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7/24/2019 Merit-Making Capitalism
1/27
MERIT-MAKING CAPTTALISM
Jiernen
Bao
Journal of
Asian American
Sudies.'
Jun
2005;
8, 2;
Multicultural Module
pg.
i15
M
ERIT.MAKI
NG
CAPITALISM
Reterritarializing
California
Thai
Buddhism
in Silicon
ValleY,
jiemen
bao
\ Jrsri-eo
AGATNST GENTLY
RoLLiNc
FoorHltLs,
surrottnded by
live oak,
l\
pirryo.,
pine,
and
eucalyptus trees,
Waf
Thai of
Silicon
Valley, a
Theravada
Buddhist
temple,
glistens
in
the
bright
autumn
sunlight-'The
chapel's
roof
is adorned
with
tiers of
glazed
green-and-yellow
terra
cotra
tiles.
Eight
golden
bird-like
"sky
hooks"
(choS6l
are
affixed to the
top
of
the
gables
and
on the
end of
its
roof.2Above
t}re
chapei
doorwayare
a
pair
of tall,
triangular-shaped
gables
framed
in
gold-colored
wood
carved
to
resemble
a
mystical
serpent,
its
center
inscriled
with
the
insignia
of
Thailand s
Queen
Sirikit.Tko
gold,green, and
redcarved
dragon-like
ser-
pents
flank
the
staircases
on
the
eastern
and western
sides
of
the chapel,
serving
as
sentries
or
guardians. Boundary
stofis,
white
on the
bottom
and
grey
on
the
top, encircle
the
chapel
and
mark the
division between
sacred
and
mundane
space.
Largephotographs
of theQueen
are displayed
to
the
left in
front cf
the
chaPel.
Closer
to
the street
is
a
cheerful one-stsry
residence
surmounted
by
two
satellite
dishes.
This
is
the monks'
chambers.
Its off-white
walls,
trimmed
in
blue,
blend
right
in
with the blazing
white,
pink, and
yellow
roses
encircling
the s6ucture.
A
magnolia
tree
near the
front
entry
planted
by
the
Queen,
is
especially
grand.
On
weekends,
and especially
on big
religious
holidays,
the
temple's
parking
lot
fills,
mostly
with late model
sedans,
SUVs,
and
luxury
cars:
Toyotas,
Hondas'
Yolvo station
wagons'
BMWs,
Land
Rovers, Ford Explorers,
and
|eep
Grand Cherokees-
Many
J*As
JUNE
2OG5
.
115-142
@
rxE.nrns
H@KrNs
uu1/ERstrv
Pmss
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7/24/2019 Merit-Making Capitalism
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Figure
1.
The
chapel
at Wat
Thai
of
Siticon
Valley,
California"
Figure
2.
Tne monks'
quarters.
Reproduced
with
permission
of the copyright
owner.
Furiher
reproduction
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permission
7/24/2019 Merit-Making Capitalism
3/27
M'RIT.MAKING
CTFITALISM
l1'omen
are
fashionably
dressed
and
sport
gold
Buddha
amulets
and neck-
lace$ others
are
attired
in
colorful outfits
fashioned
from
Thai
silk. Here
and
there, one
ses
a
fi1a5.
wearing
a
Thai-style
silk
shirt,
occirsionally
wifh
a
gold shoulder-clcth,
but
most
men
are
dressed
in
business
casuai
style
or
infbrmally
in
blue
jeans
and
tennis
shaes-
Cel
phones ring
out,
but
most
are
silenced
before
attendees
remove
their
shoes and
enter
the
chapel.
This
is
fhe
temple
that I
have
been
researching
intermittently
since
1997.
According
to the
U.S.
Census
Bureau
(2000),
rnore than 150,000
Thais
live
i1 the
United States,
with almost one-third
{46,868i
concentrated
in
California.
Thais
are among
the
fastest
growing
Asian
American
popula-
tions,
increasing
by
64.6?a
cver the iast
decade.r
Hcweverr
the current
dominant research
madel
has
cOrrcentrated
On
cclcnized,
yrar-tormented
refugees
from Thailand's
neighbaring
countries'Althoogh
Thais
have
not
suffered
forced
migration,they
have
experienced
relocation and
cultural
disruption.
What
distinguishes
Thai immigrants
from the
Yietnamese,
Cambodial,
Laotian,
and
Hm*ng
refugees
is a
largerproportion
of white-
collar
prolbssicnals
who
have
greater
eccncrnic
reGcurces'
more
educa-
tional
capital,
and
higher
class mobility.
A large
number
of
Thai professionals-entrepreneurs,
medical
per-
sonnel,
pharmacists,
engineers,
and scientists*immigrated
to the
United
States
between
1968 and
1976.aSome came
on
student
visas
but did
not
go
back tc
Thailand.
Instead,
theyfound
white-callar
and
managerial
iobs
or opened
Thai
restaurants
throughout
the United
States.
In
addition,
there
were
a
substantial
number of
inter-racial
marriages between
Thai
women and
American
GIs during
the Indochina
War'r
Because
of
their
wives'
associati*n
with
Thai templest
some
of
tlrese ARrerican
husb*nds
have
been absorbed
into
the
ThaiAmerican
community
Furthermcre.
Thai
Americans continue
to regard
rlr*nks as
moral
authorities.
In contrast,
as
a lingering after-effect
af the war
in Cambo-
dia,KhmerAmericans,forexample,
still find
ithard
to
trust
Khmer
monks
or the
Cambodian
state
while struggling
with their
present
pcver-ly
ard
terrible
memory
of their
recent past.6Unlike
in
the U.S.,
where chnrch
and
state
are
separated,
Theravada
Buddhism
is
Thaiiand's
*tate
religion
and is regarded
as one
of
the three
"pillars"
of Thai
scciety'
Thailand's
king is
constitutionally
required
to be
a
Buddhist.
The
Thai
nation-state
117
'rrrd^ra'J,.
W,aJV'T'
-r"l
-.
r,
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118
has
long
equated
"being
Thai"
with "being
Buddhist."?
Such identity poli-
tics continues
to
resonate
among Thais
in
the
united
states.
since the
first Thai
American
wat,
or
temple,
was founded
in
Lcs
Angel
es
in 1972,
at least
ninety
others
have been
established.sA
Thai
temple
seryes
a$ a
reiigious,
cultural,
and communify
center
and
is
by far
the
most
influen-
tial institution
among Thai
Americans.
"The
temple
is
at the
center
of
belief;
it is
at the hea6
and in
the
blood,
of the
peoplej'said
the
abbot
of
Wat Thai
of
Silicon Yalley
(henceforth
referred to
as Wat
Thai).
He
ccn-
tinued,
"People
s{pport
the
temple
more
than
any
dub
or
association
because
the temple
helps
people
not only in
this life
but in
the
next life
as
well."e
Today, we are
urged
to
conceptualize
how culturat
beliefs and
prac-
tices
are
simultaneouslybeing"de-territorialized"ard
"re-territorializedjto
]onathan
Inda and
Renato
Rqsado
pcint
out
that"culture
has
bees
seen
as something
rooted
in'soil,"'but
actually
culfure travels.lr
For
cenfuries
Theravada
Buddhism,
one of
the
three main branches
of
Buddhisrn,
has
been
associated
mainly
with
Sri
Lanka,
Cambodia,
Laos,
Burma,
and
Thai-
land.
Mahayana
Buddhism
is associated
largety with
China
and
|apan,
and
Tibetan
Buddhism
with
Tibet.
However,
over the
last
centuty,
as
mi-
grants
have
carried
their practices
with
thern
while
settling
in
new
coun-
tries, these geographic
and cultural
links
have
grown
weaker.
By
dwelling
in
the
United
States,
Thais have
keenly
experienced
Buddhism,s
displace-
ment.
For years
the
T-hai
Americans
of Wat
Thai
have
continuously
asked
themselves,
"
f..ts
of
different
socio_economir
and
culrrrt"l
cnn4itisns
mrke
it
imfrrac_
ticable
to copy what
thev did
jn
&ailand
Insread,
they
have
to
crsare
strategies to
establish Thai
Buddhism
in their
new
home,
therebyenpress-
ing
their cultural
and
middle-class
identity
and
differentiating
themselves
from
"underclass"
refugees.
"Class
is not
prior
to or outside
of
discourse
and
performance,"
Mark
tiechty
points
out,
"but
an emergent
cuitural
project
wherein people
attempt
to
speak
and act
themselves--and
their
new
socioeconomic
existenc+-into
cultural
'realit'
or
coherencej'n
In
other words,
class
is
neither
a
fixed noticn,
nor
does
it
consist
merely
of
economic
criteria
such
as
occupation
and income;
rather,
it
is
an every-
day practice
informed
by dynamic
socio-eccnomic
and
anltural
forces.
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,{tri
\)"
N
,F.
.]
J1*'
,it
MERIT-MAKIII|G
CAPffALISM
Wat
Thai
started
from
scratch
in
1983
ald
over
the
next
decade
raised
and
spenr
more
rhan
$1.2
milliondollars
to
build
an
eye-catching
fu.il I'
By
thiind
of
1999,
the
temple
was
completely
debt-free.
In
August
20O4,
wat
Thai
purctrased
an
adjoining
piece
of
properfy
for
$t,6
millicn
as
an
investmelt
a1d
for
future
expansion.
In addirion,
tlre
iemple
enjr:ys
a
geo-
graphic
advantage:
four
of
the
top
twenty
highest-earning
zip
codes
in
the
country
tbased
on
the
number
of
households
earning
$100'000
or
more)
arewithin
mmmuting
distance.'l
its
financial
situation
reflects
not
.just
the
local
economy
but
also
the
communitls
eqcnomic
clout and
de-
,.JUJL
Urt
rV@
ulvrrvrtrt
-l
-
\-
(
termination
to raise
its class
and
cuhural
visibility'\
\-
, r ,r:-L
Wat
Thai
capitalizes
on the
Buddhist
belief
of
imaking
merit"
and
in
re-
territorializinq,
Theravada
Buddhism.
Nevertheless,
it
has
not
received
the
best
description
of
different
types
of
capital:
The
social
world
can
be
conceived
as
a
muhidimensional
space
that
can
be
constnrcted
. .
. by discovering
the
pcwer
or
farms
a{
c*pit*l
which
are
or can
become
efiEcient,
like aces
in
a game of
cards,
in this
particular
universe,
that
is, in the
struggle
(or
competition)
for the
appropriation
of scarce
goods of
which
this
universe
is fle
site'
"
'
ln a social
universe
like
French
society.
and
no
doubt
in
the
America
n
society
of today,
these
fundamenta
s*cial
powers are
. . . firstly
ewnomic
capital,
in
its
various kinds;
secondly
eultural
capilal,
or
better,
informational
capital,
again
in ix
different
kinds;
and
thirdly
tw+
forms
of
capital
that
are
vry
strongly
correlated,
sqqrli
capllat'ryhrib
9 gg
gf-reqq {g*19{9tlgLqqcrrgss-3ldgrssp-slsmbcrSb'andsymbolic
capital,
*hi.r,
i* th.
form
the
different
types
of
capital take
once
they
are
perceived and recognized
as
legitimate-'6
According
to
Bourdieu,
cppllal
ita&ryLgj
po}'-e{;
different
capitals
indi-
cate
different
kinds
of
power
and
resources
from
different
institutions,
and they
are
interconnected
and
convertible.
But,
this
conveltibility
has
{thaibun},"giving
gifu" to
the monks
and
the
temple'
and
"doing
good
things"
throughout
one's
life
Merit-making
has
long been
the most
popu-
lar
everydaypractice
amcngThai
Buddhists
for
accumglating
good karma
and
positively
influencing
a
perscn's current
and
future lives'ta
In:{me,ri-
attention
it deserves.ts
simultaneous
6d
social.
Pierre
Bourdieur
provides
perhaps
the
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120
limits: there
are
more than one
set
of criteria
for
potential
conyertibility
in
a
heterogeneous
society-a
point
which Bourdieu
failed
to
recognize.rT
For
example, in the
U.S. Christianiry is
the
dominant
religion.
Thai Bud-
dhist
beliefs, such
as
merit,
karma, and rebirrh,
are
unfamiliar
to a
vast
majorify
ofAmericans. Although
Buddhism may
be
less
stigmatized than,
say, Islam in
contemporary American
society,
Thai
monks and their
fol-
lowers
find that the religious
privilege
they
enjoyed
in Thailand,
where
over 90
percent
of
the
population
call themselyes
Buddhistg
goes
unrc-
ognized
in
the
U.S.
because
oftheir
fareign, or
"outsider
within,"
status,
their marginalized
"Thai-ness,"
and their
dislscated
Buddhism.
To understand how Thai
Americans
re-territorialize
Buddhism,
I
will
explore the
ways
in
which
"local"
professional
Thai Americans
have
conflated
the Thai Buddhist
practice
of
merit-makin g
with
capitalist
prac*
tices
in
the
process
of
fundraising.
"Capitalist
activities,"
Michael
Blim
claims,
"are-and
should be*related
to the
fulfillment
of
our
fundamental
needs,"
and all capitalisms
have
their local
characteristics.rtWhile
capital-
ism
in China
and Taiwan is
often
labeled guanxi
capitalism
because its
activities
are
conducted through personal
connections,
gifts,
and favors,re
I
refer
to Thai
Americans'capitalist
activities
as
"merit-making
capital-
ism."
The Thai Americans
of
W'at
Thai have combined
Buddhist
beliefs
and capitalist
practices
to expres$
who
they are
and, in
the
process,
rede-
fine
their
relationships
with Thailand
and
the United States.
I
contend
that
they continue to
be
shap@,
unO
ilJiffi
of Thailand, the country they left
behind,
and
the United
States,
the
cou:n-
try in which
fhey now dwell.
a
rultural and
e dass
srrugg,le.kamining
their
hybrid
cultur*land
capi-
talist
practices,
networks,
and discourses
in different
conterls will
help us
in their own
Who
are
the
key players
integrating Thai Buddhism
and
capitalism
at Wat
Thai?Temple
members are mostly Thai, together
with
scme
eth-
nic Laotians, mainland
Southeast
Asian
Chinese,
European
Americans,
cambodians,
Burmese,
X.}3$:j'3Egryi,
and v:1:19T.
Amons
demonstrate
are
not
iust
their
:lUftr*yJhus,
practicing
@,
I
suggest,
is both
to understand how
Thai
Americans use
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MERIT#AruNG
CAP'TAL'SM
nine and fundraisins.
The
first
and most impartant
step in
building
this
temple
was
draft-
ing
dernocratic
bylaws,
that is,
choosing
to
participate in
representative
democracy.
Two of the temple's founding
members, a
Thai
American
and
a
]ewish
American,
drafted
the
bylaws. Sombun,
an
engineer
who worked
for the
Bay Area's subway
system,
c
'
emphasiziag
that they were
written
to
insure that no individual could
monopolize the
temp'rle's
governance,
Thi*
it
u
tigtifi*t
d*pu.turc
conventional
sees
a temple's
internal affairs. Sombul continued,'the
monlrs and
lay
@r,
support each
other,
and barance,
*n-
trclling each
other to make
the
organizatian
work
effectively."'0The boa4l
ngaglqgi4rPa&ttan'
Board members are elected according to
ability not ethnicity. Over
the
years,
the
board
of directors
has
included
ethnic Thai,
Thai
Isan
{who
are ethnic
Lao), Chinese Thai, European Americans,
and Hispanic men
and
women.
Among its fifteen
members,
about thirty
percnt are non-
Thai
who
married Thai
women, and
thirty
percent are women. Although
these
percentages
vary
from year
to
year, tftere
have
atwrys
been Amagq
and non-Thais on the board.
The
abbot
heads
the
board
of directors
and
supervises
the
temple's
daily operations, Many
people
call him
"Luang
Pho," an
affectionate term of re$pect for a senior
monk
so
I,
too,
will
address
him in
this fashion.Thai Americans,
including Buddhist monks,
to use Renato F.osaldo's
words,
"live
at
the
intersection
cf
multiple
sub-
ject
positions."?r
Their networks antl activities
reach beyand
the
lacal
ta
different
parts
of
the
United
States and to
Thail*nd,
although
in an
un-
even manner.
lYlenr-Mnrnc:
T$E
Smmua
MonnL Onorn
A
Europearr
Anerican
novice wha recently was
crda ined
at a
rural
temple
inRajburi
Province,Thailand,
describes
the alms-rounds
that Thai
monks
practice
daily:
421
nal
ionals
are the most
infiuent9.l, forjlhevare the
contribute
innovative
ideas
about
master
plan-
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L22
There
are
four routes,
and
two monks
ccver
each
route,
,
,
.'W.e
walk
barefooted,
and
the road
takes
you through beautiful
rural
areas
with
papaya
andmango plantations.When
reaching
ahouse
people
will
already
be kneeling
by the
roadside,
holding
the tray
with fqod
over
the
head.
Firstly
they
will
offer
the
rice
and
then
the
curry
in
a
plasric
bag,
so it
doesn't
mix with
the rice.
Often
rhey
will
also
give
flowers,
cakes,
and
fruit.
...
It
should
be noted
that
the
monls
are never
begging
for
food
on
the daily
alms-round.
They never
ask
for
anything,
but acrept
whatever
is
put
into
the
alms-bowl
in
silence-
@
to
give
lay
peaple
an
opporfi*tity
to
make
ment3
lvlerit
{bun},as
5.
J.
Tambiah
comments,
is
gained
not
just
by.giving
per
se but
is
'acquired'
by
the
willingness
of
the monks to
receivei'?]
As
"fields
of meritj'the
monks
(the
gift-receivers)
are
located
in
a far
more
superior position
than
the
merit-maker (the
gift-giver).This
emphasis
reminds
laypeople
to
be humble
and happy
that
their
gifts
are
graciously
accepted.
As Thomas
Kirsch
points
out,
"The
main
focus
of
merit*mak-
ing activities
is
the
monk,
or
more
generally,
the
sangha,
which
is
rrbiqui-
tous
throughout
Thailand.
The
sangha
stands
as
the
proximate
enemplar
and
symbolic
centr
of Buddhism;
the
mank
stands
at
the
apx
of the
Thai
religious
and
social
order.":{
From
a Theravada
Buddhist
point
of
view,
a
monk
is
not
someone
who
lives
off of
charity.
In
Buddhist Thailand,the
sangha
enjoy
social
prestige.A
shaved
head
symbolizes
a
monk's
detachment
from
his
family
and this
worldly
life,
and
his safffon-colored
robe embodies
merit
as a
symbor
of Buddhism,
I-"A*"rt."l
r".t.tf
fs*reqlkdnint$r:dtqw:
.
.f.n
b..-rr. ht-
*tl#ousqndslmlolicqpial
eqhgg1gggry={,
t"a..a,
-"tt
r
"la
r
theymay
also
experience
greatercultural
misunderstanding
&an
Thai
civilians-
one
monk
told
me that
he
was
mj$4en
fqlaEarcX$$bqa
and
had
roeks
thrown
at
him.
Emily,
a Buddhist
nun,
told
me that
on Halloween,
a
young
woman'
intrigued
by her shaved
head
and
white robe,
asked
her,
"what's
the
costume that
you're
wearing?'"This
is my
uniformi
Emity
replied.
?s
Another monk
recalled
a
yonng man asking
if
he
would
teach
him mar-
fial
arts.
These
Americans
apparently
saw Buddhist
mon&s
and
nuns
through
their
own
culture-bound
frames
of reference,
such
as
cul*,
HaI_
loween
ccstumes,
and
Kung
Fu
movies,
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9/27
M
ERIT.MAKING
CAPITALTSM
s{tA
Themonks
have
hadto
modifr
their
monastic
discipline,for
example,
tfr"
"i66ffia"@
Iandscape.
This
necessity
was
especially
true
in
the
1980s'
During
that
time'
one
monk
chose
to
wear
"a
very
dull
color,
a
kind
of
maroon-brown
color"
robe
while
at-
tending
classes
at
U.C.
Berkeley,
because
the
earth-tone
robe
was
*less
eye
catching."?6
Chatting
about
different
cclored
robes'
Bhikkhuni'
a
Euro-
pean
American
female
monk,
said
that
"Americans
are not
familiar
with
TheravadaBuddhistrobes.Thedarkorangeralreslaokn:orelikethe
catholic
one,
so
it is
more
familiarl2TWhether
oless
eye
catching"
or
"more
familiari,
the
botrom
line
is not
the
color
itself
but-$$ffereglcultsr4
ln
t
would
be
verY
difficult
for
the
*orrt
*
*t
o
wear
these robes
to
practice
daily
alms-rounds
in
the
subur-
123
ban
neightlorhoods
surroundingwat
Thai.
Religious
freedom
is
a
consti-
tutional
right"
but
it
does
not insure
thar
all
religions
are
treated
equally.
Althoush
the
Thai
moral
order
it
ch4lenged
in
4ry*n:an
soti
.e*.*=*;ilil*f"Uhai
lmericans
convey
their
respect
for
Buddhist
;""k
h
a,aiingthat
is,
by
placing the
palms of
the
hands
together
at
chest
level
and
bowing
rhghtly.{gg E
d" g@
car$e
of
his
reljgious
cadt
e'
Tf,lis
will
rilG"tpf.,
*ft*
ffi
at
a
height
iower
than
h
monk+gai-ilp
r
are
woven
into
the
fabric
of
Thai
American
communities
andhelp
maintain
and
reproduce
the
Thai
moral
order
in
their
new
home.
Merir-making
is
gender-specific
rather
than
value-free'
-Tlgrr9ggl44
women
are
continuouslv
soci-alized
ts
acsumulate
meriljli&Igt]]$j'
Mo-
**rtia
,a*ir.
is believed
to transform
a
"lad
man
into
a
mafitre
one
(khonsuk}.s:vrenareexpectedtoenteraBuddhistmcnasticordera$noY-
ices
or
monks;
the
length
of service
can
vary'
from
days
to
weeks'
or
even
years,
depending
on
individual
circumstances'
Men
mayleave
the
Sangha
virtuaily
at
will.lndeed,
former
monks
are
often
regarded
as
desirable
spouses,
especially
in
rural
areas.
lndividual
status, such
as
being
born
male
rather
than
feaq4glis
understood
to
reflect
the
merit,
that
is
the
nol,t".
k"r*a-that
aperson
inherits
from
previous
lives.Karma
is
taken
uy''*y"*afundamentaltruthofBuddhism.Actionsinone,sprevious
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with
permission of
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owner.
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permission'
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10/27
IAAS;
lives and the resulting accumulation
of
(de)merit
exert influence
upcn
one's
current
life
situation.
Nevertheless, one can
improve
one's
karma
by
performing
meritorious deedcAccarding
to
Thai
Buddhis*
teachings,
a
person's
status
is fluid
rather
than fixed.
For
a
woman,
marriage symbolizes
her
fransfannrtion intc
a
ocom-
plete
personi'2eWomen
are
prohibited
from
becoming monks,
yet
they
care
for
monks
by
contribudng
food,
clothing, medicine,
and
daily
ne-
cessities,
or
by
providing
shelter.toAlthough
a
man
is
expected
to serlre as
a monk
at
some
time
in his life,
men
are
not upected
tc visit
temples
as
frequently
as women do. Most lay
men
sfTer
alms
only
on special
occa-
sions
such as birthdays
or
important
Buddhist holidays.3t
Offering alms
is
the most
common waythat
vromen make
rnerit.Childbearing,
mcther-
hood,
and
nurturing
are regarded as mora-l
actions
&at
lead
ta improv-
ing a woman's
karma and
maturity.l,Clearly,
the moral
order reveals
the
relationship
between
the
Sangha
and
laities
as
well
as
gender-specific
ex-
pectations
and
relationships.
Fnoil
rHe
Gnoufls
Up
In 1983, a
rented
house was
canverted
into Wat
Thai.
The
first twenty
temple
members, all white-collar professionals,
each
donated
$25
to
pay
the
first
mantht rent.
Almost
immediately,
Wat Thai
encountered
the most
common
probjem
that Buddhist
temflles
face
in
thg-U.S.:
neighbors'.rnm-
in&tt
is hard
to
imagine
someone in
Thailand
complaining
about
a
"noisy"
temple.
Chanting
and
heavyvisi-
tor
traffic
are
considered a
"normal"
part
of daily
life
there, But
here, the
neighbors
demanded that the
temple respect their
individual
rights
and
privacy.A policeman
living
nearby
&equently
issued cftations
to tempie
visitors
for
parking
violations
and
even
threatened tc
Sle
a lawsuit.
What
some
did nct explicitly state, but
obviously
felt,
was
a
fear of Buddhism.
Some were
afraid that their
children
would be
"brainwashed."Although
the rent
was
cheap, the
board
of
directors
decided
to
move.
A
Vietnamese American realtor,
whase
Thai wife
was
a
temple
mem-
ber,
found
an ideal
locatian:
a
1,48
acre
parcel
of
land,
which included
a
house
and a dilapidated horse-barn,
surrounded by
trees and
overrun
with
bushes.
But having
been
in
existence for less
than
two
years,
Wat
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M ERIT.MAKI NG CAPITALISM
125
Thai
had
Sombuns
and
a
Thai
w-ornan
and
her Hispani-c
husb?Ir{::9-signed
a
loan
and
purchased
the
properfy for
$290,0L0
cn-behalf
of
the
ternple.
This
-----:+'----+
proffi-brought the
community
one
step
closer
to
its
goal
of
building
an
"authentic"
temple.As
Luang
Pho said
to
rne,
"It
is
a
Thai temple;
tt
9{-
to
be in
the Thai
style."33The
temple
thus
was
conceived
of as a special
site
for articulating
Thai-ness.
l{Eppv
Buslusss
It
took the
comrnunity
ten
more
years
of
hard
work
to finally
raise enough
money to
begin
constrrrction.
In 1997,LuangPho
explained
the
temple's
fundraising
efforts
to me:
This
is a religious
business.
It's
different
from
pure
business
because
it
makes
people
I
appy.Thepeople
donate
money and
goods
to the
temple
because
they
need
to
be
happy. . .
.
Monks
are
laborers'They
have
no
salary.When
people see
the
monls
working
for
the
community
and
a
prosperous
temple,
then
they are
happy
to
give.
The
ternple can't
just
take
the money
and
put
it
in
the banlc
The
temple
must
give
it back
What
the
people
give
us belongs
to
the community.
Peaple tmst
the
monks.sa
The
term
"religious
business,"
whicfr
Luang
Pho
said
in
Engiish' reflects
the
interlocking
nature of Buddhism
and
capitalism.
Merit-making
is
sup-
posed
to mean
giving
with
compassion and
without
expecting
anything
in
return.
Yet,
i1
practice,
happiness and
a
peaceful
mind are
associated
with
generous
giving.
Buddhism
and business
are
more
intertwined
than
it
may first appear.There
is a
well-known
paradoxical
relationship
be-
tween monks
and lay
people:monks make
merit
by helping
people de-
tach
from
the
material
world, while
lay
pecple make
merit
hy
'seeking'a
long
life,
good health,
prosperiry a
happy
marriage and
family-avatiety
of
goals
that indicate
their Iirm
attachment
to things of
this world""s
It
is
very challenging
to
reconcile
Buddhist
detachment
with the desire
for
more
within
a
capitalist
systeffi,
in which
a
quest
for sccio-economic up-
ward mobility
is the
overriding
orientation,
and
materialism
and con-
sumerism
are
so
pervasive. Slrictl)"
speakinq,
thg effort
to-build an
au-
thentic
temple
t
th"
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monks
and devotees need
a
place
to worship,
and the community
needs
a
place
for
socialization.It
is
more
realj$
of bui
affachments
Monks have to vrsrk wthin
the_,existing
capi together with
-
he Thai American
community.
Moreover,
the monks are
not
judged
solely
by
religious
criteria, or
religious
capital but
also
by their
productiviry as
Luang
Phc
pointed
out
earlier
when he ruid,"
are
infl
simulta-
nigusly by Buddhist
gglg $gIgulq-
oriented
ideologies.
Fuliy
aware
of
the
laity's expectations, Luang
Pho
had
spoken
from
the
perspective
af
prcduction
and
had claimed
&at
manlrs
were
a
bargain
fcr
the
canmuniry
that monks
provided
free
iabarThe
monks'moral worth, therefore,
has
been
rearticulated
based
upon a com-
bined
religious
and
economic
calculation.
In
this
regard,
the
monks,
too,
have been
transformed in
the
host
sccietp
So, it
should
colne
as no
sur-
prise
that
a Th*i
American temple's
reputation is
often measured
not only
by its religious
practices
trut by haw
beautiful
the
physical
space
of
the
temple
is,
by
the
number of
adherents
it
attracts, and
by the amount of
noney
that
the
temple
can raise.
The monks
at Wat Thai
have gone
far
beyond the conventional
"fields
of merit-nraking"; they
are
religious
au-
thorities,
conrrnunity builders, and fundraisers.
Money embodies worldly
attachment,
so,
in
theory,
a
monk who
di-
rectly
touches
money transgresses
monastic rules; a
lay
perscn
is sup-
posed
to handle money
on
a mcnk's
behalf.35
A
good
monk
is
expected to
be detached
from,
and uninterested in, mcney. Only
a
few
decades ago, a
monk could live
in
rural
Thailand withcut having to handle
cash, which
was the
symtrol of a
luxurious
life
sryle.
He could find shelter
when
he
traveled,
rirr.,
pr*ti.ulh
*rl,
oitt.gq
buJ
there was
no
temple, he
could stay
in a
public
space
such
as a
forest
or a
cemetery;monks
received
alms for
their daily food, and often
traveled
orl
foot. But todax it
is
impractical
for monks not to
handle
monev.
The
Thai
government
recently
increased
the monthly stipend for
monks who
achieve
a
level-nine
proficienry
in
Pali,the language
of
Theravada
Bud-
monks to conduct the than
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MERIT.MAKTNG
CAPITAL$N4
dhism,
to 3,200 baht
(U.S.
$77):
a
financial
reward
for
having attained the
highest level
of
Pali expertise. Nonetheless,
in
Thailand
monks
still
handle
cash much less frequentiy
than lay
people
do;
motB ._dqao -nced a.-by
food;
they
live
in
euarter$
at a
temple; they
r-eceive
fiee medical
care
at
govemmenthospitals;
*d h"f
Jt
In American soci is reouired for
ins
and
cur
is
not
a mbolof
Buddhist
adherents make merit,
sali' on
their
birthdap at
a
ng,
a funeral,
or on the
anniversary
cf a
loved
one's
death, they
prepare
separate
sealed
envelopes u.ith
money
inside. One envelope
goes
to the temple, typicaily forty to a
few hundred
dollars in
cash,
depending
on individual circumstances.
Each
monk who
participates
in the ritual
usually receives
an
envelope
containing ten or
twentf
dollars to be used
as
money.
But,
some
monks
give
this
money
back
to
the temple.
For example,
in August 2ffi4
a
monk donated
a
thousand
dollars
to
Wat
Thai before returning
to visit
Thailand. The
laity
saw this act
as
evidence
of his being a
good
monk detached
from
the allure of money.
\lgbt
now
use
credit
cards.
Usins a credit card
is
considered
different than di-
t
"rd
h-lt-
seriously,
"it
gilie
7/24/2019 Merit-Making Capitalism
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8:2
drive
the
temple
van, and the temple
pays
for
insurance, gas,
and
repairs
(In
Thailand
monks
areprohibited from driving
out of concern
avertheir
depends
on
hav 4g3
car.).
Merit-making
is a collective cultural struggle
and financial calcula-
tion.I
witnessed
one of Wat
Thai's
biggest merit-making
events when the
Boundary
Stane Laying
and
Demarcation Ceremonie$
were held at the
temple
on
Iune
12-15, 1997.
Underneath
several
white
awnings, female
volunteers sold beautifully
gift-wrapped
pacftages
as offerings
for
the
monks.
A
$10
package included
a spool of
thread, needles,
pencils, and
some
gold
leaf.
The
thread indicated a long
life; needles symbolized
intei-
ligence;
a
pencil
indicated
the
ability
to
learni
and
the ten
pieces
of
gold
iea{
each
about
one inch square, were
used
to
gild
the
boundary stones.
A
$.50
package also
included
a rcbe,
canned
fcod, more threado soap, sugar,
paper,
and
envelopes. The most expensive
gift-basket
sold
for
$150,
and
included
$50
in
cash
along
with all the
items
previously
mentioned.
The
price of
a
gift-basket
was much higher than
its manetary value,
but
the
items
in
the
basket were
imbued
with symbolic
capital.
After
purchasing
a
basket, adherents
tsok it
to
the chapel and
pra*nted
it to the monks,
and, in return,
received
a blessing. These baskets,
howevet,
ltlere never
opened.
Instead,
theywere brought
back
out to
be
resold
over
and over again.
Merit-making
is
both
an
individsal
and
a
group
activity. To
"help
th"t
*
Sombun,
the engineer,
pointed
out
that, "Satisfaction
daes
not come from m*king
money but
from what
we
have
done with the temple
for the
community
and for the
younger generation."ao
Refusing to
contribute
is
regarded
as
ungenerous
and morally wrcng. Furchasing
these
gift-baskets
also
can
be
read
as a
sign
of soiidarity
and
of being
a"gocd
Buddhist."
On
big
religious holidays,
qaxbolic
alms-giving
is
held
at
the ternple.
Before
giving
alms,
people
take
offtheir shoes.
When
receiving
alms,
monks
also
go
barefoot;
however, they neither
have to say
"thank
you" nor make
eye contact
with
the gift-giver.
Canned
food,
tangerines,
and
flowers, items
used
for
alms
offerings,
are
sold on the
grounds.
During
the
Rains
Retreat
rite
in
2004, for example,
sales of
alms-offerings
raised
$I,650
fcr
the
ternple.al
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MEfi
IT.MAKING CAPITALISM
'fears
ago,
when
the temple was still
small,
adherents brought
home-
made fslod
to
offer the monks.After
the
monls
finished their
meal,lay
temple-goers
ate
the rest
of the food-like a
big
pctluck party
{No
lay
people
would
eat with
the monks
or
before the
monks
had eaten. This order
of
consuming
focd is
also
part
cf
the
rncral crder.
).
Toclay,
Wat Thai's hand-
ful of monks
cannot
possibly consume all
the
food brought
in by
the
hundreds
of
pecple
who
come
to
make
merit
on
a
big
religious holiday.
Therefore,
canned
food, which the monks
seldom
eat, is used because
it
can
tre
easily stored
for long
periods
sf time
and, $ke
the
gift-baskets,
can
be resold
over
and aver
again.-Yisitors car b'By
lun
unteer-rufl
$unday
e-temPk.
{,{@re
organized along
the
principle of low cost and
high
return.'American-ness
is
warking
here,"
Luang
Pho
said
in
another
context,
referring fo fundraising."
Institutional
strategies
for
accumulating
economic capital
have
changed
over
the
years. After
each
big
religious
holiday or
folk
festival,
Luang Pho
would
calculate
"how
many
showed
up this time,
haw
much
money
the temple raised
flis time, and
vrh*t
were the
problems."a3In the
pas
Wat
Thai held
an annual beauty
pageant
to
raise money-
Entrepre-
neurs
sponsored
contestants
in
exchange
for advertising.Contestants
wore
sashes with
the
names of restaurants or
other
businesses
written
across
them,
Since
1993, harsever,
&e temple has replaced
the beauty contest
with
"Thai
Classical
Nighe"
Claslical Thai mueic
and
dance
are
performed
by
students and
teachers
of
the temple's Sunday
Schoal
to
improve cul-
tural understanding
and communication
between
the Thai community
and local
residents,
ald,
of
course,
to
raise money.
In
2004,
the Eleventh
Thai Cl*ssicat
Night
grossed
$14,762,
including
ticket
sales
cf
$7,830.e
The tearple's
main
filndrcising activities
are
scheduled
aro$nd ten
major
religious
and
pcpularGstivals,
i*cluding
the
King's
ald
the
Queen's
birthdays.
Donors
get a
receipt,
which
include$
the
temple's
tax ID num-
ber and
a
statement
that the donation
is
tax
deductible.
The Temple
News-
letter details
the
names
of donors and
the amount
that
each
person gives.
Thus, this
list
serves
as
a
site
for
artisulating
class
identity
and
for
con-
verting ecslomic
capital
into
symbolic capital.In
additis,n, the Nex'slet-
ter
states
how
the
money
will be used. Such
transparency
is
important
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Figure
3. Monks receive atms.
Figure 4. Offerings are sold
at
the temple.
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of
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MERIT.MAK'NG
CAPITALISM
not only
for the
sake of athacting even larger donations
in the future, but
also for
buitding
trust
and avoiding any
possibility
of
waste
or improper
use
of
the money.
Tna*snanoxAr MERlr-fVlA*rt*G
In 1993,
on
the occasicn
ofcelebratingWat Thait
tenth anniversary
Queen
Sirikit
dedicated
an
"auspicious
stone"
tsilaloek)
for the future
chapel,
planted
a magnolia tree,
and donated
$2,000,
thereby
bestcwing her
pa-
tronage upon the temple
and
prcviding
it
with symbolic labar ard
eco-
nomic
capital.
In return, Luang Pho,
representing
the
Sangha, blessed
Queen
Sirikit
and reaprocated
with the
gitt of an ancient and sacred
Buddhist
amulet. The
Queen's
visit was much
more than a mere local
evenl It involved
the mayor, the
U.S. Secret
Service,
the Thai
government,
and
numerous Buddhist institutions.
How should
best
use
the money danated
by the
Queen?At
the
sug-
gestion of
Luang Pho, each
$100
bill
the
Queen
donated
was placed
in
a
frame and sold as
royal memorabilia for
$500.
"lct
money
make
mond'-
Figure
5. Contestants
for the annual
Beauty
Pageant.
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132
this
is capitalism's
golden rule.
The symbolic
capital attached to a bill
handled
bythe
Queen
was
thus converted
to
economic
capital.Not
only
did the temple
turn her
$2,00S
donation
into
$I0,00S,
but individuals
could
display
the framed
bill
as a memnto.
Like
the recirculating
gift
packages
that
we discussed
earlier,
Thai
cultural
and symbolic capitals
are
continuously being
accumulated and converted
into
economic capi-
tal inside the
templg
although
the value
of
these
capitals may go
snrec-
ognized
by the larger society.
Queen
Sirikit is
regarded as the rnother of all
her Thai
subjects
in the
nationa.l discourse, so her
birthday,
August
12,
is
celebrated
as
Mothert
Day,
a public
holiday.
Often,
holidays
in Thailand
and in the
U.S.
fall
on
different
days. So,
**at
really matters is acknovrledging and celebrating
her trirthday,
althcugh not
necssarily
on
the
exact date of her birth. In
2004,
the temple
celebrated the
Queen's
TZ"dbirthelay
three times; on
lune
27,
in conjunction
with
celebrating the temple's
21s anniversary; on
Au-
gust
15, and
then again on
October
21,
during
the K*rhin,
or
robes
pre-
sentaticn
ceremony-
Celebrating the
Queen's
birthday,
whatever the date,
srves as
a source
of
symbolic
capital,
highlights
the
temple"s
identity,
expresses
affection
for
the
monarchy,
and demansffates
the far-reaching
influence
that the monarchy
has
sn
Thai
Americans.
One
wayinwhich the
King
support$ his
overseas
subjects
is
by grant-
ing
"royal
robes"
to tlre monks.
I
was
tqld
&at
more flran twenty
Thai
temples in the U.S.
havereceived royalrabes from the
King,amuch
higher
percentage
than in
Thailand.Although the King
does
not
present
t}:e
mbes
to
the
monks himself, royal
robes
carry great
symtrolic capital
{An
indi-
vidual
patron can spon$or a
temple;
the temple
fcrward* the request to
the
appropriate Thai authorities, wha
ask
for
the Kingt
permission.).In
November2004,
for
example,
a female
Thai Americ*n
entrepreneur from
Las
l/egas made
an offering
of royal
robes at\,Vat
Thai.
In
the
cpening
ritual of &e
presentation, peoplestood
in front of the
King's and
Queen's
portraits
and
sang
a
song
called
"Paying
Homage
to
the
King
and
the
Queen."Through
such ceremonies,
Thai
Buddhist insti-
tutions
and the Thai monarchp in
both
its
religious and
ix
rayal
author-
ity,
are
reinforced.
Merit-making
is
becoming
an increasingly transnaticnal
phenonr-
enon in
Thailanditln
1996,
the
King's
former
daughter-in-law
made
merit
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MERIT-MAKING CARTAUSM
at
Wat Thai by adding
a
"sky
ta$sel" tc the
roof. The sky tas:el signifies
symbolic
Thai-ness. She
and
two
otJrer
princesses aiso
planted
trees in
the
tempie's
courtyard.
These
trees,
together
wit}r
the magnolia
tree
planted
bythe
Queen
and other
treesplantedbytwa high-ranking
Buddhist
monks
and
a
general,
grow together along
with
the
community.Wat
Thai's
land-
scape, threfore,
symbalically
embodies
the re-territorializing
of
Thai
Buddhism in
the United
States.
Like
members
of
the monarchy,
many
Thai American msnks travel
extensively
within
the
U.S.
and
betrveen
the U.S.
and Thailand.In Thai-
land,
a
temple usually
has at least
fr:ur
fu
lly-ordain
ed
monks. Thai Ameri
-
can
ternples,however,
often
are
facedwith
ashortage of monks.WatThai
started
with
a
single
monk,
expanded
to
three
monks, and now
it has four
monks.
Yet,
nine
is the
ideal
number
of
monks to
conduct religious
ritu-
als.Accarding
to Tambiah,the
rn*ndal*-a
Buddhist cosmological con-
cept-is
composed of
a
nine-unit
system
of geometric points.a6Nine
also
is
conceived
as the largest
numtrer, v,'ith
terr
restarling
fram
zerc. Linguis-
ticall5
nine implies
"making
progress
in
all
directions"
(kaona
kaolang).
For
many Thais,
the number
nine
is
troth
a
lucky number and signifies
Figure
6.
Offering
royal robes.
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permission
of
the
copyright
owner.
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permission.
7/24/2019 Merit-Making Capitalism
20/27
8:2
Thai-ness
(Some
use
luclcynumbers
by donating
$99.99,
or other
amounts
with
nines
in
them, when they
make
merit.).
To
have
nine
monks to
con-
duet rituals, one
temple often
must
"borrow"
monlcs
from
another temple'
Given
such
shortages,
the
dates chosen
to have
a big
ceremcny
or
ritual
needs
to
be coordinated
far ahead of time,
depending
to
a
great
extent
upon
the availability
of the
monks.
Luang Pho
gften
referred to himself
as
"thonkran
phu
basanl which.
rneans
an
"irrtermediary"
or
"middle
**n."
E
lut intggft
d 5-1qlg-*
that of
a mediator
between
the Sangha
and
the
lairy
between
Thais and
.fmericans,
and
between
Thais in the
U.S.
and t]rose
who live in Thailand.
He
has
lived
in the
U.S.
for
over
twentyyears
andtravels
back to
Thailand
at least
tlree
times
very
year,
in
part
because
he
is affiliated
with
two
temples
thers
his village temple
i*
northeastern
Thailand, the
pocrest
region
in
lhe
ccur*ry
and
Wat Rapurana
in Bangkok'
where
he
serYes
as
associate
abbot.
A novice
in
a
village
temple
at age
|
1,
he
was
ordained
in
Bangkok
at
age
20,
attaining
a
level-seven competence
in
Pali
as well as
earning
a degree
in
Buddhism
in
India. Luang
Pho
warked at
several
ternples
in &e
United
States
before
being
invited lo
srve as
W'at Thai's
first
monk.
He speaks
fluent
English and
reads
the
lscal
newspaper eYsry
day.
In
addition,
Luang
Pho
reaches out to locals
by
teaching
meditation
and
Buddhism
at homeless
shelters ard.at
a federal
prison
in
Pleasanton,
CaliforniaAt
the same time,
he
maintains
wide-ranging
networks in
Thai-
land and
in
the United
States.It
is no coincidence
that
Wat Thai
is the
cnly
Thai
temple in the
United States
where
Queen
Sirikit
has laid the
silaloek
stane.
instead
of
seeing
national boundaries
as
an obstacle,
Luang
Pha
tses
thern to his
advantage.When
Wat Thai desperate$
needed
moaey to
pay
for its
constructiott,
he sought
support from
high-ranking monks and
donations
fr.om
millionaires
who
were friends
of temple-members.After
the chapel
was
built,
he
raised"over
a millionbaht"
(approximately$26'000
U.S.
dollars)
from
this community
with
its diverse
popuiation
of
all dif-
ferent religious
and racial backgrounds
to he$
improve the
lives
af over
200 households
in
the village where
he was
born.aTTo
increase agricul-
tural
production
and enhance
the environment,he
setup
afu*dforplant-
ing
tree
nurseries.
The
oid
viilage
kad.i,or
house
where the monks dwell,
134
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MERrI+4AKINS
CAPITALISM
was renoyated, and
a new health
center
was built. An
"Occupation
Devel-
opment
for
Housewives"
fund
was set
up to
provide poor women
with
no-inferest
loans.
Over 100 students,
ranging from grade
one
to
grade
six,
have
benefitted
from his free
school"tunch ProjecC'dt
the
same time,
teachers and students plant vegetables,
raise chickens, and
fish
to
provide
a
steady supply
of food for the
school's kitchen.
Middle
and
high school
students
can
apply fsr
scholarships
to
help them
iinish
their education.
Ta
make sure
that
the
funds are used
appropriately,
Luang Pho
specified
that the fund's
principal
should
not
be
touched
and that
the casts
for
all
projects
must be supported
only
from
the interest
earned.
tegaliy,
this
approach insures that
the fund
will benefit
the
village for
generations
to
come.In
2SSQ
Luang Pho
received
the
title
Chaakhun
fr*m
the
King,
in
recognition
of his accomplishnrents
both
within
and outside
Thailand.
Out of approximately
300
Thai
monks in the United
States,
tuang Pho is
one
of the
five granted
this title.
Under Luang Pho's
leadership,
monks at Wat Thai not
only interact
with fellow Buddhist
monks
but
also
with other
religious
groups.
On
Buddha's
Day
irtlgg7,lobserved
monl
7/24/2019 Merit-Making Capitalism
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8:2
Many
of
the
monks who
have served
the
temple
have
brought
with
them wide-ranging transnational
experiences.
One
monk
had
taught
Buddhism to one of the
Thai princesses.
When
he
found out that I
was
from China,
he switched from
speaking Thai to speaking Mand*rin Chi-
nese
and told me that
he
had studied
Chinese
in Thiwan.An
abbot
from
Chicago overheard our
conversation
and volunteered
that
he had recently
visited
China
for 20
days
and
that
"the
trip
was
sponsortrl
by Bangfcok
Bankl'ae
Clearly,
sponsoring
a
favorite
monk's
trip
to China had
became
a
way
to
make merit.Mthin
the
transnational gift-giving
economy, we also
can
see
how
qresenting
ditrret
k
While
an elderly lady
mightbe able to offeroniy
an
alarm
clockand atwenty-dollarbill,Bangkok
Bank
can
provide
a mankwith
an
expensive
overseas
teur.AsThaiAmeri-
can
monks
engzge
in
establishing Buddhism in the U.S.,
they thus be-
come the embodiment of transnational
subjects,
Rs-TsnnroRnuzrt{c Buoonlslu: A CULnTRAL Ar{D
CL{ss $mueeu
It
was
approaching 7
p.rn.
in late
autumn
2004 when
|ennifer,
a European
American
professional
woman
in
her early fifties, walked
quickly
toward
Wat Thai's
chapel
door.
At the entrance
she
removed her
shoeq entered
barefoot, knelt,
and kowtowed
tlree
times to the
Buddha
statue
looming
in the center of
the
hall,
holding
her
palms
fae
up
*nd touching her fore-
head
to the
floor.Afterpayinghomage
fothe
Buddha,she
r+rre.dthe
monka
then
greeted
fellow
participants
with a
smile while walking
over
to
a
cabi-
net and
picking
up
a
chanting
pamphlet
in which
Pali
is
transcribed
into
En
glish.
At 7
p.m,,
an
hour-long meditation
began:
half
an
hcur
of
chant-
ing followed
by silent
meditation.
Iennifer
is a C,atholiq
however,
she has been attending
evening medita-
tion
at Wat
Thai for
more
t}ran
ayeaL
Sitting
together
on
a
balcony
out-
side the chapel on a
Sunday
afternoon,
after
the ritual
presenting
the
royal
rrbes
was over,
I
asked
her
how
she
reconciled being Catholic
with
prac-
ticing
Buddhist
meditation.
She
replied
"I
think my Gcd and
Buddha
would be
good friends.
My
priest
also
thinks so"
I
know
of
nc
other
place
where I can meditate. This is
so
close
to my home. Why not?"s
So
|enni-
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MERIT.MAKING
CAP}TALISM
BOA
fer, supported by
her
priest,
sees
no
contradiction
in
believing
in
both
God and Buddha.
American
natives wha chant and
practice Buddhist
meditation
are
primarily
affiuent,
educated, well-traveled European
Arnericans.5r There
are an estimated
1.4
-
4
million
Buddhists in the U.5., althcugh scholars
have had some
difficulty in classif ing
"Buddhists."s?
Since the
first
Theravada Buddhist temple was
established
in Washington,
D.C.
in 1966,
hundreds of
Theravada temples
have
been
built throughout the United
States
by
South
and Sontheast Asian immigrants
and refugees, ranging
from
multi-millian
dollar
monasteriesto
"baby
temples" in rental
houses.
In
recent
years, the media
has portrayed Asian Arnericans
as
"model
mi-
nsrities"
and
Buddhism
as
othe
model
minority
religicn.*51Nevertheless,
Buddhism is continuously
being
marginalized
as a
"mincrity'religion.
Classarrd
race
haveplayed an important role
in
developing
Buddhism
in
the
United States.
Sherry
Ortner
argues
that "the
race
and
ethnicity
."t
gorier-*l*ost
"l*"y,
."rry
u hidd.n_.Ilr,
."&r"4v{ASPS
huGTGi
$een
as
"upper
class"l
jews
have been associated
with
the
"middle classi
Catholics
with the
"working
class,"
and African Americans with the
"lower
class."sThai American
professionals
of
Wat Thai
are
well
awars that their
middle
or
uppff class
status
often
becomes
invisible
in the United
States.
Through building a multimillion-dollar temple,
however,
they
heighten
ccmmunity-building,
class consolidation,
and
group
visibility.
I
contend that
Thai Americans do
not
merely adapt to
American
so-
ciety,
but
influenceAmerican society through
their everyday practice$.A
we
move
into
the
twenty-first century monks
at W'at Thai
wear arange
royal
robes
and no longer
seem
to
feel the
need
to
change
i*to
a dark
brown robe when
they
leave
the
temple.
Compared
to
tn'entf
yealrs
ago,
Americars' suspicion or fear of Buddhism
has decreased.
Cabriel becarne
the first European
American monk
atWat Thai
ihe
was
first ordained
as
a
novice in 2000 and t}ren
as
a
monk in 2Afr2.).
He plays
an active role,
interacting with non-Thai
speakers
and
with high school
and college
stu-
dents and
teachers who are interested
in
Buddhism and Thai culture.
fteraYadaBlrddhi
onkwiththeir
shaved heads
and saffron-colored robes,
along
with the architecture
of
137
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8:2
5v,,wt"b
*
+$on
Buddhist
temples,
add
color
and
meaning
to
the American
landscape.
]ust
as
a
drop of
seawater
may
tell
us
the
flavor
of
the
ocean,
Wat Thai
reflects
the
impact
af
the
dual
quality of
de-territcrialization
and
re-ter-
ritorialization.
such
transnational
experiences
have
significantly
reshaped
Thai
American
identityformation.Identification
is
more than
just
sharing
the
same
language,
religicn,
or other
cultural
codes;
identification
is a
never-
ending
process
of
being
and becoming
as
it
changes
over
dme.55
Thai
Americans
ofWat
Thai
articulate
and
re-interpret
theirThai*ness
through
.^*-"-rr--U.
The
struggle
for social
recogni-
tion inAmerican
society
is a
fundamental
dimension
of
theirtransnational
encounter.
Yet
articulating
Thai-ness
does
not
preYent
them
frcrn
incor-
porating
elements
of
"
3
such
as
d.*o..u.y,
*otkqg
*ithin
"
g"pit"lit
establishing
accounebility
andtrffirency
in
their
financial
operalgry'utd
,l$ggdgss
4liances
wllh well-established
nsfromdi&rentef bqiur-tgfagal-pqPs
wfriarious
cultural
and
religious
backgronnds.
The
temple
communify
selectively
iotgrates
aspects
of Buddhism
and
capitalism
tc
forge
some-
thing
new
which
is
meaningful
to them.
Thus,
they
are
part of the
Ameri-
can
cultural
mosaic
and
should
not be
mis-categorized
merelyas
"ethnic
Buddhists,"
just
as
Buddhisrn
should
not
be
mis-represented
as
a
"model
minority
religion.'
Thai
Americans
find
it
practically
impcssible
to
dra'ar a
liue
between
the
local
and
the
transnational,
for they
frequentlyengage
simultaneously
with local and
transnational
networks
and
often
find
that
one
contains
the
other.
However,
as
Akhil Gupta
and
|ames
Ferguson
haye
noted,
all
too
often
"anthropological
approaches
to
the
relation
between'the
lccal'
and
somet}ing
that
lies beyond
it
(regional,
national,
international,
glc-
bal)
have
taken
the
local
as
given, without
asking
how
perceptions
of
lo-
cality
and
cornmunity
are
discursively
and
historically
constructed;'s
Thus,
it
is important
to
pay attention
to
local,
trals-local,
national,
and
transnational
connections and boundaries
that
people
in
that
particular
place
have
established
around
them.
Byforging
multiple
conneciians
with
their
neighbors,
the
local
authorities,
and
other
religious
and
lay com-
Reproduced
with
permission of
the copyright
owner.
Further
reproduction
prohibited
without
permission'
7/24/2019 Merit-Making Capitalism
25/27
MERIT+4AKING
CAPFALISM
munities in the
U.S.
and
in Thailand,
@
pr"g
socid
".m*s, r
erit-making,
for example, connects various resources
and
people
who live in
different
parts
of the world.
While merit-making is
"eminently
social,"t? we should remember
tlrat
it
is also an
economic act.Emphasizing
Thai
identity and the
notion that
generous
giving
leads
to happiness enables
the temple to effectively accu-
mulate economic capital. Nevertheless,
Thai Amerisns 6nd
that their
capital
convertibility
is constraine
d co?ttsctullly.Within
national
space,
Thai Ameri
sFmbolic and
sori"l
rapitrl.
At
thelevel e*ernple-spaeq-hs*vever,
sucll
?"".tttbtttfrtllt
ke
.More-
over, when the
pawer
dynamic
changes between the community
and the
larger
sociery
the scope of
c*nvertibilitf
$hifu
accordingly.
Convertibil-
iry
like locality
and identity,
is
not
fixed;
we
thus
need to
understand it
as
the
product
of both a specific
moment and a
particular
context.
l{otes
l.
I
am
gratefid
to Nancy Smith-Hefrrer
and
Gary
Pahner for
their helpful
comments
and
suggestions
on
an earlier
version of
this
paper.
I would
also
iike
to acknowledge Luang Pho, the other
monks, and all the men and
women
of
Vy'at
Thai for
generously
supporting this
project,
and
especially
for
including
me
in
various activities
within
and
oulside the femple.
It is
to
them
that
my greatest debt
of
thank
is owed.
Interviews
cited
in
the
paper
were
canducted
bythe
author in
Silicon
Valley,
California.
Specific cities have
not been
identified,
so
as
to protect
the
privacy
of
both
the
temple
and the interviewees.All
names used
in
this essay, except
for
Queen
Sirikit
and
Somdeche
Prarnaharajmanghalajar,
are
pseudonyms.
For
Thai,
I follow
the
system
in
Romanizatian
uide
far
Thai
Sarrpe Bangkolc
Royal
lnstitute,
1968, except
for terms that are in common
us*ge,
U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000,
"U.S.
Asian
Population, 2000i'
fElectronic
Documentf
,
http:
/lwwwceusus.govfmain/wwwt*n2ffiA,hwl
{Retrireed
7
December 2004).
Nantawan Boonprasat
kwi s,
"
Th
ai," in' David
l*vbson
and
Melvin
Ember,
eds., .Americcn Immigrant
Cubures, Builderc
of
a
Nation,
Valame 2,"
tNew
York Simon
&
Schuster
and
Prentice
Hall International,
1997),883.
Thanh-Darn Truong
Sreq luloney
and
Morality: Prostiturton andTourism
in
Sautheast Asia(London:
Zed Books,
1990),
8
1-82.
Nancy
Smith-Hetner,
Khmer
Americans,
(Berkeley:
University
of
California
Press, 1999),
?5-28.
5.
7
3.
Reproduced
with
permission
of the copyright
owner.
Further reproduction
prohibited
without
permission.
7/24/2019 Merit-Making Capitalism
26/27
8:2
7
.
Charles
Keyes,
"Buddhism
and
National
Integration
in fiailand,"
laurnal
of
Asian
Studies30:3
(May
1971J:567.
8.
The
Royal
Thai
Embasry
homepage,"Buddhist
Templ*
in the
USA:
Directaryi
[Electronic
Documentl, http://www.thaiemMc.org/direciry/wat-e.htm
(Retrieved
2t
jamrary
2005).
9.
Interview
conducted
&pri|27,1997.
10.
Jonathan
Inda and Renato
Rosaldo,
"Introduction:
a
World in
Motioni
Jonathan
Inda and Renato
Rosaldo,
eds., in
The
Anthropaloy
of Glabalizatian:
A
Resder,
(Malden,
MA: Blackwell,2001),
10-12'
It.
Ibid.,11.
12. Mark
Liechty,
"Camal
Economies:
The Commodjfcation
of
Food
arrd.Sex
in
Kathmandu
i
Culturel
AnthrapalagyAb:l
{2005):
3.
I 3. See Katherine
A"
Bowie,
"The
Alchemy
of Charity
of
Class and
Buddhism in
Northern
Thaihndl'
Aaerican Anthropologisr
100: 2
(
1998): 469-481
;Apinya
Fuengfusakul,
"Empire
cf
Crystal and
Utopian
C,ommune:
Twa
Types
of
Contemporary
Theravada
Reform
in Thailandi'St'our*
8:l
(193)r
l5}_
183; Richard
A. O'Connor,
"Merit
and the
Market
Thai
Symbolizations of
Self-interest"
The
Jaurnal
of
the
Siam Society,
Ta
tl986i:
62-82;
Stanley
J.
Tambla\,
Buddhism
and
the
Spirit
Cults
in North-East
Thaikttd.
(Cambridge:
Cambridge
University
Press, 1
970).
t4. See
Wendy
Gdge,
Heartwoad:The
First Generation
af
'Ikeruttda
B*.ddhism
in
America,
iChicago:
University of Chicago
Fress"
10S5h Paul David
Numrich, And
Wisdom
in
the Ncrr
World:
Americanization
in
Two Immigrant
Tlrcravada
BuddhistTewples,
{Knoxville,
TN:
University
of Tennes'qee
Press.
t9e6).
1 5 .
Les
Christie,
"Six-figure
Zip
Codes,' CNN/Mar
ey
A*line,November
I
8, 2004,
IElectronic
Document],
Jrnp;
llmoney.can.eomfpflfeatur*llkxlhig -incame-
zipsl
(Retfieved
13
March
2005).
16. Pierre
Bourdieu,
*What
makes
a
Social
Class?
On
the Theo