Design Pre Major

Thesis

Stuart SteinfortS3137921

1.0 Introduction of problem

2.0 Inclusive Design in relation to this project

3.0 Automobile ownership and applicable issues 2.1 Introduction. 2.2 The automobile and the environment. 2.3 The freedom of the automobile. 2.4 Messages of freedom. 2.5 The automobile role in city planning. 2.6 The automobile as its own worst enemy 2.7 Conclusion.

4.0 Historical Background of Melbourne Tram Use. 3.1 Tram application in Victoria 3.2 Living with the motor car: A Melbourne context. 3.3 Recent developments. 3.4 Governmental policy

5.0 International Tram development 4.1 International city planning 4.2 Relevant tram infrastructure planning.

6.0 Approach 5.1 Participatory Action Research Technique 5.2 Ethnography 5.3 Camera Journal 5.4 Survey

7.0 Design and Design Processes. 6.1 Various current design solutions 6.2 Sketches 6.3 3D toolkit 6.4 Quick and dirty prototyping 6.5 Rapid prototyping testing 6.6 Mind mapping 8.0 Design Solution

9.0 Manufacturing Process

10.0 Bibliography

Project Future TramwaysDesign Pre Major ThesisStuart Steinfort S3137921

1.0 Introduction

1.0 IntroductionSociety as a whole cannot continue to assume that private automobile ownership and its subsequent usage can be sus-tained with the predicament of climate change and substantial global population growth. Melbourne could feasibly become a car free environment, enabling a rethink of how existing infra-structure can be tailored to suite societies needs. This project will critically examine tram transportation, through inclusive design, in order to uncover developing themes of use and contextualise future user needs. The project will use a combination of formal and user group based research in order to fi nd and examine these trends, which will ultimately result in a design solution that seeks to address the themes raised.

2.0 Inclusive Design in relation to this project

2.0 Inclusive Design in relation to this project

Inclusive design, defi ned by Ostroff (2001, p.1.3) as “an enduring de-sign approach that assumes that the range of human ability is ordi-nary, not special.” This is a form of design for all people (Ostroff, 2001), it moves beyond designing for disability. This in turn makes it applica-ble throughout society in order to understand and address present inequalities.

Pyramid of Design

The particular concept of inclusive design that has relevance to this project is the pyramid of needs. Traditionally, the aged and disabled had been viewed within a product sense as incompetent, in decline or without hope (Clarkson, 2003). The resultant products were born from a medical perspective; a mindset which in turn stigmatises the sector of the population rather than enhance their quality of life. The pyramid offers, as Clarkson explains (2003, p.16), a viable solution in that it targets “the broad mass of the population in terms of cost and appearance, while accommodating those with more restricted capabilities in terms of performance and functionality.” This form of transgenerational design seeks the majority to be considered in order to address the minority. An example within a public transport context is mothers’ and their prams; a solution which caters for the majority (the mother’s) can also addresses the minority such as the wheel chair bound elderly.

Transgenerational Design

Transgenerational design argues that traditional product design does not consider the aged population which in turn has created prod-ucts which alienate this considerably sized sector (Clarkson, 2003). In response, transgenerational design seeks to design products which

cater for a wide range society. Resultantly this design meth-odology considers individual’s across society who have “vastly differing needs and abilities” (Clarkson, 2003). This technique looks to embrace all age groups through the de-sign process in order to create a product that is applicable to all. This technique not only makes sense in terms of equal-ity for all, it also broadens the scope of a product’s market-place.

Inclusive design allows these broad interests of the com-munity to be brought together to form equable design. The project will look to ethnography and participatory research to investigate current perceptions of what tram travel is and how it could be in a future context. In doing so, the research techniques will develop themes, through inclusive design, to base the design develop process from. This will insure that the design response is not only equable for all, but understands individual’s modes of use.

3.0 Automobile ownership and applicable issues

3.0 Automobile ownership and applicable issues

3.1 Introduction.

The automobile, from its inception, has been frequently de-scribed as the bringer of freedom, economic and social progress and independence (Whitelegg, 1999). It has not only evolved to meet society’s changing lifestyle, to an extent it has shaped our lives negatively in a physical and personal sense. An exploration into the automobile and its associated prob-lems will give context to my project, in that Melbourne could become a car free city. This would enable existing transport infrastructure to be tailored to meet society’s needs, creating a sustainable city for future generations.

3.2 The automobile and the environment

As Michael Grubb describes (1999, p.5) “The IPCC* produced its fi rst report in 1990… with its key conclusion that rising con-centrations of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases in the atmosphere were caused by human activities and would cause global temperatures to rise, with accompanying climatic changes.” The importance of personal transport becomes relevant to climate change when one considers emissions from transportation. As Bannister (1996, p.2) explains “…the (auto-mobile) sector is responsible for over 25 per cent of the world primary energy use and 22 per cent of carbon dioxide emissions from fossil fuel use.” This large percent of emissions results in the need to re-evaluate transportation for society.

These statistics would presumably effect societies view towards fossil fuel transportation, yet automobile ownership has, ac-

cording to Bannister (2005, p.11) has increased in a global sense “over 31 per cent in the number of vehicles owned (1984-1994), and it is likely that in the next 25 years (to 2020) that number will increase by a further 50 per cent (OECD, 1995).” This dramatic rise in ownership is in direct contradiction to the emissions generated from their use, yet the growth continues. Society therefore must be prioritising the present ease that private automobile ownership affords whilst delaying action on climate change.

3.3 The freedom of the automobile.

David Bannister (2005, p.8) argues that the “power and the addic-tion to the car has often been underestimated.” Bannister (2005, p6) continues to argue that the car offers the individual the ability to ‘escape’ from the “real environment by allowing them to have their own fl exibility and freedom.” This freedom has been suc-cessfully advertised through selling the dream of individuality and convenience.

This individuality has been carefully shaped through extensive ad-vertising detailing the virtues of the automobile. As Bannister (2005, p.6) explains the automobile in its present form offers “the ability to do what you want (within reason).” This freedom is quite power-ful in that the automobile can increase individual levels of mobility that in many ways subordinate competing methods of transporta-tion as well as shaping the manner to which society lives in terms of work, family life etc (Bannister, 2005). On a personal level, indi-viduality in terms of automobile ownership can be seen as a form of status within society. As Bannister (2005, p.6) explains “it (the automobile) is the dominant culture that maintains major dis-courses on the quality of life from its use in fi lms, on the news, and

at the centre of much advertising.” This then suggests that the automobile has developed an emotion level of meaning within society in that it has gone beyond an economic sense of con-venience to a point of being humanized (Bannister 2005).

In terms of convenience, the automobile offers a freedom which cannot be matched by current competitors. This notion of convenience is described by Whitelegg (1997, p.17) “…the car can liberate the self-imposed soul from its perceived bore-dom in a limited geographical area.” In direct comparison, oth-er public transport services can offer this freedom of travel, but with the constriction of timetables and routes. This subsequently means the car can be spontaneous and free from apparent constrictions that plague public transportation.

3.4 Messages of freedom.

The above mentioned psychological aspects of the automo-bile have been carefully cultivated by advertising companies which in many ways are detrimental to society. As Whitelegg (1997, p.36) explains “people believe cars offer freedom, pow-er, sexual fantasy and reinforcement of personal esteem and ego. The fact that most of this applies to men and not women has not gone unnoticed in the advertising world and the ar-cane world of motoring magazines… a motoring correspond-ent in Top Gear…referred to a new car model he was testing capable of ‘snapping knickers elastic at 50 paces’.” Aside from the rampant sexualisation and subsequent fantasies of women within modern culture, this advertising ploy strikes at a primeval level of being where the car is advertised as fulfi lling societies (specifi cally men’s) needs. The issue here is that if automobiles

are being advertised in such an emotive manner how can other forms of transport compete. As Whitelegg (1997, p.37) further dis-cusses “going by bike, walking or catching the bus are not likely to conjure up anywhere near a powerful a cocktail…it is for these reasons that inducements to leave the car at home or use an alternative mode of transport need to be equally powerful.” This is especially hard in a society that is heavily motorised such as Aus-tralia, where as Whitelegg explains (1997, p.38) “walking is seen as a deviant activity, cycling is dangerous and fume sodden, and public transport spare to non-existent.” Advertising has suc-cessfully created a class gap between the automobile and other transport systems (Bannister, 2005), allowing for all other forms of transportation to become psychologically and socially backcast. 3.5 The automobiles role in city planning.

This exponential rise of the car and its subsequent effect on cul-ture raises the question as to whether technology shapes society or society shapes technology. This can be seen by Bannister (2005, p.6) in the manner to which the transport, specifi cally the automo-bile has shaped city planning. “…(the) car (has) both socially and spatially divisive as it allows cities to spread with consequences that all people have to travel much longer distances than before, with space becoming something that you want to pass through rather than stop in.” This idea resonates to a greater extent when one considers the percentage of society who do not have access to an automobile; this new fragmented city becomes somewhat hostile in that some areas are diffi cult to travel to. Even reluctant users are forced to use their car in this environment, exacerbating the problem of pollution and congestion.

Indeed the above mentioned notion of fl exibility from the auto-mobile has direct physical implications to housing distribution. As Paul Mees (2000, p.37) discuss, “suburbanisation of both the population and activities has been attributed to the fl exibility of the car, which enables both residents and activities to spread at low densities in all directions.” The active use of the automobile creates suburbanisation and in turn creates further automobile use (Mees, 2005). This is an example of an advertised attribute of the automobile physically affecting not only our lifestyle but also the layout of our cities.

3.6 The automobile as its own worst enemy.

Bannister then moves to discuss the viability of whether the ‘car as an icon’ could be removed from society. He details the extent to which the car has been embedded in society and whether this culture will move onto developing worlds with disas-trous consequences. As Bannister explains (2005, p.6) “the car may however become a victim of its own success as the means to accommodate it will never expand as fast as ownership levels, so it will become less attractive to use it as congestion increases.” This success story is explained in the ability of the car to morph and transform itself to meet the changing demands of society. As Bannister cities (2005, p.7) “In the early days, car drivers inhabited the roads with the pioneering spirit of freedom and the image of the road….this changed to inhabiting the car, where the car drivers were ‘safe’ in the metal boxes with complete privacy…the last stage is inhabiting the intelligent car, where some of the routine tasks are allocated to the vehicles rather than the driver.” Thus the car itself is a developed being; it continually updates itself to meet the needs of a changing soci-

ety. Public transport has not met this transformation, indeed the car culture cannot be underestimated since it does not simply follow the economic world. Single policy strategies are, accord-ing to Bannister (2005, p.15) “…limited in their scope,” whereas a package of strategies must be developed in order to commu-nicate to the automobile world the importance of a sustainable society.

3.7 Conclusion

Society as a whole cannot continue to assume that private au-tomobile ownership and its subsequent usage can be sustained with the predicament of climate change and substantial global population growth. In response to the research into the automo-bile, it has become evident that the automobile has negatively shaped society in a physical and emotional sense. Therefore in a future context, other means of transportation need to be explored in order to meet societies needs whilst address conges-tion and pollution. Tram transportation offers potential not only in its current mass commuter setup, but also in how Melbourne’s extensive infrastructure investment can be utilized in a future context.

* The IPCC is the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate change, which when established in 1988 was authorised to provide an assessment of the current knowledge of climate change at the time.

4.0 Historical Background

4.0 Historical Background

4.1 Tram Applications in Victoria

Public transport in Melbourne was initially served by horse buses and steam railways in the 1860s (Keenan, 1985). Horse tram-ways were initially proposed for inner city transportation, but as Keenan (1985, p.5) explains “it was the successful development of cable trams in San Francisco. U.S.A., which saw this form of propulsion chosen for Melbourne’s tramway system.” The op-eration of this system was through a private public relationship whereby the Trust of Municipal Councils provided the track and engine houses which the private company supplied the cars and a housing shed whilst operating the system. The system was fi rst opened in 1885 (Keenan, 1985), which then developed to sixteen by 1891. Maximum capacity reached 1200 dummies over 74 kilometres in 1923 (Keenan, 1985).

Electrifi cation of tram lines was initially created in the Eastern suburb of Box Hill between 1889 and 1896 (Keenan, 1985). This acted as a public transport link to the local train station; this though was short lived due to planning matters. The electric tram movement became signifi cant with the formation of an interim board to oversee all operations, this later became the Melbourne and Metropolitan Tramways Board in 1919 (Mees, 2000). With the expiration of the cable tramway company’s lease in 1922, the board took control with the immediate de-velopment of electric tramways in 1925, with the fi nal cable lines closing in 1940 (Keenan, 1985). With the arrival of the 1960s, much development had taken place, yet pressures within government asked if Melbourne should follow the example of other cities (such as Chicago) and remove trams in view of bus services (Keenan, 1985). This view of inner city public transport

did not persist, mainly as a result of the substantial 50 year devel-opment program the government had invested in. This decision was reinforced when in 1973 an order was placed that confi rmed “with subsequent contracts for more then 300 additional trams.” (Keenan, 1985) The system then expanded with the inclusion of the East Burwood, Latrobe University and Bundoora tram lines.

4.2 Living with the Motor Car: A Melbourne Context

Confl ict often arises between trams and automobile drivers since they share commonplace among the Melbourne road network. As Keenan describes (1985, p.9) “it is intended that the effect of traffi c congestion on operating effi ciency will be lessened by

the progressive introduction of traf-fi c management schemes which include sections of street track where motor traffi c is segregated full or part time (known as the “Fairway”) and priority given to trams at traffi c sig-nals.” This separation of motorists and tram ways has continued with the in-troduction of super stops which signifi -cantly alter the road way in order to create a raised platform hub for high volumes areas.

4.3 Recent development

Darebin Council has proposed, in conjunction with Yarra Trams and the

Department of Transport, to improve and develop the route 86 tram service. The proposals are predominately concerned with pedestrians, particularly improving the manner to which the public can use the tram system.

Plenty Rd – Northern End

The route 86 proposal wishes to create a central tram zone which is a strictly tram only environment. This separation of tram and vehicle traffi c is concerned with tram priority as well as pedestrian safety.

Central Superstops

The Darebin council proposal in-cludes a number of “Superstops” on High Street. “Superstops” are a centrally located platform in the middle of a road. The trams will operate either side of the road, separated from automo-biles, which allows a safe entry and exit for users. While it offers an improvement for tram users, it decreases the space avail-able for road users; cyclists in particular. This then incurs further planning problems as to whether cyclists, as Bicycle Victoria sug-gests should “incorporate signal-

advances for the trams and bikes to allow us to get through this squeeze point…without confl icting with vehicles.”

‘Le Bump’ Superstops

A “Le Bump” is a tram stop which features a raised road section. This allows tram users to easily board trams. Typically these bumps are 5 metres in length which is comparable to the length of a tram. The bump is an appropriate development since it doubles as an aid for drivers to recognize a tram stop, increasing the safety for pedestrians since it slows the vehicles down.

Curb extensions of Super Stops

The curb extension of the superstop which is intended to ease the traffi c fl ows of busy roads. As described by Bicycle Victoria, the curb

“will be a raising and extension of the curb, coming out to meet the tram. Vehicles will be allowed to follow the tram through this central area. Bikes will be allowed to ride up and over the plat-form in our own dedicated space, when pedestrians are not get-ting onto a tram. This will separate the cars away from the bikes. This essentially is a narrow ‘Le Bump’ platform without cars. ”

Whilst the concept is an improvement for pedestrian users, the integration of cyclists and pedestrians is not particularly a great development because dangerous incidents can still be caused as a result of the high speed of cyclists. The other element that needs to be considered is tram priority. By combining vehicles

and trams into a reduced space, tram services reliability and speed will be hurt, de-laying the system as a whole.

Public Transport Users Association:

The Public Transport Users Association (PTUA) sees merit in the existing tram in-

frastructure and in improvements through minor developments. As described in their transport proposal (It’s time to move, 2002, p. 22), tram services “suffers from some minor defi ciencies, in particular the historical legacy of lines that terminate half a mile from train stations and major trip destinations.” The PTUA rationale (2002, p.22) behind these extensions is the idea of a feeding system, whereby the “short, inexpensive extensions of these lines would render the network much more effective as a feeder to the rail backbone.” This then suggests that tram transportation is a secondary form of mass public transit, where the train network is the major carrier and it is reliant of trams for

feed off its success.

The PTUA views the tram network as the major feeder to ‘hot spots’. As described by the PTUA (2002, p.22) “Trams have a car-rying capacity intermediate between heavy rail and buses, and can therefore serve as access modes to ‘hot spots’ where rail ex-tensions are diffi cult or not otherwise warranted.” The system, with is extensive infrastructure, allows new, often recently new suburbs access to public transport in a mass sense. An examples cited by the PTUA (2002, p.22) is ”the $22 million extension of the Mont Albert tram line to the Box Hill District Centre (which) is a good example of a useful…tram extension…for the fi rst time, residents of suburbs such as Balwyn and Mont Albert North have convenient public transport access not only to Box Hill Shops, but also to east-ern suburban train services.” This allows a single network to prosper through feeding, rather than the separate systems fi ghting against each other in a form of competition.

4.4 Government Policy Development

Densifi cation of Tram Lines:

Current government policy in view of tram transportation is fo-cused on the density around existing infrastructure. As described by Geoffrey London (The Age, 2009) “The city of Melbourne and the state government are interested in exploring the densifi cation along tram corridors and that has, I think, real potential.” The idea central idea is the redevelopment of buildings around the tram lines. As London explains (The Age, 2009), “it makes great sense to make proper use of transportation nodes and corridors. A lot of them are single storey for great lengths of the roads.” This would

then have the transfer effect of moving the density away from public transport poor areas; in turn enabling small green belts to prosper. In a broader sense this allows a capitalisation of infrastructure that has had over 100 years of investment, as well as reducing automobile re-lated problems which plague efforts to make Melbourne sustainable for future generations.

Moreland City Council:

Moreland council has created a street festival once a year by clos-ing Sydney road off from traffi c. This then allows vendors to create a marketplace on the road whereby pedestrian have access to the complete road. The closing off of the road to traffi c also results in tram services being redirected for the complete day.

This hence makes the Sydney street festival a diffi cult case study be-cause vendors only need resources for a day of trading before nor-mal services resume the next day. This is compounded by a lack of tram transport through the festival, making it diffi cult to gauge how tram networks and dynamics could be affected if trams had com-plete solidarity on the road.

5.0 International tram development

5.1 International city planning

London and the development of Congestion Taxes.

The city of London, England, has introduced measures to re-duce congestion through taxation. The system works on a scale whereby commuters are charged a fee for entering the central business district of London. As Santos and Shaffer explain (2004, p.1) “On February 17, 2003, the London Congestion Charging Scheme came into effect. Preliminary results show a signifi cant response to the €5 (U.S. $8) charge.” From this point, any motor-ist wishing to drive and park within the zone of central London has to pay a fee.

The rationale behind the tax system is to reduce congestion and pollution. As Santos and Shaffer state (2004, p.179) “the preliminary results suggest that the London Scheme has so far succeeded in achieving the stated congestion reduction targets. Traffi c decreased by more than expected.” The de-creased traffi c allowed an increase of traffi c speed through the city, as Santos and Shaffer state (2004, p.169) “ the aver-age travel speed in the charging zone in the fi rst few months after the Scheme was implemented, was 17 km/hour…(which) compares with the average speed recharging, which was 14 km/hour.” The reduction in traffi c has the added benefi t of transferring some these passengers, who would normal use an automobile to commute, into the public transport system. As Santos and Shaffer state (2004, p.171) “TfL predicted that ap-proximately 20,000 individuals would switch from car travel to public transport during the morning peak period as a result of the Scheme. Of this number, 5,000 were expected to use the

5.0 International tram development

Underground system; 14,000, the buses; and the remainder, rail system without transfers to bus or underground…this increased in line with expectations.” This increased level of usage is managed by the investment of the congestion charge in public transport. As Santos and Shaffer states (2004, p.178) “The mayor’s transport strategy, as well as congestion reduction, also includes objectives such as investing in the Underground, improving bus services, and integrating National Rail with other transport systems.” This rein-vestment allows an effective absorption of previous automobile users into the public transport area, making a sustainable shift in transportation.

Car-free Living in Bremen

Bremen, a small town in Germany, has developed the fi rst car-free living environment in 1992 (Whitelegg, 1997). The residents live on the estate in which they are banned from owning a personal automobile. Only a small amount of car parking is available in the community, where a car-sharing system operates for large trips in and out of the community. This though only caters for the minority journeys, since as Whitelegg explains (1997, p.141) “it is assumed that most journeys will be undertaken by public transport, walk-ing or bicycle.” A bus feeder network exists for residents who wish to travel outside of the town, and a new tram network is being developed once population levels rise (Whitelegg, 1997). The im-mediate results of the town illustrates the success of car free poli-cies; demand for living on the estate is very high (Whitelegg, 1997) since space has been freed up through the absence of large roads, garages and car parking spaces. These spaces, which traditionally dominate town planning, have been replaced with green spaces, a kindergarten and a dedicated space for children

to play.

Lothian regional council

The Lothian council, located in Britain, has created a detailed pro-posal for a car free environment within the city of Edinburgh. The proposal looks to redevelop a disused rail yard. In its place would be 120 car-free residential units which would house much of the cities population expansion. The benefi ts of this proposal are explained by Whitelegg (1997, p.141).

-“improved quality of life: more space to live in, more pleasant surroundings with no traffi c congestion;-Safety: no car traffi c, no road accidents;-A good place to bring children up with more contact with other residents and a strong sense of community;-Clean air and a clean environment, with no intrusive noise from engines and the slamming of car doors;-Being part of an exciting new development;-Financial savings: the average cost of running a 1000cc petrol driven car, including depreciation, fuel and insurance, is around €3,117 per year (AA information hotline). The cost of renting a small car can be around €1.50 per hour.”

From another perspective, this type of development offers benefi ts to developers in that this method of planning reduces land wastage. As a result of the signifi cant reduction of automobiles, fewer roads and their associated infrastructure requirements need to be constructed. This in turn maximises the effi ciency of space within the community, allowing greater profi t margins (Whitelegg, 1997).

5.2 Relevant tram infrastructure planning

Zurich: Beschleunigungsmassahmen

Central Europe, specifi cally the German city of Zurich, offer insight into how tram services can be drastically improved to meet the needs of society. As described by the public transport user group (PTA, 2002) “This comprehensive ap-proach to tram priority was pioneered in Zurich between 1975 and 1985.” Here all impediments to tram travel were removed in order to create a reliable system that did not depend on congest levels to operate successfully. The result as published by the PTA (2002, p.19) is that “patronage in-creased from 32% of travel to 42%.”

As described by the PTUA (2002, p.19), the elements of the Zurich tram policy:

-“Traffi c signals that respond to trams as they arrive, interrupting the ordinary cycle to allow trams straight through.”-“On intersections where absolute tram priority is not feasible, short sig-nal cycles to prevent long delays to trams.”-“Effective barriers on wide streets to separate trams from cars.”-“Traffi c signal changes, partial road closures and other measures to prevent long queues of traffi c forming on streets to narrow for trams to be completely separated from cars.”-“Traffi c islands, turn bans, hook turns and other measures to prevent turning traffi c obstructing trams.”

Melbourne’s own tram network is comparatively sized to Zurich, offering potential to rival these established system. Melbourne though is a car orientated city, which is evident in tram priority. As the PTUA describes (2002, p.19) “Far from allowing trams through quickly, many traffi c lights have

special right-turn phases that delay trams carrying fi fty or a hundred passengers, in order that one or two bars can turn right from an adja-cent land.”

6.0 Approach

6.0 Approach

6.1 Participatory action research technique

“Participatory Action Research involves an imaginative leap from a world of ‘as it is’ to a glimpse of the world ’as it could be’.”

Wadsworth (1999, p.6)

Historical Background

Participatory action research (PAR) has, stated by McIntyre (2008, p.1) “underlying tenets that are specifi c to the fi eld of PAR… (a) a collective commitment to investigate an issue or problem, (b) a desire to engage in self- and collective refl ection to gain clarity about the issue under investigation, (c) a joint de-cision to engage in individual and/or collective action that leads to a useful solution that benefi ts the people involved, and (d) the building of alliances between researches and participants in the planning, implementation, and dissemination of the research process.” In other words, PAR is a type of research where the participants become the researchers through the course of the research. This can take place through a number of forms of re-search, whether discussion based, photography, or the manner to which this project proposes; a three dimensional toolkit. Participatory action research has no one direct origin; it draws from a multitude of “principles, methodologies, epistemologies, and characterization” (McIntyre, 2008) in order to create a re-search methodology. As McIntyre states (2008, p.2) an early ex-amples of PAR within a social context was “in the late 1970s and 1980s, for example, Tandon (1981) and Kanhare (1980) initiated

PAR projects in India that addressed adult education and wom-en’s development, respectively.” Since then, the applications of PAR have broadened to political, addressing violence related issues, general community issues and feminist policy. Feminism, particularly has contributed substantially to the development of participatory action research (McTaggart, 1997). Feminism has as McIntyre explains (1997, p.3) “enhanced the fi eld of PAR with per-spectives that have evolved out of a refusal to accept theory, re-search, and ethical perspectives that ignore, devalue, and erase women’s lives, experiences, and contributions to social science research.” This then added framework that helped articulate how this new form of feminist inspired PAR could be applicable across a multitude of contexts (Kanhare 1980, Lykes 1989, Maguire 1987).

Participatory Action Research and relevant ethical challenges

Before examining specifi c modes of PAR, it is necessary to con-struct a frame work that addresses ethical challenges found in PAR. The main concern is focused on the duty of care with the participants. This is to allow a respectful space where individual who previously have not had the opportunity to share their ex-periences can do so without prejudice or bias. As McIntyre states (2008, p. 12):

1.Participants engage in all aspects of the project.2.Practitioners have and appreciation of the capacity for individuals to work together to effect change.3.Practitioners participate with participants in the overall PAR process, contrib-uting resources and knowledge when necessary.4.Attention is given to reducing barriers between participants and practitioners of PAR. That includes cocontruction of consent procedures, documentation of data, and ensuring that the language used in the research project is under-

stood by participants. 5.Participants are encouraged to learn about the research methods that are appropriate to the project.6.Practitioners make a distinction between professional ethical considera-tions and contextually specifi c ethical considerations, which can be negoti-ated and modifi ed to best serve the participants.7.Practitioners take every precaution to protect the confi dentiality, privacy, and identity of participants.8.Practitioners do not disseminate any research data without the explicit consent of those involved.9.Practitioners are trustworthy; scrupulous in their efforts to give primacy to participants’ goals; responsible for the well-being of all involved; fair, just, and willing to relinquish their agendas if they confl ict with participants’ de-sires.”

McIntyre’s ethical structures allow the research project to spe-cifi cally focus on the needs of the participants. This is highly important because these perspectives, realties, truths come from people who have not had, as McIntyre states (2008, p.12) “the opportunity to speak their truths into public life and there-fore must be provided with a space to do so.” The framework by no means alleviates any related issues or problems that arise from this refl ection/action based research technique. Rather, the structure of PAR insures researchers and participants work closely together in order to create a relevant and empathic project.

Participation in defi nition:

Participation, and the recognition of its relevant, is crucial to the research technique achieving a tangible result. As McIntyre states (2008, p.16) in a recent PAR project involving underprivi-leged young adults, “I invited them to discuss how they would

defi ne participatory action research.” This resulted in a dictionary defi nition being sought in order for the group to discuss and de-fi ne their own framework of the project. This framework was further developed by the group moving to install attendance and group involvement regulations in order for maximum participation. The basis for this suggestion was as McIntyre explains (1999, p.17) “the process of linking the meaning of participation to the actualiza-tion of participation was slowing and time-consuming.” This ex-ample has relevance in the application of the three dimensional toolkit in that the participants need to, as a group, realise that they are crucial in the exercise of accomplishing a result. This rec-ognition is fed by the idea that though the participants have the power to change there issues, fi rst they need to become critically aware of the issue and its associated problems.

Precedents in the application of 3D Participatory Action Re-search:

The use of three dimensional forms in the process of participa-tory action research has precedents. The process was used by McIntyre (2002) in the exploration of women in Belfast and their experiences of war. These women, as McIntyre (2008, p. 41) explains “wanted to present a version of their experiences as women growing up in and surviving a war that spoke to the multi-dimensionality of their individual lives, as well as to their collective commitment to maintaining and sustaining a community of well-being.”

This process of exploring the experiences needed, as McIntyre explains (2008, p. 41) a “place where the women felt comfortable revealing their experiences to outsiders was a process intertwined

with issues of power, authority, and identity.” This in turn allowed women a place whereby stories and experiences can be shared without confl ict. The particular method McIntyre used in order to share these experiences was 3D modelling through clay (2002, p.41).

“I invited the women to use clay as a way to tell stories about their lives. I asked them to silently picture themselves sitting against a tree. On the other side of the tree was a storyteller. The storyteller was there to tell each of the women a storey that she wanted to hear. I told the women it could be historical story, a mystery, a fantasy, and/or a story about any person, place, or thing that came to mind. The women sat silently for about 5 minutes imagining the story they wanted the storyteller to relate to them. After that time of refl ection, I invited each of the women to use modelling clay and create a symbolic repre-sentation of he story she had ‘hear’.”

This precedent illustrates the preparation needed to introduce and prepare the participants before the three dimensional process is used. This process is important to the overall partici-patory process in that it allows themes to be found and devel-oped in a physical sense. Resultantly the process contributes to the understanding society’s experiences in tram travel, and in defi ning what future they see.

3D toolkit design:

In many ways, the design of this participatory toolkit by defi ni-tion needs participation in order to design it. As McIntyre ex-plains (2008, p.15) researchers and participants need “to take

responsibility for developing the group’s version of what it means to participate in a PAR process. When researchers and participants work together to defi ne the most practical ad do-able ways for them to participate, there is less pressure on indi-viduals to conform to a way of participating.” Thus the partici-pation within the process of research and the formal research itself will endeavour to avoid the concept of group participa-tion as an imposition, rather a choice to express oneself.

The toolkit will need a number of iterations in order to develop a functional and effective system. Initially this will be sought through basic cardboard and foam modelling. This form of ‘quick and dirty’ prototyping will allow a process of design through experimentation, whereby through the process mak-ing ideas and development direction can be found. Methods to analyse research data

The nature of participatory research results in a level of am-biguity in terms of analysing the data. The research gathered does not come in the traditional form of hard data, such as raw statistics, rather in stories and anecdotes. This presents problems in how to refl ect and draw conclusions from the re-search which inform the overall project.

A precedent for a framework which examines participatory research is called social constructionist grounded theory. The form of framework is defi ned by Charmaz (2005, p.509) as “developing conceptual concept categories (that) arise through our interpretations of data rather than from them.” This research allows the research to shape the hypothesis through the course of interpretation. The core of the technique relies

on the researcher to be aware of prior frameworks, particular in-terests, relationships with the participants and concerned interest while not letting them interfere, and yet not let control or interfere with the process of interpretation (McIntyre, 2008).

The process I propose for the three dimensional toolkit will involve initial photography and voice recorder of the group exercise. The recordings will then be listened to in order to identify themes, categories and relevant concepts of what a tram is, how it could be from the participant’s perspective. If time permits, a refl ec-tion of this examination will be offered to the participants so that clarifi cation or further interpretations can be sought. The underly-ing themes present in these transcripts will then be used directly in the design phase. Here the participant’s stories, observations and ideas will be integrated into design solutions to offer a design solu-tion of what a tram could be in a car free Melbourne.

6.2 Ethnography

Historical Background

The ethnographic methodology was born, as Gobo explains (2008, p.7), in “the period between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It developed internally to ethnography, a discipline in the fi rst half of the 1800s split away from traditional anthropology, which was then dominated by the physical and biological paradigm.” This new method differed from tradi-tional ethnology in that it is concerned with the study of people through their material artefacts and cultures (Gobo, 2008). Tradi-tional ethnology saw important in statistics, documentation; this in turn separated the researcher from the subject. This in turn led

to the belief, as Gobo explains (2008, p.8), that ethnology research-ers “considered the members of native peoples to be ‘primitive’: they were savages to be educated, and they could not be used as direct informants because they could not be trusted to furnish objec-tive information.” This prejudice was opposed by ethnography, which saw the understanding of people and cultures signifi cant in research. Among early ethnographers, Bronsilaw Malinowski (1844 – 1942) be-came a signifi cant in his text Argonauts of the Western Pacifi c. The book researched the Trobriand Islands, and as Gobo explains (2008, p.8) “described the methodology principles underpinning the main goal of ethnography, which is ‘to grasp the native’s point of view, his relation to life, and realise his vision of his world.” This understanding was undertaken through Malinowski living in the islands for two years, he became fl uent in their language (Kiriwinian), befriended and used locals as informants and observed everyday life of the village (Ma-linowski, 1966). This participation in their society created the concept of the view ‘from within’, a concept which created the core of mod-ern ethnography (Gobo, 2008).

Technique

This project will use ethnography, defi ned by Dawson (2007, p.19) is “describing and interpreting cultural behaviour,” as a main methodol-ogy to explore user behaviour in regard to the automobile. In ethnog-raphy the researcher immerses themself in the lifestyle and cultural groups being studied (Dawson, 2007). It specifi cally seeks the every-day nature of behaviour and as a result the hypotheses are often not formed at the beginning of the research. An example is living within an African tribe for months in order to become one of the tribe. Research-ers often participate in, as Dawson describes (2007, p.19) “group ac-tivities whilst observing its behaviour, taking notes, conducting inter-

views, analysing, refl ecting and writing reports.” Other commonly used names for ethnography include fi eldwork or participant observation (Dawson 2007, p.19).

Ethnography strives to, as Crocket and Redvers-Mutton describes (2002, p. 288) “fi nd the order within an activity rather than impose any framework of interpretation on it.” The users simply continue their regu-lar behaviour to which the observer watches. This immersion into the user’s environment allows the observer to participate in daily tasks and speak with the users personally. This methods, described by Crocket and Redvers-Mutton (2002, p. 288) is based on the idea of making the research “implicit explicit.” In that the everyday techniques and actions that might not be of any importance to the user can be ob-served, recorded and feed into the design process.

As a result of the variable and personal characteristics of ethnogra-phy, research results can come in various forms. As stated in ‘interac-tion design’ (2002, p.288) “It (ethnography) is an experience rather than a data-collection exercise. However, the experience must be shared with other team members, and therefore needs to be docu-mented and rationalized.” This documentation will allow for careful analysis and refl ection throughout the pre-major and major project.

Application to this Project: Interviews

Ethnography is applicable within this project because it subjects the researcher to the culture that is being studied. This immersion allows an in depth knowledge of the culture, while at the same time being criti-cally aware through writing. The technique will be used as a research method in interviewing and observing tram users. During tram trans-portation users will be fi rstly observed and interviewed if granted. The

interview will focus on the users defi nition of tram transportation, how it is and how it could be in a future context.

Application to this Project: Observations

Observation will be used within ethnography in order to understand users. As described by Clarkson (2003, p.405) “it is the ability of ethnog-raphy to understand a social setting as perceived by its participants (the archetypal users) that underpins its appeal to developers.” This will take the form of observation of use, whereby importance will be placed on activities commonplace to the daily live of the users (Gar-fi nkel, 1967). The core of this technique relies on the researcher to ob-serve what people are doing. This is defi ned by Clarkson (2003, p.405) as important in “observational approaches offer the opportunity to reveal unarticulated ‘needs’ or ‘practises’ of users.” Users may not be aware of these behaviours because they may be regular or taken for granted through day to day life.

6.3 Camera Journal

Historical Background – IDEO

IDEO, a silicone valley design fi rm, specialises in innovative multi-dis-ciplinary design which is described by Jeremy Myerson (2001, p.30) as “understand, observe, visualise, evaluate, and implement.” What differentiates this fi rm is their study of society in the process of design. As Myerson explains (2001, p.30) “IDEO has pioneered the use of many forms of non-interventionist observation in its practise, including visual ethnography, in order to really understand how people behave.” This research captures the nature of how people behave, rather than how they perceive they behave (Myerson, 2001). This method allows the

research, as Myerson explains (2001, p.30), to “deal with people are really doing and feeling” which in turn allows focused and important research that is not biased because of social, gender or race user concerns.

Historical Background – Camera Journals within PAR

An emerging method of research within Participatory Action Research is Photovoice. Photovoice is a form of research whereby the partici-pant uses photography to document their community, specifi cally their personal lives (McIntyre, 2008). The process begins with the par-ticipants documenting their lives through a number of photographs which are then described in detail by the participants. This form of descriptive photography provides a vast amount of personal informa-tion on what the community values and is concerned about. The key to this form of information is that it allows people outside of this com-munity insider information in quick visual sense.

The relevance of this form of research, as McIntyre describes (2008, p.24) is that it is “not fi xed…rather, they (the pictures) were entry points into yet more questions, more opportunities for refl ecting on how to most effectively develop a photovoice project.” This form of participa-tory action research has relevant to this project because it visualises personal lives and stories, illustration peculiarities in uses and events of importance. This in turn focuses the project to relevant issues that are of importance to society.

Applications within project

The technique of camera journals will document current users, asking

users to create a window of their daily travels. This form of photogra-phy will capture tram travel in an effort identify micro events that offer insight into future uses of tram transportation. An example could be of trade transportation, current users might use small trolleys on trams in order to move personal or commercial goods. This could then offer a research tangent into how small businesses send and receive freight when cars and trucks are banned from entering the city centre.

The application of this method will come in the form of advertising and creating a small group of tram users in order to document their individual travel. This user group will allow a wider range of photogra-phy which in turn will limit any biases that could appear if one singular person was doing the research.

Results and applications

Initial results on a test student illustrated the unease of public photog-raphy.

Her feedback:

-The nature of the photography is impersonal and intruding.-Could be seen as a rude action, possible backlash?-Proposed use of disposable cameras would not be ideal because of the intruding fl ash, loud winding movement in loading the fi lm. -Could all the research be done by myself since “I know what I want.”

Response to initial feedback:

I agree that photography in public raises privacy issues which need to be dealt with. It has been suggested by fellow student’s that the

tram driver should be approached in order to receive their consent. As for the disposable camera, I agree the noise could be intruding and awkward; yet they offer the ability to give out to researchers, use and simply post back. This is simpler than downloading photos due to time restraints. An added positive is that it is impossible to delete any photos that could be deemed unusable because they are out of focus for example; yet these photos could offer research information. As for the fi nal comment, I do not believe one sole person constructing this camera journal is of any use; it will allow biases to appear and only highlights certain area of travel. On another level, the photography is not about what I want, indeed the research originates in order explore current transport peculiarities. Indeed if I were to constrict the process then it not only limits the scope of the project, highlighting an ignorance of the importance of research in general to the design process. Overall the test highlights the need to explain the intention of the camera journal to the researcher. The initial miscom-munication compounded the personal concerns of the test user. This in turn caused unease in constructing the journal, making the task somewhat of a burden rather than simple photography when commuting daily.

6.4 Survey

The construction of surveys will be used to research specifi c groups within the society. The fi rst survey will constructed to target businesses on Sydney Road, where a yearly festival closes the street entirely to traffi c. This in turn offers insight

into how street dynamics change without traffi c, creating a window into a future scenarios. The survey will be printed out and physically handed to vendors with a stamped and addressed envelope.

The second survey will be used in conjunction with tram interviews in order to research current tram users. As with the Sydney road survey, this survey will examine user perceptions of what current tram transport is and how it could be.

7.0 Design and Design Process

7.1 Various current design solutions

7.2 Sketches

7.3 3D toolkit

7.4 Quick and dirty prototyping

7.5 Rapid prototyping testing

7.6 Mind mapping

7.0 Design and Design Process

8.0 Design Solution

9.0 Manufacturing Process

10.0 Bibliography

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10.0 Bibliography