Medri Bahri (Tigrinya: ምድሪባሕሪ?) was a medieval kingdom in the Horn of Africa. Situated in modern-day Eritrea, it was ruled by the Bahri Negus (also called the Bahri Negasi), whose capital was located at Debarwa. The state's main provinces were Hamasien, Serae and Akele Guzai, all of which are today predominantly inhabited by the Tigrinya (who constitute over 50% of Eritrea's population). In 1890, Medri Bahri was conquered by the Kingdom of It aly. Bahri Negassi Yeshaq (died 1578) was Bahri Negassi, or ruler of the province of Medri Bahri (Bahr Midir in Ge'ez) in present-day Eritrea during the mid to late 16th century. His support of the Emperor of Ethiopia during the invasion of Imam Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al-Ghazi (also known as Ahmed Gragn), when so many of the local aristocrats had switched their support, helped to preserve Abyssinia from extinction. Bahr negus Yeshaq first appears in history about the time the Portuguese fleet arrived at Massawa in 1541. When Christovão da Gama marched inland with his 400 matchlockmen, Yeshaq not only provided him provisions and places to camp in his realm, but also about 500 soldiers and information about the land. The Bahr negus also joined Emperor Gelawdewos in the decisive Battle of Wayna Daga, where Imam Ahmad was killed and his forces scattered (1543). When the Ottoman general Özdemir Pasha, who had been made governor of the Ottoman province of Habesh, crossed over from Jeddah in 1557 and occupied Massawa, Arqiqo and finally Debarwa, capital of the Bahri negassi, Yeshaq led the local peasantry against the invaders, recapturing Debarwa and seizing the "immense treasure" the invaders piled up within. Although he enjoyed good relations with Emperor Galawdewos, his relations with his successors were not as positive. In 1560, the year after Menas became emperor, Bahri negassi Yeshaq revolted against the new Emperor. While he was successful at first, eventually Menas drove Yeshaq out of Tigray, and the noble was forced to seek refuge at the court of his former enemy. In return for ceding the town of Debarwa, Ozdemur Pasha extended military support to the exiled Bahri negassi, and Yeshaq led an army into Tigray and the other northern provinces. Emperor Menas campaigned against the forces of this alliance again in 1562, but was not able to decisively defeat Yeshaq. When Sarsa Dengel was made emperor, Yeshaq at first pledged his loyalty, but within a few years he once more went into rebellion, and found another ally in the ruler of Harar, Sultan Mohammed IV Mansur. Despite these alliances, Emperor Sarsa Dengel defeated and killed Yeshaq in battle (1578). Richard Pankhurst concurs with the judgement of James Bruce on Yeshaq, who points out that the status of the Bahri negassi "was much diminished by Yeshaq's treachery. From then onwards the governor of the provinces beyond the Tekezé was not allowed the sandaq (Banner) and nagarit (War Drum), and no longer had a place in Council unless especially called on by the Emperor". This could also mean that the Bahr neguses' kingdom was no longer part of the "Empire" per se. ... [Порукаскраћена] ПрикажицелупорукуDarko Komazec <komazec darko@gmail com> 10. авгкомемениThe Emishi or Ebisu (蝦夷) constituted a group of people who lived in northeastern Honshūin the Tōhoku region which was referred to as michi no oku (道の奥) in contemporary sources. The original date of the Emishi is unknown, but they definitely occurred sometime in the B.C. era, as they are believed to have advanced the Jōmon. The first mention of them in literature was in 400 A.D.,[citation needed] mentioned as 'the hairy people' from the Chinese records. Some Emishi tribes resisted the rule of the Japanese Emperors during the late Nara and early Heian periods (7th –10th centuries CE). More recently, scholars believe that they were natives of northern Honsh ūand were descendants of those who developed the J ōmon culture. They are thought to have been related to the Ainu. The separate ethnic status of the Emishi is not in doubt; this understanding is based upon a language that is separate from Japanese, which scholars have been unable to reconstruct. Aterui (アテルイ阿弖流爲) (died, AD 802 in Enryaku) was the most prominent chief of the Isawa ( 朝廷) band of Emishi in northern Japan.[citation needed] The Emishi were an indigenous people of North Japan, who were considered hirsute barbarians by the Yamato Japanese.[citation needed] Aterui was born in Isawa[disambiguation needed], Hitakami-no-kuni, what is now Mizusawa Ward of ŌshūCity in southern Iwate Prefecture. Nothing is known of his life until the battle of Sufuse Village in 787. In 786 Ki no Asami Kosami was appointed by the Japanese emperor Emperor Kammu as the new General of Eastern Conquest and given a commission to conquer Aterui. In June 787 Kosami split his army in two and sent them north from Koromogaw a on each s ide of the Kitakami River hoping to surprise Aterui at his home in Mizusawa. Burning houses and crops as they went they were surprised when Emishi cavalry swept down from the hills to the East and pushed them into the river. Over 1,000 armored infantry drowned in the river weighed down by their heavy armor. In September Kosami returned to Kyoto where he was rebuked by the emperor Kammu for his failure. Another attack in 795 was unsuccessful as well and it was not until 801 that any Japanese general could claim success against the Emishi. In that year Sakanoue no Tamuramaro, who had previously been appointed to the positions of Supervisory Delegate of Michinoku and Ideha and Governor of Michinoku, General of the Peace Guard and Grand General of Conquering East-Barbarians (Seii Tai Shogun), was given a commission by Emperor Kammu to subjugate the Emishi. He and his 40,000 troops were somewhat successful as he reported back to the emperor on September 27, "We conquered the Emishi rebels." But still the Emishi leaders Aterui and More eluded capture. In 802 Tamuramaro returned to Michinoku and built Fort Isawa in the heart of Isawa territory. Then on April 15 he reported the most important success of all in this campaign: The Emishi leaders Aterui and More surrendered with more than 500 warriors. General Sakanoue delivered Aterui and More to the capital on July 10. Despite General Sakanoue's pleadings the government, "...cut them down at Moriyama in Kawachi province." This was an epic moment in the history of the Emishi conquest. Before this time the Japanese had adhered to a policy of deporting captured women and children to Western Japan then enticing their warrior husbands and fathers to join their families in their new homes. Captured warriors had not been killed either. The executions of Aterui and More are thought[by whom?] to have been responsible for the fierce resistance by the Emishi over the next hundred years or so. For many Japanese, he was long demonized as the "Lord of the Bad Road" ( 悪路王Akuro-o). Aterui folklore has been made into many plays and an anime (Aterui the Second). In January 2013 dramatization of Aterui's life, Fiery Enmity: Hero of the North (火怨・北の英雄アテルイ伝), starring Takao Osawa in the title role, which was broadcast on NHK.[1] Aterui is also a supporting character in Shin Teito Monogatari, the prequel to the bestselling historical fantasy novel Teito Monogatari (Hiroshi Aramata). 7590 Aterui (1992 UP4) is a n asteroid discovered on October 26, 1992 by K. Endate and K. Watanabe. The Kumaso (熊襲) were a people of ancient Japan, believed to have lived in the south of Kyūshūuntil at least the Nara period. William George Aston, in his translation of the Nihongi, says Kumaso refers to two separate tribes, Kuma (meaning "bear") and So (written with the character for "attack" or "layer on"). In his translation of the Kojiki, Basil Hall Chamberlain records that the region is also known simply as So, and elaborates on the Yamato-centric description of a "bear- like" people, based on their violent interactions or physical distinctiveness. (The people called tsuchigumo by the Yamato people provide a better-known example of the transformation of other trib es into legendary monsters. Tsuchigumo--the monstrous "ground spider" of legend—is speculated to refer originally to the native pit dwellings of that people.) As the Yamato pushed southward, the Kumaso people were either assimilated or exterminated. The last leader of the Kumaso, Torishi-Kaya, aka Brave of Kahakami, was assassinated in the winter of 397 by Prince Yamato Takeru of Yamato, who was disguised for this as a woman at a banquet. Geographically, Aston records that the Kumaso domain encompassed the historical provinces of Hyūga, Ōsumi, and Satsuma (contemporaneous with Aston's translation), or present-day Miyazaki and Kagoshima prefectures. The word Kuma ('Bear') survives today as Kumamoto Prefecture ('source of the bear'), and Kuma District, Kumamoto. Kuma District is known for a distinct dialect, Kuma Dialect. Torishi-Kaya (aka Brave of Kahakami) was a leader of the Kumaso people in late 4th century AD. Torishi-Kaya, aka Brave of Kahakami, was assassinated in the winter of AD 397 by Princ e Yamato Takeru of Ya mato, who was disguised for this as a woman at a banquet. Atsukaya was a leader of the Kum aso people.
Medri Bahri (Tigrinya: ?) was a medieval kingdom in the Horn
of Africa. Situated in modern-day Eritrea, it was ruled by the
Bahri Negus (also called the Bahri Negasi), whose capital was
located at Debarwa. The state's main provinces were Hamasien, Serae
and Akele Guzai, all of which are today predominantly inhabited by
the Tigrinya (who constitute over 50% of Eritrea's population). In
1890, Medri Bahri was conquered by the Kingdom of Italy.
Bahri Negassi Yeshaq (died 1578) was Bahri Negassi, or ruler of the
province of Medri Bahri (Bahr Midir in Ge'ez) in present-day
Eritrea during the mid to late 16th century. His support of the
Emperor of Ethiopia during the invasion of Imam Ahmad ibn Ibrahim
al-Ghazi (also known as Ahmed Gragn), when so many of the local
aristocrats had switched their support, helped to preserve
Abyssinia from extinction. Bahr negus Yeshaq first appears in
history about the time the Portuguese fleet arrived at Massawa in
1541. When Christovão da Gama marched inland with his 400
matchlockmen, Yeshaq not only provided him provisions and places to
camp in his realm, but also about 500 soldiers and information
about the land. The Bahr negus also joined Emperor Gelawdewos in
the decisive Battle of Wayna Daga, where Imam Ahmad was killed and
his forces scattered (1543). When the Ottoman general Özdemir
Pasha, who had been made governor of the Ottoman province of
Habesh, crossed over from Jeddah in 1557 and occupied Massawa,
Arqiqo and finally Debarwa, capital of the Bahri negassi, Yeshaq
led the local peasantry against the invaders, recapturing Debarwa
and seizing the "immense treasure" the invaders piled up within.
Although he enjoyed good relations with Emperor Galawdewos, his
relations with his successors were not as positive. In 1560, the
year after Menas became emperor, Bahri negassi Yeshaq revolted
against the new Emperor. While he was successful at first,
eventually Menas drove Yeshaq out of Tigray, and the noble was
forced to seek refuge at the court of his former enemy. In return
for ceding the town of Debarwa, Ozdemur Pasha extended military
support to the exiled Bahri negassi, and Yeshaq led an army into
Tigray and the other northern provinces. Emperor Menas campaigned
against the forces of this alliance again in 1562, but was not able
to decisively defeat Yeshaq. When Sarsa Dengel was made emperor,
Yeshaq at first pledged his loyalty, but within a few years he once
more went into rebellion, and found another ally in the ruler of
Harar, Sultan Mohammed IV Mansur. Despite these alliances, Emperor
Sarsa Dengel defeated and killed
Yeshaq in battle (1578). Richard Pankhurst concurs with the
judgement of James Bruce on Yeshaq, who points out that the status
of the Bahri negassi "was much diminished by Yeshaq's treachery.
From then onwards the governor of the provinces beyond the Tekezé
was not allowed the sandaq (Banner) and nagarit (War Drum), and no
longer had a place in Council unless especially called on by the
Emperor". This could also mean that the Bahr neguses' kingdom was
no longer part of the "Empire" per se. ...
[ ]
Darko Komazec <komazec darko@gmail com> 10.
The Emishi or Ebisu () constituted a group of people who lived in
northeastern Honsh in the Thoku region which was referred to
as michi no oku () in contemporary sources. The original date of
the Emishi is unknown, but they definitely occurred sometime in the
B.C. era, as they are believed to have advanced the Jmon. The first
mention of them in literature was in 400 A.D.,[citation needed]
mentioned as 'the hairy people' from the Chinese records. Some
Emishi tribes resisted the rule of the Japanese Emperors during the
late Nara and early Heian periods (7th –10th centuries CE). More
recently, scholars believe that they were natives of northern
Honsh and were descendants of those who developed the Jmon
culture. They are thought to have been related to the Ainu. The
separate ethnic status of the Emishi is not in doubt; this
understanding is based upon a language that is separate from
Japanese, which scholars have been unable to reconstruct.
Aterui ( ) (died, AD 802 in Enryaku) was the most
prominent chief of the Isawa () band of Emishi in northern
Japan.[citation needed] The Emishi were an indigenous people of
North Japan, who were considered hirsute barbarians by the Yamato
Japanese.[citation needed] Aterui was born in Isawa[disambiguation
needed], Hitakami-no-kuni, what is now Mizusawa Ward of
sh City in southern Iwate Prefecture. Nothing is known of his
life until the battle of Sufuse Village in 787. In 786 Ki no Asami
Kosami was appointed by the Japanese emperor Emperor Kammu as the
new General of Eastern Conquest and given a commission to conquer
Aterui. In June 787 Kosami split his army in two and sent them
north from Koromogawa on each s ide of the Kitakami River hoping to
surprise Aterui at his home in Mizusawa. Burning houses and crops
as they went they were surprised when Emishi cavalry swept down
from the hills to the East and pushed them into the river. Over
1,000 armored infantry drowned in the river weighed down by their
heavy armor. In September Kosami returned to Kyoto where he was
rebuked by the emperor Kammu for his failure. Another attack in 795
was unsuccessful as well and it was not until 801 that any Japanese
general could claim success against the Emishi. In that year
Sakanoue no Tamuramaro, who had previously been appointed to the
positions of Supervisory Delegate of Michinoku and Ideha and
Governor of Michinoku, General of the Peace Guard and Grand General
of Conquering East-Barbarians (Seii Tai Shogun), was given a
commission by Emperor Kammu to subjugate the Emishi. He and his
40,000 troops were somewhat successful as he reported back to the
emperor on September 27, "We conquered the Emishi rebels." But
still the Emishi leaders Aterui and More eluded capture. In 802
Tamuramaro returned to Michinoku and built Fort Isawa in the heart
of Isawa territory. Then on April 15 he reported the most important
success of all in this campaign: The Emishi leaders Aterui and More
surrendered with more than 500 warriors. General Sakanoue delivered
Aterui and More to the capital on July 10. Despite General
Sakanoue's pleadings the government, "...cut them down at Moriyama
in Kawachi province." This was an epic moment in the history of the
Emishi conquest. Before this time the Japanese had adhered to a
policy of deporting captured women and children to Western Japan
then enticing their warrior husbands and fathers to join their
families in their new homes. Captured warriors had not been killed
either. The executions of Aterui and More are thought[by whom?] to
have been responsible for the fierce resistance by the Emishi over
the next hundred years or so. For many Japanese, he was long
demonized as the "Lord of the Bad Road" ( Akuro-o).
Aterui folklore has been made into many plays and an anime (Aterui
the Second). In January 2013 dramatization of Aterui's life, Fiery
Enmity: Hero of the North ( ), starring Takao Osawa in the
title role, which was broadcast on NHK.[1] Aterui is also a
supporting character in Shin Teito Monogatari, the prequel to the
bestselling historical fantasy novel Teito Monogatari (Hiroshi
Aramata). 7590 Aterui (1992 UP4) is an asteroid discovered on
October 26, 1992 by K. Endate and K. Watanabe.
The Kumaso () were a people of ancient Japan, believed to have
lived in the south of Ky sh until at least the Nara
period. William George Aston, in his translation of the Nihongi,
says Kumaso refers to two separate tribes, Kuma (meaning "bear")
and So (written with the character for "attack" or "layer on"). In
his translation of the Kojiki, Basil Hall Chamberlain records that
the region is also known simply as So, and elaborates on the
Yamato-centric description of a "bear- like" people, based on their
violent interactions or physical distinctiveness. (The people
called tsuchigumo by the Yamato people provide a better-known
example of the transformation of other tribes into legendary
monsters. Tsuchigumo--the monstrous "ground spider" of legend—is
speculated to refer originally to the native pit dwellings of that
people.) As the Yamato pushed southward, the Kumaso people were
either assimilated or exterminated. The last leader of the Kumaso,
Torishi-Kaya, aka Brave of Kahakami, was assassinated in the winter
of 397 by Prince Yamato Takeru of Yamato, who was disguised for
this as a woman at a banquet. Geographically, Aston records that
the Kumaso domain encompassed the historical provinces of
Hy ga, sumi, and Satsuma (contemporaneous with Aston's
translation), or present-day Miyazaki and Kagoshima prefectures.
The word Kuma ('Bear') survives today as Kumamoto Prefecture
('source of the bear'), and Kuma District, Kumamoto. Kuma District
is known for a distinct dialect, Kuma Dialect.
Torishi-Kaya (aka Brave of Kahakami) was a leader of the Kumaso
people in late 4th century AD. Torishi-Kaya, aka Brave of Kahakami,
was assassinated in the winter of AD 397 by Prince Yamato
Takeru of Yamato, who was disguised for this as a woman at a
banquet.
[ ]
Darko Komazec <komazec darko@gmail com> 14.
Darko Komazec <komazec darko@gmail com> 16.
Haider Al-Abadi (or al-'Ibadi; Arabic:
) is an Iraqi politician, spokesman for the Islamic Dawa
Party and Prime Minister of Iraq on August 11, 2014 by President
Fuad Masum. Al-Abadi was also Minister of Communications in the
Iraqi Governing Council from September 1, 2003 until June 1, 2004 .
A Shia Muslim and electronic consultant engineer by training with a
PhD degree from the University of Manchester, United Kingdom, in
1980. Al-Abadi lived in exile in London during the time of Saddam
Hussein. After studying at the University of Manchester, Al-Abadi
remained in the UK in voluntary exile until 2003. His positions
during this time included: DG of a small high tech vertical and
horizontal transportation design and development firm in London,
(1993–2003), a top London Consultant to the industry in matters
relating to people movers, (1987–2003), Research Leader for a major
modernization contract in London, (1981– 1986). He was registered a
patent in London in rapid transit system, (2001). He was awarded a
smart grant from the UK Department of Trade and Industry, (1998).
Politically, he is one of the leaders of the popular Islamic Dawa
Party, the head of its political office and a spokesman for the
party. He became a member of the party in 1967 and a member of its
executive leadership in 1979. The Baath regime executed two of his
brothers and imprisoned a third brother for ten
years. In 2003, Al-Abadi became sceptical of the Coalition
Provisional Authority (CPA) privatization plan, proposing to Paul
Bremer that they had to wait for a legitimate government to be
formed. In October 2003, Al-Abadi with all 25 of the Governing
Council interim ministers protested to Paul Bremer and rejected the
CPA's demand to privatize the state-owned companies and
infrastructure prior to forming a legitimate government. The CPA,
led by Bremer, fell out with Al -
Abadi and the Governing Council. The CPA worked around the
Governing Council, forming a new government that remained beholden
to the CPA until general elections had been completed, prompting
more aggressive armed actions by insurgents against U.S.-led
coalition personnel. While Al-Abadi was Minister of Communications,
the CPA awarded licenses to three mobile operators to cover all
parts of Iraq. Despite being rendered nearly powerless by the
CPA,[6] Al-
Abadi was not prepared to be a rubber stamp and he introduced
more conditions in the licenses. Among them stated that a sovereign
Iraqi government has the power to amend or terminate the licenses
and introduce a fourth national license, which caused some
frictions with the CPA. In 2003, press reports indicated Iraqi
officials under investigation over a questionable deal involving
Orascom, an Egypt-based telecoms company, which in late 2003 was
awarded a contract to provide a mobile network to central Iraq.
Al-Abadi asserted that there was no illicit dealing in the
completed awards. In 2004, it was revealed that these al
legations
were fabrications, and a US Defense Department review found
that telecommunications contracting had been illegally influenced
in an unsuccessful effort led by disgraced U.S. Deputy
Undersecretary of Defense John A. Shaw, not by Iraqis. In 2005, he
served as an advisor to the Prime Minister of Iraq in the first
elected government. He was elected member of Iraqi Parliament in
2005 and chaired the parliamentary committee for Economy,
Investment and Reconstruction. Al-
Abadi was re-elected as member of Iraqi Parliament
representing Baghdad in the general election held on March 2010. In
2013, he chaired the Finance Committee and was at the center of a
parliamentary dispute over the allocation of the 2013 Iraqi budget.
Al-Abadi's name was circulated as a prime ministerial candidate
during the formation of the Iraqi government in 2006 during which
Ibrahim al-Jaafari was replaced by Nouri al-Maliki as Prime
Minister. In 2008, Al-
Abadi remained steadfast in his support of Iraqi sovereignty,
insisting on specific conditions to the agreement with the U.S.
regarding presence in Iraq. In 2009, Al-Abadi was identified
by the Middle East Economic Digest as a key person to watch in
Iraq's reconstruction. He is an active member of the Iraq Petroleum
Advisory Committee, participating in the Iraq Petroleum
Conferences of 2009–2012. He was one of several Iraqi politicians
supporting a suit against Blackwater as a result of the 2010
dismissal of criminal charges against Blackwater personnel involved
the 2007 killing of 17 Iraqi civilians. Al-Abadi was again tipped
as a possible Prime Minister during the tough negotiations between
Iraqi political blocs after the elections of 2010 to choose a
replacement to incumbent PM Nouri
Al-Maliki. Again in 2014, he was nominated by Shia political
parties as an alternative candidate for Prime Minister. On July 24,
2014, Fuad Masum became the new president of Iraq. He, in turn,
nominated Al-Abadi for prime minister on August 11, 2014. However,
for the appointment to take effect, Al -Abadi must form a
government and be confirmed by Parliament, within 30 days.
Al-Maliki however refused to give up his post and referred the
matter to the federal court claiming the president's nomination was
a "constitutional violation." He said: "The insistence on this
until the end is to protect the state." On August 14, 2014, however
in the face of growing calls from world leaders and members of his
own party the embattled prime minister announced he was stepping
down to make way for Al-
Abadi. ...
Darko Komazec <komazec darko@gmail com> 16.
The Islamic State (IS) (Arabic: ad-Dawlah
al- Islmiyyah), also known as the Islamic State of Iraq and the
Levant (ISIL) and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS
/ a ss/),[a] is a jihadist group, widely regarded as a
terrorist organisation. In its self-proclaimed status as a
caliphate, it claims religious authority over all Muslims across
the world and aspires to bring much of the Muslim-inhabited regions
of the world under its direct political control, beginning
with territory in the Levant region, which includes Jordan,
Israel, Palestine, Lebanon, Cyprus, and an area in southern Turkey
that includes Hatay. The group has been officially designated as a
foreign terrorist organization by the United States, the United
Kingdom, Australia, Canada, Indonesia, and Saudi Arabia, and has
been widely described as a terrorist group by Western and Middle
Eastern media sources. The group, in its original form, was
composed of and supported by a
variety of Sunni Arab terrorist insurgent groups, including
its predecessor organizations, Al-Qaeda in Iraq (AQI) (2003–2006),
Mujahideen Shura Council (2006– 2006) and the Islamic State of Iraq
(ISI) (2006–2013), other insurgent groups such as Jeish al-Taiifa
al-Mansoura, Jaysh al-Fatiheen, Jund al-Sahaba and Katbiyan
Ansar Al-Tawhid wal Sunnah, and a number of Iraqi tribes that
profess Sunni Islam. ISIS grew significantly as an organization
owing to its participation in the
Syrian Civil War and the strength of its leader, Abu Bakr
al-Baghdadi. Economic and political discrimination against Arab
Iraqi Sunnis since the fall of the secular Saddam Hussein also
helped it to gain support. At the height of the 2003–2011 Iraq War,
its forerunners enjoyed a significant presence in the Iraqi
governorates of Al Anbar, Nineveh, Kirkuk, most of Salah ad Din,
parts of Babil, Diyala and Baghdad, and claimed Baqubah as a
capital city. In the ongoing Syrian Civil War, ISIS has a large
presence in the Syrian governorates of Ar-Raqqah, Idlib and Aleppo.
ISIS is known for its extreme and brutally harsh interpretation of
the Islamic faith and sharia law and has a record of horrifying
violence, which is directed at Shia Muslims, indigenous
Assyrian/Chaldean/Syriac Christians and Armenian Christians,
Yazidis, Druze, Shabakis and Mandeans in particular. It has at
least 4,000 fighters in its ranks in Iraq who, in addition to
attacks on government and military targets, have claimed
responsibility for attacks that have killed thousands of civilians.
ISIS had close links with al-Qaeda until 2014, but in February of
that year, after an eight-month power struggle, al-Qaeda cut all
ties with the group, reportedly for its brutality and "notorious
intractability". ISIS‘s original aim was to establish a caliphate
in the Sunni-majority regions of Iraq. Following its involvement in
the Syrian Civil War, this expanded to include controlling
Sunni-majority areas of Syria. A caliphate was proclaimed on June
29, 2014, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi—now known as Amir al- Mu'minin
Caliph Ibrahim— was named as its caliph, and the group was
renamed the Islamic State.
Ibrahim Awwad Ibrahim Ali al-Badri al-Samarrai (Arabic:
, born 1971), formerly also known as Dr Ibrahim
and Abu Du'a ( ) most commonly known by the nom de
guerre Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi ( ) and
in an attempt to claim him as a descendant of Prophet Muhammad,
more recently as Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi Al-Husseini Al-Qurashi (
) and now as Amir
al-Mu'minin Caliph Ibrahim (
), has been named the Caliph—head of state and
theocratic absolute monarch—of the self- proclaimed Islamic State
located in western Iraq and north-eastern Syria since June 29,
2014. He is the former leader of the Islamic State of Iraq and the
Levant (ISIL), alternatively translated as the Islamic State in
Iraq and Syria (ISIS). On October 4, 2011, the US State Department
listed al-Baghdadi as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist and
announced a reward of up to US$10 million for information leading
to his capture or death. Only Ayman al-Zawahiri, chief of the
global al-Qaeda organization, merits a larger reward (US$25
million). Al-Baghdadi is believed to have been born near Samarra,
Iraq, in 1971. Reports suggest that he was a cleric at the Imam
Ahmad ibn Hanbal Mosque in Samarra at around the time of the US-led
invasion of Iraq in 2003. He earned a master's degree and a PhD in
Islamic studies from the University of Islamic Sciences in the
Baghdad suburb of Adhamiya. After the US invasion of Iraq in 2003,
al-Baghdadi helped to found the militant group, Jamaat Jaysh Ahl
al-Sunnah wa-l-Jamaah (JJASJ), in which he served as head of the
group's sharia committee. Al-Baghdadi and his group joined the
Mujahideen Shura Council (MSC) in 2006, in which he served as a
member of the MSC's sharia committee. Following the renaming of the
MSC as the Islamic State of Iraq (ISI) in 2006, al-Baghdadi became
the general supervisor of the ISI's sharia committee and a member
of the group's senior consultative council. According to US
Department of Defense records, al-Baghdadi was held at Camp Bucca
as a "civilian internee" by US Forces-Iraq from February until
December 2004, when he was released. A Combined Review and Release
Board recommended an "unconditional release" of al-Baghdadi and
there is no record of him being held at any other time. A number of
newspapers, in contrast, have stated that al-Baghdadi was interned
from 2005 to 2009. The Islamic State of Iraq (ISI)—also known as
Al-Qaeda in Iraq or AQI— was the Iraqi division of the
international Islamist militant organization al-Qaeda. Al- Baghdadi
was announced as leader of the ISI on May 16, 2010, following the
death of his predecessor Abu Omar al-Baghdadi in a raid the month
before. As leader of the ISI, al-Baghdadi was responsible for
managing and directing large-scale operations such as the August
28, 2011 attack on the Umm al-Qura mosque in Baghdad which killed
prominent Sunni lawmaker Khalid al-Fahdawi. Between March and April
2011, the ISI claimed 23 attacks south of Baghdad, all of
which were alleged to have been carried out under
al-Baghdadi's command. Following the US commando raid on May 2,
2011 in Abbottabad, Pakistan that killed al-Qaeda supreme leader
Osama bin Laden, al-Baghdadi released a statement eulogizing bin
Laden and threatened violent retaliation for his death. On May 5,
2011, al-Baghdadi claimed responsibility for an attack in Hilla
that killed 24 policemen and wounded 72 others. On August 15, 2011,
a wave of ISI suicide attacks beginning in Mosul resulted in 70
deaths. Shortly thereafter, the ISI pledged on its website to carry
out 100 attacks across Iraq in retaliation for bin Laden's death.
It stated that this campaign would feature various methods of
attack, including raids, suicide attacks, roadside bombs and small
arms attacks, in all cities and rural areas across the country. On
December 22, 2011, a series of coordinated car bombings and IED
attacks struck over a dozen neighborhoods across Baghdad, killing
at least 63 people and wounding 180; the assault came just days
after the US completed its troop withdrawal from the country. On
December 26, 2011 the ISI released a statement on jihadist internet
forums claiming credit for the operation, stating that the targets
of the Baghdad attack were
"accurately surveyed and explored" and that the "operations were
distributed between targeting security headquarters, military
patrols and gatherings of the filthy ones of the al-Dajjal Army",
referring to the Mahdi Army of Shia warlord Muqtada al-Sadr. On
December 2, 2012, Iraqi officials claimed that they had captured
al-Baghdadi in Baghdad following a two-month tracking operation.
Officials claimed that they had also seized a list containing the
names and locations of other al- Qaeda operatives. However, this
claim was rejected by the ISI. In an interview with Al Jazeera on
December 7, 2012, Iraq's Acting Interior Minister said that the
arrested man was not al-Baghdadi, but rather a section commander in
charge of an area stretching from the northern outskirts of Baghdad
to Taji. Al-Baghdadi remained leader of the ISI until its formal
expansion into Syria in 2013, when in a statement on April 8, 2013,
he announced the formation of the Islamic State of Iraq and the
Levant (ISIL)—alternatively translated from the Arabic as the
Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). As the leader of ISIS, al
-Baghdadi took charge of running all ISIS activity in Iraq and
Syria. When announcing the formation of ISIS, al-Baghdadi stated
that the Syrian Civil War jihadist faction, Jabhat al-Nusra —
also known as Al-Nusra Front —had been an extension of the ISI
in Syria and was now to be merged with ISIS.[29][30] The leader of
Jabhat al-Nusra, Abu Mohammad al-Jawlani, disputed this merging of
the two groups and appealed to al-Qaeda emir Ayman al-Zawahiri, who
issued a statement that ISIS should be abolished and that
al-Baghdadi should confine his group's activities to Iraq.
Al-Baghdadi, however, dismissed al-Zawahiri's ruling and took
control of a reported 80% of Jabhat al-Nusra's foreign fighters. In
January 2014, ISIS expelled Jabhat al-Nusra from the Syrian city of
Raqqa, and in the same month clashes between the two in Syria's
Deir ez-Zor Governorate killed hundreds of fighters and displaced
tens of thousands of civilians. In February 2014, al-Qaeda
disavowed any relations with ISIS. According to several Western
sources, al-Baghdadi and ISIS have received private financing from
citizens in Saudi Arabia and Qatar and enlisted fighters from
recruitment drives in Saudi Arabia in particular. On June 29, 2014,
ISIS announced the establishment of a caliphate, al-Baghdadi was
named its caliph, to be known as Caliph Ibrahim, and the Islamic
State of Iraq and the Levant was renamed the Islamic State (IS).
There has been much debate across the Muslim world about the
legitimacy of these moves. The declaration of a caliphate has been
heavily criticized by Middle Eastern governments and other
jihadist groups, and by Sunni Muslim theologians and
historians. Yusuf al-Qaradawi, a prominent scholar living in Qatar
stated: "[The] declaration issued by the Islamic State is void
under sharia and has dangerous consequences for the Sunnis in Iraq
and for the revolt in Syria", adding that the title of caliph can
"only be given by the entire Muslim nation", not by a single group.
In an audio-taped message, al-Baghdadi announced that ISIS would
march on Rome in its quest to establish an Islamic State from the
Middle East across Europe, saying that he would conquer both Rome
and Spain in this endeavor. He also urged Muslims across the world
to emigrate to the new Islamic State. On July 5, 2014, a video was
released apparently showing al-Baghdadi making a speech at the
Great Mosque of al-Nuri in Mosul, northern Iraq. A representative
of the Iraqi government denied that the video was of al -Baghdadi,
calling it a "farce". However, both the BBC and the Associated
Press quoted unnamed Iraqi officials as saying that the man in the
video was believed to be al-Baghdadi. In the video, al-Baghdadi
declared himself the world leader of Muslims and called on Muslims
everywhere to support him. ...
[ ]
Darko Komazec <komazec darko@gmail com> 16.
Ethel Ana del Rosario Jara Velásquez (born May 11, 1968) is a
Peruvian lawyer and politician who has been Prime Minister since
July 22, 2014. In 2011, she was elected congresswoman,
representing to the Peruvian Nationalist Party. Was Minister of
Women and Vulnerable Populat ions from 2011 to 2014. Currently she
is the President of Council of Ministers of Peru, from July 22,
2014. Ana Jara was born in Ica. She studied law and political
science at the Saint Aloysius Gonzaga National University located
in the same city. In the Graduate School of the university studies
culminated LL.M., majoring in civil and commercial matters, and
started her PhD in Law. In 1998, he began working as a notary
public in Ica. In 2011, she was elected Congresswoman of the
Republic of Peru, representing the Peruvian Nationalist Party in
Ica, the same party won the presidential election. In December 11,
2011 Ana Jara sworn in as Minister of Women
and Social Development. She remained in front of this Ministry
until February 24, 2014, when sworn in as Minister of Labour and
Employment Promotion. Following the resignation of Premier René
Cornejo went on to chair the Council of Ministers. Her swearing
ceremony was held on July 22, 2014.
Anastase Murekezi (born 1961) is a Rwandan politician and
Prime Minister of Rwanda since July 24, 2014. He was the minister
of Public service and labor until July 2014 when he was
nominated by President Paul Kagame as the Prime Minister of
Rwanda.
Aguila Saleh Issa (Arabic :
born 1944) is a Libyan jurist and politician who has been President
of the Libyan House of Representatives since ; August 5,
2014. He is also a representative of the town of Al Qubbah, in the
east of the country.
Georgi Bliznashki (Bulgarian: ; born October 4, 1956 in
Skravena, Sofia Oblast) is a Bulgarian politician, former Member of
the European Parliament and Acting Prime Minister of Bulgaria since
August 6, 2014. He was a member of the Coalition for Bulgaria, part
of the Party of European Socialists, and became and was an MEP from
1 January 2007 to June 2007 with the accession of Bulgaria to the
European Union. He was expelled from BSP in the March 2014. On
August 6, 2014 he was appointed to serve as a caretaker Prime
Minister of Bulgaria and currently holds this position.
Mahamat Kamoun (born November 13, 1961) is a Central African
politician who is the Acting Prime Minister of the Central African
Republic since August 10, 2014. He is the country's first Muslim
Prime Minister. A specialist in finance, Kamoun previously served
as the Director-General of the Treasury under President Francois
Bozize. He subsequently served as the head of the cabinet of
President Michel Djotodia and served as an advisor to interim
President Catherine Samba- Panza before his appointment as Prime
Minister. Kamoun's appointment as Prime Minister sparked discontent
and astonishment among the Muslim Séléka rebel group, as the group
does not consider Kamoun as a member of Séléka, despite Kamoun
being a Muslim. The group subsequently boycotted the National Unity
Government as they were not consulted about the choice of Prime
Minister, and even threatened to withdraw from the ceasefire
agreement signed in Brazzaville last month as a result of Kamoun's
appointment.
Miroslav Cerar Jr. (known as Miro Cerar; born on August 25, 1963 in
Ljubljana) is a Slovenian lawyer, politician and Prime Minister of
Slovenia since August 2014. Cerar is the son of Miroslav Cerar Sr.,
Olympic gymnastics champion and lawyer, and Zdenka Cerar, former
Minister of Justice and chief prosecutor. Cerar was a professor at
the Faculty of Law of the University of Ljubljana and a legal
adviser to parliament. Following the resignation of Alenka
Bratušek‘s government in May 2014, Cerar announced that he would
enter national politics. On June 2, 2014, he formed a new political
party called Stranka Mira Cerarja (Party of Miro Cerar). In the
July election, Cerar's party won a leading total 36 of 90 seats in
the parliament.
Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai (Pashto:
, Persian: ) is an Afghan politician and a candidate
in the 2014 presidential election. He is usually
referred to as Ashraf Ghani, while ahmadzai is the name of his
tribe. Ghani previously served as Finance Minister and as a
chancellor of Kabul University. Before returning to Afghanistan in
2002, Ghani was a leading scholar of political science and
anthropology. He worked at the World Bank working on international
development assistance. As Finance Minister of Afghanistan from
July 2, 2002 until December 14, 2004, he led Afghanistan's
attempted economic recovery after the collapse of the Taliban
government. He is the co-founder of the Insti tute for State
Effectiveness, an organization set up in 2005 to improve the
ability of states to serve their citizens. He was also Chancellor
of Kabul University from December 22, 2004 until December 21, 2008.
In 2005 he gave a TED talk, in which he discussed how to rebuild a
broken state such as Afghanistan. Ghani is a member of the
Commission on Legal Empowerment of the Poor, an independent
initiative hosted by the United Nations Development Programme. In
2013 he was ranked second in an online poll to name the world's top
100 intellectuals conducted by Foreign Policy and Prospect
magazines, ranking just behind Richard Dawkins. He previously was
named in the same poll in 2010. Ghani came in fourth in the 2009
presidential election, behind Hamid Karzai, Abdullah Abdullah, and
Ramazan Bashardost. In the 2014 presidential election, Ghani placed
second in the first round, qualifying for the run-off election
against Abdullah. The official run-off results show Ghani in the
lead, though accused of mass fraud in which President Karzai was
allegedly complicit in and the UNAMA has warned it would be
"premature" for either side to claim victory. His brother is
Hashmat Ghani Ahmadzai, Grand Council Chieftain of the Kuchis.
Ghani was born in 1949 in the Logar Province of Afghanistan. He
completed his primary and secondary education in Habibia High
School in Kabul. He escaped to Lebanon to attend the American
University in Beirut, getting a degree in 1973, where he also met
his future wife, Rula Ghani. He returned to Afghanistan in 1977 to
teach anthropology at Kabul University before being given a
scholarship by the government in 1977 to study for a Master's
degree in anthropology at Columbia University in the United States.
When the People's Democratic Party of
Afghanistan (PDPA) communist party came to power in 1978,
most of the male members of his family were imprisoned and Ghani
was stranded in the United States. He stayed at Columbia University
and earned his PhD in Cultural Anthropology. He was invited to
teach at University of California, Berkeley in 1983, and then at
Johns Hopkins University from 1983 to 1991. During this period he
became a frequent commentator on the BBC Farsi/Persian and Pashto
services, broadcast in Afghanistan. He has a lso attended the
Harvard-INSEAD and World Bank-Stanford Graduate School of
Business's leadership training program. He served on the faculty of
Kabul University (1973–77), Aarhus University in Denmark (1977),
University of California, Berkeley (1983), and Johns Hopkins
University (1983–1991). His academic research was on state-building
and social transformation. In 1985 he completed a year of fieldwork
researching Pakistani Madrasas as a Fulbright Scholar. He also
studied comparative religion. He joined the World Bank in 1991,
working on projects in East and South Asia through the mid-1990s.
In 1996, he pioneered the application of institutional and
organizational analysis to macro processes of change and reform,
working directly on the adjustment program of the Russian coal
industry and carrying out reviews of the Bank‘s country assistance
strategies and structural adjustment programs globally. He spent
five years each in China, India, and Russia managing large-scale
development and institutional transformation projects. He worked
intensively
with the media during the fi rst Gulf War, commenting on
radio and television and in newspaper interviews. After the
September 11 at tacks in the United Sta tes in 2001, he took leave
without pay from the World Bank and engaged in intensive
interaction with the media, appearing regularly on PBS's NewsHour,
BBC, CNN, US National Public Radio, and other broadcasters, and
writing for major newspapers. In November 2002, he accepted an
appointment as a Special
Advisor to the United Nations and assisted Lakhdar Brahimi,
the Special Representative of the Secretary General to Afghanistan,
to prepare the Bonn Agreement, the process and document that
provided the basis of t ransfer of power to the people of
Afghanistan. Returning after 24 years to Afghanistan in December
2001, he resigned from his posts at the UN and World Bank to join
the Afghan government as the chief advisor to President Hamid
Karzai on February 1, 2002. He worked "pro bono" and was among the
first officials to disclose his assets. In this capacity, he worked
on the preparation of the Loya Jirgas (grand assemblies) that
elected Karzai and approved the Constitution of Afghanistan. After
the 2004 election, Ghani declined to join the cabinet and asked to
be appointed as Chancellor of Kabul University. As Chancellor he
instituted participatory governance among the faculty, students and
staff, training both men and
CSIS‘ meeting on UN reform, the UN -OECD- World Bank‘s meeting
on Fragile States and TEDGlobal.[7] He contributed to the Financial
Times, Interna tional Herald Tribune, Los Angeles Times, New
York Times, the Wall Street Journal, and the Washington Post. Ghani
was recognized as the best finance minister of
Asia in 2003 by Emerging Markets. He carried extensive
reforms, including issuing a new currency, computerizing treasury
operations, instituting a single treasury account, adopting a
policy of balanced budgets and using budgets as the central policy
instrument, centralizing revenue collection, tariff reform and
overhauling customs. He instituted regular reporting to the cabinet
the public and international stakeholders as a tool of transparency
and accountability, and required donors to focus their
interventions on three sectors, improving accountability with
government counterparts and preparing a development strategy that
held Afghans more accountable for their own future development. On
March 31, 2004, he presented a seven- year program of public
investment called Securing Afghanistan‘s Future[8] to an
international conference in Berlin attended by 65 finance and
foreign ministers. Described as the most comprehensive program ever
prepared and presented by a poor country to the international
community, Securing Afghanistan‘s Future was prepared by a team of
100 e xperts working under a committee chaired by Ghani. The
concept of a double-compact, between the donors and the government
of Afghanistan on the one hand and between the government and
people of Afghanistan on the other, underpinned the investment
program. The donors pledged $8.2 billion at the conference for the
first three
years of the program—the exact amount requested by the
government —and agreed that the government‘s request for a
total seven -year package of assistance of $27.5 billion was
justified. Poverty eradication through wealth creation and the
establishment of citizens' rights is the heart of Ghani‘s
development approach. In
Afghanistan, he is credited with designing the National
Solidarity Program,[9] that offers block grants to villages with
priorities and implementation defined by elected village councils.
The program covers 13,000 of the country's estimated 20,000
villages. He partnered with the Ministry of Communication to ensure
that telecom licenses were granted on a fully transparent basis. As
a result, the number of mobile phones in the country has jumped to
over a million at the end of 2005. Private investment in the sector
exceeded $200 million and the telecom sector emerged as one of the
major providers of tax revenue. In January 2009 an article by Ahmad
Majidyar of the American Enterprise Institute included Ghani on a
list of fifteen possible candidates in the 2009 Afghan presidential
election. On May 7, 2009, Ashraf Ghani registered as a candidate in
the Afghan presidential election, 2009. Ghani's campaign emphasized
the importance of: a representative administration; good
governance; a dynamic economy and employment opportunities for the
Afghan people. Unlike other major candidates, Ghani asked the
Afghan diaspora to support his campaign and provide financial
support. He appointed Mohammed Ayub Rafiqi as one of his vice
president candidate deputies, and hired noted Clinton-campaign
chief strategist James Carville as a campaign advisor. Preliminary
results placed Ghani fourth in a field of 38, securing roughly 3%
of the votes. On January 28, 2010, Ghani attended the International
Conference on Afghanistan in London, pledging his support to help
rebuild their country. Ghani presented his ideas to Karzai as an
example of the importance of cooperation among Afghans and with the
international community, supporting Karzai's reconciliation
strategy. Ghani said hearing Karzai's second inaugural address in
November 2009 and his pledges to fight corruption, promote
reconciliation and replace international security forces persuaded
him to help. Ghani is on the Board of Directors of the World
Justice Project, which works to lead a global, multidisciplinary
effort to strengthen the Rule of Law in developing countries. Ghani
is one of the main and leading candidates in the 2014 presidential
election. His running mates are Abdul Rashid Dostum, Sarwar Danish
and Ahmad Zia Massoud. It was reported that Ghani secured roughly
56% of the total votes. After challenger Abdullah Abdullah becoming
unsatisfied with the result, a complete auditing of votes was
initiated under the watch eyes of the international community.
Ghani is widely expected to win the election.
Christoffel Roels was Grand Pensionary of Zeeland from 1578 until
1597.
Johan van de Warck was Grand Pensionary of Zeeland from 1599
until 1614.
Bonifacius de Jonge was Grand Pensionary of Zeeland from 1615 until
1625.
Johan Boreel was Grand Pensionary of Zeeland from 1625 until
1629.
Boudewijn de Witte was Grand Pensionary of Zeeland from 1630 until
1641.
Cornelis Adriaansz. Stavenisse was Grand Pensionary of Zeeland from
1641 until 1649.
Johan de Brune (May 29, 1588 - November 7, 1658) was Grand
Pensionary of Zeeland from 1649 until his death on November 7,
1658.
Adriaan Veth was Grand Pensionary of Zeeland from 1658 until
1663.
Pieter de Huybert was Grand Pensionary of Zeeland from 1664 until
1687.
Jacob Verheije (August 7, 1640 - August 16, 1718) was Grand
Pensionary of Zeeland from 1687 until his death on August 16,
1718.
Caspar van Citters (January 22, 1674 - September 28, 1734) was
Grand Pensionary of Zeeland from 1718 until his death on September
28, 1734.
Wilhem van Citters (May 25, 1723 - August 17, 1802) was Grand
Pensionary of Zeeland from 1760 until 1766.
Adriaan Steengracht was Grand Pensionary of Zeeland from 1766
until 1770.
Johan Marinus Chalmers was Grand Pensionary of Zeeland from
1770 until 1785.
Laurens Pieter van de Spiegel (January 19, 1736 in Middelburg - May
7, 1800 in Lingen) was Grand Pensionary of Zeeland from 1785 until
1787 and Grand Pensionary of Holland from November 9, 1787 until
February 4, 1795. He was an Orangist, which means that he was a
supporter of Prince William V of Orange. He became grand pensionary
of Holland when the Prussian army had reinstated William V in power
in 1787. He fled to Germany in 1795, when the French defeated the
Dutch army and an anti-orangist revolution broke out. He died in
Lingen, Prussia. Van de Spiegel was the last Grand Pensionary of
the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands, which was replaced
with the Batavian Republic modelled after the French revolutionary
state. Laurens Pieter van de Spiegel was married to Digna Johanna
Ossewaarde (1841-1813). The couple had eight children, one of them,
jonkheer Cornelis Duvelaer van de Spiegel (1771- 1829), was a
member of parliament (1815-1829) after the French era. Cornelis was
ennobled by King William I in 1815.
Willem Aarnoud van Citters (January 28, 1741 - September 22,
1811) was Grand Pensionary of Zeeland from 1788 until 1795.
The Land's Advocate (Dutch: landsadvocaat) of Holland acted as the
chairman of the States of Holland. The office started in the early
14th century and ended in 1619, when the title was renamed into
Grand Pensionary. He was the speaker of the nobility of Holland and
had the first say on a subject during a meeting of the Estates. A
decision of the Estates was made by a summarizing of all the
statements of the other delegates by the Land's Advocate. The
Land's Advocate of Holland was the most powerful man of the United
Provinces when there was no Stadtholder in Holland (because
two-thirds of the tax income of the republic came from the county
of Holland). The most powerful land's advocates of Holland were the
last two, Paulus Buys (1572–1584) and Johan van Oldebarnevelt
(1586–1619).
Barthout van Assendelft (ca. 1440 -1502) was Land's Advocate
(Dutch: landsadvocaat) of Holland from 1480 until 1489 and from
1494 until 1497.
Jan Bouwensz (ca. 1452 - March 11, 1514) was Land's Advocate
(Dutch: landsadvocaat) of Holland from 1489 until 1494.
Frans Coebel van der Loo (ca. 1470 - September 12, 1532) was Land's
Advocate (Dutch: landsadvocaat) of Holland from 1500 until
1513.
Albrecht van Loo (ca. 1472 - January 5, 1525) was Land's
Advocate (Dutch: landsadvocaat) of Holland from 1513 until
1524.
Aert van der Goes (1475 - November 1, 1545) was a member of
the House of Goes and Land's Advocate (Dutch: landsadvocaat) of
Holland from 1525 unti l 1544. He studied at the University of
Leuven. Aert van der Goes was born in Delft, and was a lawyer and
pensionary of Delft from 1508–1525. From May 1525 until January
1544 he was State Attorney (Grand Pensionary) of the States of
Holland. He wrote the Register of Dachvaerden's Lands of the States
of Holland in
which the events during the meetings of the States captured.
Aert van der Goes was a son of Witte van der Goes. His first
marriage was to Barbara Herwijnen. After her death he married
Margaret of Banchem. From his first marriage son Aert van der Goes
the young born. This Aert was a ttorney for the Great Council of
Malines . From the marriage with Margaret of Banchem was a son,
Adriaen van Der Goes and a daughter, Geneviève. Adriaen succeeded
him as Grand Pensionary of Holland. Daughter Geneviève married
Everhard Nicolai, who later became President of the Grand Council
of Mechelen. Through his son Adrian he is an ancestor of the
American Rachael Clawson, who married prominent farmer George John
Debolt. The Arms of the Van der Goes family consisted of black
three gold-silver horned goats heads, and the crest a silver
bokkenkop between two silver pheasant feathers.
Adriaen van der Goes (1505 - November 5, 1560) was Land's
Advocate (Dutch: landsadvocaat) of Holland from 1544 until his
death on November 5, 1560.
Jacob van den Eynde (1515 - 1570) was Land's Advocate (Dutch:
landsadvocaat) of Holland from 1560 until 1568.
Rhineland (the area around Leiden). Pensionaries were well paid.
His task was to advise the city council on legal affairs and serve
as the representative of Leiden at the estates of Holland. Paulus
Buys was appointed as land's advocate of Holland in 1572 before
Calvinists took the county. As representative of Holland, he
vetoed the decision of the duke of Alva to raise taxes at the
estates general of the Netherlands in Brussels. Because of this, he
had to flee from the Netherlands and joined Prince William of
Orange in Arnstadt. Paulus Buys was Roman Catholic, but he, like
many moderate Catholics, joined the rebels (Protestantism was a
minority faith in Holland at that time) and secretly helped raising
armies for the cause of the prince when he came back to Leiden in
the same year. He refused to admit a Spanish garrison in Leiden.
Leiden became a part of rebel territory still in 1572. Buys became
the head of the rebel 'Raad van State' (one of the constitutional
bodies of the Netherlands) in 1573, which would make him the rebel
leader if William of Orange died at the siege of Haarlem. The
prince did not go to Haarlem, which fell to the Spanish. Buys was
the leader of the inundations (opening of dikes to let the water of
the sea in) during the siege of Leiden in 1574. The water drowned
the Spanish cannons, so the Spanish had to lift the siege. He was
the leader of the reconstruction of Leiden and appealed to the
prince of Orange to establish the Leiden University. He was curator
of the university. In 1575, he went to England to try to convince
Elizabeth I of England to ally with rebel Holland and the prince of
Orange. Elizabeth refused. Paulus Buys was one of the founders of
the Union of Utrecht in 1579, which made an end to the Union of
Brussels, which was founded by the prince of Orange. Prince William
of Orange was killed in 1584. Paulus Buys lost his mainstay and
left the estates of Holland, probably because he thought that they
were overly supportive of France. Buys was an advocate of the
English, and he became the chief adviser of the Earl of Leicester,
when the latter was sent to the Netherlands to aid the rebels with
an English army. Leicester first supported Buys against political
rivals, but
within two months fell out with him. As Elizabeth I seemed to
drawback her support for the Dutch, Leicester was convinced that
Buys intrigued against him behind his back. Buys was arrested in
July 1586 by the town of Utrecht, to Leicester's contentment. Many
cities asked for his release, but he remained imprisoned for half a
year and was released after the payment of a very large amount of
money as ransom. This was the end of his political career. He lost
his last profession as curator of Leiden university in 1591,
because of his authoritarian behaviour. He sold his possessions in
Leiden and moved to IJsselstein, where he died in 1594. His son is
most likely Cornelis Buys (*1559), who inherited the manors Capelle
ter Vliet and Zevenhoven in 1592 - the year Paulus Buys died.
Cornelis Buys was a member of the General Chamber of Auditors of
the County Holland and also a court clerk there. It is not known
when Cornelis Buys died.
Johan van Oldenbarnevelt (Dutch pronunciation:
[jo v old(n)brn v lt] ), Lord of Berkel
en Rodenrijs (1600), Gunterstein (1611) and Bakkum (1613) (14
September 1547 - May 13, 1619) was Land's Advocate (Dutch:
landsadvocaat) of Holland from 1586 until his death on May 13,
1619. He was a Dutch statesman who played an important role in the
Dutch struggle for independence from Spain. Van Oldenbarnevelt was
born in Amersfoort. He studied law at Leuven, Bourges, Heidelberg
and Padua, and traveled in France and Italy before settling in The
Hague. He was a supporter of the Arminians, who also supported
William the Silent in his revolt against Spain, and fought in
William's army. He served as a volunteer for the relief of Haarlem
(1573) and again at Leiden (1574). Oldenbarnevelt was married in
1575 to Maria van Utrecht. In 1576 he obtained the important post
of pensionary of Rotterdam, an office which carried with it
official membership of the States of Holland. In this capacity his
industry, singular grasp of affairs, and persuasive powers of
speech speedily gained for him a position of influence. He was
active in promoting the Union of Utrecht (1579) and the offer of
the countship of Holland and Zeeland by William (prevented by
Williams death in 1584). He was a fierce opponent of the policies
of the Earl of Leicester, the governor general at the time, and
instead favoured Maurice of Nassau, a son of William. Leicester
left in 1587, leaving the military power in the Netherlands to
Maurice. During the governorship of Leicester, Van Oldenbarnevelt
was the leader of the strenuous opposition offered by the States of
Holland to the centralizing policy of the governor. On March 16,
1586, Van Oldenbarnevelt, in succession to Paulus Buys, became
Land's Advocate of Holland for the States of Holland, an office he
held for 32 years. This great office, given to a man of commanding
ability and industry, offered unbounded influence in a multi-headed
republic without any central executive authority. Though nominally
the servant of the States of Holland, Oldenbarnevelt made himself
the political personification of the province which bore more than
half the entire charge of the union. As mouthpiece of the
States-General, he practically dominated the assembly. In a brief
period, he became entrusted with such large and far- reaching
authority in all details of administration, that he became the
virtual Prime minister of the Dutch republic. During the two
critical years following the
withdrawal of Leicester, the Advocate's statesmanship kept
the United Provinces from collapsing under their own inherent
separatist tendencies. This prevented the United Provinces from
becoming an easy conquest for the formidable army of Alexander of
Parma. Also of good fortune for the Netherlands, the attention of
Philip II of Spain was at its greatest weakness, instead focused on
a contemplated invasion of England. Spain's lack of attention
coupled with the United Province's lack of central, organized
government allowed Oldenbarnevelt to gain control of administrative
affairs. His task was made easier by receiving whole- hearted
support from Maurice of Nassau, who, after 1589, held the office of
Stadholderate of five provinces. He was also Captain-General and
Admiral of the Union. The interests and ambitions of Oldenbarnevelt
and Maurice did not clash. Indeed, Maurice's thoughts were centered
on training and leading armies, and he had no special capacity as a
statesman or desire for politics. Their first rift between came in
1600, when Maurice was forced against his will by the States-
General, under the Advocate's influence, to undertake a military
expedition to Flanders. The expedition was saved from disaster by
desperate efforts that ended in victory at the Nieuwpoort. In 1598,
Oldenbarnevelt took part in special diplomatic missions to King
Henry IV of France and Queen Elizabeth I of England, and again in
1605 in a special mission sent to congratulate King James I of
England on his accession. The opening of negotiations by Albert and
Isabel in 1606 for a peace or long truce led to a great division of
opinion in the Netherlands.
independence on the part of Holland, and decided to take action. A
commission was appointed, with Maurice at its head, to compel the
disbanding of the waardgelders. On July 31, 1618 the
Stadholder, at the head of a body of troops, appeared at Utrecht,
which had thrown in its lot with Holland. At his order the local
militias laid down their arms. His progress through the towns of
Holland met with no military opposition. The States' sovereignty
party was crushed without a battle being fought. On August 23,
1618, by order of the States-General, Van Oldenbarnevelt and his
chief supporters, Hugo Grotius, Gilles van Ledenberg, Rombout
Hogerbeets and Jacob Dircksz de Graeff, were arrested or lost their
politi cal positions in government. Van Oldenbarnevelt was, with
his friends, kept in strict confinement until November of that
year, and then brought for examination before a commission
appointed by the States-General. He appeared more than 60 times
before the commissioners and the whole course of his official life
was severely examined. During the period of inquest, he was neither
allowed to consult papers nor put his defense in writing. On
February 20, 1619, Van Oldenbarnevelt was arraigned before a
special court of twenty-four members, only half of
whom were Hollanders, and nearly all of whom were personal
enemies. This ad hoc judicial commission was necessary, because,
unlike in the individual provinces, the federal government did not
have a judicial branch. Normally the accused would be brought
before the Hof van Holland or the Hoge Raad van Holland en Zeeland,
the highest courts in the provinces of Holland and Zeeland;
however, in this case, the alleged crime was against the
Generaliteit, or federal government, and required adjudication by
the States-General, acting as highest court in the land. As was
customary in similar cases (for instance, the later trial of the
judges in the case of the Amboyna massacre), the trial was
delegated to a commission. Of course, the accused contested the
competence of the court, as they contested the residual sovereignty
of the States-General, but their protest was disregarded. It was in
fact a kangaroo court, and the stacked bench of judges on Sunday,
May 12, 1619, pronounced a death sentence on Van Oldenbarnevelt. On
the following day, the old statesman, at the age of seventy-one,
was beheaded in the Binnenhof, in The Hague. Van Oldenbarnevelt's
last words to the executioner were purportedly: "Make it short,
make it short." He was buried in a family grave under the Court
Chapel (Hofkapel) at the Binnenhof. The States of Holland noted in
their Resolution book on 13 May that Van Oldenbarnevelt had been:
"…a man of great business, activity, memory and wisdom – yes,
extra-ordinary in every respect." They added the sentence Die staet
siet toe dat hij niet en valle,
which is a quotation of 1 Cor 10: 12 which probably should be
understood as referring to both how Oldenbarnevelt ended after
holding one of the highest offices in the Republic and for choosing
the side of the Arminians, whom were ruled to be standing outside
the Dutch Reformed Church and the Reformed Faith by the Synod of
Dort.
Van Oldenbarnevelt left two sons; Reinier van Oldenbarnevelt,
lord of Groeneveld and Willem van Oldenbarnevelt, lord of
Stoutenburg, and two daughters. A conspiracy against the life of
Maurice, in which both sons of Van Oldenbarnevelt took part, was
discovered in 1623. Stoutenburg, who was the chief accomplice, made
his escape and entered the service of Spain; Groeneveld was
executed.
...
Darko Komazec <komazec darko@gmail com> 17.
The grand pensionary (Dutch: raad(s)pensionaris) was the most
important Dutch official during the time of the United Provinces.
In theory he was only a civil servant of the Estates of the
dominant province among the Seven United Provinces: the county of
Holland. In practice the grand pensionary of Holland was the
political leader of the entire Dutch Republic when there was no
stadtholder (in practice the Prince of Orange) at the centre of
power. The Dutch name raad(s)pensionaris literally translates as
"pensionary of council". Indeed, other provinces could also have a
raadspensionaris, e.g. Zeeland, but only the one of Holland was
considered by foreign powers to be of any importance, so they
called him the grand pensionary. The position of the grand
pensionary was in many
ways similar to what through later political and
constitutional developments came to be a prime minister.
The office started in 1619 and replaced the title of land's
advocate. When there was a stadtholder, then the grand pensionary
was often the second leader of the republic. Being the
raadspensionaris of Holland, the grand pensionary acted as the
chairman of States of Holland. He was appointed by the Estates and
could be fired instantly by the Estates. A decision of the Estates
was made by a summarizing of all the statements of the delegates by
the grand pensionary, with an implicit conclusion about what
collective decision had been made. He had the first say on a
subject during a meeting of the Estates and controlled the agenda.
This way, if he was a competent man, he could control the entire
decision-making process, especially as one of his "duties" was to
represent the ten members of the nobility delegates (the
ridderschap) in their absence and phrase the single opinion they as
a body had the right to express. The office existed because all
delegates of the States were, although ranked according to ancient
feudal hierarchy, still basically equal (pares) and none among them
could thus act as a head. The Batavian Republic first abolished the
office but in its last year, 1805–1806, the title had to be
reinstituted on orders of Napoleon as part of a number of measures
to strengthen the executive power; Rutger Jan Schimmelpenninck thus
acted for a short time as the last grand pensionary. He officially
functioned as a president of the entire Republic, not just of
Holland.
Andries de Witt (June 16, 1573, Dordrecht - November 26,
1637, Dordrecht) was Grand Pensionary of Holland from 1619 until
1621. He was the successor of Johan van Oldebarnevelt, who
had been executed in 1619. Andries de Witt was a member of the old
Dutch patrician family De Witt. He was the oldest son of
Johanna Heijmans and Cornelis Fransz de Witt (1545-1622),
16-fold burgomaster of Dordrecht. He was the uncle of Cornelis de
Witt and Johan de Witt, Grand Pensionary from 1652 to 1672, who
were sons of his youngest brother Jacob de Witt. Andries married
Elizabeth van den Honert in 1604, with whom he had 10
children.
Anthonie Duyck (c. 1560 - September 13, 1629) was Grand
Pensionary of Holland from 1621 until his death on September 13,
1629. Anthonie Duyck was a descendant of a notable hollandic family
which was founded in the 13th century. Anthonie was the son of
Gijsbert Duyck, lord of Oud Karspel, who was appointed schout of
Hoorn in 1580.[2] Anthonie was born in The Hague and studied law in
Leiden. In 1588, he became advocaat-fiscaal (public prosecutor) at
the Raad van State. This was, next to the States-General of the
Netherlands, the central constitutional body of the United
Provinces. As official of the Raad van
State, he accompanied Prince Maurice of Orange on his military
campaigns between 1591 and 1602. He wrote long reports about these
military campaigns for his superiors in The Hague. In 1602, he
became griffier at the court of Holland. In 1619 even a justice in
the Hoge Raad van Holland en Zeeland. He was named as one of the
public prosecutors against his will for the special court which
tried Johan van Oldebarnevelt. This court pronounced the death
penalty in 1619. Duyck became Grand Pensionary of Holland in 1621.
His tasks were moderate compared to the tasks of Oldebarnevelt.
Oldebarnevelt was an important political leader, while Duyck was
more an official. Anthonie married twice, and his first wife,
Elisabeth de Michely, gave him three children, all daughters. From
1591 until 1602, Anthonie kept a journal, detailing his activities
and events of the Eighty years war, in which the Dutch Republic was
embroiled at that time. This
journal was edited and published by the Dutch department of
war in 1862, though of the seven books, one, book four, was
lost.
Jacob Cats (November 10, 1577 - September 12, 1660) was a
Dutch poet, humorist, jurist and Grand Pensionary of Holland from
1629 unti l 1631 and from 1636 until 1651. He is most famous for
his emblem books. Having lost his mother at an early age, and being
adopted with his three brothers by an uncle, Cats
was sent to school at Breda. He then studied law at Rotterdam
and at Paris, and, returning to Holland, he settled at the Hague,
where he began to practise as an advocate. His pleading in defence
of a person accused of witchcraft brought him many clients and some
reputation. He had a serious love affair about this time,
which was broken off on the very eve of marriage by his
catching a tertian fever which defied all at tempts at cure for
some two years. For medical advice and change of air Cats went to
England, where he consulted the highest authorities in vain. He
returned to Zeeland to die, but was cured mysteriously with the
powder of a travelling doctor (later sources claim he was a quack).
He married in 1602 a lady of some property, Elisabeth van
Valkenburg, and thenceforward lived at Grijpskerke in Zeeland,
where he devoted himself to farming and poetry. In 1621, on the
expiration of the twelve-year truce with Spain, the breaking of the
dykes drove him from his farm. He was made pensionary (stipendiary
magistrate) of Middelburg; and two years afterwards of Dordrecht.
In 1627 Cats came to England on a mission to Charles I, who made
him a knight. In 1636 he was made Grand Pensionary of Holland, and
in 1648 keeper of the great seal; in 1651 he resigned his offices,
but in 1657 he was sent a second time to England on what proved to
be an unsuccessful mission to Oliver Cromwell. In the seclusion of
his villa of Sorgvliet (near the Hague), he lived from this time
till his death, occupied in the composition of his autobiography
(Eighty-two Years of My Life, first printed at Leiden in 1734) and
of his poems. He became famous in his own lifetime from his
moralistic Emblem books, most notably Sinne en Minnebeelden, for
which
Adrian van der Venne cut the plates. He died on September 12,
1660, and was buried by torchlight, and with great ceremony, in the
Klooster-Kerk at the Hague. He is still spoken of as Father Cats by
his countrymen. Cats was contemporary with Hooft and Vondel and
other distinguished Dutch writers in the golden age of Dutch
literature, but his Orangist and Calvinistic opinions separated him
from the liberal school of Amsterdam poets. He was, however,
intimate with Constantijn Huygens, whose political opinions were
more nearly in agreement with his own. Hardly known outside of
Holland, among his own people for nearly two centuries he enjoyed
an enormous popularity. His diffuseness and the antiquated
character of his matter and diction, have, however, come to be
regarded as difficulties in the way of study, and he is more
renowned than read. A statue to him was erected at Brouwershaven in
1829. He wrote the following works: Jacob Cats, Complete Works
(1790–1800, 19 vols.), later editions by van Vloten (Zwolle,
1858–1866; and at Schiedam, 1869–1870): Pigott, Moral Emblems,
with
Aphorisms, etc., from Jacob Cats (1860); and P. C. Witsen
Geijsbeek, Het Leven en de Verdiensten van Jacob Cats (1829).
Southey has a very complimentary reference to Cats in his Epistle
to Al lan Cunningham, Emblemata or Minnebeelden with Maegdenplicht
(1618), Selfstryt (1620), Houwelick (1625), Proteus Ofte
Minne-Beelden Verandert In Sinne-Beelden. (1627), Spiegel van den
ouden en nieuwen Tyt (1632), Ouderdom, Buytenleven en Hofgedachten
op Sorgvliet (1664) and Gedachten op slapelooze nachten (1660).
Cats' moralistic poems were told and retold like nursery rhymes
over several generations. Even today many of his coined phrases are
still colloquialisms in everyday Dutch. Many of Cats' moral poems
were set to music. A selection of these, Klagende Maeghden en
andere liederen, was recorded in 2008 by the Utrecht ensemble
Camerata Trajectina.
Adriaan Pauw, knight, heer van Heemstede, Bennebroek,
Nieuwerkerk etc. ( November 1, 1585 - February 21, 1653) was Grand
Pensionary of Hol land from 1631 until 1636 and from 1651 until his
death on February 21, 1653. He was born in Amsterdam in a rich
merchant family - his father, Reinier Pauw (1564– 1636) wasn't only
a merchant, but also a Mayor of Amsterdam - and studied law in
Leiden. He was the pensionary of Amsterdam from 1611 to 1627. In
1620 he bought the town of Heemstede and was called 'Lord of
Heemstede'. He was appointed grand pensionary in 1631. Pauw,
Holland and Amsterdam wanted an alliance with Spain, but Prince
Frederick Henry of Orange wanted an alliance with France. Frederick
Henry sent Pauw to France to start an alliance against Spain. Pauw
accepted this assignment and allied with France. He resigned in
1636 as grand pensionary. After the Peace of Münster (1648) for
which he was instrumental as ambassador for Holland Pauw became
grand pensionary again in 1651 although there was much opposition
against him. He tried to stop a war
with England in 1652. He died in 1653. Adriaan Pauw was
married to Anna van Ruytenburgh (1589–1648), daughter of Pieter van
Ruytenburgh, heer van Vlaardingen, Vlaardingerambacht en Ter
Horst (1562–1627), a wealthy merchant. Her mother was Aleyda
Huybrechts van Duyvendrecht.
Johan de Witt or Jan de Witt, heer van Zuid- en
Noord-Linschoten, Snelrewaard, Hekendorp and IJsselveere (September
24, 1625 - August 20, 1672) was Grand Pensionary of Holland from
July 30, 1653 until his death on Auguat 20, 1672. was a key figure
in Dutch politics in the mid-17th century, when its flourishing sea
trade in a period of globalization made the United Provinces a
leading European power during the Dutch Golden Age. De Witt
controlled the Netherlands political system from around 1650 until
shortly before his death in 1672 working with various factions from
nearly all the major cities, especially his hometown, Dordrecht,
and the city of birth of his wife, Amsterdam. As a republican he
opposed the House of Orange and, along with his brother Cornelis
de
Witt, was murdered by Orangists.
Johan de Witt was a member of the old Dutch patrician family
De Witt. His father was Jacob de Witt, an influential regent and
burgher from the patrician class in the city of Dordrecht, which in
the seventeenth century, was one of the most important cities of
the dominating province of Holland. Johan and his older brother,
Cornelis de Witt, grew up in a privileged social environment in
terms of education, his father having as good acquaintances
important scholars and scientists, such as Isaac Beeckman, Jacob
Cats, Gerhard Vossius and Andreas Colvius. Johan and Cornelis both
attended the Latin school in Dordrecht, which imbued both brothers
with the values of the Roman Republic. Johan de Witt married on
February 16, 1655 Wendela Bicker (1635–1668), the daughter of Jan
Bicker (1591–1653), an influential patrician from Amsterdam, and
Agneta de Graeff van Polsbroek (1603–1656). Jan Bicker served as
mayor of Amsterdam in 1653. De Witt became a relative to the strong
republican-minded brothers Cornelis and Andries de Graeff, and to
Andries Bicker. The couple had four children, three daughters and
one son:
older than Johan began to see greatness in Johan dating from that
experience. In 1653, Johan De Witt's uncle, Cornelis De Graeff,
made De Witt 'Grand Pensionary' of the States of Holland. Since
Holland was the Republic's most powerful province, he was
effectively the political leader of the United Provinces as a
whole—especially during periods when no stadholder had been
elected by the States-General of the United Provinces. That is why
the raadpensionaris of Holland was also referred to as the
Grand Pensionary — in many way similar to a modern Prime
Minister. Representing the province of Holland, Johan De Witt
tended to identify with the economic interests of the shipping and
trading interests in the United Provinces. These interests were
largely concentrated in the province of Holland and to a lesser
degree in the province of Zeeland.[6] In the religious conflict
between the Calvinists and the more moderate members of the Dutch
Reform Church which arose in 1618, Holland tended to belong to the
more tolerant Dutch Reform faction in the United Provinces. Not
surprisingly, Johan de
Witt also held views of toleration of religious beliefs.
Together with his uncle, Cornelis De Graeff, Johan De Witt brought
about peace with England after the First Anglo-Dutch War with the
Treaty of Westminster in May of 1654. The peace treaty had a secret
annex, the Act of Seclusion, forbidding the Dutch ever to appoint
William II's posthumous son, the infant William, as stadholder.
This annex had been attached on instigation of Cromwell, who felt
that since William III
was a grandson of the executed Charles I, it was not in the
interests of his own republican regime to see William ever gain
political power. On September 25, 1660 the States of Holland under
the prime movers of De Witt, Cornelis De Graeff, his younger
brother Andries de Graeff and Gillis Valckenier resolved to take
charge of William's education to ensure he would acquire the skills
to serve in a future—though undetermined—state function. Influenced
by the values of the Roman republic, De Witt did his utmost anyway
to prevent any member of the House of Orange from gaining power,
convincing many provinces to abolish the stadtholderate entirely.
He bolstered his policy by publicly endorsing the theory of
republicanism. He is supposed to have contributed personally to the
Interest of Holland, a radical republican textbook published in
1662 by his supporter Pieter de la Court. De Witt's power base was
the wealthy merchant class into which he was born. This class
broadly coincided politically with the "States faction", stressing
Protestant religious moderation and pragmatic foreign policy
defending commercial interests. The "Orange faction", consisting of
the middle class, preferred a strong leader from the Dutch Royal
House of Orange as a counterweight against the rich upper-classes
in economic and religious matters alike. Although leaders that did
emerge from the House of Orange rarely were strict Calvinists
themselves, they tended to identify with Calvinism, which was
popular among the middle classes in the United Provinces during
this time. William II of Orange
was a prime example of this tendency among the leaders of the
House of Orange to support Calvinism. William II was elected
Stadholder by the States-General in 1625 and continued to serve
until his death in November, 1650. Eight days after his death,
William II wife delivered a male heir--William III of Orange. Many
citizens of the United Provinces urged the election of the infant
William III as stadholder under a regency until he came of age.
However, the States-General, under the dominance of the province of
Holland did not fill the office of Stadholder. The United Provinces
were to remain "stadholderless" until crucial year of 1672. During
this stadholderless period Jacob De Witt reached the apex of his
power in the United Provinces. In the period following the Treaty
of
Westminster, the Republic grew in wealth and influence under
De Witt's leadership. De Witt created a strong navy, appointing one
of his political allies, Lieutenant-Admiral Jacob van Wassenaer
Obdam, as supreme commander of the confederate fleet. Later De Witt
became a personal friend of Lieutenant-
Admiral Michiel de Ruyter. The Second Anglo-Dutch War began
in 1665, lasting until 1667 when it ended with the Treaty of Breda,
in which De Witt negotiated very favorable agreements for the
Republic after the partial destruction of the British fleet in the
Raid on the Medway, initiated by De Witt himself and executed in
1666 by De Ruyter. At about the time the Treaty of Breda was
concluded, De Witt made another attempt at pacification of the
quarrel between States Party and Orangists over the position of the
Prince of Orange. He proposed to have William appointed
captain-general of the Union on reaching the age of majority (23);
on condition, however, that this office would be declared
incompatible with that of stadtholder in all of the provinces. For
good measure the stadtholderate was abolished in Holland itself.
This Perpetual Edict (1667) was enacted by the States of Holland on
August 5, 1667, and recognized by the States- General on a
four-to-three vote in January, 1668. This edict was added by Gaspar
Fagel, then Pensionary of Haarlem, Gillis Valckenier and Free
Imperial Knight
Andries de Graeff, two prominent Amsterdam regents, which
abolished the stadtholderate in Holland "for ever". During 1672,
which the Dutch refer to as the "year of disaster" or rampjaar,
France and England attacked the Republic during the Franco-Dutch
War and the Orangists took power by force and deposed de
Witt. Recovering from an earlier attempt on his life in June,
he was lynched by an organized mob after visiting his brother
Cornelis in prison. After the arrival of Johan de Witt, the
city guard was sent away on a pretext to stop farmers who were
supposedly engaged in pilfering. Without any protection against the
assembled mob, the brothers were dragged out of the prison and
killed next to a nearby scaffold. Immediately after their deaths,
the bodies were mutilated and fingers, toes, and other parts of
their bodies were cut off. Other parts of their bodies were
allegedly eaten by the mob (or taken elsewhere, cooked and then
allegedly eaten). The heart of Cornelis de Witt was exhibited for
many years next to his brother's by one of the ringleaders, the
silversmith Hendrik Verhoeff. Today some historians believe that
his adversary and successor as leader of the government,
stadtholder William III of Orange, was involved in the de Witt
brothers' deaths.
At the very least he protected and rewarded their killers.
The ringleaders were Johan Kievit, his brother-in-law Cornelius
Tromp and Johan van Banchem. Besides being a statesman Johan de
Witt, also was an accomplished mathematician. In 1659 he wrote
"Elementa Curvarum Linearum" as an appendix to Frans
van Schooten's translation of René Descartes' "La Géométrie".
In this, De Witt derived the basic properties of quadratic forms,
an important step in the field of linear algebra.
In 1671 his Waardije van Lyf-renten naer Proportie van Los-renten
was published ('The Worth of Life Annuities Compared to Redemption
Bonds'). This work combined the interests of the statesman and the
mathematician. Ever since the Middle Ages, a Life Annuity was a way
to "buy" someone a regular income from a reliable source. The
state, for instance, could provide a widow with a regular income
until her death, in exchange for a 'lump sum' up front. There were
also Redemption Bonds that were more like a regular state loan. De
Witt showed - by using probability mathematics - that for the same
amount of money a bond of 4% would result in the same profit as a
Life Annuity of 6% (1 in 17). But the 'Staten' at the time were
paying over 7% (1 in 14). The publication about Life
Annuities is seen as the first mathematical approach of
chance and probabili ty.[citation needed] After the violent deaths
of the brothers the 'Staten' issued new Life Annuities in 1673 for
the old rate of 1 in 14. In 1671 De Witt conceived of a life
annuity as a weighted average of annuities certain where the
weights were mortality probabilities (that sum to one), thereby
producing the expected value of the present value of a life
annuity. Edmond Halley‘s (of comet fame) representation of the life
annuity dates to 1693, when he re-expressed a life annuity as the
discounted value of each annual payment multiplied by the
probability of surviving long enough to receive the payment and
summed until there are no survivors. De Witt's approach was
especially insightful and ahead of its time. In modern terminology,
De Witt treats a life annuity as a random variable and its expected
value is what we call the value of a life annuity. Also in modern
terminology, De Witt's approach allows one to readily understand
other properties of this random variable such as its standard
deviation, skewness, kurtosis, or any other characteristic of
interest. The lynching of the De Witt brothers is depicted with a
dramatic intensity in the first four chapters of The Black Tulip, a
historical fiction novel written by Alexandre Dumas, père in 1850,
and this event has implications for the whole plot line of the
book. In its time, Dumas's book helped make this tragedy known to a
French readership (and a readership in other countries into whose
languages the book was translated) who were otherwise ignorant of
Dutch history.
Staten-Generaal and in 1672 after the resignation and subsequent
murder of Jan and Cornelis de Witt. He was distinguished for his
integrity and the firmness with which he repelled the
attempts of Louis XIV of France against his country, and for his
zeal in supporting the claims of the William III, Prince of Orange
to the English throne. Fagel was responsible for writing several
letters on instruction from William III and several letters
purported to be from William III himself (with William's
permission). In 1687, Fagel wrote an open letter to the English
people, as Pensionary of Netherlands, deploring the religious
policy of James. The letter was generally interpreted as a covert
bid, by William II, for the English throne. In 1688, in preparation
for the English Revolution during which William III landed in
England, Fagel wrote to English advocate James Stewart[2] calling
on public figures there to not use the various anti-Catholic Test
Oaths and associated legislation to restrict the liberties of
Catholic citizens. While his correspondence called for liberty and
freedom of religion, Fagel also suggested that the Dutch
would support the softening of some laws only if: ...those
Laws remain still in their full vigour by which the Roman Catholics
are shut out of both Houses of Parliament, and out of all public
employment; Ecclesiastical, Civil and Military: as likewise all
those others, which confirm the Protestant Religion and which
secures it against all the attempts of the Roman Catholic. The
effect of this letter, and others, was to assure the Parliament
that William III would not stand in the way of the Parliament's
legislative agenda which manifested itself in the form of the Bill
of Rights of 1689.
Michiel ten Hove (February 24, 1640, The Hague - March 24, 1689,
The Hague) was ad interim Grand Pensionary of Holland from December
5, 1688 until his death on March 24, 1689. He was a lawyer for the
Dutch West Indies Company since 1664 and from 1672 pensionary of
Haarlem. He was son of Nicolaas ten Hove and Cornelia Fagel, and
nephew of Gaspar Fagel, who preceded him as Grand Pensionary and
died in 1688. He was well appreciated by William III of Orange and
probably would have succeeded his uncle formally, had he not died
in office the next year.
Anthonie (or Antonius) Heinsius (November 23, 1641, Delft -
August 3, 1720, The Hague) was a Dutch statesman who served as
Grand Pensionary of Holland from May 27, 1689 to his death on
August 3, 1720. Heinsius was born at Delft on November 23, 1641,
son of a wealthy merchant and patrician. In 1679 he became
pensionary for Delft in the States of Holland and in 1687 he became
a member of the board of the Delft chamber of the Dutch East India
Company (VOC). In 1682 he was appointed special negotiator to
France by stadholder William III of Orange. His mission was to see
if anything could be done about the occupation of the Principality
of Orange by Louis XIV. The mission was a failure but he made a
favourable impression on William III. He became Grand Pensionary of
the States of Holland, and thereby the most powerful man in the
Estates-General of the Netherlands, on May 27, 1689, when William
III became king of England and had to move to London. He was the
confidant and correspondent of William, who left the guidance of
Dutch affairs largely in his hands. Heinsius was a tough negotiator
and one of the greatest and most obstinate opponents of the
expansionist policies of France. He was one of the driving forces
behind the anti-France coalitions of the Nine Years' War (1688–97)
and the War of the Spanish Succession (1701–14). After the death of
William III in 1702, Heinsius' hold on the States General
diminished, but he remained Grand Pensionary of Holland unti l his
own death in 1720.
Isaäc van Hoornbeek (December 9, 1655 - June 17, 1727) was Grand
Pensionary of Holland from September 12, 1720 until his death on
June 17, 1727. Hoornbeek was born in Leiden. He served as
pensionary of Rotterdam before 1720. He died, aged 71, in The
Hague.
Simon van Slingelandt, Lord of the manor of Patijnenburg (January
14, 1664, Dordrecht - December 1, 1736, The Hague) was Grand
Pensionary of Holland from July 17, 1727 until his death on
December 1, 1736. He was also Treasurer-General of the United
Provinces from 1725 until 1727. Simon van Slingelandt
was the son of Govert van Slingelandt, Lord of Dubbeldam
(1623-1690), pensionary of Rotterdam and ambassador to Prussia,
Sweden, Poland (1656) and Denmark (1659). He was also the secretary
of the Council of State in 1664. Before becoming grand pensionary
Van Slingelandt wrote several reports as preparation for the second
Great Assembly (Dutch Tweede Grote Vergadering , a kind of
Constitutional Convention to reform the constitution of the Dutch
Republic, November 28, 1716 - September 14, 1717), in which he
proposed to give the Council of State ("Raad van State") more
power. He was convinced of the necessity to restrict the power of
the cities and the provinces in order to strengthen the central
power of the republic. The Great Assembly however ended in failure
when nothing came from Van Slingelandts proposed reforms. He was
powerful in the United Provinces, being the grand pensionary of
Holland, which contributed sixty percent of the tax income of the
republic. Van Slingelandt was a staunch republican, who wanted to
keep the House of Orange out of the centre of power. He was a
strong advocate of an alliance with Great Britain; otherwise, he
thought, the United Provinces wouldn't survive. He mediated peace
between Great Britain and Austria in 1732 and between France and
Austria in 1736. Simon van Slingelandt, a Master of Laws, was
married to Susanna de Wildt (1666- 1722) and Johanna Margaretha van
Coesvelt, his housemaid (1726-1736).
Anthonie van der Heim (November 28, 1693, The Hague - July
16, 1746, 's-Hertogenbosch) was Grand Pensionary of Holland from
April 4, 1737 until July 7, 1746. He was also Treasurer-General of
the United Provinces from 1727 until 1737.
Willem Buys (1661 - February 18, 1749) was acting Grand
Pensionary of Holland from July 7 until September 23, 1746. He was
pensionary of Amsterdam (1693–1725) and first secretary of the
estates of Holland (1726–1749). He had successes as negotiator of
the United Provinces. He improved the diplomatic relationship with
England in 1705 and 1706 and he was one of the Dutch negotiators
during the peace negotiations in 1710 in Geertruidenberg and 1713
in Utrecht.
Jacob Gilles (ca. 1691 in Kollum - September 10, 1765 in
Ypenburg manor near Rijswijk) was Grand Pensionary of Holland from
September 23, 1746 until June 18, 1749.
...
Darko Komazec <komazec darko@gmail com> 17.
The Batavian Republic (Dutch: Bataafse Republiek; French:
République Batave), was the successor of the Republic of the United
Netherlands. It was proclaimed on January 19, 1795, and ended on
June 5, 1806, with the accession of Louis I to the throne of
Holland. The new Republic enjoyed widespread support from the Dutch
population and was the product of a genuine popular revolution.
Nevertheless, it clearly was founded with the armed support of the
revolutionary French Republic. The Batavian Republic became a
client state, first of that "sister-republic", and later of the
French Empire of Napoleon Bonaparte, and its politics were deeply
influenced by the French who supported no fewer than three coups
d'état to bring the different political factions to power that
France favored at different moments in her own historical
development. Nevertheless, the process of creating a written Dutch
constitution was mainly driven by internal political factors, not
by French influence — until Napoleon forced the Dutch
government to accept his brother as monarch. The political,
economic and social reforms that were brought about during the
relatively short duration of the Batavian Republic have had a
lasting impact. The confederal structure of the old Dutch Republic
was permanently replaced by a unitary state. For the first time in
Dutch history, the constitution that was adopted in 1798 had a
genuinely democratic character, despite the fact that it was pushed
through after a coup d'état. For a while the Republic was governed
democratically, although the coup d'état of 1801 put an
authoritarian regime in power, after another change in
constitution. Nevertheless, the memory of this brief experiment
with democracy helped smooth the transition to a more democratic
government in 1848 (the constitutional revision by Thorbecke,
limiting the power of the king). A type of ministerial
government
was