo po obsegu prednjačijo zazidalni načrti celotnega področja skupščine občine danes Upravne enote Nova Gorica ter urbanistični načrti novonastalega mesta in prostorski plani Goriške regije Raziskovalci lahko sedaj na enem mestu najdejo skorajda celotno zgodovino prostorskega planiranja goriškega prostora od 50-ih pa tja do 90-ih let prejšnjega stoletja

Pričujoči članek nima namena detajlne predstavitve celotne urbanistične dejavnosti na Goriškem od leta 1947 do leta 1995 ampak želi v prvi vrsti poleg že znanih dokumentov ki se hranijo v depojih Pokrajinskega arhiva v Novi Gorici in so raziskovalcem tega področja že dobro poznani opozoriti predvsem na nedavno prevzeto arhivsko gradivo Podrobnejša obravnava gradiva bo raziskovalcem odstrla marsikatero tančico skrivnosti o urbanističnem

1 V času priprave članka je bil v hrambo Pokrajinskega arhiva v Novi Gorici prevzet večji del arhivskega gradiva ki zadeva urbanistično planiranje bivše občine Nova Gorica Nekaj gradiva je ostalo še nepopisanega in se trenutno hrani v stalni zbirki Mestne občine Nova Gorica zato bo končni seznam prevzetega gradiva daljši od predstavljenega V pričujočem članku iz istih razlogov tudi ni natančnejših podatkov o lokaciji hrambe gradiva Le-ta bo določena naknadno Gradivo je detajlno popisal arhitekt Jelko Valenčak dolgoletni sodelavec novogoriške občine ki mi je razkril marsikatero skrivnost priprave predstavljenih dokumentov za kar sem mu na tem mestu iskreno hvaležna

266 267

Projektivni atelje iz Ljubljane je že leta 1957 preden je bilo to dejansko uzakonjeno izdelal urbanistični program za Novo Gorico katerega II in III del hranimo v pokrajinskem arhivu V njem najdemo tudi leto kasneje pripravljen generalni urbanistični načrt mesta delo arhitekta Vilijem Stmecki in sodelavcev9 Leta 1959 je arhitekt Strmecki skupaj s sodelavci pripravil še Zazidalni načrt centra Nova Gorica10 Slednjega smo leta 2020 prevzeli v hrambo v arhiv

V 60-ih letih 20 stoletja se v Novi Gorici začne načrtna priprava več zazidalnih načrtov ki do sredine 90-ih let v urbanističnem smislu obravnavajo celotno področje novonastalega mesta Med prvimi je bil izdelan Zazidalni načrt ob severni diagonali v Novi Gorici delo Projektivnega ateljeja iz Ljubljane iz leta 1962 Temu načrtu je sledila vrsta ureditvenih in zazidalnih načrtov za razne predele mesta ter urbanistični program za Novo Gorico 11

Med letoma 1965 in 1973 je bilo obdobje uvajanja tržnih mehanizmov Leta 1967 so želeli z Zakonom o regionalnem prostorskem planiranju in Zakonom o urbanističnem planiranju zakonsko smotrneje urediti prostorsko planiranje celotnega območja neke regije (Ur l SRS št 1667) Po prvo omenjenem zakonu naj bi se sprejemali regionalni prostorski plani v soglasju s celotnim družbenim planiranjem pri čemer je pomembno družbeno-ekonomsko sprejemljivo gospodarjenje s prostorom urejanje prostora varovanje pokrajine načrtovanje prometne energetske in vodnogospodarske ureditve prostora določitev namembnosti površin ter družbeno-ekonomska utemeljitev plana Celotna urbanistična dokumentacija je morala biti v skladu z regionalnimi prostorskimi plani Dejansko pa ideja o regionalnem planiranju ni zaživela

Predhodne zametke izvajanja določb tega zakona lahko zasledimo v naslednjih dokumentih ki smo jih letos prevzeli v arhiv in sicer v dokumentu ki ga je leta 1964 izdelal Urbanistični inštitut SRS z naslovom Vplivna območja občin Nova Gorica Ajdovščina Idrija Tolmin in dela občine Sežana grafični prikaz k analitskem delu V njem najdemo karte ki nam na tak ali drugačen način opredeljujejo geografske značilnosti demografsko analizo vplivna območja in gradbene okoliše navedenih občin Drugi sklop dokumentacije pa nosi naslov Prva faza regionalnega plana razvoja občin Nova Gorica Ajdovščina Idrija Tolmin in dela občine Sežana znotraj katerega je Urbanistični inštitut SRS med leti 1964 in 1965 izdelal prvi del elaborata

9 PANG Skupščina občine Nova Gorica (SONG) 0104 Nova Gorica urbanistični program II in III del 1957 t e 519

10 PANG SONG 0104 Urbanizem Urbanistična dokumentacija ndash poročila 24 1 1967 št zadeve 350-367-7 t e 217 MAVRIČ 2016 (op 3) str 72ndash74

11 PANG SONG 0104 Urbanizem Pomoč pri urbanističnem načrtovanju Nove Gorice 5 9 1962 št zadeve 350-862-3 t e 71 PANG SONG 0104 Urbanizem Podatki o urbanistični dokumentaciji 27 2 1963 št zadeve 350-263 t e 71 PANG SONG 0104 Urbanizem Organizacija urbanistične službe in stanje urbanistične dokumentacije ndash anketa 25 5 1964 št zadeve 350-364 t e 71 PANG SONG 0104 Urbanizem Urbanistična dokumentacija ndash poročila 24 1 1967 št zadeve 350-367-7 t e 217

načrt za Novo Gorico6 leto poprej pa še nekaj zazidalnih oz regulacijskih načrtov za ožja območja mesta med njimi za območje med Erjavčevo Delpinovo in Kosovelovo ulico7 ter zazidalni načrt za Grčno8

Tri leta kasneje je bil sprejet Zakon o uporabi zemljišč za gradbene namene (Ur l LRS št 1356) ki določa da okrajni ljudski odbori na predlog občinskih ljudskih odborov z odloki opredelijo zemljišča ki se bodisi uporabljajo za gradbene namene t j gradbeni okoliši ali pa ne Odloki se lahko nanašajo na celotno območje občine ali pa le na posamezne dele občine Okrajnim ljudskim odborom je bilo tudi naloženo da morajo odloke izdati najpozneje do konca leta 1956 za predvidene gradbene potrebe naslednjih dveh let

Ker tak način zakonske regulacije prostorskega planiranja ni bil zadovoljiv saj gradnja ni bila usmerjena je leta 1958 izšel nov Zakon o urbanističnih projektih (Ur l LRS št 2258) ki je prvi zakonsko opredelil potrebno dokumentacijo za prostorsko načrtovanje ki naj bi v gradbenih okoliših zagotovila smotrnejšo graditev Urbanistični projekt naj bi opredelil podlago in začrtal pot razvoja naselja tako da bi poleg gradbenega okoliša predvidel tudi vplive širšega območja Sestavljen je moral biti iz urbanističnega programa (t j program za razvoj in urbanistično ureditev vplivnega območja) in ureditvenega načrta (načrt za urbanistično ureditev naselja oz gradbenega območja) njune rešitve pa so nujno morale biti tudi ekonomsko utemeljene Načeloma se ureditvenega načrta ni izdelovalo brez predhodne izdelave in potrditve urbanističnega programa Za izdelavo urbanističnega programa je bila potrebna natančna ocena obstoječega stanja (geografske klimatske hidrografske gospodarske prometne demografske stanovanjske kulturno-prosvetne spomeniško varstvene socialne zdravstvene komunalne turistične ipd razmere) in načrt nadaljnjega urbanističnega razvoja za obdobje najmanj naslednjih 30 let in sicer po 10-letnih etapah Na podlagi analize se je nato izdelalo napoved prostorskega urejanja naselja in vplivnega območja na področju prometne vodnogospodarske in komunalne ureditve ter namenske uporabe posameznih predelov (t i coningi) Ureditveni načrt pa so sestavljali načrt obstoječega stanja s potrebnimi višinskimi terenskimi podatki načrt namenske izrabe površin z osnovno prometno mrežo in lokacijo družbeno pomembnih objektov načrt načelnih rešitev vodnogospodarskih ureditev in komunalnih naprav tehnično poročilo z obrazložitvijo in z opisom etapne graditve pravilnik za izvajanje ureditvenega načrta in zazidalni načrt za predele ki so bili namenjeni gradnji

6 Za skico generalnega urbanističnega načrta Nove Gorice iz leta 1954 delo arhitekta Božidarja Gvardjančiča gl PANG Okrajni ljudski odbor Gorica (OLOG) 0080 Odobritev mikrolokacije za Goriške strojne tovarne in livarno v Novi Gorici t e 316 a e 134

7 Za zazidalni načrt Nove Gorice sektorja med Gabrijelovo cesto cesto št 5 in 6 ter potoka Korena delo arhitekta Božidarja Gvardjančiča iz leta 1953 gl PANG OLOG 0080 Bivalnica v Novi Gorici investicijski elaborat t e 4732 a e 27074

8 Več o tem v MAVRIČ 2016 (op 3) str 68ndash70 DI BATTISTA 2011 (op 4) str 67ndash68

268 269

Zazidalni načrti se po zgoraj omenjenem zakonu morajo izdelati za zaokrožena zazidalna območja kot so mestno jedro soseske kareji pa tudi športne in rekreacijske površine pokopališča idr vendar največ za 10-letno obdobje Ti zazidalni načrti tako postanejo glavni določevalci lokacij gradbenih objektov prometnic komunalnih naprav zelenic pomembni pa so tudi zaradi arhitektonske ureditve pripadajočega zemljiškega kompleksa Zazidalni načrti so tudi nujno potrebni pri izdelavi lokacijske dokumentacije in izdaje lokacijskih dovoljenj Sestavljeni so iz programskega in tehničnega dela V prvem delu so podrobneje opredeljene urbanske funkcije naselja ali dela naselja dodane so jim tudi podlage za ureditev in izrabo zemljišč ter graditev manjkati pa ne sme niti predračun komunalne ureditve Tehnični del dokumentacije sestavljajo arhitektonska dokumentacija dokumentacija za izvedbo zazidalne zasnove načrt parcelacije zemljišč načrti komunalnih naprav pravilnik za izvajanje zazidalnega načrta in ekonomsko-tehnično poročilo

Za mesto Nova Gorica oz njegovo okolico je bilo po letu 1965 izdelanih več kot 40 zazidalnih načrtov ki so jih kronološko številčili Področje ožjega mesta Nove Gorice so pokrivali

2 delni zazidalni načrt mesta Nova Gorica za predel med Erjavčevo Kosovelovo cesto in potokom Kornom sprejet z odlokom leta 1966 ki pa ga žal ne hranimo v arhivu

Sledil mu je 3 delni zazidalni načrt mesta Nova Gorica za predel med Leninovo cesto severno diagonalo Vojkovo in Prvomajsko cesto ter njegove spremembe in dopolnitve ki so od letos del arhivskega fonda Skupščine občine Nova Gorica

Za njim je bil pripravljen 4 delni zazidalni načrt trgovskega centra Nova Gorica ki obsega predel med Severno diagonalo Erjavčevo in Kidričevo cesto ter del Trga revolucije in naslednje leto še 5 delni zazidalni načrt za Novo Gorico ki obsega vzhodno pobočje Vetrišča

Leta 1968 je bil narejen 9 delni zazidalni načrt mesta Nova Gorica ki obsega predel obrtniške cone ob Prvomajski ulici istega leta še 10 delni zazidalni načrt mesta Nova Gorica ki obsega območje Grčne naslednje leto so pripravili 12 delni zazidalni načrt mesta Nova Gorica ki obsega predel med Kromberško cesto Ulico 25 junija in dijaškim domom

V letu 1970 so bili izdelani 14 delni zazidalni načrt mesta Nova Gorica ki obsega stanovanjsko naselje ob Cankarjevi ulici raquoKare 4laquo ter istočasno sprejeti 15 delni zazidalni načrt mesta Nova Gorica ki obsega območje športnega parka v Novi Gorici ki pa ga nismo našli med predanim gradivom

Leta 1972 sta sledila 20 delni zazidalni načrt mesta Nova Gorica ki obsega območje ob Gregorčičevi ulici in ulici Tolminskih puntarjev in 22 delni zazidalni načrt mesta Nova Gorica ki obsega območje Trgovskega centra ndash severni del naslednje leto pa še 25 delni zazidalni načrt mesta Nova Gorica ki obsega območje KARE V ob Cankarjevi ulici in 26 delni zazidalni načrt mesta Nova Gorica ki obsega območje med Marušičevo Prvomajsko Bazoviško in Bidovičevo ulico

z naslovom Vplivna območja delo geografa Lojzeta Gosarja dva zvezka z analitičnim delom plana ter grafične prikaze k analitičnemu delu

Zakon o urbanističnem planiranju je predvideval pripravo urbanističnih programov urbanističnih načrtov zazidalnih načrtov in urbanističnih redov ki jih je bilo potrebno novelirati vsakih pet let Urbanistični program naj bi se v tistem času izdelal za celotno področje neke občine in ne le zgolj za vplivna območja in gradbeni okoliš Urbanistični program ki je osnova za pripravo drugih prostorskih aktov je moral po zakonu vsebovati dokumentacijo o družbenem in ekonomskem razvoju mest in naselij v občini funkcijo in zmogljivost mest in naselij ter grafično dokumentacijo ki je obsegala vodnogospodarsko ureditev prometno in energetsko omrežje ter namensko porazdelitev površin skupaj s prikazom zavarovanih območij V samem urbanističnem programu pa se morajo določiti tudi mesta naselja ali druga območja za katera se izdelajo urbanistični in zazidalni načrti ter urbanistični redi Urbanistične načrte se po zakonu izdela za območja ki so v neposredni povezavi z ureditvenim območjem kjer je predvidena intenzivna gradnja zazidalni načrti pa se izdelajo zgolj za območja kjer je predvidena gradnja ter za območja ki so določena za posebne namene medtem ko se ostala območja v občini ureja z urbanističnimi redi Občinska skupščina določi katera območja občine bo obravnavala v dotičnem prostorskem aktu

Odlok o izdelavi urbanistične dokumentacije v občini Nova Gorica (Ur glasilo občin Ajdovščina Nova Gorica in Tolmin št 1167) je zapovedoval da mora biti urbanistični program izdelan do konca leta 1968 urbanistični načrti pa naj se izdelajo za območje mesta Nova Gorica z naslednjimi naselji Ajševica Stara gora Šempeter in Vrtojba in sicer do konca leta 1969 Na podlagi tega odloka je bil pripravljen Urbanistični program občine Nova Gorica tako analitski kot tudi planski del ki ga je leta 1969 izdelal Zavod za urbanizem Nova Gorica pod taktirko arhitekta Tomaža Vuge Gradivo se od letošnjega leta hrani v arhivu

Urbanistični načrt je bil podlaga za izdelavo zazidalnega načrta Vsebovati je moral geodetski načrt obstoječega stanja načrt namenske rabe površin z lokacijo družbeno pomembnejših objektov ter s prikazom zavarovanih območij in kulturnih spomenikov območja za katera se izdelajo zazidalni načrti načrt osnovnega prometnega omrežja načrt osnovnega omrežja komunalnih objektov in naprav načrt osnovnih rešitev vodnogospodarskih ureditev zbirno karto za načrte urbanistične ureditvene in oblikovalne zasnove z opredelitvijo območij ki predstavljajo arhitektonsko celoto in upoštevajo posebni red za spomeniško varstvo ekonomsko-tehnično poročilo z obrazložitvijo in opisom etapne realizacije za komunalne ureditve ter pravilnik za izvajanje urbanističnega načrta

Urbanistični zavod ndash Projektivni atelje iz Ljubljane je leta 1967 pripravil dokumentacijo k novelaciji urbanističnega načrta Nove Gorice in sicer okvirni coning s cestno mrežo delo arhitekta Vilijema Strmeckega ki smo ga od mestne občine prejeli v hrambo Prav tako smo v letošnjem letu prejeli tudi Urbanistični načrt mesta Nove Gorice cestno omrežje ki ga je leta 1971 izdelal Zavod za urbanizem Nova Gorica

270 271

kratko PIN Prvi se lahko pripravi tudi za tista območja občine za katera ni predvidena izdelava prostorskih izvedbenih načrtov oz ti načrti ne bodo sprejeti v tekočem planskem obdobju prostorski izvedbeni načrt pa ureja območja kjer je predvidena graditev širitev prenova naselij ali drugi posegi v prostor Med prostorske izvedbene načrte štejemo zazidalne načrte za nova naselja ali za posamezna območja ureditvene načrte za prenovo dopolnilno gradnjo in komunalno sanacijo za urejanje zelenih in rekreacijskih površin ter za urejanje drugih posegov v prostor ki niso graditev ter lokacijske načrte za posamezne infrastrukturne objekte in naprave Na podlagi prostorskega izvedbenega načrta se izdaja lokacijska dovoljenja ter parcelira zemljišča Pri pripravi navedenih aktov se upoštevajo naravne danosti obstoječa in predvidena raba prostora že pripravljene strokovne podlage predvidijo se možni vplivi na okolje določijo se urbanistični oblikovalski gradbeno tehnični in drugi pogoji predvidi se prometna energetska komunalna infrastruktura ipd Prostorski izvedbeni akti vsebujejo tudi grafični del kjer je na reambuliranih temeljnih topografskih načrtih prikazano obstoječe stanje dopolnjeno s katastrskimi podatki o parcelah

Arhiv je od letos bogat za Strokovne osnove prostorskega dela družbenega plana občine Nova Gorica ki jih je leta 1979 pripravila Fakulteta za arhitekturo gradbeništvo in geodezijo Univerze v Ljubljani in Prostorski plan občine Nova Gorica delovno gradivo za pripravo družbenega dogovora o temeljih prostorskega plana ki ga je leta 1979 in leta 1980 pripravil Projekt Nova Gorica Poleg zgoraj omenjenega dokumenta je ohranjenih še enajst zvezkov z naslovi

Analiza potreb po stanovanjski gradnji v občini Nova Gorica za potrebe prostorskega plana

Šolstvo in otroško varstvo v novogoriški občini

Obrt v občini Nova Gorica

Gradbeništvo v občini Nova Gorica

Delovna mesta

Socialne dejavnosti mestne službe in sorodne dejavnosti

Ocena družbenoekonomskih prednosti gradnje avtoceste Razdrto-Nova Gorica (TEZE) + izvršene analize

Površine za industrijo

Ocena potreb po prostoru za trgovine v občini Nova Gorica

Shranjevanje odpadkov na območju občine Nova Gorica

Analiza rezultatov anket o elementih TOZD SIS in KS za sklepanje dogovora o temeljih prostorskega dela družbenega plana občine Nova Gorica

Rezultat navedenih raziskav je bil za tisto obdobje izredno pomemben Družbeni plan občine Nova Gorica 1981-1985 ki ga prav tako hranimo v arhivu

Leta 1966 je bil pripravljen tudi Ureditveni predlog za industrijsko cono v Novi Gorici ki pa leta 1967 še ni bil predložen Skupščini občine Nova Gorica v potrditev12 V letošnjem letu je dokument od Mestne občine Nova Gorica prevzel v hrambo pokrajinski arhiv

Z urbanističnim redom občinska skupščina določi način urejanja in sanacije naselij namensko uporabo zemljišč komunalno opremljenost zemljišč pogoje ki morajo biti izpolnjeni za graditev objektov velikost stavbnih zemljišč idr Urbanistični redi so tudi bili predmet predstavljenega prevzema arhivskega gradiva v letu 2020 vendar se ne dotikajo prostorskega planiranja ožjega dela mesta Nove Gorice zato na tem mestu ne bodo taksativno našteti

Obdobje po letu 1974 do formiranja novih občin leta 1995

Od leta 1974 do leta 1990 je za področje Jugoslavije karakteristično samoupravno družbeno planiranje Na podlagi tega načela so izšli Zakon o urejanju prostora in Zakon o urejanju naselij in drugih posegov v prostor ter Zakon o stavbnih zemljiščih vsi trije iz leta 1984 (Ur l SRS št 1884) Prva dva kot odločevalca v prostorskem planiranju postavita delavce delovne ljudi in občane v samoupravnih organizacijah in skupnostih ter družbenopolitičnih skupnostih Le-ti morajo pri prostorskem planiranju upoštevati več vidikov urejanja prostora tako ekonomskega socialnega kulturnega itd Tako so občine po Zakonu o urejanju prostora začele pripravljati dolgoročne in srednjeročne družbene plane Prvi so bili podlaga za pripravo drugih saj so opredeljevali dobrine splošnega pomena (npr kmetijska zemljišča gozdove nahajališča rud območja vodnih virov itd) omrežje naselij in njihovih območij organizacijo dejavnosti in izhodišča za pripravo dokumentov o namenski rabi prostora ter infrastrukturo omrežja Pri pripravi družbenih planov so si pisci aktov lahko pomagali tudi s strokovnimi podlagami t j analizami raziskavami študijami ki so bile o dotični temi pripravljene Poleg tekstovnega dela mora dolgoročni plan vsebovati tudi grafični del

Srednjeročni družbeni plani ki se morajo pripraviti za obdobje petih let so vsebinsko podobni prostorskim planom saj morajo vsebovati podlago in cilje glede stanovanjske gradnje gradnje objektov družbenega standarda proizvodnih objektov ter infrastrukturnih objektov in naprav pridobivanja in urejanja stavbnih zemljišč urejanja kmetijskih zemljišč varovanja in razvoja naravnih in z delom pridobljenih vrednot varovanja in izboljševanja bivalnega in delovnega okolja ter urejanja prostora za splošno ljudsko obrambo in družbeno samozaščito

S srednjeročnimi plani se določijo tudi območja intenzivne gradnje prenove ali širitve naselja za katera se mora kasneje izdelati prostorske izvedbene akte ki so opredeljeni v Zakonu o urejanju naselij in drugih posegov v prostor Prostorski izvedbeni akt je sestavljen iz prostorskih ureditvenih pogojev na kratko PUP (urbanistični oblikovalski in družbeni pogoji za posege v prostorsko in funkcionalno zaokroženo območje) in prostorskega izvedbenega načrta na

12 PANG SONG 0104 Urbanizem Urbanistična dokumentacija ndash poročila 24 1 1967 št zadeve 350-367-7 t e 217

272 273

Leta 1979 je bil izdelan 35 delni zazidalni načrt mesta Nova Gorica ki obsega območje raquoKARE VIIIlaquo in

36 delni zazidalni načrt za mesto Nova Gorica ki obsega območje ob Lavričevi ulici

leta 1983 pa je bil sprejet še 39 delni zazidalni načrt za mesto Nova Gorica ki obsega območje raquoPavšičevega naseljalaquo

Ureditveni načrt je bil pripravljen tudi za stanovanjsko-poslovno cono raquoOb nebotičniku in stari Komunalilaquo v Novi Gorici in sicer leta 1987

leta 1989 za oskrbovalno središče ob Gregorčičevi ulici v Novi Gorici

leta 1993 mu je sledil ureditveni načrt za Trgovski center v Novi Gorici

leto kasneje pa še za Kulturni center v Novi Gorici

Med leti 1978 in 1981 je sledilo nadaljevanje priprave urbanističnega načrta mesta Nove Gorice pod taktirko projektivnega biroja Projekt Nova Gorica V arhivu od letos hranimo deset zvezkov omenjenega načrta ki obsegajo delovni program (skupaj s predlogom) oceno razvoja delovnih mest komunalne infrastrukture šolstva in otroškega varstva (1 in 2 del) lokacijsko osnovo za kotlarne v Novi Gorici načrt športnih in rekreacijskih površin prodajaln različnih trgovskih organizacij generalni urbanistični načrt širšega mestnega območja Nove Gorice in zaključno poročilo o izdelavi dokumentacije

Leta 1989 je bila izdelana analiza obstoječega stanja urbanistične zasnove mesta Nova Gorica vendar le kot delovno gradivo Avtor analize je bil arhitekt Emil Bratina sodelavec Projekta Nova Gorica Istega leta je bil pod taktirko dr Andreja Pogačnika pripravljen še Osnutek urbanistične zasnove mesta Nova Gorica Navedena dokumenta se od letošnjega leta hranita v depojih pokrajinskega arhiva

Obdobje po letu 1990 je bilo v znamenju tržnega gospodarstva in parlamentarne demokracije še vedno pa je bila v veljavi zgoraj predstavljena zakonodaja iz leta 1984 šele leta 2003 jo je zamenjal Zakon o urejanju prostora (Ur l RS št 11002 803 ndash popr 5803) Iz tega obdobja naj omenil le še prevzeto Urbanistično zasnovo mesta Nova Gorica zasnova skladno povezanega prometnega sistema Nove Gorice in Gorice delo Studia AxA iz Nove Gorice iz leta 1993

Zaključek

Kot je bilo uvodoma povedano predstavljena arhivska dokumentacija ni bila prevzeta v celoti zato se v pokrajinskem arhivu nadejamo še dodatnih arhivskih dokumentov ki bodo v veliko pomoč urbanistom in raziskovalcem pri proučevanju prostorskega planiranja Nove Gorice Hkrati je potrebno tudi poudariti da se veliko arhivskih dokumentov ki pričajo o urbanistični dejavnosti Goriške še vedno hrani v stalni zbirki Upravne enote Nova Gorica ki postopoma odbira gradivo bivše Skupščine občine Nova Gorica in ga predaja v hrambo pokrajinskemu

V sklop priprav na sprejetje družbenih planov in večjega udejstvovanja občanov pri odločanju o pomembnih urbanističnih nalogah spadata tudi zanimiva dokumenta ki sta nastala v Centru za raziskovanje lokalnih skupnosti in delovnih organizacij Prvi nosi naslov Prostorska organizacija in razvojne težnje v mestu Nova Gorica drugi je raziskovalna naloga z naslovom Družbeni in urbanistični problemi razvoja mesta Nova Gorica dokumentarne priloge k poročilu Oba dokumenta je pripravil dr Zdravko Mlinar s sodelavci leta 1981 Dolgoročni plan občine Nova Gorica dolgoročna prostorska alokacija industrije delo Projekta Nova Gorica pa je nastalo leta 1982 Sem lahko prištevamo tudi dokumente Zavoda za družbeno planiranje občine Nova Gorica ki jih je izdelal med leti 1982 in 1985

Razvoj kmetijstva in živinoreje upoštevaje celotno regijo in povezanost s prehrambeno ter kemijsko industrijo (1 in 2 del)

Solkanska industrija apna (SIA) stanje in razvojna izhodišča

Dolgoročna opredelitev nekonvencionalnih razvojnih smeri z nujnim upoštevanjem regije (2 del)

Energetske možnosti in omejitve za nadaljnji razvoj s poudarkom na centralni toplotni oskrbi

Analiza zazidljivih površin v občini Nova Gorica po spremembi srednjeročnega družbenega plana za obdobje 1981-1985

Analiza razvojnih možnosti občine Nova Gorica do leta 2000

Razvojne možnosti strojegradnje elektronike kemije in gradbene industrije širšega območja v luči razvojnih kriterijev iz temeljev plana 1981- 1985 ter

Leta 1991 je bil pripravljen tudi Osnutek sprememb in dopolnitev prostorskih sestavin srednjeročnega in dolgoročnega plana občine Nova Gorica za obdobje 1986-1990 in 1986-2000 kartografska dokumentacija ki je bil poleg zgoraj naštetih tudi predmet prevzema v letu 2020

Priprava zazidalnih načrtov ki je zaživela v 60-ih letih in v prvi polovici 70-ih se je nadaljevala do 90-ih letih preteklega stoletja saj je bil

leta 1974 pripravljen 28 delni zazidalni načrt mesta Nova Gorica ki obsega območje KARE VII na Ledinah

leta 1976 mu je sledil 30 delni zazidalni načrt mesta Nova Gorica za območje KARE VI

dve leti kasneje še 31 delni zazidalni načrt mesta Nova Gorica ki obsega območje raquoGasilski domlaquo in

33 delni zazidalni načrt mesta Nova Gorica ki obsega območje Šolski center jug in dom srednješolskih centrov v Novi Gorici ter

34 delni zazidalni načrt mesta Nova Gorica ki obsega območje raquoVetrišče-severlaquo

274 275

Archival Documents on Spatial Planning for Nova Gorica and Gorizia Region held in the Provincial Archives in Nova Gorica Presentation of Recently Acquired Archives from the Former Nova Gorica Municipality

Summary

The article presents a large acquisition of archival material submitted to the archive by the Municipality of Nova Gorica in 2020 The documentation includes building plans for the entire area of the municipality today the Administrative Unit of Nova Gorica urban plans for the newly created city and the spatial plans of the Gorizia region as well as other documentation revealing the history of the spatial planning of the Gorizia area from the 1950s to the 1990s This paper through a brief summary of the legislation that governed planning at the municipal level from 1945 to 1995 presents the relevant documents that were the subject of the recent takeover The most important acquisitions of the Provincial Archive are

a 1959 plan for the construction of the centre of Nova Gorica the work of architect Vilijem Strmecki and colleagues

a 1964 document entitled Vplivna območja občin Nova Gorica Ajdovščina Idrija Tolmin in dela občine Sežana grafični prikaz k analitskem delu [The Impactful Areas of the Municipalities of Nova Gorica Ajdovščina Idrija Tolmin and Parts of the Municipality of Sežana a graphic representation of the analytical work] prepared by the SRS Urban Institute and a document bearing the title

the first phase of the regional development plan of the municipalities of Nova Gorica Ajdovščina Idrija Tolmin and part of the municipality of Sežana as well as the work of the SRS Urban Institute

the urban plan of the municipality of Nova Gorica created by the Institute for Urban Planning Nova Gorica from 1969

a revision of the cityrsquos urban plan entitled Nova Gorica - a Framework Zoning with a Road Network the work of architect William Strmecki from 1967

the Urban Plan of the City of Nova Gorica the Road Network created by the Institute for Urban Planning Nova Gorica in 1971

the professional basis of the spatial part of the social plan of the municipality of Nova Gorica prepared in 1979 by the Faculty of Architecture Civil Engineering and Geodesy University of Ljubljana

spatial plan of the municipality of Nova Gorica working materials for the preparation of a

arhivu Zato verjamemo da bomo v prihodnjih letih dopolnili na tem mestu še nedokončan mozaik dokumentov ki pripovedujejo zgodbo o urbanistični zasnovi enega najmlajših slovenskih mest

social agreement on the basics of the spatial plan prepared by Project Nova Gorica [the Nova Gorica Project] between 1979 and 1980

interesting documents entitled Prostorska organizacija in razvojne težnje v mestu Nova Gorica ter Družbeni in urbanistični problemi razvoja mesta Nova Gorica dokumentarne priloge k poročilu [Spatial organization and development tendencies in Nova Gorica and Social and urban problems of Nova Gorica development documentary annexes to the report] both documents were prepared by dr Zdravko Mlinar and colleagues in 1981

the municipality of Nova Goricarsquos long-term plan long-term spatial allocation of industry created by the 1982 Nova Gorica Project

ten volumes on the preparation of the urban plan of the city of Nova Gorica the work of the project bureau of the Nova Gorica Project which were created between 1978 and 1981

an analysis of the existing state of the urban design of the town of Nova Gorica from 1989 by architect Emil Bratina

a draft of the urban plan of Nova Gorica by dr Andrej Pogačnik from 1989 and

the urban design of the city of Nova Gorica design of a coherently connected transport system in Nova Gorica and Gorizia the work of Studio AxA from Nova Gorica from 1993

Since 1965 more than 20 building plans have been made for the narrower area of Nova Gorica which have been numbered chronologically Almost all of them with the exception of two building plans were handed over to the provincial archives

Vse pravice pridržane Noben del te izdaje ne sme biti reproduciran shranjen ali prepisan v kateri koli obliki oz na kateri koli način bodisi elektronsko mehansko s fotokopiranjem snemanjem ali kako drugače brez predhodnega dovoljenja lastnika avtorskih pravic copy

Objavljeni prispevki niso recenzirani Avtorji odgovarjajo za jezikovno in vsebinsko ustreznost svojih člankov in za pridobljena dovoljenja nosilcev avtorskih pravicThe papers have not been peer-reviewed The authors are responsible for ensuring the suitability of language and content of their articles and for obtaining permissions from copyright holders

Kataložni zapis o publikaciji (CIP) pripravili v Narodni in univerzitetni knjižnici v LjubljaniCOBISSSI -ID= 13134339ISBN 978-961-05-0434-4 (pdf)

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MAPIRANJE PROSTOROV MODERNISTIČNIH MEST V KONTEKSTU NAČEL CIAM-OVE ATENSKE LISTINE Zbornik prispevkov mednarodne konference

MAPPING THE SPACES OF MODERNIST CITIES WITHIN THE CONTEXT OF CIAMrsquoS ATHENS CHARTER Proceedings of the International Conference

Uredili Edited byKatarina Mohar Barbara Vodopivec

Oblikovanje in postavitev Design and layoutAndrej Furlan

Oblikovanje naslovnice Cover designNejc Bernik

Prevodi povzetkov Translations of summariesManuela Dajnko Nika Vaupotič Amy Anne Kennedy

Izdajatelj Issued by ZRC SAZU Umetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta Steleta ZRC SAZU France Stele Institute of Art History Zanj Represented by Mija Oter Gorenčič

Založnik Published by Založba ZRC Zanjo Represented by Oto Luthar Vodja založbe Head of Publishing House Aleš Pogačnik

Prva e-izdaja Ljubljana 2020

Izid publikacije je financirala Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije

Publikacija je nastala v okviru aplikativnega projekta Mapiranje urbanih prostorov slovenskih mest v zgodovinskem okviru Nova Gorica in njeni konteksti (L6ndash8262) ki ga sofinancirajo Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije Mestna občina Nova Gorica in Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti in v okviru raziskovalnega programa Slovenska umetnostna identiteta v evropskem okviru (P6ndash0061)

Tomaž VUGA

Ravnikarjev predlog

Mestni teritorij

Zaključek

Petdeseta leta

Sedemdeseta leta

Osemdeseta leta

Devetdeseta leta

Po letu 2000

Summary

21 WELTER (n 20) p 262

Povzetek

Introduction

17 МОКЛЯНИК 2006 (n 16) p 101

Conclusions

Povzetek

Bogo Zupančič

Introduction

Conclusion

42 See n 34

Povzetek

IŠČA

Barbara VODOPIVEC

Summary

Valentina RODANI

Povzetek

100 101

102 103

104 105

106 107

Povzetek

110 111

Alina BEITANE

112 113

of housing stock21

114 115

116 117

centre etc)

118 119

120 121

122 123

59 LAMZE 1932 (n 7) p 10minus11

124 125

Conclusions

126 127

Povzetek

IŠČI

130 131

132 133

Adriano as

134 135

And he continues

136 137

138 139

6 Bibliography

140 141

Povzetek

142 143

Klavdija Figelj

144 145

The Products

146 147

148 149

150 151

25 DI BATTISTA 2017 (n 24) p 53

152 153

154 155

Povzetek

158 159

Introduction

160 161

24 SMITH 2012 (n 14)

164 165

166 167

168 169

170 171

Conclusion

Bibliography

Povzetek

174 175

Helena SERAŽIN

176 177

178 179

180 181

182 183

41 KAVČIČ 2015 (op 10) str 189

184 185

186 187

Summary

I V JA

192 193

194 195

196 197

200 201

202 203

Conclusions

Povzetek

206 207

Ernesta DROLE

208 209

a e 40

210 211

212 213

214 215

218 219

220 221

Summary

222 223

Gojko ZUPAN

224 225

226 227

228 229

230 231

232 233

Summary

236 237

Nadja ZGONIK

Novi koncepti

242 243

244 245

Odprta meja

246 247

Zaključek

250 251

Summary

254 255

Eirene CAMPAGNA

256 257

258 259

260 261

Povzetek

264 265

Tanja MARTELANC

266 267

268 269

270 271

Delovna mesta

272 273

Zaključek

274 275

Summary

_GoBack

_Hlk34041306

_Hlk34041314

_Hlk34041324

_Hlk34041333

_Hlk38270788

_Hlk31115310

_Hlk32562348

_Hlk32563289

_Hlk32567312

_GoBack

Tomaž VUGA

Ravnikarjev predlog

Mestni teritorij

Zaključek

Petdeseta leta

Sedemdeseta leta

Osemdeseta leta

Devetdeseta leta

Po letu 2000

Summary

21 WELTER (n 20) p 262

Povzetek

Introduction

17 МОКЛЯНИК 2006 (n 16) p 101

Conclusions

Povzetek

Bogo Zupančič

Introduction

Conclusion

42 See n 34

Povzetek

IŠČA

Barbara VODOPIVEC

Summary

Valentina RODANI

Povzetek

100 101

102 103

104 105

106 107

Povzetek

110 111

Alina BEITANE

112 113

of housing stock21

114 115

116 117

centre etc)

118 119

120 121

122 123

59 LAMZE 1932 (n 7) p 10minus11

124 125

Conclusions

126 127

Povzetek

IŠČI

130 131

132 133

Adriano as

134 135

And he continues

136 137

138 139

6 Bibliography

140 141

Povzetek

142 143

Klavdija Figelj

144 145

The Products

146 147

148 149

150 151

25 DI BATTISTA 2017 (n 24) p 53

152 153

154 155

Povzetek

158 159

Introduction

160 161

24 SMITH 2012 (n 14)

164 165

166 167

168 169

170 171

Conclusion

Bibliography

Povzetek

174 175

Helena SERAŽIN

176 177

178 179

180 181

182 183

41 KAVČIČ 2015 (op 10) str 189

184 185

186 187

Summary

I V JA

192 193

194 195

196 197

200 201

202 203

Conclusions

Povzetek

206 207

Ernesta DROLE

208 209

a e 40

210 211

212 213

214 215

218 219

220 221

Summary

222 223

Gojko ZUPAN

224 225

226 227

228 229

230 231

232 233

Summary

236 237

Nadja ZGONIK

Novi koncepti

242 243

244 245

Odprta meja

246 247

Zaključek

250 251

Summary

254 255

Eirene CAMPAGNA

256 257

258 259

260 261

Povzetek

264 265

Tanja MARTELANC

266 267

268 269

270 271

Delovna mesta

272 273

Zaključek

274 275

Summary

_GoBack

_Hlk34041306

_Hlk34041314

_Hlk34041324

_Hlk34041333

_Hlk38270788

_Hlk31115310

_Hlk32562348

_Hlk32563289

_Hlk32567312

_GoBack

Tomaž VUGA

Ravnikarjev predlog

Mestni teritorij

Zaključek

Petdeseta leta

Sedemdeseta leta

Osemdeseta leta

Devetdeseta leta

Po letu 2000

Summary

21 WELTER (n 20) p 262

Povzetek

Introduction

17 МОКЛЯНИК 2006 (n 16) p 101

Conclusions

Povzetek

Bogo Zupančič

Introduction

Conclusion

42 See n 34

Povzetek

IŠČA

Barbara VODOPIVEC

Summary

Valentina RODANI

Povzetek

100 101

102 103

104 105

106 107

Povzetek

110 111

Alina BEITANE

112 113

of housing stock21

114 115

116 117

centre etc)

118 119

120 121

122 123

59 LAMZE 1932 (n 7) p 10minus11

124 125

Conclusions

126 127

Povzetek

IŠČI

130 131

132 133

Adriano as

134 135

And he continues

136 137

138 139

6 Bibliography

140 141

Povzetek

142 143

Klavdija Figelj

144 145

The Products

146 147

148 149

150 151

25 DI BATTISTA 2017 (n 24) p 53

152 153

154 155

Povzetek

158 159

Introduction

160 161

24 SMITH 2012 (n 14)

164 165

166 167

168 169

170 171

Conclusion

Bibliography

Povzetek

174 175

Helena SERAŽIN

176 177

178 179

180 181

182 183

41 KAVČIČ 2015 (op 10) str 189

184 185

186 187

Summary

I V JA

192 193

194 195

196 197

200 201

202 203

Conclusions

Povzetek

206 207

Ernesta DROLE

208 209

a e 40

210 211

212 213

214 215

218 219

220 221

Summary

222 223

Gojko ZUPAN

224 225

226 227

228 229

230 231

232 233

Summary

236 237

Nadja ZGONIK

Novi koncepti

242 243

244 245

Odprta meja

246 247

Zaključek

250 251

Summary

254 255

Eirene CAMPAGNA

256 257

258 259

260 261

Povzetek

264 265

Tanja MARTELANC

266 267

268 269

270 271

Delovna mesta

272 273

Zaključek

274 275

Summary

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