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A lecture on Philippine Foreign Policy in 1964. This contemporary analysis predicts China's rise to Asian leadership in the future.
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Myths and Realities in Philippine Foreign Policy
Jovito R. Salonga
Delivered at the Ateneo de Manila University Seminar of “The Responsiblities of Freedom” held November 12, 1964.
When the Philippines became independent on July 4, 1946, our country was in ruins its agriculture and industry had been wrecked, its principal cities were a nightmarish jungle of twisted steel and shellshattered concrete and a great number of people were torn between the losses of the war and the hopes of a new day.
The memories of the conflict with Japan were still fresh and men debated bitterly and long about their loyalties. Collaboration was the redhot issue. To be called a collaborator, even without proof, was worse than committing murder. It was as if one had sold the country to the enemy. Patriots and resistance leaders grew in number long after peace had descended upon towns and villages. And so, the issue of collaboration occupied the minds of our people for many months even after Manuel Roxas, who had won on the issue, bested his opponent, Sergio Osmena, who was "the untainted one" in the presidential elections of 1946. As it turned out, even in the elections of 1949, Elpidio Quirino who became President after the death of Roxas made much use of the collaboration issue against his opponent, Jose P. Laurel, the wartime president of the Japanesesponsored Philippine Republic, in an election that was bothbitter and fraught with dangers to the newborn State.
But the collaboration issue obscured in some way one crucial fact: that 1946 was more than just the year of political independence. The events of that year shaped the course of the Republic. It was in that year when the foundations of the new nation were laid. It was in that year, to be more specific, when the United States Congress passed the Philippine Trade Act of 1946, which contained the socalled "parity" clause and the 33year arrangement for the adjustment of freetrade relations between the United States and the Philippines. It was in that year when the United States Congress, in an effort to fulfill all sorts of promises made by responsible American officials during the war, passed the Philippine Rehabilitation Act of 1946 which provided that the payment of war damages to any claimant in excess of US $ 500 (which included
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roughly 80% of the claimants) would not be made until the Parity Act became effective. This meant the Filipinos had to amend their Constitution in order to give citizens of the United States and "all forms of business enterprise owned or controlled, directly or indirectly, by citizens of the United States," the same rights which Filipinos have in the development of our natural resources and the operation of public utilities. And amend the Constitution we did.
It was also in 1946 that the American Congress passed the Military Assistance Act, to be followed in a year's time by the Military Bases Agreement, under which military bases were established by the United States in the Philippines.
Actually, what happened to us was this: we launched our ship out into the open, turbulent sea, but what we did launch in 1946 was a vessel that could not sail the way we might have wanted it. To be sure, we asserted our right to be free, to the beating of drums and the blare of trumpets. In international conferences, we even pointed with great pride to the glorious record that was associated with historic names Bataan and Corregidor. But while our hearers acknowledged the bravery of our people, they saw through our loud and sonorous protestations. Our offers of leadership were spurned by our coAsians, Nehru being the best example, and we were described as nothing more than an American puppet by those who had no regard for our finer sensibilities.
It needed the unspoilt mind of an outside observer to portray to us the paradox of our condition. A sympathetic American writer, George Taylor, in describing the launching of the Philippine Republic, puts the situation in very clear language:
"New forms of alien bondage political, economic and military were being clamped down on the Filipinos. The United States was trying to preserve the colonial character of the Philippine economy, perpetuate the economic dependence of the Philippines on American capital and transform the Philippines into a permanent auxiliary base for the American Army and Navy in the Western Pacific...
"The most serious shortcomings of the American record became apparent within a few years of independence when the Bell Mission made a systematic review of the situation in the Philippines and prepared a detailed report on what had to be done by the Philippines and the United States if the Republic were to survive in 1950. Although intended mainly as an economic survey, the discussions and recommendations of the Bell Mission extended to the social and institutional changes that were necessary for economic growth. Many
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of the changes, especially those relating to land tenure and productivity, could have been brought about during the 50 years of American occupation... By 1950 it was obvious that when the US Congress was fulfilling the promise of independence in 1946, it was not laying the foundations for the development of a strong and independent Philippines. The Filipinos got off to a very bad start on the road to independence."
Had this rather blunt criticism been aired by a Filipino during the height of the Huk movement, particularly in 19501951, he would have been branded a Communist, here and abroad.
But we now can look back with objectivity at the events that transpired since we asserted our right to be free.
In 1949, the Nationalist Government was driven out of mainland China. In 1950, the Korean War broke out. The Huks had been up in arms in many places in Luzon. And the situation in IndoChina was deteriorating very rapidly. The attention of the United States was drawn closely to Southeast Asia and particularly to the Philippines her most reliable friend in a region of raging turmoil and conflict.
An Economic Survey Mission was sent to the Philippines in 1950 upon the request of President Quirino. Known as the Bell Mission, named after its Chairman, former Undersecretary of the Treasury, Daniel W. Bell, it rendered a comprehensive report on the economic problems of the Philippines our inefficiency in production, the gross inequalities in wealth, the imbalance between prices and wages, between government expenditures and taxes, between production and need and suggested financial and social reforms including the enactment of the minimum wage law and certain tax measures. The Mission recommended that the United States make loans and grants of US $250 million, on the condition that the Philippine Government took steps to carry out the recommendations of the report. Reluctantly, we didand the United States made its point: that financial help can be used as leverage to correct what has been described as "the results of 50 years of neglect in the Philippines." In short, instead of crippling the Republic, as it did in 1946, the United States apparently began to help the Filipinos help themselves.
In the early 1950's, Ramon Magsaysay, as Quirino's Secretary of National Defense, with the help of American arms and propaganda, decimated the Huk movement and in 1953, defeated Elpidio Quirino in the presidential elections. Whatever may be said about the quality of his administration, Magsaysay
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achieved one thing: he revived the faith of the people in their government and gave them a new sense of hope.
It was during Magsaysay's term that the Philippine Trade Agreement was revised. Jose P. Laurel, the war time President, headed the mission to the United States and an agreement, popularly known as the LaurelLangley Agreement, modified the terms of the Parity Act. The Agreement, made effective in 1956, gave the Philippine Government control over its own currency, eliminated most of the absolute quotas and the allocation limitations on Philippine articles entering the United States, made "reciprocal" the enjoyment of parity rights by citizens of either country in the territory of the other and likewise gave them the "reciprocal right" to engage in other business activities.
In the meantime, the Philippines, effectively aligned with the United States, through a series of agreements and pacts, began its quest for security from Western powers in Asia and likeminded neighbors. In 1954, the Manila Pact gave birth to the SEATO with the following as signatories: United States, France, the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, the Philippines, Thailand and Pakistan. It may be described as the first organized attempt to counteract Communist aggression and subversion in Southeast Asia through military and economic means. It was also during Magsaysay's tenure that the Philippines participated in the historic Bandung Conference.
During President Garcia's tenure, efforts were created to review the Military Bases Agreement and the SerranoBohlen negotiations were, to a certain extent, fruitful. It was here that it was made clear that an attack on the Philippines would be considered an attack on the United States, a point emphasized by President Eisenhower, and recently asserted again by President Lyndon Johnson, in his joint communique with President Diosdado Macapagal during the latter's Washington visit.
It was actually during President Macapagal's time that fresh efforts were exerted to assert Philippine voice in Asian affairs. The Association of Southeast Asia was formally launched in 1962, much of the spadework having been accomplished during President Garcia's tenure with Malaya, Thailand and the Philippines as the initial participants. It was designed for friendly consultation, collaboration and mutual assistance in the economic, social, cultural, scientific and administrative fields. But ASA, so hopefully launched, became moribund with the establishment of MAPHILINDO, a loose association of Malaya, the Philippines and Indonesia. But no sooner was it launched than the three found themselves in quite a conflict: Indonesian confrontation with Malaysia (the newly
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organized federation of Malaya, Singapore and Bornean territories) and the Philippine claim to North Borneo, one of the component parts of Malaysia.
It was to resolve this conflict that the Manila Summit was held in Manila between the three heads of State in August of last year. It was agreed that before the establishment of Malaysia, an ascertainment would be held under the auspices of the UN Secretary General to determine the wishes of the inhabitants of the Bornean territories. If the ascertainment favored Malaysia, both Indonesia and the Philippines would welcome Malaysia, subject to the condition that its establishment would not prejudice the Philippine claim to North Borneo. The procedure of ascertainment was agreed upon, but two obstacles appeared: (1) the handling of the observers from Indonesia and the Philippines, a problem which was ironed out with some difficulty; and (2) the precipitate British announcement that whatever the results of the ascertainment, Malaysia would be established nonetheless on September 16, 1963. The ascertainment, initially questioned by the Philippines and objected to by Indonesia in view of the obstacles mentioned above and the questionable methods followed by British officials in the conduct of the survey, favored Malaysia. But the Philippines decided to withhold recognition pending receipt of formal assurances from the Tungku that the newborn Malaysia would assume the obligations of Malaya under the Manila Accord, specifically, the settlement of the Philippine claim to North Borneo preferably through the World Court. The assurances, said to be forthcoming in the light of the Philippine stand that as soon as reference to the World Court is agreed to, the latter would recognize Malaysia, did not arrive. In February 1964, the Tungku and President Macapagal met at Phnom Penh and it was agreed, by means of a public announcement, that as soon as a memorandum was filed by the Philippines on the claim to North Borneo, the two countries would then agree on the mode of settlement, including reference of the claim to the World Court. This public announcement partly revealed what was agreed upon that the claim would be referred to the World Court and the Philippines would forthwith recognize Malaysia. In the meantime, "the Crush Malaysia" campaign of Indonesia went into high gear and Indonesian guerrillas reportedly entered North Borneo and Sarawak. After shuttling back and forth, former Secretary of Foreign Affairs Salvador P. Lopez got Kuala Lumpur and Jakarta to agree to a summit meeting in Tokyo. This was held, after much vacillation on the part of the Tungku, last June. The summit failed to arrive at a solution of the differences between Tungku and Sukarno, particularly on the method of withdrawal of troops from Sabah and Sarawak and the fight was transferred once again from the conference table back to the jungles of Borneo.
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It was at this point that our memorandum on the claim to North Borneo was submitted by the Philippine Delegation to the Tungku. Later, Kuala Lumpur sent an aide memoir proposing exploratory talks, to which the Philippines agreed in the light of the Phnom Penh announcement that the next order of business would be the fixing of the mode of settlement. As it turned out, what Kuala Lumpur wanted was not this. It wanted to be clarified about "the nature, the substance, the basis and the inspiration" of the claim. The Philippine panel agreed to this modification, subject to the understanding, in view of the Phnom Penh communique, that in the event of disagreement which was certaintoken of our respect for the rule of law and our adherence to the Phnom Penh understanding and the UN Charter which specifically enjoins member states to refer legal disputes to the International Court of justice for settlement.
For a new framework
This summary of facts, however brief and inadequate as to details, indicates the main direction of Philippine foreign policy since 1946. It is a twofaceted foreign policy as one can readily see: the strengthening of our relations with the United States and the cultivation of friends in Southeast Asia. The two aspects need not be inconsistent, but in practice they collide and involve us in some kind of a dilemma. For the moment we identify ourselves closely with the United States, we become suspect in the eyes of our Asian neighbors. The term "puppet" has an immediate attraction for those who do not see eye to eye with us. And it is a contaminating term, particularly in Asia. The problem for Philippine policy makers is how to resolve the dilemma, that is, how to build an independent image in Asia without abandoning our firm commitment to the ideals of a free society.
In striking that balance, I believe it may be well to pause for a while and consider whether the time has now arrived to get out of the traditional framework and examine the relations of the Philippines with the outside world from a new perspective. I believe that our relations with the United States and our homecoming, as it were, to Asia, where we really belong by virtue of geography, color and culture, will be shaped by global events and factors over which we have no control and which neither the United States nor the rest of Asia can afford to overlook. These events and factors I would like to itemize as follows:
(1) That the bipolar struggle between Soviet Russia and the United States is long over. What we in fact have now is a competition between various centers of PowerNorth America, the Soviet Union,
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Western Europe, Latin America, the new Asian and African States and of course, Red China. In the future, Eastern Europe, which has recently shown signs of vitality and strength, may be another center of power.
In the new centers of power, that is, in Western Europe, Latin America, in the new Asian and African States and in Red China,America, in the new Asian and African States and in Red China, nationalism, dressed up under various slogans and symbols, is the dominant theme. In the eyes of perceptive observers, even the rift between Soviet Russia and Red China, which is sought to be healed by the leaders on both sides, at least in verbal formulations, is the result of the play of the forces of nationalism and the hard facts of economic life in the two countries.
(2) Whatever our individual preferences and however painful the prospect may be, Red China has shown unquestionable signs of viability and staying power. It is now time to dispose of the illusion, with which we have tried to delude ourselves in an effort to escape reality, that our esteemed friend Chiang Kai Shek, can in due time recover the Chinese mainland. Unless there is a major upheaval or a catastrophic war war between Red China and one of two major power this seems to be an impossibility and even assuming the coming to pass of such a dreadful event, the Nationalist forces may yet have to be located amidst the ruins.
(3) Just as the democracies are divided on many issues, Communism is no longer the disciplined organization that it used to be. It no longer speaks with one voice and it wears various national costumes. The ouster of Mr. Khrushchev and the different reactions it inspired, ranging all the way from rejoicing in Red China and to hostility in some countries in Eastern Europe, indicate the danger of oversimplifying our concepts and ideas of Communism. While it is true that Communism has one final goal, the Communist domination of the world and it is only in means where the Communists disagree, it may be well to keep in mind that even the Communists and the believers in freedom use the same terms in formulating goals. In actual life, people do not usually quarrel about ends and objectives it is in means and procedures where they disagree and disagree bitterly, as dictated by considerations of selfinterest.
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(4) That the new States that have just emerged, particularly in Africa and partly in Asia, are bound to have long periods of instability and disorder. Even now, the viability of some African States is under serious doubt and the question has been posed whether in these states, democracy, in the Western tradition, can work in the context of societies that have a low degree of political maturity and afflicted as they are by chronic economic insufficiency and excessive dependence on the government for the satisfaction of their daily needs.
What do these events and factors mean to us in the Philippines? Let us consider their implications. I believe that the United States cannot, in the realm of foreign policy, act as it used to, without taking into serious account the stand and the views of those in the new centers of power, particularly Western Europe and Latin America. There is some element of irony in the fact that it was the Marshall plan that helped Western Europe get on its feet; but it is precisely because of the tremendous economic recovery and growth that shortly ensued which enabled Western Europe, particularly France, to stand up to the United States and in a sense weaken in some measure the leadership of America.
In the latest issue of Foreign Affairs, Grayson Kirk emphasizes this as a fact that should be kept in mind in thinking about American foreign policy. Says Kirk:
"... despite the formidable military, financial and industrial capability of our country (the United States), our relative status in the world has been declining. European recovery has produced new rivalry for world trade opportunities and freedom from financial dependence upon us...
"Such developments in Western Europe were the inevitable consequence of success of the aid programs after the war. Now that this success has been achieved, the adjustment by the United States to a condition of greater equality in partnership is filled with policy implications at every level. The problem appears, for example, with respect to attitudes toward trade and other relations with the Communist world. If it is in any way true, as has been suggested by some writers, that Americans seem to have grown attached to the cold war, the same could not be said of our European allies who, in varying degrees, have shown that they believe that closer diplomatic and economic relations with the Communist world will be more a source of longrun safety than risk. "
It may therefore be expected that in Southeast Asia, particularly in the case
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of South Vietnam and Malaysia, American foreign policy will somehow be influenced by pressures that will be brought to bear upon the United States by her Western Allies. It may be worth mentioning, parenthetically, that on the eve of our diplomatic conversations in London in early 1963 on the North Borneo question, the US State Department came out with a statement in favor of the British stand, without considering the feelings of the Philippine negotiators headed by Vice President Emmanuel Pelaez. Just how effectively the new Labor Government in England can help shape American foreign policy in Asia is of course too early to predict at this time.
This bring us to the overriding thought in Southeast Asia and inevitably to the rest of the world: Red China with the bomb. The explosion that recently occurred was foreseen years ago. It coincided very dramatically, whether by accident or design, with the ouster of Khrushchev from his seat of power. Recent analyses have indicated that it is not as crude and primitive as first thought to be. But what is more important is the effect it will have on Southeast Asia.
Despite the agricultural decline that was supposed to be the aftermath of the socalled Great Leap and the economic stagnation and crisis that followed, one thing may be conceded: that China, at long last, has taken a tighter hold on her national life. The Communist Government of Mao Tse Tung has demonstrated its effectiveness and the quality of dedication and perseverance of its leaders. We can in the free world imagine the cost of the progress Red China has achieved, in terms of great human degradation, suffering and misery. But this is not what will appeal to many people in Southeast Asia. What may appeal to them is the spectacle of a China united, awakened and feared. What will undoubtedly appeal to them is the fact that Red China has the bomb and is now a member of the nuclear fellowship. What will appeal to them is the fact that this occurred without Western aid and intervention. What will strike them is the fact that the backward conditions in prebomb China were or are still comparable to their present condition. What will register with them is the fact that many countries in the free world have acknowledged and recognized Red China as a political reality.
To my mind, the admission of Red China into the United Nations, regardless of whether the rift with the Soviet Union is healed, is just a matter of time maybe in two or five years or thereabouts. In the AfroAsian Preparatory Conference held in Jakarta early this year, the overwhelming sentiment among the various AfroAsian states was in favor of Red China's admission and were it
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not for the rule of unanimity, a resolution to that effect could have easily passed. The one striking fact is that most of the Commonwealth countries and virtually all African states were in favor of Red China's membership. How long the United States can maintain her opposition is a matter of speculation. One may hazard the thought that were it not for the ChinaIndian boundary dispute, the United States might have given in at this time. But on one point all of us may agree: That but for American might, the balance of power in Southeast Asia would be in favor of Red China.
I submit we in the Philippines should look forward and begin to prepare for what is an eventual certainty, however unpleasant the prospect. We all do not like bad weather, but there is nothing wrong in preparing for it, when it comes. We should begin to know more about Red China. This implies continuing studies and researches by both government and private groups. This means incidentally a more liberal outlook in the matter of passports and visas. I think it is an unflattering estimate of the vitality of the democratic idea when we disdain the thought of our newsmen, representing probably the freest press in Asia, going to Red China and making a factual report of what they see. They may commit mistakes in the process of reporting, they may be misled in their guided tours, but I believe that newspapermen should be credited with a greater degree of sophistication and a better quality of judgment than we are willing to concede in their favor. This also means that we should tackle the Chinese problem squarely, while the element of time is favorable. We have been temporizing, and far too long, with this problem and we have not done a thing. The problem of the overstaying aliens is not difficult they represent merely a fraction of the problem. Whether we exclude them or not is not of momentous' consequence. What is more pressing is the case of the 200 to 300 thousand Chinese, most of them born here, doing their business here, living the best years of their lives here. I submit that it is time we laid down certain workable criteria for the admission of the more desirable elements into our body politic and when I say "more desirable" I mean those who have demonstrated their fitness to be absorbed and have adopted our ways and customs. Those who do not comply with the criteria laid down should be excluded. And let us treat as full citizens those who are admitted as such. It is no triumph of reason to be paralyzed by the cries of the fanatics and the haters some of them undoubtedly of Chinese extraction themselves. What is particularly detestable in the repressive measures that we carry out is that we have unconsciously abetted the practice of extortion and by increasing the feeling of insecurity among the more desirable Chinese, we fail to inspire their best contributions to the national effort and have
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in many instances, induced them to become opportunistic and what is worse, to even corrupt our public officials, in their effort to save themselves from so much harassment.
The election of President Lyndon B. Johnson is a fair measure of the sobriety and sound judgment of the American people. He may now be expected to look at the problem of South Vietnam with less pressure from the Republican opposition. Unless the Viet Congs deliberately invite such a drastic move, I do not believe the United States will carry the war to the North. But unless the Vietnamese people themselves put up a leadership which can inspire and generate public enthusiasm, the situation there may deteriorate. What the United States can only hope to do is create favorable conditions for such a leadership to emerge. Evidently, the people in South Vietnam are sick and tired of war. If they have in fact lost the will to fight and win, if they do not care which side wins the war, if all they want is to be left alone, no amount of help from without can do much good. Leadership cannot be imported, neither can we export the will to fight. We have extended technical and economic aid probably we need to give more, but I cannot see how the war there can be won unless the South Vietnamese people are willing to be helped to help themselves. The coming days will be quite critical for Southeast Asia and for the Philippines.
The election of Johnson underscores the importance of the recent visit of the President and the understandings reached in Washington. Parity extension will be an explosive issue in the years to come but it may just be possible we are missing the central point. If we work hard enough and organize our resources with discipline and foresight, we do not even have to think of extension; but if we fail to come to terms with our biggest enemy, namely, our own selves, if we allow bitter partisan politics to distract us from our goals and if we do not discipline ourselves and apply our energies and resources to the tasks at hand, there may be no room at all for negotiation we may have to beg on our knees for the extension of parity and for more aid, for more loans and for more foreign investments of whatever kind.
Insofar as our running dispute with Malaysia is concerned regarding our claim to North Borneo, it may be well to point out that we have no basic differences with Malaysia. We believe in the same things we are committed to the same ideals. It is a pity that Philippine insistence on a World Court reference should have drawn such scathing comments from Kuala Lumpur and Sabah officialdom. If, indeed, Kuala Lumpur believes that the Philippines has a weak case, why should there be such aversion to judicial settlement? On the other
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hand, there is no reason for branding the Philippines as desiring to impose a colonial rule, since what we desire is settlement by force of reason, rather than by reason of force. And, assuming a victory in the World Court, we have clearly indicated that we shall abide by the principle of selfdetermination, in accordance with the United Nations' procedure on the point.
But there is one important point that is missed in the discussion on the subject and it is this: That Malaysian viability is still very much in doubt. Its reluctance to agree to a World Court reference betrays a weakness that cannot be concealed. And the capability of Malaysia to sustain a jungle war in North Borneo against the natives or against foreign irregular troops is still under test. If the Malaysian concept succeeds, our danger is the infiltration of Borneo with Chinese undesirables coming from other parts of Malaysia, such as Singapore. It may be well to remind ourselves that North Borneo is only 18 miles away from our southernmost tip. From the longrange viewpoint, indeed, it may be well for the free world to keep alive the Philippine claim to North Borneo. Already, the economy of Borneo is dominated by the Chinese. If the Malaysian concept does not succeed and political chaos ensues, then, in the language of one American analyst puts it "If it came to fighting neither the Philippines nor the United States could do very much in Borneo without the help of the other." (Taylor, 269, 270).
Indonesia is of course a source of possible danger. Sukarno is able to strike, as yet, a balance between the Communist Party (PKI) and the Army. The danger may become critical if Sukarno, for one reason or another, is disabled from doing so. This danger became a reality. Major General Suharto led the Army in putting down an allegedly communist coup d'etat on September 30, 1965. He then led a purge of communists and leftist in public life. Sukarno, became a virtual prisoner. Suharto took control of the government on March 12, 1966. It is true that they have a sizeable army which is equipped with Russian arms and weapons. On the other hand, the economy of the country is shattered and cannot possibly sustain a war of long duration. The central government at Jakarta has yet to consolidate its position, in the light of the periodic revolts that flare up in various parts of Indonesia, notably in Sumatra and Celebes.
The meaning of our history as a people colonized and subjugated for centuries and the logic of our situation in Southeast Asia, where the prospects of a Pax Sinica more overwhelming than the Japanese peril of decades ago pervade our every thought and exertion, unerringly point to freedom and strength as our twin national objectives. We need to be free to develop, without
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external coercion, the potentialities of our nation to the highest level attainable. We need to be strong to resist the invader from without and prevent a breakdown from within. Our ultimate goal is to build and maintain, on this portion of God's earth, a society of free men, where respect for the sanctity and worth of the human personality is the principal article of faith.
It may well be that in the final analysis, Red China, Soviet Russia and what may possibly be a Communist Indonesia are not our formidable enemies. Our biggest enemy is still ourselves. Our voice abroad will not ring clear and true if it lacks the quality of inner strength. But if we begin now, before time runs out on us, to organize our assets and resources, tighten our hold on ourselves and get moving with strength of mind and will, we may inspire the profound respect of our friends and the grudging admiration of the Communist world even when we speak with a low, soft voice.
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