Morad, M. Queer Jewish Divas. Jewishness and Queerness in the Life and Performance of Barbara Streisand, Bette Mideler and Olga Guillot. 2016

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     Mazal Tov, Amigos!   Jews and Popular Music

    in the Americas

      Edited by

     Amalia Ran and Moshe Morad 

    |

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     Contents

     Acknowledgements  List of Figures 

    List of Contributors   

      Introduction  1

     Amalia Ran and Moshe Morad 

    1 Is “White Christmas” a Piece of Jewish Music?  11

     Ellen Koskofff  

    2 The Musical Worlds of Jewish Buenos Aires, 1910–1940  25

     Pablo Palomino

    3 Tristes Alegrías: The Jewish Presence in Argentina’s Popular Music

     Arena  44

     Amalia Ran

    4 Jacob do Bandolim: A Jewish(-)Brazilian Composer   60

    Thomas George Caracas Garcia

    5 Walls of Sound: Lieber and Stoller, Phil Spector, the Black-Jewish

     Alliance, and the “Enlarging” of America  78

     Ari Katorza

    6 Singing from Diffference: Jewish Singers-Songwriters in the 1960s

    and 1970s  96

     Jon Stratton

    7  ¡Toca maravilloso! Larry Harlow and the Jewish Connection to

    Latin Music  109

     Benjamin Lapidus

    8 Roberto Juan Rodriguez’ Timba Talmud : Diasporic Cuban-Jewish

    Musical Convergences in New York   122 Nili Belkind 

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    9 Yiddish Song in Twenty-First Century America: Paths to

    Creativity   142

     Abigail Wood 

    10 Fight for Your Right to Partycipate: Jewish American Rappers  153

    Uri Dorchin

    11 Gypsy, Cumbia, Cuarteto, Surf, Blah Blah Blah: Simja Dujov

    and Jewish Musical Eclecticism in Argentina  171

     Lillian M. Wohl 

    12 Queer Jewish Divas: Jewishness and Queerness in the Life andPerformance of Barbra Streisand, Bette Midler, and Olga Guillot  188

     Moshe Morad 

    13 Third Diaspora Soundscapes: Music of the Jews of Islam in the

     Americas  208

     Edwin Seroussi 

      Closing Notes: The Soundstage of Jewish Life, North and South  237

     Judah M. Cohen

    Index   249

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    Queer Jewish Divas: Jewishness and Queerness

    in the Life and Performance of Barbra Streisand,Bette Midler, and Olga Guillot

     Moshe Morad 

    The divas have to make us believe that they live in their own sphere

    and that the norms and conventions that apply to everyone, do not applyto them.

    The intersection of Jewishness and queerness has been investigated by sev-

    eral Queer theorists. This essay looks at a particular musical/cultural aspect

    of this intersection—the great American Jewish divas—who became “gay

    icons” and subjects of female impersonations in drag shows. In the following

    pages, I will present three such Jewish divas who have risen from and become

    immersed in the two popular music cultures that this volume looks at—the

    North American and the Latin American. This essay explores their popularity

    and particular “gay appeal” covering the entire spectrum of American popular

    music. From the United States, Barbra Streisand and Bette Midler, both in their

    seventies now, are global divas and gay icons idolized and drag-impersonated

    in both Latin and Western cultures; less known for her Jewish roots due to the

    particular circumstances of her Cuban background is pan-Latin bolero diva

    Olga Guillot.

     All three divas have a life story and performance that resonate well with

    Mira’s descriptions of the diva and “the way she inhabits her own myth.”

    Camp, drama, and “over-the-top performance” are typical of the stage perso-

    nas of all three divas, from Streisand’s vocal melodrama, via Midler’s outra-

    geous comedy and camp, to Guillot’s heartbreaking boleros and quivering lips.

    Vanessa Knights, “Performances of Pain and Pleasure (Divas Sing the Bolero),” paper

    presented at the Institute of Popular Music Seminar Series, University of Liverpool,

    November 15, 2001, 4–5. http://www.ncl.ac.uk/sacs/POP/papers/divas.pdf. (accessedMarch 12, 2008). My translation from Spanish.

    Many of them of Jewish descent, such as Judith Butler, Eve Kosoy Sedgwick, and Daniel

    Boyarin.

    In Knights, 4–5.

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    But there are other common factors relating to their biographies, careers, and

    interaction with the audience that make them typically “Jewish” and “queer.”

    I begin this essay by reviewing the historic connection between queerness

    and Jewishness and by studying the cases of the three Jewish divas who becamemajor gay icons in their respective cultures. My objective is to examine and

    to compare issues of gender, social acceptance, Diaspora, Jewish fatalism

    and camp, religious and political non-conformism, and queerness.

      Jewishness and Queerness, Judeophobia and Homophobia

    In the introduction to their edited volume Queer Theory and the JewishQuestion, Boyarin, Itzkovitz, and Pellegrini draw an interesting comparison

    between Jewishness and queerness and claim that they are “bound up by one

    another in particularly resonant ways.”

     An interesting aspect of this queer/Jew connection is discussed by Boyarin

    in a 1997 study entitled Unheroic Conduct: The Rise of Heterosexuality and the

     Invention of the Jewish Man, in which he identies expressions of “soft” Jewish

    masculinity in the Talmud and succeeding rabbinical texts, and claims that

    a certain kind of male efffeminacy helped maintain Jewish self-affrmation

    against the hegemonic gentile (Roman at the time) virtues of male masculinity.

    This “soft” Jewish masculine tendency continued throughout the history of life

    in exile and, according to Boyarin, was challenged by Herzl and the Zionist

    movement with their idealized “muscular Jew,” which later became part of the

    macho ethos of the State of Israel.

    This “soft masculine” behavior and presentation became one of the trig-

    gers for the “feminization” and “queerication” of the Jew, as presented by

    European Judeophobes. Another factor was circumcision: “. . . little boys hear

    in the nursery that Jews have something cut offf their penises and thereby con-

    clude that they are men who become women.” This “lack of penis” is another

    trigger for contempt toward Jews, associating them with femininity, deviance,

    and homosexuality.

    Daniel Boyarin, Daniel Itzkovitz, and Ann Pellegrini, eds., Queer Theory and the Jewish

    Question (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), 1. See in Daniel Boyarin, “Homophobia and the Postcoloniality of the ‘Jewish Science’,” In Queer

    Theory and the Jewish Question, Daniel Boyarin, Daniel Itzkovitz, and Ann Pellegrini, eds.

    (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), 95.

    Boyarin, 169.

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    Historian Diane Owen Hughes describes this Jewishness/deviance connec-

    tion in Italy, during the Renaissance, when Jews and prostitutes in the city-states

     were forced to wear earrings: “a deliberate and powerful campaign of degrada-

    tion and re-marking.” However, at the same time, these two minority groups were “conated into a single class,” “a single sumptuary category . . . construed

    for the service of the state.” This “special role” of Jews and deviants in society

    can be found in many cultures; for example, the role of Jews as musicians in

    early twentieth century Iraq, or the role of homosexuals in religious practice

    in Afro-Cuban santería.

    In his essay about Marcel Proust, Jonathan Freedman pinpoints the  n

    de siècle and the early years of the twentieth century as the period in which

    “Jewish and sexually transgressive identities were molded in each other’simage.” Just as the gure of “the homosexual” “came into full crystallization

    in the later nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in psychiatric and sexo-

    logical discourse,” so too did “the Jew” as a new social type, “not as [a member]

    of a religion . . . or a culture . . . or a nation but in pathological terms that served

    the purpose of managing the proliferation of ambiguities from which the very

    concept of ‘the Jew’ emerged.”

    It is no historical coincidence that both the “modern Jew” and the “modern

    homosexual” emerged in the same period of time, and that both anti-Semitism

    and homophobia ourished simultaneously, culminating in both bearers of

    pink triangles and yellow Stars of David being sent by the Nazis to concentra-

    tion camps.

    Marginalization and discrimination led to the emergence of resistance

    movements and academic disciplines investigating their sources and sub-

     jects, and strengthened the groups’ identities and agendas, also in a similar

    timeframe. Anti-Semitism led to the Jewish emancipation movement and to

    Wissenschaft —the science of Judaism—from which modern Jewish studies

    have emerged. Likewise, lesbian and gay studies evolved in the United States

    Marjorie Garber, “Category Crises: The Way of the Cross and the Jewish Star,” in Boyarin

    et al., Queer Theory and the Jewish Question, 28.

    Garber, 28.

    Diane Owen Hughes, “Distinguishing Signs: Ear-Rings, Jews and Franciscan Rhetoric in

    the Italian Rennaisance City,” Past and Present  112 (1986): 47.

    Moshe Morad, “Kol Hashalom Mi’Baghdad” (The Voice of Peace from Baghdad),  Musaf

     Haaretz, February 1, 2008: 52. Morad, “Invertidos in Afro-Cuban religion,” The Gay & Lesbian Review Worldwide 15, no. 2

    (2008): 26–28.

    Jonathan Freedman, “Coming out of the Jewish Closet with Marcel Proust,” in Boyarin

    et al., Queer Theory and the Jewish Question, 335.

    Freedman, 336.

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    following years of discrimination, marginalization, and homophobia. In both

    cases, there is a “closet”—assimilation and a tendency on the part of group

    members to hide their ethnicity or sexual inclination—as well as a “coming

    out of the closet” process, which can be personal and/or social/political. Visual and Environmental Studies scholar Marjorie Garber takes the queer/

     Jewish connection even further and draws a connection between transgen-

    derism and modern Jewishness in her essay “Category Crises: The Way of the

    Cross and the Jewish Star.” According to Garber, both are subjects of a “category

    crisis; . . . a failure of denitional distinction,” which allows “boundary crossing

    from one (apparently distinct) category to another”; male to female, black to

     white, and Jew to Christian. Garber looks at the case of Yentl, as one of “category

    crisis.” Streisand’s performance in Yentl is discussed further in this essay.The connection between Jewishness and sexual deviance was a theme

    exploited by the Nazis in their anti-Semitic propaganda; for example, when

    excerpts from the 1927 lm  Der Fürst von Pappenheim—in which a famous

    German Jewish actor plays a vaudeville entertainer who performs in drag—

     were used to show that Jewish men “minced about in women’s clothes.”

    “Jew-as-woman” (or as an efffeminate man) is an archtype that has other

    aspects, too. One that is particularly relevant to the subject of this essay is the

     voice. According to Garber, “the way Jews supposedly spoke, with a break in the

     voice and a sing-song manner, set Jewish men apart, and linked them to femi-

    nized men or castrates.” The voice-identifying stigmata were used both in the

    context of Jews and homosexuals in the nineteenth century, further associating

     Jewishness and perversion: “The voice became itself an indication of unmanli-

    ness, a kind of aural clothing that linked Jew and ‘woman’, Jew and emasculated

    man, Jew and degenerate male homosexual.” According to Garber, this “femini-

    zation of the Jewish man—the voice, the shrug, the small hands, the extravagant

    gestures, the ‘Oriental’ aspect—manifests itself in the lexicon of cross dressing.”

    This typecasting can explain, or comprise, the background to the Jewish/

    queer diva connection—larger-than-life Jewish women or rather “women” with

    extravagant gestures and performance, who became gay icons and subjects for

    female impersonations. In our case, the Jewish queer divas are maybe outcasts

    due to both their religion and their controversial behavior and “over the top”

    Obviously, unlike African or Asian ethnicity, Jewish ethnicity can be “hidden,” as can

    homosexuality. Garber, 19.

    Garber, 27.

    Garber, 29.

    Garber, 30.

    Garber, 30.

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    performance/musicality, but this is what makes them such important musical

    gures in their respective cultures.

    Hysteria is another common connection associated with both Jews and

    homosexuals, and with the performance of our three divas. Pioneering Frenchtheorist of hysteria Jean-Martin Charcot, who inspired Freud’s work, men-

    tioned “the especially marked predisposition of the Jewish race for hysteria.”

     A similar deviant cross-gender stigma has been attributed in the United

    States to Jewish women, namely, in the “Jewish princess” stereotype, where

    “the fantasized Jewish woman crosses over into the space of ‘masculinity’

     which is put in question by the ambivalent cultural status of the Jewish man.”

    The “Jewish princess” is not only spoilt and demanding, but pushy, bossy, and

    neurotic—as are divas, especially Jewish divas.Streisand is described by theater and performance scholar Stacy Wolf as

    “the diva of divas with a well-publicized terror of live performance, Streisand

    is gossiped about equally as an egomaniacal, control-freak perfectionist . . . and

    as a frail, anxious slip of a girl.”

     Wolf mentions that as Streisand’s career has evolved:

    [H]er star-self takes on increasingly more masculine signs. Like [Sarah]

    Bernhardt, Streisand is bossy, and as each acquired money and power she

     was seen as voraciously ambitious, egotistical, and acquisitive, the epit-

    ome of the avaricious Jew . . . Like Bernhardt, Streisand’s inappropriate

    femininity was seen not only to be a sign of her “Jewishness” but to be

    caused by it.

    Midler, likewise, has a reputation for being diffcult to work with or, as she puts

    it: “I am a bitch!”

      The History of Jewish American Divas

    “Divas” are an important and characteristic component of performance arts

    (theater, ballet, and vocal music) in the cultures of both Americas (and world-

     wide). There have been the opera divas (such as Maria Callas and Montserrat

    Garber, 20. Garber, 33.

    Stacy Wolf, “Barbra’s ‘Funny Girl’ Body,” in Boyarin et al., Queer Theory and the Jewish

    Question, 246.

    Wolf, 260.

    Mark Bego, Bette Midler: Still Divine (New York: Cooper Square Press, 2002), 98.

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    Caballé), as well as divas in popular music, and theater and comedy divas—

    many of whom were Jewish and, not surprisingly, based their “diva-ness” on

    humor, mostly self-humor and self-ridicule, from Sophie Tucker, Belle Barth, and

    Totie Fields, to Joan Rivers, Bette Midler, and Barbra Streisand. Nevertheless, inthis essay I concentrate on three “musical” divas known for their voices, as well

    as for the drama, humor, and “camp” incorporated into their performance.

     While looking at the history of “Jewish vocal divas” in America, it is impor-

    tant to mention two sets of “sisters” who predated and inspired the female

     vocal group phenomenon of early 1960s’ Motown—the Andrews Sisters and

    the Barry Sisters in the late-1930s and the 1940s. The Andrews Sisters were not

     Jewish (but daughters of Greek and Norwegian immigrants; I will relate to the

    immigration/Diaspora factor in the following pages). Yet, their rst and biggesthit was an English version of the 1932 Yiddish song “Bei Mir Bist Du Schön” (To

    me you are beautiful), which became a Jewish-American hit and, subsequently,

    a pan-American hit, especially among the American troops in World War .

    Following the success of “Bei Mir Bist Du Schön,” Jewish musician and com-

    poser Sam Medofff started his Yiddish Melodies in Swing program on New York’s

    radio station and introduced to the American public two Jewish siblings:

    the Barry Sisters, who from 1937 until the mid-1950s performed jazz and popu-

    lar songs in Yiddish.

    The biggest post-1960s’ musical Jewish American divas are undoubtedly

    Barbra Streisand and Bette Midler, who “just like Sarah Bernhardt embody and

    enact the irresolvable but culturally useful contradictions of a queer, Jewish

    femininity.”

      Barbra Streisand: Queer Representations and Diva-ness, from

    Funny Girl to Yentl

     According to Wolf, Streisand represents “gay men’s love for American musicals,

    post-  feminine mystique ambition, and above all, late twentieth-century Jewish

    It is also rumored to have become a favorite of the Nazis, until it was discovered that

    the song was in fact Jewish. It was also a popular song enjoyed in secret among Jewish

    inmates in concentration camps. This information was given to me as hearsay, and alsoappears in an uncited source in Wikipedia (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Andrews_ 

    Sisters), (accessed January 2, 2015). So I refer to it as “rumor.”

    From “The Rise of Yiddish Swing.” http://www.yiddishradioproject.org/exhibits/ymis/

    (accessed January 2, 2015).

    Wolf, 261.

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     American femininity.” This “Jewish femininity” portrayed” in body (her nose),

     voice (frequent yiddishisms), and behavior (aggressiveness)” contradicts the

    feminine ideal in American culture, and is therefore “queer.” According to New

    Testament and Jewish studies scholar Amy-Jill Levine, the Jewish woman “onstage” is “more and less than ‘woman’,” and, as stated by art historian Carol

    Ockman in her essay about Sarah Bernhardt, she represents a “womanhood

    gone awry.” Consequently, “this is exactly what makes American gays identify

     with Jewish women and love the Jewish divas, from Sophie Tucker to Barbra

    Streisand.”

    Moreover, “Jewishness is what Barbra does” claims Wolf, albeit a “Jewishness

     with a diffference.” Her refusal to have a “nose job”—much publicized

    in the mid 1960s—was seen as an act of resistance to “the desire of invisibility,the desire to become ‘white,’ [which] lies at the center of the [Diasporic] Jew’s

    ight from his or her own body.” This insistence on maintaining the “mark

    of diffference” and resistance to assimilation is reminiscent of the gay-rights

    movement’s ght for visual recognition, with the waving of the rainbow ag,

    defying the “don’t ask, don’t tell” policy, and further—the queer movement’s

    insistence on visuality, even if it is outside the male-or-female norms.

    In the 1968 lm Funny Girl , Streisand plays the role of early twentieth-century

     vaudeville star Fanny Brice, and “knits together queerness and Jewishness to

    create a ‘woman’ who, in body, gesture, voice, and character, is indeed a ‘funny

    girl’.” Via the story of Fanny Brice, the lm looks back at the history of the

     American musical theater (in its earlier form; the Vaudeville), and sheds light

    on the queerness of the genre and its queer/Jewish connection.

    Wolf, 246.

    Wolf, 247.

    Amy-Jill Levine, “A Jewess, More and/or Less,” in Judaisn since Gender , Miriam Peskowitz,and Laura Levitt, eds. (New York: Routledge, 1997), 151.

    Carol Ockman, “When Is a Jewish Star Just a Star? Interpreting Images of Sarah Bernhardt,”

    The Jew in the Text: Modernity and the Construction of Identity, Linda Nochlin, and Tamar

    Garb, eds. (London: Thames and Hudson, 1995), 138.

    Personal Interview: Joel Cohen, a gay American Jewish actor, 2014.

    Wolf, 251.

    Sander Gilman, The Jew’s Body (London: Routledge, 1991), 235.

    Wolf, 251.

    Wolf, 247. The use of “woman” in quotation marks here, and on other occasions in thisessay, is not incidental. In  Notes on “Camp,”   the 1964 essay by Jewish-American writer

    Susan Sontag, who dened camp  as a gay sensitivity celebrating articiality and exag-

    geration, Sontag writes: “Camp sees everything in quotation marks. It’s not a lamp, but a

    ‘lamp’; not a woman, but a ‘woman’.”

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    It should be noted that the twentieth-century American musical theater

    genre, known as “the musical” was created by Jews (with the exception of Cole

    Porter who was not Jewish, but was gay). The genre as a whole “offfers queer

    spectatorial interventions,” with “overt displays of vocal aptitude and physicalprowess, that is, by its own pleasure in its own performativity.”

    The “gayness” and gay appeal of musicals is articulated by gender studies

    and communication scholar Alexander Doty who writes about their “femi-

    nine,” or “efffeminized,” aesthetic, camp, and emotive genre characteristics

    (spectacular décor and costuming, intricate choreography, and singing about

    romantic yearning and fulllment), with reference to the more hidden cultural

    history of gay erotica centered on men in musicals.

    In between  Funny Girl  andYentl , in 1979 Streisand took a step further into“gay territory” and strengthened her connection with the global gay commu-

    nity with a disco hit; a duet with disco diva Donna Summer, which became an

    instant gay club anthem—“No More Tears (Enough Is Enough),” a sentimental

    ballad intro, which turns into an over-dramatic, pulsating dance-oor hit. She

    has never performed this song live with Donna Summer, but it became one of

    her best-selling hits and added another dimension to her musical gay appeal.

    In the 1983 musical lm Yentl , Streisand took the Jewish/queer connection

    further with a story involving cross-dressing/cross-gender in the Orthodox

     Jewish sphere. Based on Isaac Bashevis Singer’s short story “Yentl the Yeshiva

    Boy,” Streisand plays a Polish Jewish girl who decides to dress and live like a

    man so that she can become a yeshiva boy and study the Talmud.

    In this connection, Boyarin, Itzkovitz, and Pellegrini raise the ultimate

    queer question relating to the historic stereotypes described above: “If a Jewish

     woman can pass as a man, [is] this . . . because, at least according to stereotype,

    she is already a man? . . . or, perhaps, and just as well, a Jewish girl can be a

     Jewish boy, because Jewish boys are already girls?”

    Streisand as Yentl added another dimension of queerness to Bashevis’

    story. In her own Jewishness and stage persona as described above, Streisand

    constantly portrays the non-typical American woman; “a self-made phallic

     woman, the one who refused to decapitate or castrate herself”. Furthermore,

    in Yentl , Streisand proves that she can be not only a phallic woman but also a

    Wolf, 248. Alexander Doty,  Making Things Perfectly Queer: Interpreting Mass Culture (Minneapolis:

    University of Minnesota Press, 1993), 10.

    Boyarin et al., 7.

    Garber, 24.

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    cute boy, as Hollywood producer Howard Rosenman once told her: “You were

    fabulous as a boy. Anshel was very sexy.”

      The Divine Miss M

    Bette Midler started her musical career as an entertainer in the Continental

    Baths—New York’s notorious gay sauna—in 1970, well before the era,

    performing to gay men wrapped in towels in between their sexual activities.

    The gay patrons made Bette a cult gure.

    Midler describes how, in order to keep the attention of the boys in towels,

    she mixed her singing with high camp comedy. In what was meant to be a nega-

    tive review, Arthur Bell of the Village Voice wrote that she resembled “a woman

    impersonating a man impersonating a woman.” Still, “most patrons loved her

    sense of humor and were raving about the Jewish girl in the baths who spoke

    Graber, 21.

    Interview with Bette Midler by Roger Ebert, 1980. http://www.Rogerebert.Com/Inter

     views/Interview-With-Bette-Midler (accessed January 2, 2015).

    .

     Barbra Streisand, 2003. Manns

     Bruin Theater / Westwood, , .

    : / /

    .

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    our  language.” In an interview Midler says: “When I was working at the baths

    I could go there and feel right at home. I picked up the gay sense of humor,

    almost like a sponge.” In another she said: “I think I just have a queer eye.”

    It is no coincidence that Jack and his fellow patrons at the ContinentalBaths described her as “the Jewish girl.” Midler was and remained a typical

    “Jewish girl,” mixing a Jewish sense of humor with a camp/queer one. When

    I went to see her performance in New Jersey in 1993, the audience was clearly

    divided into two distinctive groups: middle-aged Jews and gays. Midler played

    throughout the performance, making hilarious comments on both audiences

    and frequently bringing up their common connection to fate and humor. She

    combined a sense of tragedy and drama in her songs with camp and humor

    in her patter, interspersing Yiddishisms with “gay language.” When speakingof Streisand, Midler described her as “that over-priced yenta” ( yenta mean-

    ing a “gossipy old woman” and also referring to Yentl) to the laughter of the

    audience, but then quickly switched to tragic mood and began singing a heart-

    breaking ballad from The Rose, her 1979 lm debut in which she portrayed a

    doomed, drug-addicted, rock ‘n’ roll singer.

    Midler’s “gay appeal” encompasses her full range—from vulgar/high camp

    to her dramatic singing from The Rose. I have seen many drag-queens imper-

    sonating both the funny “Miss M.” and her various stage characters, as well as

    her powerful, heartrending performances from The Rose.

    More than any other diva, Midler represents the duality (and sometimes

    conict) between being an American Jew (she observes some of the religion’s

    practices in her personal life) and a gay icon. In a 2003 interview on ,

    Midler hesitated when asked about her views regarding gay marriage, a much

    discussed topic at the time in the United States:

    . . . when it comes to religion, I don’t really know what to say because

    I’m—I’m in my tribe, and I try to be a good Jew, but on the other hand, I

    don’t know what the—how people feel. My feeling is, well, who’s it really

    going to hurt? But then, if you’re a religious person, you’re get all knocked

    out because of the things that . . . [sic]

    Private interview, 2011; Jack, 64 years old, a regular patron at the Continental Baths at the

    time Midler performed there. Interview with Bette Midler by Roger Ebert, 1980.

    Interviewed by Larry King on , 2003. http://edition.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0311/26/

    lkl.00.html. (accessed January 2, 2015).

    http://transcripts.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0311/26/lkl.00.html (accessed January 2, 2015).

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      “La vida es una mentira” (Life Is a Lie): Queer Bolero and Olga

    Guillot

    In my doctoral dissertation and subsequent monograph about music and gay

    identity in Cuba, I argue that bolero music, which had its heyday in the 1930s

    and 1940s, re-emerged as an important emotional musical space among gay

    men in Cuba during the “Special Period,” an extended open-ended era of eco-

    nomic crisis, austerity, depression, and radical social and cultural changes,

     which began in the early 1990s with the loss of nancial support due to the fallof the .

    One of the greatest heroes of the genre is Olga Guillot, a gay icon and diva,

     who left Cuba in 1961, due to her opposition to the Castro regime. Olga was

    .   Bette Midler, 2014. “It’s the Girls” album cover.

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    one of the most popular subjects for impersonation in numerous drag shows

    I attended in Cuba and in the Cuban gay diaspora. I found her cassettes in the

    music collections of all gay bolero fans whom I met in Cuba, although they

     were banned for years due to her political dissidence and “betrayal.”Spanish American literature scholar and author of “Tropics of Desire:

    Interventions from Queer Latino America” José Quiroga describes the audi-

    ence at Olga Guillot’s concert in Madrid in 1998 as “a sentimental commu-

    nity, constructed around La Guillot as signier.” One might say that in Cuba

    there exists a “virtual sentimental community” composed of a network of

    Olga Guillot fans who listen to her s and cassettes in the privacy of their

    homes. Cuban gays, who have never had the chance to see her perform live,

    have adopted her as a symbol of escapism, fantasy, drama, and resistance tooppression. Many gay bolero fans told me that they identify closely with the

    lyrics of her songs, such as “La mentira” (The lie), and “Miénteme” (Lie to me),

    since they reect their way of life. Many of them “live a lie”: they lie to others

    and accept that others lie to them.

    During my eldwork in Cuba, I kept hearing rumors about the Jewishness of

    Guillot. I could not nd any offcial evidence in the Cuban literature or press, or

    in the Jewish community les. Yet many of my informants insisted that ella era

      judía (she was Jewish). One of them showed me an old album cover showing

    the young Olga wearing a Star of David necklace. Apparently, she wore such a

    necklace many times throughout her life, both before and after leaving Cuba.

    I came across various pictures of Guillot wearing a Star of David necklace,

    taken in diffferent periods of her life. An uncited list of Jewish Latin American

    singers on Wikipedia mentioned her, but that was about the only reference

    I could nd online to Olga’s Jewishness.

    It is important to understand that Cuba became offcially atheist during

    the Revolution. This caused the Jewish community, as well as other religious

    communities, to go “underground” for many years. Therefore, as in the case of

    the Soviet Union, Jewish roots are sometimes diffcult to trace. Only recently

    I came across an interview which Olga gave in 2003 to the Argentinean news-

    paper Clarín, in which she clearly says that the reason she wears a Star of

    David is to honor her biological father who was Jewish, and that at the age of

    ten she converted to Christianity (perhaps meaning that the whole family con-

    José Quiroga, Tropics of Desire: Intervensions from Queer Latino America (New York andLondon: New York University Press), 148.

    The title of this section, “Life Is a Lie,” is from the lyrics of this song.

    http://old.clarin.com/diario/2003/07/05/c-01601.htm (accessed January 2, 2015). Many

    thanks to Graciela Dyzenchauz for bringing this interview to my attention.

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     verted and obtained a Christian identity). Uncited sources in Wikipedia and

    in the -Hispanic Contacto magazine (2001) claim that Guillot performed in

    Israel in the early 1960s. I found out that Guillot visited Israel in 1986 as part

    of a delegation of the Free Cuban Community in Exile of Miami Beach for theplantation of a forest in honor of Cuban poet José Martí.

    Being of Catalan origin, it is probable that Guillot’s father (and heritage) was

    Sephardi, unlike most Cuban Jews who are of Ashkenazi/Eastern European

    descent. Whereas her Jewish origins are obscured and barely discussed, due

    to the particular circumstances prevailing in Cuba, Guillot, like Streisand and

    Midler, symbolizes a certain rebellion and dissidence against the “normative’

    hegemony. In her case, it is both a political (anti-Castro) and (homo)sexual dis-

    sidence, adding further appeal to Cuban gays. As Juanito, a 55-year-old Cubangay activist and drag queen told me, in a personal interview:

    I always kept my cassette of Olga, even when I was hiding from the police

    in the days, and still have it. It’s in my collection, together with

    the pictures and love-letters from my lovers. It is in my little secret “homo-

    sexual box,” a little safe storing my true identity, even when I have to pre-

    tend to the outside world that I am something else.

    Her Jewishness adds another layer of non-conformism and “secrecy,” as

    expressed in the almost whispered comment from Juanito in my ear: “Ella era

     judía.”

    Sources: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Olga_Guillot.; http://www.contactomagazine.com/

    olga100.htm (accessed January 5, 2015). I could nd no further written or recorded evi-

    dence regarding the concert in Israel. Regarding the visit, I wish to thank Graciela

    Dyzenchauz and Shoshana Levin for the information, and to Sharon Freedman at the

    for digging up the detail about the delegation and the plantation.

    , Unidades Militares de Ayuda a la Producción (military units to aid prduction),

     were notorious labor camps operated by the Cuban government from November 1965 to July 1968, as an alternative form of military service, for “anti revolutionary” Cuban men

    including pacists, hippies, and homosexuals. Life in the was deccribed in Renaldo

     Arena’s book “Before the Night Falls” and the lm based on it (directed by Julian Schnabel,

    2000).

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      Common Factors: Camp, Tragedy, Diaspora, and . . . “What-a-Voice!”

    There are a number of common factors in the life and performance of our

    three divas, which I will bring now as a way of conclusion. When it comes to

    their “look,” none of them convey typical sexist criteria for female attractive-

    ness: Streisand has her uncompromising long nose and “phallic woman” image;

    Midler and Guillot were quite chubby during most of their career, portray-

    ing if anything a “motherly” rather than a “sexy” image, based on both North

     American and Latin American sexist “show business” standards.

    Perhaps compensation for the non-conventional look, or part of it, is the

    “larger-than-life” voice, full of emotion and drama, which is a factor common

    to all three divas; more obviously, in the case of Streisand and Guillot, but also

    in that of Midler, as demonstrated in The Rose. Wolf pinpoints a certain duality/

    contradiction in Streisand’s performing vocality: “if Barbra’s spoken voice, as in‘Hello, gorgeous?’ continually reperforms her Jewishness (conated with New

     York, Brooklyn, working-class, urban and East Coast), her singing voice takes

    .

    Olga Guillot, 2007. 8th Annual Latin

    Grammy Awards, Las Vegas, , .: / .

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    her elsewhere: to the blues of African American women singers, to the belting

    of Ethel Merman, to the crooning of the developing rock ‘n’ roll.”

    The same can be said about Midler and Guillot: a singing voice, which has

    “a life of its own,” transcends the day-to-day, and the “spoken voice,” whichoften, in the case of Midler, is harsh, loud, and “vulgar”—so diffferent from her

    emotional singing voice, as demonstrated in The Rose. A review of her per-

    formance in the  New York Daily News describes it thus: “when the current is

    on and that oh-so-clever patter is offf, she is very special, for her voice goes deep

    and her voice gets throaty, her voice goes folksy, and her voice goes bluesy.”

    Indeed, in the cases of all three divas, the young girls growing up in immi-

    grant families of European origin adopted singing voices and genres typical of

    the Afro-diasporic musical heritage of their host countries—blues and soul forMidler and Streisand, and bolero for Guillot—and perfected them to a voice

     with a “life of its own,” which has the ability to empower and create an emo-

    tional space, so necessary for their gay audiences.

    Drama and tragedy constitute another common factor in the performance

    of the three singers. Tragedy is an important component of Yiddish/Jewish but

    also of queer culture, with an ongoing dialogue between “Tragedy and Trash,”

    as indicated by the title of Moon’s essay about the common themes of Yiddish

    theater and Queer theater:

     What the great tragic and comic performance traditions of Yiddish and

    queer theaters remind us is that in this new millennium impulses to

    curse and lament and impulses to laugh and play do not necessarily arise

    at any safe distance from each other. Impulses toward grief and toward

    mockery and self-mockery disorient our ordinary sense of distance and

    diffference between the playhouse . . . And scenes of death and loss—

    between the house of mirth and the house of mourning.

    I attended a performance of Bette Midler in which she said in order to dem-

    onstrate the strong connection of Yiddish culture to tragedy: “us, Jews, we love

    to say how bad we feel. Do you know that in Yiddish there is only one word to

    say you are happy, Freilech, and dozens of words to say how unhappy you are?”

    Wolf, 251, 2. Michael LaChetta, “Not Divine . . . but Miss M Is Very Special,” The New York Daily News.

    December 4, 1973.

    Michael Moon, “Tragedy and Trash: Yiddish Theater and Queer Theater, Henry James,

    Charles Ludlam, Ethyl Eichelberger,” in Boyarin et al., Queer Theory and the Jewish

    Question, 288.

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    Feeling victimized, whether justied or not, is typical of Yiddish culture and

    many Yiddish songs.

    Barbra Streisand is known for her melodramatic performance, as too is

    Olga Guillot, with her quivering lips on the verge of crying, and tragic expres-sions, when singing about being betrayed, heartbroken, and victimized, the

    typical themes of bolero lyrics. Being victimized—as in many aspects in

    the life and performance of the diva—can sometimes cross from the stage to

    real life and vice versa. This essay is not about the personal life stories of the

    three singers, but about what they represent for their audiences. Still the title

    of the previously cited interview with Olga Guillot in Clarín, quoting her as

    saying  Me maltrataron mucho  (I was much mistreated) represents this self-

     victimization cross-over.

      Camp

    The connection between Jewish, camp and queer has a strong presentation in

     Funny Girl ; as Wolf puts it, “once Fanny’s rise to fame begins, each rise to her suc-

    cess nds Jewishness undermining.” This is presented via a parody of feminin-

    ity and heterosexuality, and ridiculing heteronormativity by way of Jewishness,

    such as the Yiddish chicken dance version of Swan Lake (Schvan Lak ), “mocking

    the ethnic normativity of a ‘white’, European, high-art form.” Interestingly, this

    take-offf of Swan Lake has since become a “standard” in gay culture, with male-

    only versions of the ballet, such as Les Ballets Trockadero de Monte Carlo. So, in

    a way, a “Jewish” parody of the ballet turned into a queer version.

    Finally, “queer” Fanny is “heterosexualized” by the “Arab prince,” Egyptian

    heartthrob Omar Sharif, who reaffrms: “You are woman. I am man. Let’s kiss.”

    Streisand’s own Jewish camp humor was noted by Sharif at a press conference

    I attended as a journalist in London:

     When Funny Girl  came out, just after the Six Day War with Israel, I was

    attacked by virtually the whole Arab press for kissing an “enemy” woman.

     When I called Barbra to tell her about the headlines in the Arab press, her

    reaction was [imitating a “Jewish princess” accent]: “Well, do you think

    only the Arabs were angry? You should hear what my aunt had to say

    about that.”

    See the section “Like a Knife Stuck in the Heart,” about bolero lyrics, in Moshe Morad,

     Fiesta de diez pesos: Music and Gay Identity in Special Period Cuba (Farnham & Burlington:

     Ashgate, 2015), 193–200.

    Wolf, 255.

    Wolf, 255.

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      Diaspora

    “Diaspora is essentially queer,” claims Boyarin. The Jewish/queer connec-

    tion is therefore reinforced by the diasporic factor and is strongly reected and

    represented in the life stories and artistry of the queer Jewish divas. Streisandand Midler are both second generation Americans of Eastern European Jewish

    origin—Midler born in Hawaii to a Jewish family who migrated from New

     Jersey; Streisand, born in Brooklyn, is the daughter of Jewish immigrants from

    Poland, Ukraine, and Russia.

    In the case of Olga Guillot the diasporic factor is double and even triple,

    constantly present in her life and psychology until her death in Miami in 2000.

    Perhaps her Jewishness is doubtful but her life story ts well into the “wander-

    ing Jew” image: born to immigrants of Catalan Jewish origin, migrating fromSantiago de Cuba to Havana at an early age, and then following the Revolution

    to Venezuela, later moving to Mexico, and ending her life in Florida, where

    she became both an icon-in-exile for gays in Cuba and an icon to Cuban

    gays-in-exile.

     Adding to her own life story, her music, bolero, has its own diasporic nature,

    as the genre itself “migrated” from Santiago to Havana, and from Cuba to

    Mexico, and onward.

      Epilog: Viva La Diva Sionista!—from Dana to Madonna

     A further strong connection of diva/Jewish/queer//Latino was evident

    following the 1998 win of Israeli transgender singer Dana International at

    the Eurovision Song Contest, with a song appropriately titled “Viva La Diva.”

    Dana’s achievement gave a major boost to the gay pride and gay rights move-

    ment in Israel, and had an impact, too, on European and even global gay and

    transgender acceptance and rights.

    The spontaneous winning night party of gay Israelis in Tel Aviv’s streets with

    rainbow ags echoed throughout the gay Jewish world. Dana International,

    born as Yaron Cohen in 1969 to a Jewish family of Yemenite origin, indeed

    became an “international” diva and gay icon, with a particularly strong inu-

    ence on Hispanic gays in the United States.

    Boyarin quoted in Aisa Solomon, “Viva la Diva Citizenship: Post-Zionism and Gay Rights,”

    in Boyarin et al., Queer Theory and the Jewish Question, 160.

    Morad, Fiesta de diez pesos, 186–7.

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    Many years after the 1998 win, the song “Viva La Diva” still is a hit in La

    Escuelita, a Latino gay club in Manhattan, and Dana is the subject of endless

    impersonations by Latino drag queens.

    During my visit to La Escuelita in the early 2000s, I saw Latino gays watch-ing video clips of Dana with admiration, and the dance oor instantly lled

     with dancers with elaborate “camp” movements when the played a dance

    remix of “Viva la Diva.” Later in the evening, another highlight of audience

    enthusiasm was when a Puerto Rican drag queen, impersonating Dana, mimed

    a Spanish version of “Viva la Diva.” Interestingly, with Dana’s rise, the macho

    Israeli image, which contradicted the “Jewish efffeminate” one as described

    above, has turned into a camp/in-your-face, queer “chutzpa.”

    On the gay Hispanic and Latin American scenes, Dana became a gayicon, resonating with Latin American drag queens and transgenders, with

    her dark/ “Latino” look and use of Spanish, Spanglish, and Spanish/gibberish

    expressions in her songs (such as “Viva la Diva” and “Loca”). Madonna added

    another Jewish/queer/diva connection with her much publicized interest in

     Jewish Kabbala and support of Israel. In 2004, the press announced that she

    had decided to adopt the Jewish Biblical name of Esther as part of her adop-

    tion of Kabbala, triggering a major wave of Jewish delight/pride and even

    more gay/Jewish pride. The news about Madonna’s transformation to Esther

     was also spread in the Spanish language media in the United States and Latin

     America (such as the headline in the popular Mexican newspaper El Universal  

    on June 18, 2004: “Madonna cambia de nombre, ahora se llama Esther”). In

    2009 during her concert in Tel Aviv to kick offf her “Sticky and Sweet” world

    tour, Madonna/Esther wrapped herself in an Israeli ag, bringing yet another

    dimension to the American/global queer/Jewish/diva connection. The

    Israeli ag “wrap” was published in the media around the world, including

    the Spanish media in the Americas (“La bandera israelí de Madonna enfurece

    a los palestinos,” in El Mundo). As indicated in the headline, it enraged pro-

    Palestinian groups around the world, but was welcomed by Jewish gay groups

    in both the United States and Latin America, and even celebrated in some

    gay parties I attended in both Americas at the end of 2009, with drag queens

    impersonating Madonna wrapping themselves in the Israeli ag.

    http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/espectaculos/53639.html (accessed January 5, 2015).

    Haaretz Service, Associated Press and City Mouse Online, September 1, 2009, 9:27 pm,http://www.haaretz.com/news/madonna-in-tel-aviv-israel-is-the-energy-center-of-the-

     world-1.283075 (accessed on January 5, 2015).

    http://www.elmundo.es/elmundo/2009/09/03/orienteproximo/1251976330.html

    (accessed January 5, 2015).

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    In one such drag show at a party of Latino gays in Miami I attended,

    following a drag queen impersonating Madonna, the compere presented a

    Dana International-look-alike by hailing: “Viva la diva sionista!” (Viva the

    Zionist diva!)

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