Migration, Small Towns and Social Transformations in Pakistan

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DOI: 10.1177/0956247809356180

2010 22: 33Environment and Urbanization Arif Hasan

Migration, small towns and social transformations in Pakistan

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M I G R AT I O N, S M A L L T O W N S A N D S O C I A L T R A N S F O R M AT I O N S I N PA K I S TA N

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are well developed. These conditions have led to the migration of skilled,educated persons and entrepreneurs from the villages to the urban areas.

East of the lower Indus plains are the deserts of Nara and Thar inSindh and of Cholistan in the Punjab. These deserts extend east intoIndian Rajasthan. Until recently, there was no proper road infrastructurein the region, hence urban settlements were almost non-existent and thepredominant Hindu caste system was a disincentive to migration. Thiswas because of the centuries-old control of the lower castes by the upper

FIGURE 1Pakistan: geographical regions and political divisions

SOURCE: Adapted from various maps in Hasan, Arif and Mansoor Raza (2009), Migration and Small Towns inPakistan , RuralUrban Interactions and Livelihood Strategies Series, Working Paper 15, IIED, London, 134 pages.

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castes (who also decided on personal and property law issues of the lowercastes), barter as a means of exchange and the difculty in social andeconomic mobility.

Politically, Pakistan is a federation of four provinces (the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP), the Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan), twofederally administered areas (the Tribal Areas and the Northern Areas),the Federal Capital Territory (Islamabad) and federally administeredKashmir (Azad Kashmir). All of Balochistan is in the western highlands,as is a large part of the NWFP, which also includes some of the highmountain region. Sindh and the Punjab comprise the Indus plains andthe eastern deserts, while the Northern Areas and Azad Kashmir are inthe high mountain region.

An analysis of census data clearly establishes the relationship betweenmigration and the geographical areas and the fact that the main migrantdestination is the larger cities of the Punjab and Sindh. (6) Migration toother countries was signicant, amounting to 23.99 per cent of totalmigrants.

Other patterns also emerge. Census gures clearly establish thatmigration has taken place from the deprived areas, where there isimmense pressure on land and resources and where industrialization hasnot taken place and communication systems are poor (7) However, in thoseareas where feudal institutions are strong, migration has been limited.The largest migration has taken place from the NWFP to Karachi.

III. MIGRATION TO PAKISTAN

A fact that is often overlooked when discussing migration in Pakistanis that in the last century the country has received more migrants fromother countries than there have been emigrants leaving Pakistan. Therst major migration took place between 1872 and 1929, when theBritish developed perennial irrigation in the regions of central Punjab,which are now part of Pakistan. As a result, they colonized more than4.5 million hectares of desert and pastoral land for agricultural purposes.They imported peasants from eastern Punjab (now in India) to colonizethese lands and in the process marginalized the local pastoral populationand completely changed the demography of a number of districts thatconstitute Pakistani Punjab. (8)

Again, when the British Indian Empire was partitioned in 1947, 4.7million Sikhs and Hindus left what is today Pakistan for India and 6.5million Muslims migrated from India to Pakistan. (9) According to the 1951census, 48 per cent of the urban population in Pakistan originated inIndia and has migrated since August 1947. (10)

The two migrations from India had a big impact on the sociology,economics and politics of Pakistan. Before the colonizers arrived, andespecially the refugees, clan and caste organizations were strong. Casteand professions were interrelated. With the coming of the refugees andthe anarchy that followed, caste and clan organizations in the townswhere they settled became weak and ineffective almost overnight.

Neighbourhoods vacated by migrating Hindus and Sikhs were occupiedby Muslims and were no longer homogenous, either ethnically or caste-wise. (11) The properties left behind by the Hindus and Sikhs were given tothe refugees through a government-arranged settlement process.

6. According to 1998 censusdata, 10.8 million Pakistanis,or 8 per cent of the totalpopulation, are migrants.More than 63.7 per centof all migrants migrated tourban areas; 25 per cent of allmigrants moved to Karachi,Lahore and Rawalpindi, whichare all large cities where jobopportunities are available;13 per cent of all migrantsmigrated to Karachi alone,which is the centre for tradeand commerce. For details, seeGazdar, Haris (2003), A reviewof migration issues in Pakistan,Collective for Social ScienceResource, Karachi, June,25 pages.7. According to 1998 censusdata, migrants from the Punjabaccounted for only 14.72 percent of total migrants, althoughthe Punjab accounts for 55.6per cent of the total populationof Pakistan. Migrants from theNWFP accounted for 11.67 percent of total migrants, althoughit accounts for 13.4 per cent ofthe total population of Pakistan.For details, see reference 6,Gazdar (2003).

8. Ali, Imran (1989), The Punjabunder Imperialism: 18851947 ,Oxford University Press, Delhi,264 pages. Census guresshow a population increaseof 18.29 per cent between1901 and 1911 in the ruralareas of Pakistan; this isattributed to this rst Punjabimigration. Increases in the twosubsequent censuses were7.68 per cent and 9.04 per cent.An increase of 21.85 per cent inthe urban population between1911 and 1921, compared to4.32 per cent between 1901and 1911, is also thought to bethe result of the development

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As a result of the 1947 migration, the inner cities of Sindh and thePunjab, where most of the richer Hindus and Sikhs used to reside, weretaken over by poor refugee families. Densities increased within a fewmonths as a result of the sub-division of large homes, and the occupationof open areas and land that belonged to the departing Sikhs and Hindus formakeshift residential accommodation. Many of these squatter settlementswere regularized and many of them expanded where land was available,and have increased in density over time. The comparative tolerance ofsquatter colonies in Pakistan, compared to other Asian countries, is thedirect result of the migration from India.

Migration to Pakistan has also been a result of the three wars thatIndia and Pakistan have fought since 1947 (1948, 1965, 1971) andnumerous small-scale battles. The Kashmir war in 1948 resulted in theexpulsion of the Hindu and Sikh feudal and merchant classes and broughtabout an end to serfdom in most of Pakistani Kashmir and the dominanceof an Islamic culture. Freedom from serfdom created social and economicmobility and large-scale migration to Karachi.

During the 1965 war, Pakistan captured a large chunk of the IndianThar desert and in 1971 India captured a large part of the Pakistani Thardesert. Pakistani Thar as a whole was dominated by the Hindu upper caste,which controlled most of the productive land and livestock and strictlyenforced caste divisions, making upward social and economic mobilityalmost impossible for the Hindu lower castes. Their control over the castesystem also ensured the maintenance of agriculture-related infrastructurethrough baigar (forced labour) and the protection of forests and pasturelands.

As a result of the 1965 and 1971 wars, the Hindu upper castes andtheir retainers ed to India, and the feudal institutions that managedagricultural production and the maintenance of infrastructure collapsed.In addition, 3,500 Muslim families moved from Indian Thar to PakistaniThar and were provided with 42,000 acres of land, much of it near thesmall urban centres of the desert. (12) Again, as a result of the Soviet invasionof Afghanistan and the subsequent jihad and civil war, 3.7 million Afghanrefugees came to Pakistan. (13) This refugee inux caused an abnormalincrease in the growth rate of Peshawar, capital of the NWFP, and ofQuetta, capital of Balochistan, and has led to informal settlements beingestablished on both state and agricultural lands. (14) In addition, accordingto the National Alien Registration Authority (NARA), 600,000 Afghanshave settled in Karachi. (15)

Most of the Afghan refugees were supporters of the war againstthe Soviets, which was being fought by the Americans, the Pakistaniarmy and religious establishments in the Islamic world. As a result, theAfghan migration led to a strengthening of the religious establishment inPakistan, which became the main support to the military government ofthat time. The migration was accompanied by massive opium cultivationand heroine manufacture, both in Afghanistan and in the border regionsof Pakistan. The nances generated were used to fund the war. Guns camewith the heroine trade and as a result, what the Pakistanis refer to as theheroine and Kalashnikov culture consolidated itself in Pakistan, (16) withdisastrous results for democracy and for the younger generation in urbanareas. (17) The emergence of the drug and gun maa also undermined theadministration of the state, as government employees, especially thosebelonging to the law-enforcing agencies, collaborated with the maa. The

of mandi (market) towns thatemerged to handle and exportthe agricultural surplus thatperennial irrigation madepossible.

9. Ara, Iffat and Arshad Zaman(2002), Asian urbanization in

the new millennium: Pakistanchapter, unpublished paperwritten for an Asian UrbanInformation Centre publicationfor Kobe.

10. Worked out fromgovernment of Pakistanpopulation census reports.

11. Hasan, Arif (2002), TheUnplanned Revolution:Observations on the Processof Socioeconomic Change inPakistan , City Press, Karachi,269 pages; also Bajwa, Khalid

(2008), Development conditionsof Androon Shehr: the walledcity of Lahore, unpublishedPhD thesis, Catholic Universityof Leuven, Belgium.

12. Authors conversationwith Dr Sono Khangharani,Director, Thardeep (Thar) RuralDevelopment Programme,November 2007.

13. See reference 9.

14. According to census reports,the average population increasein Peshawar went from 1.9 percent a year between 1961 and1972 to 9.2 per cent between

1972 and 1981, and fell to 3.3per cent between 1981 and1998. Similarly, the populationof Quetta increased at a rate of7.2 per cent per year between1972 and 1981, compared to3.44 per cent between 1961and 1972 and 4.04 per cent for19811998.

15. Worked out fromgovernment of Pakistan censusreports.

16. For details, see Rashid,Ahmed (2000), Taliban Islam,Oil and the New Great Gamein Central Asia , I B Tauris andCo. Ltd., London and New York,273 pages.



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richer Afghans meanwhile established businesses, and today control alot of the inter-city transport, investment in real estate and urban landspeculation and are major contractors of earthworks all over Pakistan.They have a strong network and form an important pressure group thatis interested in maintaining the anti-democracy political status quo inPakistan.

There has also been large-scale migration of Bangladeshi and Burmeselabour, who work in the shing industry and as crew members on trawlersand deep-sea going vessels in Karachi. (18) It is estimated that there aremore than 300,000 Bengali and Burmese migrants in Karachi. About halfof them live in informal settlements on state land near the coast and theyare protected from eviction by the middlemen in the shing industry.Others live in neighbouring katchi abadis .(19) Apart from the resentmentfrom locals against migrant labour, who work for lower wages, a numberof other issues have also surfaced. One relates to local body elections. It isclaimed that illegal immigrants have acquired Pakistani national identitycards and, as such, vote in the elections, which distorts the electoralprocess. (20) Investigations into the electoral results show that 14 illegalmigrants from Bangladesh and Burma were elected as councillors in the2005 local government elections in Karachi. (21)

The other serious issue that has surfaced is that Bengali and Burmesewomen are trafcked to Karachi for purposes of prostitution. It is estimatedthat 200,000 Bangladeshi women have been trafcked to Pakistan in thelast 10 years, and many of them have been sold to the slave trade for US$1,5002,500 each. At present, there are more than 2,000 Bangladeshi andBurmese illegal migrant women in prison and in shelters in Karachi. (22)

IV. RURALURBAN MIGRATION

Ruralurban migration is a continuing phenomenon. Although ithas declined in percentage terms, in number terms it has increasedsubstantially. (23) According to the 1998 census, 43 per cent of all lifetimemigrants said that they had moved with the household head; 17 percent because of marriage; 12 per cent for employment and 9 per cent forbusiness. (24) On this basis, researchers conclude that most people migratefor family reasons, whereas the real reason for their movement relates towhy the family head moved.

Migration from India and then the Green Revolution technologiesof the 1960s transformed subsistence agriculture into a capital intensivesystem and generated a demand for cash that the village economysimply could not generate for the poorer sections of the population.Industrialization in the urban areas also created demand for unskilledlabour and for the skills that the artisan castes possessed. This was thebeginning of the ruralurban migration process. Another reason formigration is that agricultural production has become far too expensiveand small landowners are forced to do manual labour on a daily wagebasis in order to generate enough cash; urban areas offer better workingconditions and more money on a daily wage basis. Yet another reason isincreased pressure on land due to population growth. (25)

Following the initial migration, other reasons for migration alsoemerged. Interviews suggest that migrants experienced the freedom ofthe urban areas and wanted to free their children from the oppression of

17. According to the PakistanCountry Report (September2002) of the United NationsInternational Drug ControlProgramme (UNDCP, Vienna),there are 1.5 million heroinaddicts in Pakistan. In 1979,there were none. In addition,there are a further 1.5 millionchronic addicts who are ondrugs other than heroin.

18. Hasan, Arif (1993),Evaluation of the communitydevelopment work at Rehri,unpublished report preparedfor IUCN, Karachi, July, 72 pages.


20. Daily News (2007), Removal of NIC requirementwill allow bogus votes,Karachi, 7 August.

21. Daily Times (2007), 14illegal immigrants made it toCDGK elections, Lahore, 5August.

22. CATW, Asia Pacic trafcking in women andprostitution, Coalition

Against Trafcking in Women-International (CATW), http://www.catwinternational.org/about/index.php.

23. Between 1951 and 1961,44.8 per cent of urban growthwas due to natural increase(4.48 per cent per year average)and 40.1 per cent (4 per centper year average) was due tointernal migration. This declinedduring 19811998, where naturalincrease accounted for 74.2per cent of urban growth (4.36

per cent per year average) andinternal migration to 20.1 per cent(1.8 per cent per year average).(Worked out from government ofPakistan census reports.)

24. For details, see reference 6,Gazdar (2003).

25. Hasan, Arif and MansoorRaza (2009), Migration and

Small Towns in Pakistan ,RuralUrban Interactions andLivelihood Strategies Series,Working Paper 15, IIED, London,134 pages.



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feudal controls. Some have even gone back to their villages and purchasedland and property (from their former oppressors) with money earnedin the urban areas. (26) Still later, migrants wanted their children to beeducated. It is interesting to note that one of the main reasons given formigrating to the urban areas, and from smaller towns to larger towns,was for the education of children, especially girls (as institutions forgirls higher education did not exist in rural areas), even among peasantsand the working classes. Migration has also taken place as a result ofcompetition between families, clan members and neighbours. They sawthe benets that migration provided and did not want to be left behind.

All interviews for the IIED report and the authors previous worksuggest that the vast majority of migrants are helped to establishthemselves in the urban areas by relatives and friends. Most migrants donot bring their families over until they are properly settled, which meanshaving a permanent job and a house in an informal settlement. The massmigration of entire clans and extended families also takes place whenan end to feudal oppression or a better socioeconomic environment issought. (27)

The physical impacts of migration are visible in both rural and urbanareas. In all urban areas where populations are increasing, the result hasbeen the creation of un-serviced or under-serviced informal settlementsboth within and on the periphery of the urban areas or along the corridorsthat exit the cities and towns. In rural areas, families whose members havemigrated have improved their homes or have built new ones in urbanstyles. Interviews in small towns reveal that whoever gets an education orsaves enough money in business migrates to the bigger cities where thereare better jobs, lifestyles and business opportunities. Family memberswho leave the small towns for educational purposes seldom come backand settle there. As a result, small towns lose their political importance.

However, the social impacts on rural society have been the mostimportant result of migration. Migration has helped break up the oldcaste system in the rural areas, and all interviews for the IIED reportsuggest that fewer people are involved in the kind of work undertaken bythe old artisanal castes in the rural areas; this kind of work is not requiredas goods produced by this work have been replaced by industriallyproduced ones from the cities. Even village entertainers have migratedto the city, and rural social festivities are becoming increasingly urbanin nature. (28) At the household level, earthenware utensils are beingreplaced by crockery and metal ware, bought with remittances from theurban areas. Clothes have also become more urban in nature and it isnow impossible to distinguish a rural male from an urban one from theway he dresses. Womens clothing is also undergoing change, and in therural areas of the Indus plains, this has already taken place. Dowry, whichpreviously used to consist of clothes made by the village artisans is nowusually of industrial manufactured textiles. (29)

The IIED report interviews also indicate that although the merchantclasses in the smaller urban centres have become nancially powerfuland well educated, they do not have any political power, which restsrmly with the big feudal families created by the British or the pre-Britishfamilies related to religious shrines. As a result, the merchant classes inthe changed socioeconomic environment feel discriminated against andprefer to make investments in the larger towns where there is a moredemocratic and egalitarian culture and society. This is especially true of

26. Families from the village ofKunda migrated to the city ofRawalpindi in the 1960s andsettled informally on land that,at the time, was on the city

fringe but now is within the city.Ownership was regularized andnow each plot on which thehouses are built is worth Rs 1.5million or more. By selling thisproperty, owners can purchase10 to 15 acres of goodagricultural land around Kunda.Six families have done this andmany others are preparing forit. Details are available fromthe Urban Resource Centre,Rawalpindi.

27. About 60 poor low casteHindu families from the villageof Ronia migrated en masseto the town of Mithi, about 10kilometres from the village.The reasons for migratingthat were given to the IIEDreport researchers were forthe education of girls, freedomfrom feudal oppression, andmore lucrative employmentin business and commerce-related jobs. For details seereference 25.

28. For details, see reference11, Hasan (2002).

29. Interviews undertaken forthe IIED report at Goth Lunyanear Mithi. See reference 25.



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small towns that do not lie on the main road networks and, as such, thesetowns are losing their economic and political importance.

V. EMIGRATION

People from Mirpur in Pakistani Kashmir started to work as industriallabour in Bradford and Birmingham well before Independence. However,this emigration was very small and was limited to a few hundred persons.In the 1950s and 1960s the number increased substantially, becauseparts of Mirpur town and its surrounding areas were converted into ahuge water reservoir as a result of a mega irrigation project. As the UKgovernment was one of the international guarantors for the project, itgranted emigrant status to those who were affected. (30) A few enterprisingyoung men from the Gujarat district of the Punjab also left and settled inNorway at the time, and since then have been helping their friends andrelatives migrate to Norway. This was the beginning of emigration to theEuropean Continent. As a result, there are more than 27,000 Pakistanis,almost all from Gujarat, residing in Norway today. (31)

Large-scale migration, however, only began in the 1970s, as a resultof the building boom in the Middle East. This emigration has had its upsand downs related to the changing geo-political situation in the MiddleEast, the oil glut and the reduction in oil prices, all of which have had anadverse effect on emigration; (32) 9/11 also had an impact and emigrationto the USA registered a fall. Remittances to Pakistan through informalmeans decreased and the government made an effort to make remittancesthrough formal means easier and more attractive. While emigration ofPakistani workers to Europe and the USA became more difcult, demandfor Pakistani workers in Korea and Malaysia increased, and in 2006 formalagreements were made between the government of Pakistan and thesecountries to promote this emigration. (33)

The causes of emigration are the same as for internal migration, and theareas with the highest ratio of emigration are also the same. However, thereis considerable evidence to suggest that working-class persons emigratingabroad are not the poorest of the poor but those who have skills andhigher levels of education. This is because you need considerable funds inorder to emigrate, also information regarding employment opportunitiesabroad and knowledge of recruiting agencies and emigration networks. (34)

Young educated Pakistanis from both the middle and working classes alsowish to emigrate for social and economic reasons. (35)There has also been considerable demand for Pakistani doctors and

paramedics in the UK and the USA. The governments of these countrieshave encouraged this emigration and jobs can easily be secured there.More recently, IT professionals have been accommodated in a similarmanner. (36) Members of minority communities (belonging almost entirelyto unorthodox Muslim sects) also emigrated during the rise of politicalIslam in Pakistan, which was the result of the Afghan conict. Many ofthe emigrants were given political asylum in European countries.

The ofcial number of Pakistani emigrants is about 3.83 million.

However, it is generally believed that ofcially recorded emigration representsabout 50 per cent of the real gure. For instance, the ofcial gure forPakistanis in the USA is 200,000, yet unofcial estimates put this gureat 700,000. (37)

30. See reference 6, Gazdar(2003).

31. Arif Hasans conversationswith Pakistani emigrants inNorway (1998); alsosee Pakistani diaspora,Wikipedia the FreeEncyclopaedia, www.wikepedia.org, accessedJanuary 2008.

32. For example, during the1990 Iraq war, ofcially 44,500Pakistani emigrants wereforced to leave Iraq. Unofcially,

this gure is well over 100,000.Similarly, after sanctions wereapplied to Libya, emigration tothat country also declined, andin 2002 only 0.52 per cent ofPakistani emigrants made Libyatheir destination.

33. Syed, Razi (2007), Privateagencies allowed to sendmanpower to Korea, DailyTimes , Karachi, 18 August.

34. Azam, Farooq (2005),Public policies to supportinternational migration in

Pakistan and the Philippines,Conference on New Frontiersof Social Policy; Developmentin a Globalizing World, 1215December, Arusha, Tanzania.

35. For details, see Hasan, Arif(2007), Changes in values,lifestyles, Daily Dawn, Karachi,24 September.

36. 4,359 (5 per cent) of allphysicians trained in Pakistanin 2001 migrated in 2002. Fordetails, see reference 34.

37. See reference 31, Wikipedia.



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The majority of Pakistanis have emigrated to Saudi Arabia (60.96 percent), followed by the UAE (28.13 per cent), other Islamic countries (9.45per cent) and only 1.47 per cent to Europe and non-Muslim countries inAsia. The reasons for the destinations are obvious. There is a demand forlabour and professionals and the people of Pakistan have strong religiousand cultural bonds with these countries. In addition, they are well receivedand often develop personal and family friendships with the locals.

Emigration to Europe has also increased, but as it is mostly throughillegal means, via North Africa and Turkey, it is not possible to estimateits scale accurately. However, ofcial gures for emigration to Koreaand Malaysia are available and it is estimated that 28,000 Pakistanis areworking there. (38) Unofcial recruiting agents claim that there is a bigdemand for Pakistani labour in Japan, Korea and Malaysia for unskilledjobs that residents of these countries are no longer willing to do.

Workers remittances have played an important part in Pakistans realGDP growth. In years when remittances were low, such as 1999 (1.7 percent of GDP), real GDP growth was also low (3.9 per cent). When theywere high, such as in 20022003 (6.7 per cent of GDP), real GDP growthwas also high (5.1 per cent). Quantitative evidence thus shows that realGDP growth is positively related to workers remittances, which are thethird most important source of capital for economic growth in Pakistan.This means that in the absence of workers remittances, the exchangerate and monetary and scal policies would come under great pressure. (39) There has been a sharp increase in remittances from the USA since 9/11.This is because of the US crackdown on informal processes of remittances,an easing of formal processes of transfer by the Pakistan government,and because Pakistanis in the US were afraid that as a result of Americanparanoia, their money was unsafe in the USA. (40)

Returning migrants interviewed for the IIED report have indicated thatthey have not really beneted economically from emigration. However,it has changed their manner of thinking. They have either becomemore liberal or they have become more religious. However, in all cases,emigrants indicated a major change in their attitude towards educationand a desire for an improvement in their physical environment. Thischange, through them, has affected their families and some communitymembers. They are seen as role models back home, and because of themsome family and community members wish to emigrate. However, allof them indicated that they had suffered from bouts of loneliness anddepression while abroad. Was it worth it? The majority were not sure.

Another issue that emerged from the interviews carried out for theIIED report is that extended families tended to break up as a result ofemigration and/or migration of family members. One reason for thisis that money is sent to an elder brother or an uncle, who dishonestlyappropriates it, and this is why, increasingly, money is now sent to thewife or the mother. Again, this adversely affects the structure of theextended family and creates jealousies and gossip. (41)

Emigration of family members has a major impact on the lives ofwomen in both rural and urban areas. In the absence of her husband,the wife assumes responsibility for many day-to-day business transactionsthat are considered the work of men. This changes the womens sociallives and, in the more conservative societies in the NWFP, they are oftencensured for breaking social and cultural taboos. Being without a husbandfor long periods is more often than not a cause for depression. (42)


39. Iqbal, Zafar and AbdusSattar (2005), The contributionof workers remittancesto economic growth inPakistan, Pakistan Instituteof Development Economics,Islamabad.

40. See reference 3,Government of Pakistan (2007).

41. Based on interviews for theIIED report. See reference 25.

42. Conversations between theauthor and Dr Haroon Ahmed,President, Pakistan MentalHealth Association, Karachi,May 2007.



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VI. THE IMPACTS OF MIGRATION ON THREE SMALL TOWNS

Major changes in the distribution of Pakistans urban population havetaken place since Independence. In 1951, 45.1 per cent of Pakistanis livedin 198 cities with populations of less than 50,000, while 17.7 per cent ofPakistanis lived in cities with more than one million inhabitants (of whichthere was only one). In 1998, 49.7 per cent of Pakistanis lived in million-plus cities (of which there are now six) and only 27.7 per cent Pakistanislived in 418 cities with 50,000 people or less. As a result, the politicaland economic power of the smaller cities is on the decline. Research inthree small towns describes this process. (43) The towns are Mithi in theTharparkar district of southern Sindh, Uch in the Bahawalpur districtof southern Punjab and Chiniot in the Jhang district of central Punjab.These towns were chosen because they are very different from each other.A description of each and the ndings relating to them are summarizedin the sub-sections below.

a. Mithi

Although Mithi was established as a settlement some 500 years ago, itspopulation in 1998 was only 19,524. However, today it has a populationof more than 50,000. (44) The reason for this increase is that in 1992,Mithi was declared the headquarters of the newly created desert districtof Tharparkar. This was as a result of pressure from its politicians, whojustied such the move on the basis of an increase in population andon the difculties of travelling to Mirpurkhas, the district headquartersbefore Tharparkar district was created. Mithis population also increasedbecause of road building projects, which have linked the town with theother desert settlements and the irrigated areas of the Indus plains. As aresult, jobs have been created and a large number of businesses and deserttourism have developed.

Because of the wars with India, as a result of which large areas ofTharparkar were occupied by Pakistan in 1965 and by India in 1971, theold Hindu-dominated caste and feudal system collapsed, with the resultthat the artisanal castes were freed from serfdom. Since they, unlikethe peasants and herdsmen, possessed skills that were required by theurban economy, many of them became economically well-off and havesubsequently become doctors, lawyers and NGO activists who are involvedin the political and development affairs of Mithi. The breakdown of theold feudal system has also meant that families are now free to migrate toMithi from the rural areas. Recurring drought (the result of the collapseof the old feudal system of resource management) has caused famine, andrural families are heavily indebted; jobs in the urban areas are a way ofrepaying debts. Migration to Mithi has also been triggered by the desireof rural families (now freed from serfdom), especially the artisanal castes,to educate their children and have better civic facilities, particularly forthe education of girls, which are not available in rural areas. There havebeen instances where entire clans have migrated en masse to Mithi forthese reasons. (45)

Migration has also been facilitated by the fact that considerableamounts of land around Mithi are controlled by the state. This makes iteasy for migrants to negotiate with government ofcials to occupy land for


44. Estimate given by Dr SonoKhanghrani, Director, Thardeep(Thar) Rural DevelopmentProgramme in November 2007.




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the creation of informal settlements. The migrants feel that if they makesufcient investments in building their homes and in acquiring utilities(such as electricity), it will be difcult for the state to evict them. They citenumerous examples of where this has happened both in Tharparkar andin other towns in Sindh. State control of land has also made it possible forbureaucrats and elected representatives to allocate land for different civicfunctions without going through the long, difcult and legal process of landacquisition. In this instance, Mithi is luckier than many other small towns.

Before decentralization and devolution in 2003, the Mithi merchantsand the newly created professionals and NGO representatives had a goodworking relationship with the local government bureaucracy. However,after devolution, the elected representatives became more powerful andthe involvement of civil society in the affairs of Mithi declined. Also,many positive decisions were taken by the provincial bureaucracy, andstate land in key locations was allocated for important civic facilities. Insome cases, after decentralization and devolution, elected representativesshifted the allocation to less valuable sites and sold the old allocations totheir families and supporters at throw-away prices.

Families and individuals have migrated from Mithi to Karachi andother Sindh cities. This migration caters to the demand created by thebuilding of roads, petrol and compressed natural gas (CNG) stations,and small tea shops and utility stores that have sprung up to serve thenewly created transport sector. A large number of Tharis (inhabitantsof Tharparkar) are also working as tailors in the garment industry inKarachi and as domestic servants in the larger Sindh cities. In addition,people send their children to Karachi and other Sindh towns for highereducation. An increasing number of educated Tharis are now working inthe NGO sector in Pakistan.

Because of the trends mentioned above, there has been a major socialrevolution in Tharparkar. People of different castes now eat together inviolation of Hindu religious requirements and local Muslim tradition.Kohli (an aboriginal caste and hence untouchable) girls now work inthe homes of the upper castes. (46) Money from the larger cities has notbeen invested productively. Most of it has been used for building orimproving houses and creating shopping plazas, whereas previouslyonly neighbourhood shops existed. (47) In the rural areas agriculture hasdeclined, and too much remittance money has been spent on buildingurban style homes and acquiring crockery and gadgetry, especiallymobile phones and motorbikes, which are fast replacing camels anddonkeys. Families who do not receive remittances are the new poor.They are increasingly being employed to work the land for the newlyrich who, because of remittance money, have lost interest in agricultureand herding. Dress and food has also changed and is becoming similar tothat in urban areas. As one Thari put it: Before, we ate what we produced;now, we sell what we produce and buy what we eat . Traditional festivitiessuch as music, dance and weddings and religious celebrations have alsoundergone a change and have acquired urban characteristics. (48) What ishappening in Tharparkar is a major social revolution, and Mithi, as thedistrict headquarters, has become the centre of it. The major reasons forthis revolution are the demise of an important section of the traditionalrural elite, Mithis proximity to Karachi, a change from barter to a casheconomy, and remittance money, all resulting in an expansion of trade,commerce, education and comparative political and social freedom.

46. Authors interview withDr Khatao Mall in Mithi,November 2007.

47. Authors conversationwith Dr Sono Khanghrani,Director Thardeep (Thar) RuralDevelopment Programme inNovember 2007.

48. Interviews at Goth Lunyanear Mithi for the IIED report.See reference 25.



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b. Uch

Uch is a small town in Bahawalpur district in southern Punjab. Accordingto tradition and some scholars, the town existed at the time of Alexandersinvasion of the Punjab. (49) By the twelfth century, the city had becomeone of the most important cultural and religious centres of the Islamicworld and attracted Su scholars and thinkers to its seminaries.

The town is divided into two main quarters. The oldest quarter isUch Bokhari, named after Hazrat Syed Jalaluddin Bokhari, a Su saintof the thirteenth century, and this is where his shrine is located and hisdescendents are its keepers. The other quarter is known as Uch Jilani,after another important Su saint who taught in Uch in the fteenthcentury. His descendents are also the keepers of his shrine. The town stillcommands great reverence from Muslims in South Asia who believe inSuism. As such, it is visited by pilgrims and for festivities related to thesaints birthdays by people from all over Pakistan and also from India.

The descendents of the two pirs (saints), Bokhari and Jilani, havedominated the political and spiritual life of the town and the adjoining areas.The shrines bring them considerable income and they own large agriculturalestates on the outskirts of the town. Before land settlement was carried outby the British in the 1850s, all land in and around Uch belonged to the state,and the important religious and political families were given the right to farmthe revenues of state lands with the help of the state bureaucracy. However,the right to farm revenues could be revoked at any time by the state andwas subject to constant review. British land settlement and colonization didaway with this system and created hereditary landowners consisting for themost part of large estates to the old elite and smaller holdings for peasantproprietors. Land was not given to the artisanal and lower castes or tocastes that were traditionally hired by the peasants to work in agriculturalproduction. This was because the British wanted to maintain the status quoin social terms and prevent the possibility of upward mobility in the lowercastes. However, the important religious and political families were grantedlarge estates and the Bokhari and Jilani families were the beneciaries of thesegrants. As a result of the settlement, land acquired a value since it became asellable commodity. The traditional division of Uch into Bokhari Uch and

Jilani Uch was also formalized and considerable land and properties withinthe town became the property of these two pirs . Uch after the settlement was,as such, governed by an understanding between these two powerful familiesand the British bureaucracy represented by the District Commissioner. AfterIndependence, the system remained in place until the decentralization planof 2003.

In the 1960s, Green Revolution technologies were introduced to thePunjab. As a result, middlemen pushing loans, fertilizer and pesticideagencies, tractors, mechanized transport and tube wells came intoexistence. The traditional merchant classes (Shaikhs) beneted as a result,since they became agents and nanciers to the smaller producers in therural areas. They established businesses in Uch that required extensionagents, mechanics, vehicle drivers, links with the larger cities from wheresupplies of the Green Revolution technologies originated and accountants.As a result, an increasing number of people from the rural areas, mainlyfrom the merchant and artisanal castes, migrated to Uch. The increasingafuence of the Shaikhs encouraged them to send their children to schooland into higher education.

49. Elliot, H M (1985), TheHistory of Sindh as told by itsown Historians , Allied BookCompany, Karachi (reprint of an1849 manuscript), 541 pages.



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The 1960s and 1970s also saw the development of new road networksand the establishment of industry in neighbouring Multan. This created ademand for skilled and unskilled labour and a number of artisans migratedfrom Uch. They invested their earnings in improving their homes in Uchand in the process destroyed some of the towns most beautiful residentialarchitecture. Migration of artisans from the rural areas was also the resultof the introduction of industrially produced agricultural implements,textiles, shoes and utensils. Goldsmiths, who had been present in all ruralareas and in Uch, also migrated to other cities. This is because traditionally,gold jewellery had been a form of savings and was pawned for loans intimes of need and for agriculture. In the 1970s, bank loans and bondsreplaced this ancient system.

Because of the proximity of larger and better serviced towns onthe main communication networks, Uch has been left behind. The cityhad a tradition of learning, and in the past many of its families becameimportant federal and provincial government functionaries in the largercities. This tradition has continued but now the younger generation doesnot return to Uch. The general complaint is that anyone who acquires aneducation or a job in the larger cities abandons Uch, as it does not havethe facilities or the lifestyle that the younger generation requires.

The merchant communities have become increasingly afuent as aresult of education (which has given the younger generation lucrativejobs in other cities) and because of an expansion in the cultivation andproduction of cotton around Uch. However, they have not been able towrest political power from the old elite, and this has been an additionaldisincentive for them to develop social and community facilities in thetown. A number have emigrated to France, Australia, Saudi Arabia andthe UAE, and education and better nancial options are the reasons whythe business classes migrate. There has also been large-scale migration ofartisans to the UAE, to work in the building industry as electricians andmasons. According to rough estimates, about 5 per cent of families in Uchhave family members working abroad.

Local remittances have been used to improve homes and acquirehousehold gadgetry, furniture and crockery. Foreign remittances havebeen invested in building lavish new homes on the housing estates beingdeveloped by the pirs on their land adjacent to the city. According toestate agents, more than 40 per cent of the plots in these housing estateshave been purchased by remittances from abroad. However, interviewssuggest that an even larger investment has been made in real estate byUch emigrants in the larger Punjabi cities and in the provincial capital.What has emerged from conversations with various Uch residents is thatmigrants within Pakistan normally do not save enough to make suchinvestments but some international emigrants do. These investments arealso made by people who are not emigrants but who are involved in thelucrative fertilizer and pesticide business, or by middlemen engaged innancing the agriculture of the cotton crop, its storage, transportationand sale.

The land issue is important to the future of Uch. Since land around thecity is owned by the inuential families, badly needed civic facilities canonly be acquired if they donate that land. A land use and structural planprepared for the city by the NGO Conservation and Rehabilitation Centre(CRC) can only be implemented if land is either donated or is acquiredthrough the land acquisition act. As the two inuential families are the



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local government representatives of Uch, they are unlikely to go aheadwith any land acquisition process. In the absence of a rational land useplan that has legal authority, the town continues to expand haphazardly,and consists mostly of real estate developments catering to the better-offresidents (many of whom receive remittances from abroad) and informalsettlements on unproductive land.

The Uch situation indicates that as a result of the migration of thebetter-educated citizens, the control over land and local government bythe inuential families, and the proximity of economically better offtowns on the main communication networks close to Uch, the towndoes not have much of a future. However, the CRC feels that if Uchsmonuments and its status as an ancient town can be rehabilitated, alongwith the proper organization of the religious festivals associated with itsshrines, it could become a major tourist attraction.

c. Chiniot

Chiniot is one of the oldest towns in the Punjab. It is located on thebanks of the Chenab, the second largest river of Pakistan and is famousfor the folk romances of Sohni-Mahiwal and Heer-Ranjha. The town hasa continuous recorded history since the Sanskrit epic Mahabharta waspenned in 800 BC.

The town is famous for its wood carving, ornate masonry and brasswork and it is recorded that the artisans of Chiniot were employed in thebuilding of the Taj Mahal. Today, it is the second largest town in the Jhangdistrict, with a population of 169,282 according to the 1998 census.

Most of the agricultural area around the town was developed as aresult of the canal colonies established by the British. Before the British,the land situation was similar to that in Uch. Today, the area consists forthe most part of peasant holdings and small farmers. Due to the absenceof inuential families, unlike in Uch, there are fewer caste barriers andgreater social mobility than in Uch and its surroundings. However, thereare powerful landlords who were established as a result of land grantsfrom the British, and these consist of the traditional religious elite, theSyeds (descendents of the Prophet) and the Qazis (descendents of thedoctors of Islamic law).

Because of its history and location, Chiniot has always had a veryafuent merchant class of Muslim Shaikhs and Hindu Banyias, bornout of centuries of trade and commerce, especially related to the timberbusiness. Today, the Shaikhs dominate the textile industry in Pakistan,but their mills are in Karachi and Faisalabad, where better infrastructureand investment policies are available and where they are free of thedomination of the Syeds and Qazis. In these cities, they dominate thechambers of commerce and industry, and the Shaikhs of Chiniot areamong the richest families in Pakistan.

The masons and carpenters belong to the traditional artisanal castes.Traditionally, their profession was hereditary but today, through anapprentice system, people from other castes are also becoming carpentersand masons. However, the businesses and investments related to thesetrades are controlled by the Shaikhs. It is estimated that there are morethan 100 workshops in Chiniot producing furniture and carved doors forthe elite of Pakistan; they also receive orders from Europe, the Middle



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East, Japan and the USA and participate in international exhibitions. Asa result, there are a number of foreign banks and insurance companies inthe town.

Various industries are being established on the outskirts of Chiniot,mostly small and medium-sized agro-industries. Bigger industries are beingestablished by the Shaikhs in the larger cities of Pakistan. Labour for thenew industries in Chiniot is being imported from the northern districtsof the Punjab or from the NWFP, because the industrialists fear that locallabour will organize trade unionism and will press for the imposition ofthe minimum wage. Most of the labour is male and in the slack seasonthey return home for a few months. Almost all are accommodated inmakeshift huts within the factory premises or in the immediate vicinity,either on privately owned land that is informally rented for this purposeby the factory owners, or on land that belongs to them. As such, there isno question of security of tenure for these makeshift homes.

The Middle East construction boom in the 1970s led to a big demandfor carpenters and masons in the UAE, and later in Saudi Arabia. Chiniotartisans migrated to these countries in large numbers and, as a result,lifestyles changed and an afuent class of artisans was created, leading tothe setting up of shops and workshops in Karachi, Islamabad and Lahore.

In the interviews, the major reason given for migrating to Chiniotfrom the rural areas and the small towns was to learn carpentry andmasonry skills or to work as labour in the building industry. The otherreason was for the education of children. This is very similar to thesituation in Uch. The biggest problem people face is that since there is nogovernment land, it is difcult to form katchi abadis where they can live.As a result, densication of the existing low-income formal settlementsand katchi abadis is taking place and rental accommodation is very muchin demand. The rental costs for two rooms can be as high as Rs 2,000 (US$30) per month, or 40 per cent of normal monthly earnings, and oftenthis accommodation is shared by eight or more persons. (50) Meanwhile,changes are taking place in the inner city, with its beautiful traditionalarchitecture. Since the old timber market and the workshops are locatedin the inner city, they are expanding there, and as a result, the afuentresidents of the inner city are moving out to the new housing estates inthe suburbs, and their homes are being taken over by workshops and asstorage for timber and furniture.

The major reason given for migration and emigration from Chiniotis the demand for carpenters in the Middle East, Karachi, Lahore andIslamabad. Also, since large orders are being received from these largercities of Pakistan, Chiniot entrepreneurs have established workshops andshowrooms there, employing Chiniot artisans, many of whom have takentheir families with them.

Artisans who migrated have invested their savings in the purchaseof mechanized tools for their workshops. This has improved theirproduction capacity and capability but it has created problems for thoseartisans who do not have mechanized tools. In the 100-plus workshopsin Chiniot, more than 2,000 artisans are employed, but this does notinclude unskilled labour or those working in transport-related activities.It is generally agreed that the demand for furniture and wood carving isnot being adequately met.

A number of housing schemes are being built on the outskirts ofChiniot as joint ventures between developers and the owners of agricultural

50. Information provided byreal estate agents in November2007.



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land. The developers for the most part are from the old merchant orartisanal castes and are skilled in measuring land, entrepreneurship andpublic dealing, compared to the agriculturalists who do not have theseskills. Many of these housing schemes have not been approved by localgovernment and, as such, are informal in nature. (51) The middle classesand the wealthier artisans are investing in them, and real estate agentsclaim that a sizeable number of plots are being purchased by remittancemoney. The new schemes are not homogenous by clan, caste or ethnicity,unlike the old traditional neighbourhoods in Chiniot, since allocation isprimarily of a commercial nature. Meanwhile, the process of migration inChiniot is through family, friends and agents. It is well organized, as theprocess and systems related to it are understood and the links with theMiddle East and with the larger cities of Pakistan are well established as aresult of long association.

The political leadership, which consists of the Member NationalAssembly (MNA), the Member Provincial Assembly (MPA) and the districtnazim , comes from the powerful traditional elite. All of them, however,live in Lahore, along with their families. They are landlords and, as such,it is claimed that they are against the business community.

VII. CONCLUSIONS

A number of broad migration- and emigration-related conclusions regard-ing the economy (macro and micro), social change (both in rural and urbanareas), governance and the larger political and physical environment canbe drawn from this paper.

First, remittances from abroad have had a positive impact onPakistans economy. Without these remittances, the exchange rate andmonetary and scal policies would come under great pressure. However,these remittances have not had much of an impact on the local economyand have been used mainly for building real estate, improving lifestyles,purchasing gadgetry and for better educational opportunities. In placessuch as Chiniot, where skills and entrepreneurship already exist, remit-tances have been used as tools for business purposes, but in the lessdeveloped areas of Pakistan, from where most emigration has taken place,this is not the case. Pakistanis from abroad have invested in the socialsectors but this has not made any substantial difference to the provisionof social sector facilities in the areas from where people have migrated.

However, remittances from within Pakistan have been used mainlyfor improving the lifestyles and houses of the migrants. There has beenno investment in the social sectors as a result of the remittances but these,and the connections that the migrants make in the urban areas, help intimes of crisis such as oods, earthquakes and droughts. In addition, theseremittances have reduced the importance of and interest in agricultureand have created a new underclass of agricultural landless labour thatnow works as tenants on the migrants farms.

Second, emigration and migration have promoted education, moreliberal values, the emancipation of women and the promotion of NGOactivities. At the same time, they have led to the break up of the extendedfamily and of clan institutions, have promoted a divide between therich and the poor at the local level and have created an immense desirein the population to go abroad, since migrants and their families have

51. For details, see Alimuddin,Salim, Arif Hasan and AsiyaSadiq (2001), Community-

driven Water and Sanitation:the Work of the Anjuman Samaji Behbood and the LargerFaisalabad Context, Pakistan ,Poverty Reduction in UrbanAreas Series, Working Paper 7,IIED, London, 88 pages.



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become role models for the rest of society. There are also indications thatthe children of migrants tend to be spoilt and arrogant. It is generallyagreed that remittance money is not saved and it is seldom invested inany productive enterprise, with the result that when migrants return, theliving standards of the family often go down. In addition, emigrationis more often than not accompanied by loneliness and depression, bothof the emigrants and their wives, who are left behind in Pakistan.Also, when emigration is undertaken illegally, the emigrants family isconstantly concerned about his safety, as there is no news for long periodsof time. Very often, huge sums of money are paid to informal agents toarrange emigration illegally and there is always an element of risk of fraudinvolved.

Third, due to in-migration from the rural areas, under-servicedinformal settlements are developing in the small towns. Where thesesettlements are on state land, there is hope for their regularization. Intowns where there is no state land, densication of katchi abadis andthe inner cities is taking place and causing environmental degradationand social fragmentation. Informal settlements on private land are alsodeveloping in these towns but there is no likelihood of their regularization.As such, their residents are not interested in improving their homes andservices. Local government in towns that have state land can also plantheir development and expansion; however, towns that do not have stateland have to go through the long process of land acquisition, which is notsupported by the powerful landowning political families.

Fourth, as a result of better education and better lifestyles, the youngergeneration of families whose members have migrated or emigratedwant to live in the larger cities because of the better physical and socialenvironments. As a result, the areas from where they move lose politicalpower, future civil society leadership and professionals.

Fifth, in spite of a change of values and the emergence of aneconomically more powerful business community in the small towns,political power rests rmly with the traditional landowning elites. Themaintaining of this power has been helped considerably by decentral-ization and the devolution of governance systems. This is because theelected local government representatives now have complete controlover the bureaucracy, and a majority of the nazims (mayors) of the smalltowns belong to powerful landowning families. Devolution has alsocreated more unequal development because the elected leaders, unlikethe bureaucrats that they have replaced, give preference to developmentin those areas that have supported them in the election process, or areinhabited by populations who belong to their clan or political party.

Finally, a number of issues need to be addressed regarding theprocesses and repercussions of migration. Corruption by agents needs tobe controlled and the costs of migration need to be reduced. Trafckingand the processes leading to bonded labour need to be controlled andthe problems associated with illegal migration, which result in deathsand exploitation, require efforts both by the countries from where themigrants originate and the host countries. Much more needs to be doneto open up avenues for productive investment of remittances and for theprotection of the human rights of migrants in the countries to whichthey migrate. However, the most important question is Is migrationand especially emigration worth it? There is no denite answer to thisquestion.



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Migration, Small Towns and Social Transformations in Pakistan