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Changing face of journalism in India: Agitation to Alliances

Mira K Desai

Associate Professor, SNDT Women’s University

mirakdesai@rediffmail.com

ABSTRACT

This paper, based on the review of the history of Indian newspapers starting from

1780 to 2011, argues that the face of journalism in India is changing. The Indian

press represented agitation again authorities; be it East India Company or British

government, since its inception. But the twenty first century Indian journalism has

alliances with advertisers as well as government. Today journalism means giving

visibility to brands and creating image rather than agitating against power

structures.

The journey of newspapers is a story of changing ownership, role, organizational

structures, content, and regulation narratives over 200+ years and concludes that

in twenty first century newspapers in India do not mean political mobilisation,

nation building or public awareness but their ‘mission’ is money. News media is

‘on sale’ and ‘paid news and private treaties’ with commoditization of

newspapers is becoming norm of business. Journalism as ‘information to public

good’ has become ‘vehicle of communication’ and profiteering is the priority.

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Background

Intentional news gathering existed in ancient as well as medieval India. Emperors

like Ashoka (272- 232 BC) and Aurangzeb (1658-1707 AD) are credited with

creating news collection, documentation and dissemination systems much before

the advent of printing press. History of journalism/press in India is well

documented (Menon 1930, Rau 1974, Hassan 1980, Raghavan 1994, Ravindran

1997, Vilanilam 2005). Menon (1930) traces the origins of modern journalism in

India to the early years of the East India Company and remarks that newspapers

of a sort were published in those days by Englishmen for the benefit of their

countrymen. The history of India’s press can be divided into four segments- pre-

independence (1947), post-independence till emergency (1974), post-emergency

(up to 1990), post-globalisation (post-1991). There are also hundreds if not

thousands of geographies and linguistic histories of press/journalism across India.

The Journey

James Augustus Hicky, a British, ex-East Indian Company employee, is credited

for the first ‘Indian’ newspaper, the Gazette also known as The Calcutta General

Advertiser or Hicky’s Gazette. Hicky, who introduced the Gazette on January 29,

1780, described his paper as “a weekly political and commercial paper open to all

parties, but influenced by none” (Rau, 1974). For first three decades press in India

remained English and all newspapers in India were owned by Englishmen. Even

the first Indian-language paper in 1818, Dig darshan was started as a monthly in

Bengali language transformed to weekly and renamed as Samachar Darpan.

Freedom fighters, social reformers and political leaders used the press as a

weapon to fight colonial powers, many of whom were deported, fined or forced to

serve jail terms for their views in the newspapers. Indian social reformers, such

as Raja Ram Mohan Roy (1772-1833), Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856-

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1920), Lala Lajpat Rai (1865-1928) and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (1869-

1948), used newspapers to reach out to the masses.

Indian press post-independence slowed down on its mission to influence social

realities. Scholars note that pre-independence press, in spite of “low circulation

and low literacy rates, did have enough influence and power to invite waves of

repression” (Shrivastava, 2000). Post-independence many newspaper

managements took over editorial controls by making their family members enter

the journalism business. The processes also became more technology driven.

In 1975, the then Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi declared political emergency

from 25 June 1975 to 21 March 1977 in the country and imposed various

restrictions on print media including dissolution of news agencies. It is considered

to be the dark period for Indian democracy and so Indian journalism. Post-

emergency the business of journalism became corporate driven and many owners

took over editorial control of their ventures and editors turned their attention to

their publishers’ financial success.

After the Soviet Union’s downfall in the late 1980s, India grappled with a foreign

exchange crisis and liberalisation and privatisation post-1991. During this time,

Cable and Satellite television made CNN and BBC World accessible to Indian

television viewers. During 1995 to 2003, new forms of journalism came to force

in India. India’s television landscape, dominated by two state-controlled TV

stations, was “invaded” by numerous indigenous and foreign news channels.

Today multiple language television news channels compete with newspaper

circulation impacting the way newspapers report their news. Television news

stations way of handling news get influenced by race for Television Rating Points

(TRPs). Market pressures lead to mainstream media become increasingly bottom-

line oriented, with a new emphasis on entertainment and lifestyle coverage. Indian

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also witnessed launch of mainly regional as well as Indian editions of foreign

magazines.

Newspaper owners function under multiple constraints, including newsprint

controls, proprietary demands to meet the bottom lines, pressure to sustain

business interest in regulatory environment, increasing cover price, pressure to

depend more on advertisers than on subscribers, advertising/commercial

pressures/priorities, labour and technology issues, political pressures of ruling

parties and opposition parties, possibilities of government censorship and

lobbying (Ravindran, 1997, Vilanilam 2005).

Present realities include multiple editions, circulation wars, local supplements,

technological advancement, competition with electronic media, commodification

of news, sting operations of varied nature and ‘relaxation in Foreign Direct

Investment (FDI) norms by the government’ (TRAI,2008). Most newspapers,

including Indian language newspapers, have started online editions (Thakur,

2009). South Indian media group like Eenadu (Ramoji Rao owned South India

based group) has launched newspaper on mobile. Mobile news updates also

compete with newspaper readership today.

The Question

The India Media Centre, University of Westminster, London organized an

International Conference “The changing face of journalism in India” on 12

September 2011. Mumbai university in 2010 titled its conference “Journalism in

India: From Mission to Profession - 1947 to 2010”. Federation of Indian

Chambers of Commerce and Industries (FICCI) yearly media event Frames in the

year 2009 titled their journalism panel, “Sensationalism Vs journalism: TRP

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Zindabad!”. Even this issue of Media Watch is “Changing Scenario of Indian

Media & Journalism”.

While it has been accepted that the volume and variety of media vehicles has

multiplied many fold in last few years, one cannot deny the fact that newspapers

are still sought after by its readers and unlike in the West where newspaper

circulation is on decline Indian daily newspaper circulation have increased some

500 percent (Jeffery, 2000). As per Newspaper Association of India, India’s

combined circulation of its small, medium and regional newspapers is 11 times

more than such in all English-speaking newspapers. While newspapers

ownership, content and role in last few years have changed, this paper argues that

Indian journalism history from ‘agitation’ has moved to ‘alliances’.

Following sections elaborate taking examples how ownership, content, role and

nature of Indian newspapers have changed over the decades and how it has

implications on society.

Ownership- Ideal to Real!

Apart from Hicky, the father of Indian journalism who “had no particular passion

for printing of newspapers”…the second newspaper ‘Indian Gazette’ was

published by Bernard Messink, connected to theatrical companies and Peter Reed,

a salt merchant who “took a fancy to journalism with an ulterior motive to

commercialize it” (Pandhy and Sahu, 2005: 6-8). As Kothri (2005:185-186)

points out newspapers owe their origin to merchants, wholesalers and retailers of

commodities and navigators and their agents who collectively launched handbills

or rag sheets mainly to announce availability and arrivals of their commodities

during the early days of modern urbanization.

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Most of the newspapers before independence were published “from the financial

support of Marwari seths in Calcutta or Bombay or blessings of ruling political

party politicians” as stated by Kothari (1995). “After independence, many

industrialists, highly successful in industries like jute, textiles and cement entered

the world of newspapers, but the part played by the newspapers in the

industrialists’ financial empire is (was) small”(Desai, 1977: 27). Three

newspapers, Times of India, Statesman and Pioneer having British ownership at

the time of independence became ‘Indian’ by 1964. The growth from about 3000

newspapers and periodicals including 300 dailies at the time of partition to 69,323

of them including 7,710 dailies in 2008 indicates increase in the number of

players.

Registrars of Newspapers India (RNI) reported majority (77 percent) of the

newspaper ownership with individuals in 2001. As per Price Waterhouse Coopers'

report of 2009, Indian print media industry is rupees 16,200 crore. In “1940

Indian Newspaper Society, an industry body, had 14 members which has become

more than 400 in 1995” (Kothari, 1995: 168).

In India “all the top dailies and periodicals are published by what are known as

"common ownership units" also known as chain ownership. Hassan (1980) notes

that in 1976, for instance, there were 83 common ownership units, owning 331

publications with a circulation of 10.91 million copies. In 1980, however, the

number of such groups has gone up to 120 and they bring out a total of 450

newspapers and periodicals with a circulation of 35 million. Eight newspaper

publishing groups were registered or had been found to be registrable under the

Monopolies and Restrictive Trade Practices (MRTP) Act, 1969, as their assets

exceeded $25 million each in March 1980. Out of the eight MRTP companies,

four are controlled by the Indian Express Newspapers Group. The assets of this

group are estimated at $125 million.

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Registrars of Newspapers India (RNI) reported majority (77 percent) of the

newspaper ownership with individuals in 2001. As per Price Waterhouse Coopers'

report of 2009, Indian print media industry is rupees 16,200 crore. In “1940

Indian Newspaper Society, an industry body, had 14 members which has become

more than 400 in 1995” (Kothari, 1995: 168).

In India “all the top dailies and periodicals are published by what are known as

"common ownership units" also known as chain ownership. Hassan (1980) notes

that in 1976, for instance, there were 83 common ownership units, owning 331

publications with a circulation of 10.91 million copies. In 1980, however, the

number of such groups has gone up to 120 and they bring out a total of 450

newspapers and periodicals with a circulation of 35 million. Eight newspaper

publishing groups were registered or had been found to be registrable under the

Monopolies and Restrictive Trade Practices (MRTP) Act, 1969, as their assets

exceeded $25 million each in March 1980. Out of the eight MRTP companies,

four are controlled by the Indian Express Newspapers Group. The assets of this

group are estimated at $125 million.

Metro Now, published by Delhi based Metropolitan Media Company, a 50:50

joint venture between India's two large media houses, Hindustan Times Media

Limited and BCCL, was shut down. It was restarted, but this time, it became a

free supplement that came along with Hindustan Times and The Times of India.

Mid-Day, too, scrapped its morning edition in Mumbai. Such decisions are made

up not for political but economic reasons. There are numerous content sharing

agreements and joint ventures not known to the public. The ownership structures

have created newer avenues of profiteering and in place of agitating for the cause

the time is that of strategic alliances for financial and other interests.

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Ownership of Indian newspaper business funded for political reasons to fight

colonial powers in the past today has been replaced with the need to build ‘brand’

and ‘alliance’ with advertising and marketing industry. Newspaper as a ‘product’

perspective has been widely accepted now. Most newspaper owners own multiple

businesses and it is acceptable to undertake cross-selling. Though government is

debating on cross-media ownership in a big way at TRAI (Telecommunication

Regulatory Authority of India) website, owners have found newer ways of

managing multiple media vehicles, all giving same information in form of

content.

Content- Create or Compile?

Most of the early newspapers were in English by Englishmen for Englishmen

working in or affiliated to the British East India Company. Most of them too

carried gossip columns. Most material carried was personal attacks, scandals,

private affairs involving officials and so on. Through Samachar Darpan having

circulation of 400 copies in 1836 Serampor missionaries attacked and criticized

Vedanta philosophy. Raja Ram Mohan Roy addressed a letter to the editor

countering the criticism but it never found a place in the paper. He eventually

founded a Brahminical Magazine edited by Shiv Prasad Sharma mainly to counter

the missionary propaganda and campaign against the then prevailing conditions of

Hindu society.

Similarly Sir Syed Ahmed launched scientific and literary journals in Urdu after

Sepoy Mutiny was crushed in 1861. In areas impacted by Mutiny, newspapers

“adopted low profile in political and religious matters but hit out at racial

discrimination and manifestations of racial and religious bias in the government”

(Ravindranath, 2005: 12).

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Late nineteenth century journalism strongly advocated thoughts of patriots and

radical thinkers. Hindu in Madras in 1878, Amrita Bazar Patrika in Calcutta

during 1868 voiced demands for administrative reforms in recruitment, social

justice and privileges for the lower castes. Even in twentieth century Eenadu in

Andhra Pradesh created campaign against liquor by providing extensive coverage

to rural women’s fight against local drink shops. Such examples are rare in twenty

first century India.

Although the Indian press is often credited for its activist roles, such as helping

fight alcoholism, prevent farmer suicides and protect water sources (Agrawal

2006), it seems to have ‘reverted back to its pro-establishment stance of the late

eighteenth and early nineteenth century’ (Jagannathan, 2005). The purpose of

modern media seems to bring out a product that caters to the gossip interest of the

literate and well-to-do and protect the business and sociopolitical interests of

higher echelons (Villanilam, 2005: 89). Munshi (2009) documents Dainik

Bhaskar groups’ newspaper launching strategy as ‘innovation’.

The Times of India (owned by Bennet, Coleman & Co. Ltd.-BCCL), a 172-year-

old group, converted its 2005 company, Times Private Treaties, as a “separate

corporate entity, Brand Capital (BC) Brand Equity Treaties Ltd”. It has entered

into ‘private treaties’ with over 200 companies in product categories suggested on

the Brand Capital website (http://www.brandcapital.co.in/) representing diverse

segments of industry like apparel to art and auto, aviation to consumer durables,

education to healthcare, real estate to retail and many more. The business model

of private treaties is unique. Under a legal arrangement, Brand Equity picks up a

stake in the company in return for discounted ads and favourable editorial

coverage.

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Today times journalism boils down to reformulating PR (Public Relations) briefs

rather than ‘reporting’ ‘news’. It is a time of ‘managing news’ through ‘image

consultants’ rather than ‘investigating’ ‘reality’.

Apart from newspapers, the new face of journalism on television news channels

have been criticized for ‘sting operation’ wave post-Tehelka expose (on casting

coach in Bollywood, false sex-racket by Delhi school teacher funded by local

business man leading to ban of the channel by Government of India). Scholars

have pointed out issues like ‘creation of news instead of covering news’ (Agrawal

2005, Sultana 2008), ‘dismal handling of news during disasters and tragedies’

(Simon and Rai 2008, Gupta 2009) and ‘news as entertainment’ (Thussu 2007).

Organizational Structure- Agreements for Commercial Interests?

The early newspapers had printers, promoters, publishers and partners. Hicky in

absence of telegraphy, telephone, telex, tele-printer or even mechanical

composing produced his Gazette almost himself as there were no news agencies

too in those times. Even at the time of imprisonment he received news from his

correspondents and continued his tabloid-size newspaper. Until independence

there were only two news agencies- Reuters and United Press of India. The

change in technology and computerization in printing in seventies to nineties

impacted news rooms too. In nineties with the changing equations of owners and

editors, journalistic practices have ‘lead to devaluation of role of the editor’.

Editionalization has lead to “minimum 6 to maximum 22 editions” (Villanilam,

2005:93) each with cosmetic shift of one-two local pages creating opportunity for

owners to procure local advertisements. Some leading newspaper companies also

became film and television companies and makers of audio and video tapes.

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Until the 1980s newspapers had their geographical markets and were treated as

small profits. In the late 1990s, public relations departments opened within

newspaper offices and newsroom’s right and power to make money was

institutionalized by the newspaper management. The power of journalists was

replaced by the newspaper management having a unsaid statement, “do not pay

anything extra; instead pay the media house directly” (Radhakrishnan, 2010).

Villanilam (2005:82) points clearly to the difference between Gandhian

journalism and modern day journalists. He notes that Gandhiji considered

“journalism primarily as a service to society and a vehicle for his views on

religion, ethics, morality, politics and economics. Modern day publishers and

editors look upon their work as a business like any other business, motivated by

considerations of profit, economic advantage and social prestige”.

Since press remained under private ownership, Indian government to protect

journalists made legislations like The working journalists Act 1955 and

Journalists wage boards (1975 and 1976) but the practice of appointing journalists

on individual contracts with privately determined salaries 'started by major

newspapers in the 1980s' has become a norm and made processes of Wage

Boards, and newspaper unions, irrelevant. Most of the journalists today are

appointed on contracts and many are very young with limited experience in

handling complex socio-political realities of news organization. While it is

accepted that journalism is a profession, there are contradictory views amongst

scholars.

Advent of electronic media has given glamour and money to journalists as

professionals and dotcom boom provided then with alternative career avenue.

Few journalists have become lobbyists and public relation agency owners as

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revealed recently with ‘radia gate’ (Sharma, 2010), the reality reflected in press

content as well as organisation structure.

Role- Write or Hide?

G Subramania Aiyar, one of the founders of nationalist paper, The Hindu, in 1878

was reported to have stated with reference to Anglo-Indian newspapers in India,

“Journalism for Englishmen here is more or less a trade, a means of livelihood,

but to Indians journalism is something more earnest, something more nearly

touching their interests of their country…The Indian journalist is in greater touch

with people, he knows what they want” (Parthsarathy, 1978: 116). After 131 years

of its existence, now the ‘interest’ of the management prevails yet the journalist

still seems to be in touch with the ‘local issues’ (Rao, 2009).

While Indian society is “witnessing an intense ideological struggle between

secularism on one hand and communalism on the other” (Vilanilam, 2005: 93),

Indian press is instead of presenting tensions, becoming party to the struggle.

Recent expose involving corporate-media-government nexus for 2G scam and

’paid news and private treaties’ (Raman, 2009) phenomenon by many newspaper

houses has raised questions about credibility of journalists in India (Ravi, 2011).

Kothari (1995: 168) remarks that the profession of journalism has to a great extent

lost its objectivity and “instead of remaining fair and accurate, the people in the

profession have started taking sides…several journalists succumb to

blandishments and gifts and incentives offered by individuals including

politicians and organizations”.

The Press Council of India undertook a comprehensive study between 1985 and

1995 listed down 30 ‘undue favours’ (Sanjay, 2006) granted to press persons and

newspaper establishments. Journalists too have accepted the pressure of market

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on journalist ethics and increasing influence of globalization on journalism

profession as research studies have clearly revealed (Thussu 2005, Gupta 2009,

Rao 2009).

In spite of all the pressures and problems of journalism profession, local journalist

enjoys respectability and many more students today aspire to become journalist

leading to increasing enrollment figures in media schools. Electronic media

enjoys preference over its conventional counterpart by job aspirants and formal

qualifications in journalism are accepted by media industry today than ever

before. Many print journalists shifted to television news channels as Gupta (2009)

found seven of ten television news channel personnel in Mumbai had prior print

media work experience. Indian journalism has made ‘the generalist journalist of

earlier times been replaced by specialist journalist and with lot more women in

news rooms, the language of press has also changed’ (Jagannathan, 2005).

Regulation- Real or Façade!

No press regulation existed until British East India Company started ruling a part

of India after the battle of Plassey in 1757. It was in May 1799 that Lord

Wellesley made first attempt to control in form of Press Regulations making

declaration of names of printed, proprietor and editor and submission of paper for

prior scrutiny to the Secretary. He even prohibited Sunday publication of the

newspaper. But British government could not control spread of newspapers in

Bombay, Madras and North-Western Province. Press Ordinance of 1823 made it

mandatory to publish details about the newspapers and created content controls.

In 1864 The Press and Registration of Books Act made it mandatory to disclose

certain information. Post independence The Press Objectionable Matters Act in

1951 was more or less what Britishers had adopted but mainly to control writing

with communal overtones.

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During Quit India movement over 20 newspapers suspended publication to

register their protest. During Emergency by Mrs. Indira Gandhi, The Indian

Express and The Statesman, two Indian dailies, carried blank pages in place of

editorials to symbolize their opposition to government censorship. While Hicky

was jailed, fined, during emergency of Indira Gandhi regime “250 journalists

were arrested, fifty-one journalists and camerapersons had their accreditation

rescinded and even correspondents were expelled and twenty-nine foreign

reported were banned from entering the country” (Ravindran, 1997:47).

By the late 1990s, while television and newspapers forms of censorship has taken

newer forms, Indian radio in spite of its privatization in the form of FM radio

licenses still is not allowed to broadcast “news and current affairs”’ programmes.

Pandey (2011) points that a joint secretary in the Ministry of Home Affairs has

sent a circular to 30-odd Union ministries and agencies, including public sector

units, asking them to snap all advertisement and financial support to the five

newspapers, in reaction to anti-India propaganda by sections of media in Kashmir

Valley. A website (thehoot.org) tracks many such ‘free speech attacks’ trough it’s

the Free Speech Hub on their site.

Conclusion

Early Indian press story was written by political parties, nationalist groups, labour

movements and private entrepreneurs committed to the nationalist cause, focusing

on ‘independence’ as an overarching agenda. Historically ‘politics’ not

‘economics/business’ formed the central theme of press in India. Freedom

fighters, social reformers and political leaders used press as a weapon to fight

colonial powers.

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The role of ‘information for public good’ and ‘press as a watch dog’ has now

been transformed into press as ‘vehicle of communication’. The information as

commodity is being given visibility by print or electronic or online media where

role of journalist has become that of information worker rather than knowledge

producer. That is the changing face of journalism. But ‘time’ has a character to

‘transform’, so like many other shifts in the history of journalism, newer face

would soon emerge.

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