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Morphological Complexityand Language Contact
Marianne MithunUniversity of California, Santa Barbara
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1. Morphological Complexity
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Many morphemes per word?
Many in every word?Many in every verb?
Average number of morphemes/word?Highest possible number of morphemes per word?
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Iroquoian family, Northeastern North America
Mohawk
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Mohawk Verb
Tha’tewakatonnhatierónnion.tha’-te-wak-at-onnh-at-ier-onni-onCONTRASTIVE-DUPLICATIVE-1SG.PAT-MID-life-MID-do-DIST-STATIVE
‘My life was really quite strange.’
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But consider the full sentence.
Iáh ki’ nowén:ton nahò:ten’iah ki’ n=o-went-on na-w-o’t-en’not actually the=N-ever-STATIVE PRTV-N-be.a.kind.of-PFVnot actually ever anything‘There was actually never anything
tha’tewakatonnhatierónnion.tha’-te-wak-at-onnh-at-ier-onni-onCONTRASTIVE-DV-1SG.PAT-MIDDLE-life-MIDDLE-do-DIST-STATIVEmy life was quite strangeunusual about my life.’
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Number of slots in a template?Mohawk Verb Template
CTR TL FAC DL FUT CL PROAGT
PROPAT
MD NS LK VR INCH CS INS BN DS AND ASP TAM
CNC IRR REP RFL REV
PRT
NEG
CTR CONTRASTIVE CL CISLOCATIVE CS CAUSATIVE
CNC COINCIDENT RP REPETITIVE INS INSTRUMENTAL
PRT PARTITIVE MD MIDDLE APPLICATIVE
TL TRANSLOCATIVE RFL REFLEXIVE BN BENEFACTIVE
FAC FACTUAL NS NOUN STEM APPLICATIVE
DL DUPLICATIVE LK LINKER DS DISTRIBUTIVE
FUT FUTURE VR VERB ROOT AND ANDATIVE
IRR IRREALIS INCH INCHOATIVE ASP ASPECTS
NEG NEGATIVE REV REVERSIVE TAM TENSE ETC. 7
Usually not all slots filled
CTR TL FAC DL FUT CL PROAGT
PROPAT
MD NS LK VR INCH CS INS BN DS AND ASP TNS
CNC IRR REP RFL REV
PRT
NEG
Thóhson.t-ho-ihs-onCISLOCATIVE-M.SG.PATIENT-finish-STATIVE
‘He has finished.’
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Usually not all slots filled
CTR TL FAC DL FUT CL PROAGT
PROPAT
MD NS LK VR INCH CS INS BN DS AND ASP TNS
CNC IRR REP RFL REV
PRT
NEG
Thóhson.t-ho-ihs-onCISLOCATIVE-M.SG.PATIENT-finish-STATIVE
‘He has finished.’
And not all languages are templatic.9
Eskimo-Aleut Family
Central Alaskan Yup’ik
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Number of bound morphemesin the inventory?
Central Alaskan Yup’ik Eskimo
One initial rootHierarchical derivational suffixes: ~500
Inflectional endings: ~ 450
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Cognitive separation of morphemes?
MohawkOntkáhtho’ [utkáhthoʔ]wa’-w-at-kahtho-’FACTUAL-N.AGT-MID-look-PFV
‘It saw it.’ [u] = wa’-w-a
Sequences of affixes are often lexicalized, processed as chunks,
probably much more than we realize.12
Cognitive separation of morphemes?
Yup’ikAyagciqsugnarqua.ayag-ciqe-yugnarqe-u-ago-FUTURE-probably-INTR.INDICATIVE-1SG
‘I’ll probably go.’
Suffix -yugnarqe-‘probably’-yuke- -narqe-‘think.that’ ‘tend.to.cause.one.to’
-nar-‘cause’ . . . 13
Phonological Processes?
Seneca (Iroquoian)ia:s ‘he eats’i-hra-k-sPROTHETIC-M.SG.AGT-eat-HAB
*r > 0 from masculine prefixes (contact)[-son] > 0 / __s #
Verbs must be at least two syllables. Add prothetic i if only one14
Where does elaborate morphologycome from?
Grammaticalization then fusion
pronouns > pronominal affixesauxiliarites > aspect affixes
etc.
Fusion then grammaticalization
compounded root > affix
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2. North America
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Languages Indigenous to North America17
North American LanguagesNorth of Mexico
Around 275 languages
Around 55 Genetic GroupsVarious sized groups
26 isolatesUto-Aztecan 31 languages
Athabaskan-Eyak-Tlingit 37 languages
Varying Documentation
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3. Arguments and predicate within the one word
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Pronominal Affixes
Just how much pronominal referencedo we need?
All core arguments?
Should every one be represented overtly?
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Yup’ik Pronominal Suffixes All core: 1, 2, 3, 3R
Elitnautuielitnaur-tu-a-iteach-customarily-TRANSITIVE.INDICATIVE-3SG/3PL
‘He teaches them.’
Paqciiqaqa.paqete-ciiqe-ar-kago.check-FUTURE-TRANSITIVE.INDICATIVE-1SG/3SG
‘I’ll go check it.’21
Languages with All Core Arguments: 1, 2, 3 22
But not all or nothing
Often unmarked
3rd person inanimate objects3rd person objects
3rd person topical subjects3rd person absolutives
3rd persons
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NavajoAthabaskan-Eyak-Tlingit
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Navajo1, 2, some 3
naa-sh-né ‘I am playing’na-ni-né ‘you are playing’naané ‘(he or she) is playing’
ha-sh-niłteeh ‘You are carrying me up.’ha-ni-shteeh ‘I am carrying you up.’haniłteeh ‘You are carrying (him/her) up.’
ha-bi-łteeh ‘(He/she/it) is carrying him/her (PROX).’ha-i-łteeh ‘(He/she) is carrying him/her/it (OBV).’
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ChoctawMuskogean family, Oklahoma, Mississippi, Louisiana
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ChoctawJust 1, 2
Baliili-li-tok. ‘I ran.’Ish-baliili-tok. ‘You ran.’Baliili-tok. ‘(He/she/it/they) ran.’
Chi-pisa-li-tok. ‘I saw you’Is-sa-písa-tok ‘You saw me.’
Pisa-li-tok ‘I saw (him/her/it/them)’Ish-pisa-tok. ‘You saw (him/her/it/them)’
Sa-pisa-tok. ‘(He/she/it/they) saw me’Chi-pisa-tok. ‘(He/she/it/they) saw you.’Pisa-tok. ‘(He/she/it/they) saw (him/her/it/them)’
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Not all or nothing
Clitics
subject clausal enclitics, object verb suffixesergative enclitics, absolutive suffixes
all clitics
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Siuslaw29
SiuslawSubject enclitics, Object suffixes
Yaʔkʷs=ɨn tša:qáqa-u:n.seal=1SG.SUBJECT spear.RDP-3OBJECT
‘I was spearing a seal.’
Frachtenberg, Leo 1914. Lower Umpqua texts and notes on the Kusan dialect. Columbia University Contributions to
Anthropology 4. New York: Columbia University Press. 68.8.30
Pronominal Reference to Some Core Arguments31
Languages with only free pronouns32
Impressive Stability
Nearly all pronominal affix systemsalready present in parent
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4. Noun IncorporationNOUN-VERB compounding
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Not necessary to make a verb a clausebut can reduce the number
of lexical arguments
Varyingrobustness
usesproductivity
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Robust, Pervasive, ProductiveMohawk
Wahonwahró:ri’ é:ren roia’tenhá:wiht,wa-honwa-hrori-’ eren ro-ia’t-enhawi-htFACT-M.PL/M.SG-tell-PFV away M.SG.PAT-body-carry-CAUS
they told him away he should bodily carry him
kí:ken rahnekakà:stha’.kiken ra-hnek-a-ka’st-ha’this M.SG.AGT-liquid-overdo-HAB
this he liquid overdoes
‘They told him to remove this drunkard.’ 36
NOUN-VERB VERB STEM
NOUN - VERB
-ia’t-enhawiht ‘body-remove’ = ‘remove anim physically’
NOUN - VERB
-hnek-ka’st ‘liquid-overdo’= ‘drink to excess’
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Siouan Languages38
Pervasive but more Restricted Lakhota
Wakšíyužažayo!wakši-yu-žaža=yodish-pulling-stir.in.water=M.IMPV
‘Wash the dishes!’ = ‘Dishwash!’
Large number of NOUN-VERB compoundsWord formation device
Generic activities, recurring situations
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Lexicalization
lol- ‘pertaining to food’lol’ígni ‘look for food’lol’óphethuŋ ‘buy grocerieslol’íh’aŋ ‘cook (deal with food)’lol’íšičA ‘be greedy with food’
Now no independent noun lol40
Archaic, Non-productiveChoctaw
Identifiable nouns inside of a few verbsok- ‘water/eye’nok- ‘neck’ ibi-/ibak ‘nose/face’ yosh ‘hair/head’
Only ok- corresponds to independent noun in Choctaw.
Others correspond to cognate nouns in other Muskogean languages.
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Choctaw relicsok-shalolih ‘have sunken eyes’ok-mochoolih ‘close the eyes’
ok-chabaahah ‘be thick (of liquid), viscous’ok-loboshlih ‘to sink’
ibak-tokolih ‘be blunt-nosed’ibii-kowah ‘have a nosebleed’
yosh-bonoochih ‘roll (hair)’yosh-milaalih ‘be totally bald’ 42
Noun Incorporation 43
Noun incorporation constructionscan continue to evolve to productive affixation
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Algonquian Languages
Innu
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Innu (Montagnais) MedialsLyn Drapeau, p.c.
Matineumesheu nutaui.ma:tənwe:-me:š-e:w n-uta:wi:share-fish-FIN.AI-3 1-father
‘My father shares out fish.’
VERB-NOUN > VERB-SUFFIX
Some suffixes resemble independent nouns others do not.
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[NOUN-VERB]V [PREFIX-VERB]VNavajo
Dá’ák’enáhi’niilcháá’.da’ák’e-ná-hi-’-ni-ii-l-cháá’field-back-one.after.the.other-NPFV-1DU.SUBJECT-CL-two.run.PFV
‘We two snuck back into the field.’
-l-chaa’ ‘two run’
dá’ak’e- ‘field’ < dá’ák’eh ‘field, cornfield’ dá’- < dáá ‘food, corn’ -k’eh ‘place’
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Tsimshianic Languages 48
[VERB-NOUN]V [PREFIX-NOUN]VNisgha
ḳim- Prefix ‘buy’ḳim-ksláw’iskʷ ‘buy a shirt’ḳim-pó:t ‘buy a boat’
’is- Prefix ‘smell of’’is-hó:n ‘to smell of fish’’is-lá:m ‘to smell of alcohol’
Some prefixes resemble root counterparts.
Tarpent, Marie-Lucie 1987. A grammar of the Nisgha language. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Victoria, B.C. 49
[VERB-NOUN]V [PREFIX-NOUN]VNisgha
ḳim- Prefix ‘buy’ Verb root kí:kʷ ‘buy’ḳim-ksláw’iskʷ ‘buy a shirt’ḳim-pó:t ‘buy a boat’
’is- Prefix ‘smell of’ Verb root ’iskʷ ‘stink’’is-hó:n ‘to smell of fish’’is-lá:m ‘to smell of alcohol’
Some prefixes resemble root counterparts.
Tarpent, Marie-Lucie 1987. A grammar of the Nisgha language. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Victoria, B.C. 50
Salishan languages 51
‘Lexical’ AffixesLillooet, Salishan
Some specific in meaning, some abstract, general
-qs ‘nose, point, protruding part, direction’nís-qs-am’ ‘to blow one’s nose’xát-qs-an’ ‘to lift up one end of a log’ƛ’iq-qs ‘to reach over here’ (to the tip or end of something)cuɫ-qs-ən ‘to point a finger at someone when angry’
xat- ‘lift up’, ƛ’iq- ‘arrive here’, cuɫ- ‘point at’, etc.
Eijk, Jan van 1997. The Lillooet Language. Vancouver: University of British Columbia 95.52
Descendants of Noun IncorporationLexical Affixes 53
Widespread Means/Manner PrefixesCentral Pomo
da-kél ‘brush away dirt’ma-kél ‘wipe feet’čʰ-kél ‘wipe off, as a baby’s dirty face’s-kél ‘wash off’’-kél ‘clean, as pebbles out of beans before cooking’š-kél ‘pull up weeds out of lawn’pʰ-kél ‘hoe dirt to make it look nice’
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Descendants of Noun Incorporation Means/Manner Prefixes 55
Languages with IncorporationOr Descendants of Incorporation 56
Languages with No Incorporationand no remnants of incorporation 57
5. VERB-VERBCompounding
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Kathlamet ChinookHymes 1955:218
VERB-VERBSecond verb indicates direction
-i-cu ‘go-down’ = ‘fall’-xuni-pck ‘drift-from.water.to.shore’-ski-λx ‘launch-go.toward.water’
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Widespread Locative/Directional SuffixesCentral Pomo
ča-w ‘run’ (-w PFV)
čá-:la-w ‘run down’čá-:qač’ ‘run up’čá-č ‘run away’čá-way ‘run against hither, as whirlwind up to you’čá-:’wa-n ‘run around here and there’ (-n IPFV)
čá-mli-w ‘run around something (tree, rock, pole)’čá-mač’ ‘run northward’čá-:q’ ‘run by, over (on level), southward’čá-m ‘run over, on, across (as a bridge)’
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Descendants of CompoundsLocative/Directional Suffixes 61
Remarkable Stability
Incorporation generally reconstructibleto parent languages
Iroquoian, Siouan, Caddoan, Kiowa-Tanoan, Muskogean families etc.
Lexical affixes generally reconstructibleAlgonquian, Salishan, Wakashan, Chimakuan families etc.
Means/Manner prefixes generally reconstructiblePomoan, Yuman-Cochiti, Palaihnihan, Chumashan, Maidun, Sahaptian,
Wappo-Yuki families, and Numic, Karuk, Yana, Washo, Klamath, Takelma.
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6. But Areality
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Overall
Circumstantial evidence of areal effectsbut transfer rarely caught in the act
Ample elaborate morphologyBut different kinds in different areas
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Why?
Morphology is distinguished by routinization.Speakers are less conscious of parts,
less likely to replicate in another language.
What is said most often is automatedover long periods of time,
gradually resulting in fusion, erosion, of frequently-recurring sequences.
Morphological complexity need not have spreadinstantaneously, fully formed. 65
What may be spread by bilingualismare patterns of expression
earlier in the process:
areas of semantic elaborationpatterns of compounding
tendencies toward fusion and erosion
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EvidenceParallel Patterns of Elaboration
Northwest CoastWakashan, Salishan, Chimakuan families
ROOT - LEXICAL SUFFIXES
California and neighboring areas of the Westacross hypothesized deep genetic lines, but not all relatives
Pomoan, Yuman-Cochiti, Palaihnihan, Chumashan, Maidun, Sahaptian, Wappo-Yuki, Uto-Aztecan families, Karuk, Yana, Washo, Klamath, Takelma
MEANS/MANNER PREFIXES – ROOT
WestROOT- LOCATIVE/DIRECTIONAL SUFFIXES
Pomoan, Karuk, Shastan, Palaihnihan,, Yana, Washo, Maidun, Klamath,Sahaptian67
Irrecoverable sources of affixes in core areasbut still visible compound sources
at the periphery
Uto-Aztecan NOUN-VERB compounds with initial instruments
Chinookan VERB-VERB compounds with final locations/directions
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7. Conclusion
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Nuanced ComplexityGradiant and Variable
Stablebecause morphology is routinization.
Affixes are not necessarily transferred as such.
Arealbecause multilinguals may transfer patterns of expressionand tendencies toward automation that underlie their development
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Mohawk Sweetgrass Basket Ann Mitchell, basketmaker 71
