New Chapter - 1shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/32997/7/07... · 2018. 7. 2. · A: Wheat, Barley and Lentil Whatever the actual state of origin of different crops, one

Chapter - 1

'IfecJUnoiogy

Agri cultural Technology

I . P la n t and I r r i g a t i o n

The history of agriculture involves the study of

two different subjects: the plant and the tools. But it

is the p l a n t w h i c h m u s t c o m e fi r s t in the list of

priorities. The study of the origin of the two is also

of different nature. The plant first needs to be do m e s

ticated and this is only possible when the first domes-

ticator had witnessed them growing wild; hence they are

to be traced from their wild forms. The tools, however,

were to be invented- the remoter we go into the agri

c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y the l e s s e r and s i m p l e r are the

tools. And to begin with,there were no tools. Thfiscare

to be traced from the stage of their no n - e x i s t a n c e .

To d e c i d e the o r i g i n of d o m e s t i c a t i o n of any

plant, it is important to see its natural home- that is

the region where it grows wild. But as plants generally

grow wild in more than one place, the problem of origin

of domestication through this test alone, particularly

for a diffus i o n e s t , is far from over. Any region where

the plant grows wild has, of course, the potential to

domesticate but potential alone is neither a sufficient

reason nor proof for domestication. The problem of the

origin of the plant cultivation has been widely studied

Agricultural Technology /2 7

by the scholars of d i f ferent d i s c i p l e n s world over,

particularly archaeologists, historians and botanists

a n d h a v e put f o r w a r d d i f f e r e n t t h e o r i e s a b o u t the

origin of the dome s t i c a t i on of the pi ant but there

still remains a great deal of c o n t r o v e r s y about the

origin of different domesticated plants. In fact it is

yet to be established whether the plants had a single

source of origin or more.^-

The 19th century botanist, A l p h o n s e De C a n d o l l e

was the first to a t t e m p t to l o c a t e the r e g i o n s of

o r i g i n of v a r i o u s c u l t i v a t e d p l a n t s . In his 4, the

origin of cultivated plants" published in 1883 he says

" A g r i c u l t u r e came o r i g i n a l l y atleast so far as the

p r i n c i p a l s p e c i e s are c o n c e r n e d , f r o m t h r e e gr e a t

regions in which certain plants grew, regions which had

no communication with each other. These are china, the

S o u t h W e s t of A s i a (w i t h E g y p t ) and i n t e r t r o p i c a l

America. I do not mean to say that in Europe, in Africa

and elsewhere savage tribes may not have cultivated a

few species locally, at an early epoch, as an addition

to the r e s o u r c e s of h u n t i n g and f i s h i n g but g r e a t

civilizations based on agriculture began in the three

regions I have indicated".^

1. Joseph Nedham, "Science and Civilization in China", Vol. 6. (Biology and Biological Technology), Part II, P. 39.

2. Alphonse De Candolle, "Origin of Cultivated Plant (Reprinted in 1959), New York, Haffiner, I. P. 17.

Agricultural Technology / 2 8

In 1926 Vavilov taking up De Candolle's notion of

agricultural centres of origin and using more advanced

b otanical t e c h n i q u e s p r o p o s e d that one could ea$2y

determine a crop's centre of origin by analysing its

pattern of variation; the origin of greatest diversityOr

being the centre of origin. In his book, O r i g i n ,Varia

tions , Inmuni ty and Breeding of Cultivated P l a n t s he

made use of World-wide surveys carried out by Soviet

Botanists and concluded that "it was possible to define

atleast eight inde p e n d e n t centres of origin of the

w o r l d’s most i m p ortant c u l t i v a t e d p l a n t s i n c l u d i n g

China, India, Central Asian, i/ear Eastesen, M e d i t e r r a

nean, Abyssinians/ South Mexican and Central American

and South American Centres". But he at the same time

says that "it is possible, of course, that areas of

domestication are not coincident with the centres of

origin".* Further it has since been pointed out that,

"although centres of diversity do exist and are very

useful in explaining genetic variation, they are not

necessarily centres of origin. Thus even from a botani

cal point of view there is as yet no clear cut criteri

on to determine the centre of origin".2 The archaeol-

1. Vavilo, N.I., 1949-50, "The origin, variation, immunity and breeding of cultivated plants", P.2 0 .

2. It has been suggested that a species infact so well adopted ecologically to its centre of origin that there is no stimulus there to the development of new forms. Only on the fringes of this region, where wild varieties dc*not floutish naturally do conscious tending and selecting by man, leading to domestication become necessary, Joseph Nedham, op.cit, P. 35.


ogists, on the other hand, who are primarily concerned

with cultural evolution, feel that the crucial problem

was not where the domestication of various plants took

place, but where the idea of domestication was first

conceived and put into practice. "They saw the in v e n

tion of agriculture as part of economic and scientific

revolution that made the participants active partners

with nature instead of parasites on nature".^- Thus it

still remains debatable whether the plant cultivation

has s p r e a d f r o m a s i n g l e s o u r c e of o r i g i n t h r o u g h

diffusion of knowledge or people, or had independent

or i g i n s .

CEREALS

A: Wheat, Barley and Lentil

Whatever the actual state of origin of different

crops, one thing is inescapable that West Asia, Persia,

Central Asia, India and South East Asia hold important

positions in the origin of cereal cultivation.^ It is

1. Ibid, P. 41.

2. Distribution of wild relatives of wheat and genetic interaction of weed races and archaeological findings indicate that the Near East, comprising the early farm villages excavated in the area of hilly flanks from Deh Luran plain in Iran through South East Turkey to southern Jordan is the centre of origin and domestication of wheat as early as 7000 B.C., Harlay and Zohary,distribution of wild wheats and barley, 1966; PingTi-Ho. The Loess and the Origin of Chinese agriculture, in American Historical Review, Vol. LXXV, Number I, October, 1969, P . 2.


also certain that of all the cultivated plants cereal

c r o p s h a v e h a d the m o s t i m p o r t a n t p o s i t i o n in the

supply of diet to humans as well as the stimuli to the

early cultural development and civilization. Of all the

cereals wheat and barley were domesticated first, the

moiit important cereal, rice was comparatively a late

comer. *

Wh e a t and barley were first c u l t i v a t e d on the

hilly flanks of Fertile crescent as early as 7000 B.C.

and then on the i r r i g a t e d fields of Tigris and E u

phrates valley some time after 5000 B.C.^ Archaeology

proves that wheat must have been grown in Persia before

5000 B.C. W h e a t and b a r l e y are b o t h i n d i g e n o u s to

Persia. The earliest c u l t i v a t i o n there was m a d e on

I r a n i a n p l a t e a u . 4 In India the earliest e x a mple of

wheat of (T.monoccum, T.dicoccum and T durum variety)

is from the n e o l i t h i c site at M e h r g a r h in P a k i s t a n

6000-5000 B.C.5

In Kashmir the earliest evidence of cereal culti

vation comes from the neolithic sites of Burzahom (2324

1. Joseph Needham, op.cit. P. 36.

2. Ping Ti-Ho, op.cit. P.2.

3. Ibid, P. 2

4. Hans E. Wulff, "Traditional Crafts of Persia,M.I.T. 1966, P. 242.

5. Jarriage, J. F. and R. H. Meadow, 1980. TheAntecedents of Civilization in the Indus Viley,Scientific America, 243 (2), PP.122-23.


:ieTable: Chronology of soae oldest wheats frou India.

Site Species Estiiaated age Reference

Burzahom, Kashmir J. aestivm 2325 B.C. Butt, 5. M. and R J .K a w , "Flant Husbandry in

Neolithic Burnhom, Kashmir"; Current Trends

in Geology, Vol. VI (Climate and Geology of

Kashmir). 1335 PP .103-113.

Kohenjodaro T. sphacerococcum, T: compact™ 2250-1700 B.C. Stapf, 0 . 1931. Cogent on Cereals and Fruits

in J . M a r s h a l l ( e d . ) H o h e n j o d a r o and the

Indus Civilization, P. 586.

Harappa f, sphacerococcw 2250-1750 B.C. B u r t , B . C . 1 5 4 1 . Co m ent on C e r e a l s . a n d

Fruits, in U .S . Vat's Excavation at Harappa,

New Delhi, PP.465.

Chanudaro T. sphaecoccw, T. compactw 2250-1750 B.C. Shaw , F . J . F . 1 343 , V e g e t a t i o n rem ain s in

E .J .H . Macky, Chanhudaro Excavations, 1535-

36, PP. 205-51.

Banawali, Haryana T, aestivm c.2300 B.C. Lone, F .A .M .K han and G .H .B h a t , 1387 . Plant

rem ains from B a n a w a l i , H a r y a n a , C u r r e n t

Science, PP. 837-38.

Kalibangan, Rajasthan Tdticm spp. c . 2300-1750 B.C.

r~i

Vishnu Mithre and R. S a v ith ri /1375 . Supposed

rem ains of r i c e (O r y z a s p . ) in T e r r a c o t a

cakes and Fai at K a l i b a n g a n , R a j a s t h a n ,

Paiaeobotanist, FF 124-2o,

Gofkrai, Kashmir Triticw spp. 2100 B.C. Sharma, A. K, 1552 . Exvavation at G ufkral ,

1375-80. PuracatUa, F .l l .

Chirand, Bihar r. SpheiQCQCCM 1300 B.C. Vishnue Mithre , N eolith ic Plant remains at Chuana, Bihar, Falaeobotanist, PP .13-22. -

Navdatoli T. compact m,T. irulgace 1600-1440 B.C. V i s h n u M i t h r e , 1 3 6 1 .

P l a n t E co n o m y in A n c i e n t

H a h e s h w a r , in T e c h n i c a l

R e p o r t on A r c h a e c o l o g i c a l

Remains, PF 13-52.

Semthan, Kashmir f. aestim, f, sphaeiococcw 1500 B.C. taro o q A. L o u t , r a i a e o e l h n o D o t a n y , 1 3 ; 3 , PF .11-22.

Atranjikhera, CP f, compactm 1200-500 B.C. B u t t , G . K . and K . A . C h o w d h u r y , 1 3 7 1 F lan t

reiuains from Atranjikhera, Fhawse I I I , Palae*

cobotanist, FF, 280-37.

Inaitigaon, Maharashtra f, compaction 1300-700 B.C. Kajale, K .d . 1577, Plant Economy at Inaagoafi,

Maharashtra, P. 38-106.'

IV, Chronology of soi&e oldest wheats froa India

B . C . ) 1 and Gufkral ( C.2100 B . C . ) . 2 P a l e o - b o t a n i c a l

i n vestigation, have e s t a b l i s h e d the c u l t i v a t i o n of

wheat, bar l e y lentil and pea in K a s h m i r during the

neolithic period.^

In order to find the sources from w h i c h K a s hmir

imported the technology of wheat and barley cultiva

tion, it is necessary to know the antiquity of these

cereals in different civilizations bordering Kashmir.

Wheat was introduced in North China, with which n e o

lithic Kashmir shows close similarities, around 1300

B.C., 4 which is obviously a much late date and the

possibility of Chinese, origin can be safely rejected.

In India the hexoploid naked wheat variety wes intro

d u c e d during the Indus valley c i v i l i z a t i o n (C. 2300

B.C.)5 , while in Kashmir our earliest information is

from the aceramic neolithic phase of Burzahom (C. 2324

B.C.). This shows that the antiquity of the cereals in

K a s h m i r is a t l e a s t as o l d as that of Ind u s v a l l e y

civilization, if not earlier so India too could not be

the source of these cereals in Kashmir. This is further

substantiated by the fact that hexoploid naked wheat

1. Farooq A. Lone, Maqsooda Khan and G. M. B h a t , "Palaeoethnobotany", P.8.

2. Indian Archaeology (A review), 1981-82, P. 26.

3. Ibid/ P. 24, also Palaeoethnobotany, o p .c i t ,P .122.

4. Ping Ti.Ho. op.cit., P . 2.

5. The earliest evidence from India is from Mohanjodaro (2250-1750 B.C.), Harappa, 2250 B.C. Palaeoethnobotany, op.cit, P. 118.


(T. aestivum, T. compact uni) which was c u l t i v a t e d in

neolithic Kashmir (C. 2324 B.C.)1 presents the earliest

'evidence in the whole Indian subcontinent.2 Our argu

ment lends further weight by the fact that the n e o

lithic culture of Kashmir particularly the tools and

implements, present a contrast to that of H a r a p p a n

culture.^

Probably the technology of wheat and barley culti

vation e n t e r e d into K a s h m i r from Persia via Central

Asia, as wheat and barley was indigenous to Persia and

dates back to 5000 B . C . 4 Moreover, the c u l t i v a t i o n

pattern of these crops in Kashmir presents similarity

w i t h that of Persia. Like Persia wheat was (and is

still) cultivated on plateaus and dry lands.

This a s s u m p t i o n is further c o r r o b o r a t e d by the

third earliest crop cultivated in Kashmir i .e . cfclenti 1,

(lens esculenta). In fact the evidence of lentil culti

v a t i o n in K a s h m i r , w h i c h c o m e s f r o m the n e o l i t h i c

a c c r a m i c phase 2324-1700 B . C . 5 ia only of ita kind

1. B h a t , G.M. and R.N.Kaw, 1985. Plant Husbandry in Neolithic Burzahom, Kashmir, Current Trends in Geology, Vol. VI (Climate and Geology of Kashmir), PP.109-113; Sharma, A.K. 1982.

2. Palaeoethnobotany, op.cit, P. 121.

3. Indian Archaeology (A Review) 1961-62, the sickle,stone axe and pottery found from neolithic sites of kashmir is distinctly different from its southern counter-parts.

4. Hans E. Wulff, op.cit, P. 242.

5. Indian Archaeology (A review), 1982-83, P.20.

Agricultural Technology / 3 ^

from North/West Asia.* This explicitly suggests that

the earliest cultivators of Kashmir had their contacts

w i t h any such c i v i l i z a t i o n w h i c h was ahead of Indus

valley civilization in the domestication and cultiva

tion of cereals. In the context of Indian subcontinent

Kashmir can atleast claim equality if not the pioneer

in the field of these varieties of cereal cultivation.

Apart from wheat, barley and lentil another neo-

l icthic crop of K a s h m i r was pea. The e v i d e n c e comes

from the neolithic site at Burzahom.2 It were these

cereals which were first domesticated in the Near

East, whe^e agriculture first developed.3 This lends

further weight to the a s s u m p t i o n that the cereals of

Kashmir came from this area.

Thus having d i s c u s s e d the when and wh e r e of the

cereal cultivation an equally important question which

begs answer is the why of this new economic system what

m a d e e a r l y m a n to s h i f t f r o m h u n t i n g / g a t h e r i n g to

cultivation4 , was it the outcome of some compulsion or

1. Lentils were associated with the start of agriculture in the east, in India the earliest evidence of lentil is from chirand 1800 B.C. Navdatoli Maherhwar, 1550-1400 B.C. Palaeoethonobotany, op.cit, P. 138.

2. Ibid, P. 203.

3. Ibid, P. 203.

4. The animal remains, at the early periods of the neolithic sites of Gufkral, clearly demonstrate that people were predominantly dependent on wild game, Indian Archaeology (A Review), 1982-83,P . 20.


did he choose it voluntarily) Apparantly all our specu

lation speak in favour of some c o m p u l s i o n like the

p o p u l a t i o n p r e s s u r e or the s h o r t a g e of food, w h i c h

infact m e a n y o n e and the same thing. It is g e n e r a l l y

held that the shift to agriculture led to the permanent

settlement^ Eut its v i c e / v e r s a cannot be ruled out

particularly in a region like Kashmir^ Where the p o p u

lation having found itself c o n f i n e d w i t h i n the h i g h

m o u n t a i n s m i g h t h a v e f i n a l l y led t h e m to s h i f t to

ag riculture. It is not out of place to m e n t i o n that

according to the early literary sources of Kashmir, the

valley was in the remote antiquity occupied by people

seasonally.* But since coming into and going out of the

valley every year was by no means an easy task, besides

other problems involved. The best option was to stay in

the valley. The permanent stay might have led to culti

vation as the fishing, and hunting would not have proved

sufficient. The pit-dwel 1 ings also show that the n e o

lithic man started a settled life and for a long time

depended on wild game and then slowly shifted to agri-

cu l t u r e .^

Inspite of the tough state of early a g r i c u l t u r e

which forces one to see into the causes of compulsion

for the shift towards it, agriculture had its advantag

es also like the. p r i v i l e g e of settled life, satisfac

tion of accumulative instinct and,last but not least,

the prfvilege of occupying the private property. It is

1. Nilmate Purana, Anno n y m o u s (t r .by V e d .K u m a r ) ,V.235.

2. Indian Archaeology(A review), 1982-83, P. 20-24.


true that man n o r m a l l y would have been reluctant to

le a v e his c a r e free h u n t e r / g a t h e r p a t t e r n of food

production but it still seems that the life would not

be that attractive as has been held by some scholars,

for e x a m p l J o s e p h N e e d h a m while p r a i s i n g the pre-

a g r i c u l t u r a l stage of human life says, "In be t w e e n

s e a r c h i n g for food, the h u n t e r g a t h e r e r h a d a m p l e

leisure to tell stories play games and elaborate m e t a

p h y s i c a l s t o r i e s , i n d e e d the w a y of l i f e s e e m s so

attractive that Marshal Sahhins had dubbed it as the

'original a f f l u e n t society."^ This may be true if the

supply of food is not much difficult but at the same

time the e c o n o m i c s y s t e m would always keep the man

under perpetual threat of future starvation. So inspite

of some a t t r a c t i v e features in the h u n t e r / g a t h e r e r

stage of human life there are strong reasons in favour

of settled life as a better alternative.

Wheat (tritucm vulgare-vi11, and triticum spaero-

coccum) b a r l e y ( H a rdeum vulg a r e linnen) and lentil

(lens esculenta) the earliest cereals domesticated and

c u l t i v a t e d in Kashmir did not m a k e the shift to an

agricultural society. People still predominantly d e

pended on game like fishing and hunting.^ The cereals

o n l y s u p p l e m e n t e d the d e f i c i e n c y w h i c h w o u l d h a v e

arisen because of increase in population and the re

sultant decrease in the animals of prey. It certainly

1. JosepkNeedham, op.cit, P. 31.

2. Indian Archaeology (A review), Excavation at G u l k r a l , 1981-82, PP.20-24.


took a long time/ spread over thousands of years, from

the cultivation of the first plant to the full agricul

tural revolution. This period is known to us as N e o

l i t h i c p e r i o d t s p r e a d s over the p e r i o d b e t w e e n the

beginning of the cultivation to the full metal using

economy.

The earliest cereal cultivation in Kashmir began,

like Iran, on plateaus* before it developed on the low

lands. Infact the variety of cereals i n t r o d u c e d in

Kashmir are still mostly cultivated on alluvial land.

The only major change o c c ured in its c u l t i v a t i o n

that it is now cultivated as a Rabi (spring crop) while

during N e o l i t h i c period it might have been Kharif,

(autmn crop). This change certainly seems to have taken

place with the introduction of rice as the chief crop

occupying the main season of cultivation in the cold©

climate of Kashmir. This is fully corroborated by the

fact that the hilly regions around Kashmir valley where

r i c e c a n n o t be c u l t i v a t e d e i t h e r b e c a u s e of c o l d

climate or non-availability of irrigation facility,like

K i s h t w a r and Ladakh, the wheat and barley are still

raised as summer crops. The earliest neolithic sites

like B u r z a h o m and Gufkaral, where from we have the

information of these cereals,are all situated either on

foot h i l l s or on p l a t e a u lands. In fact the w h o l e

Field studies show that neolithic and early historic settlements have always taken place on the terrace surface developed on the late pleistocene formation. Indian Archaeology (A Review), 1979-80 (Excavation at Burzahom), P P . 32- 34.


neolithic age of Kashmir is also known as the Karewa

(plateau) age and it were these K a r e w a lands wh i c h

could have been used for cultivation, particularly the

d r y - l a n d c u l t i v a t i o n like that of wheat and barley,

b e c a u s e the p l a i n s w e r e m o s t l y u n d e r w a t e r e i t h e r

t h r oughout' the year or atleast during the rainy season

(April-June) wh i c h corr e s p o n d s with the c u l t i v a t i o n

period. This was so because the bed of river Jehlum the

chief drain of the valley was a few meters higher than

its present level.*

The peculiar kind of barley cultivated till recent

past in K a s h m i r was c u l t i v a t e d at an a l l e v i a t i o n of

7000 feet. It was an important food staple among the

m o u n t a i n people. The grain has not the chaff scaler

adhering to it but is naked like wheat.3

The cultivation of these cereals, as can be still

o b s e r v e d in Kashmir, does not need m u c h labour and

manure. The need of implements is also minimum*£ven at

present one plough is given and after the seeds have

been sown the fields are again ploughed. The fields are

not wee d e d or manured. A c c o r d i n g to Lawarnce, "the

barley lands of Kashmir probably have not their match

1. River Jehlum and its tributaries were flowing couple of meters higher then, its present bed level during neolithic and early historical times. The river reached its present bed level in the eighth century A.D. Ibid, 1978-79, P. 70.

2. Walter R. Lawrence, "Valley of Kashmir", 1967,N P. 341.

3. Ibi$, P. 241.


for bad and slovenly cultivation in the world"1 This

g i v e s an i n d i c a t i o n how s i m p l e the c u l t i v a t i o n of

barley in neolithic Kashmir would have been. Because in

the latter stage the rice cultivation totally dominated

all other cereals in Kashmir occupying the main season

and soil, and the cultivation pattern of other cereals

like wheat and barley went through but a little change.

It is not much difficult to imagine how the early man

would have been cultivating these cereals. If sowing is

done after the rainy season April-May, there is not

much need for the preparation of the field. In fact the

cultivating pattern can be to a great extent deduced

from what was in vogue in Central Asia and Iran, the

source of Kashmir wheat and barley. Besides a common

type of land was used for its c u l t i v a t i o n both in

Kashmir and I r a n . ^ It is not out of place to mention

that while in Indus and Egypt the cultivation was made

m irrigated fields, in Mesopotamia and Iran it was

done, like Kashmir, along foot hills or plateaus.4

W i t h the i n t r o d u c t i o n of rice the other cereals

li k e whe a t , b a r l e y and lentil w e r e r e l e g a t e d to a

secondary position and rice completely took over. These

cereals, even if cultivated, were cultivated as rabi

1. Ibid, P. 341.

2. Compare Hans. E. Wulff, op.cit. P . 242; IndianArchaeology (A Review) 1979-30 (Excavation at B u r z a h a m ) , PP.33-38.

3. Ping.Ti.Ho, op.cit., P . 2.

4. Ibid, P.2; Hans E. Wulff, op.cit, P. 242.


(spring) crops or on that land where rice cultivation

was not possible.x Not surprisingly therefore in a n c i

ent and medieval period of kashmir history, there are

reference to their use and cultivation but they never

had the status of a staple food except during draught

and failure of rice crop.^ There is hardly any refer

ence to show that any attempt was made at any level to

improve their cultivation. What occupied the attention

of kashmirr cultivator as well as the state was always

rice.

B. Rice

The original home-land of rice (oryza sativa) is

still a mat t e r of debate, inspite of the fact that

among all the important cereals it was a late comer.

But one thing which can be said with certainty about

the origin of rice is that its origin is not the dry

Central Asia but rainy southern Asia.^ The most im

p o r tant cl a i m a n t s as h o m e - l a n d of rice, atleast in

Asian context, are: south East, India and China.4

1. In Kashmir the i'ri^gable land was since remote pastexclusively kept for rice cultivation while other crops were cultivated where irrigation was not p o s s i b l e .

2. Though there is no direct reference in this but it can be still observed while observing the traditional society that they only took to other cereals if they cannot obtain rice.

3. Ping-Ti-Ho, op.cit, P. 19.

4. Chang T.T. The origin, evolution, cultivation andbreeding of cultivated plants, P. 29.


Botanically India seems the most possible region

of origin we find a number of wild rice species as well

as common rice growing wild as weeds and possessing a

character common to wild grasses namely shedding of the

grain at maturity, which insures self-sowing. There are

also intermediate forms connecting wild and cultivated

rices. India is. also richest in the world so far as the

varietal diversity of cultivated rice are concerned.

The coarse grained primitive varieties being especially

typical to India also differ from secondary regions of

r i c e - c u l t i v a t i o n in Asia, by p r e v a l e n c e of dominant

genes in its rice varieties.*

In India the wild variety of rice is reported from

p r o t o n e o l i t h i c l e v e l s at c h o p a n e M a n d o ( 9 0 0 0 - 8 0 0 0

B.C.).^ The oldest records of cultivated rice are from

M a h a g a r a and K o l d i l w a (7000-6000 B . C ) . 3 The dates

tend to support the view that the As i a n culti

TabI ̂ Chronology of soste oldest rice remains fro§ Asia .

Site Type of plant remains Estimated age Reference

Koldihwa and Mahagara Rice grains embedded in earthern 6570-4530 B.C.

U .P . , India potsherds and husks in cow dung

Chirand, Bihar,India Charred grains 2500-1800 B.C.

Attanjikhera,DP,India Charred grains 2,000-60 B.C.

Rangpur, Saurashtra, Impressions 2,000-1500 B.C.

India

Lothal,Gujarat,India Impressions 2300-1700 B.C.

Ahar, Rajasthan,India Impressions 1835-1070 B.C.

K.Semthan, Kashmir,India Carted grains c. 1500 B.C.

Ben Chiang, Thai land Husk remains in potsherds 3500 B.C.

Ban Ha Di , Thailand Hulled rice kernels 1500-900 B.C.

(Ilu Leang, S.Sulawesi, Carbonized grains and glume c.4000 B.C.

Indonesha

Solana, N. Luzon, Gluine imprints on potsherds c. 1400 B.C.

Philippines

Eru-Jai Jiao,Zhejiana, Carbonized grains and broken c.5000 B.C.

China husks

Ho-mu-tu,Zhejiang,China Carbonised'grains, husks straw 5000 B.C.

Heng Chiun, Taiwan Glume imprints on potsherds 1385 B.C.

Xoiri Trai Cave, Vietnam 4000-2000 B.C.

Sharma G.R, and D. Mandal, 1980. Excavation

at Mahagara Allahabad, Allahabad University,

Sahara, H, and T, Satto, 1584. The earliest

Rice culture in In d ia . Archaeology Journal

(Japan), PP. 31-34.

Chowdhury, K .A . 1977 . Anicient agriculture

and forestry in North India, Sew Delhi.

Vishnu Mithre and R. Savithri, 1982, Food

economy of harappans in L, Possechi, Karappan

civilization, a contemporary perspective, PP.

205-221.

Vishnu Mithre. 1361. Plant economy in Ancient

KaLeswar, in Technical Report on archaeolog

ical-remains, PF .13-52.

Vashnu JSitre, 1382, op.cit. PP. 205-221.

K . D . S a n k a l i a , S . B . Deo and Z . D . A n s a r i ,

Excavation at Ahar, PF. 229-235,

Farooq A, Lone, Falaeoethnobotany, PP. 105-

1 1 0 .Yen, D.E. 1332, Ban Chiang Pottery and Rice,

Expedition, PP. 51-64.

Higham, C, and A. Kijngam, 1984. The excava

tion of Ban Na di Bang Huang Phruk and Von

Kao S a i in p r e h i s t o r i c i n v e s t i g a t i o n in

Northern Thailand, PP. 22-56. .

Glover,r ft

77. The late stone Age in

Eastern Indonesia, World Archaeology, PP. 42-

61,

Chang, T .T . 1SS6. The etkobotany of rice in

insular Southeast A s ia ,- A s ia n Perspectives

(In press).

Team of Luo-Jai-Jiao site 1331. Excavation at

Luo-Jia-Jiao s ite in Tong Xiang country of

Zhejiang, pp. 144,

Hu-K

South West and South China. * The chronology of rice

cultivated in different parts of Asia as revealed by

archaeological finds is given in t a b l e ^ L ^

t

Keeping in view the antiquity and varietal div e r s

ity of rice in India there hardly remains any doubt

about it being the original home of rice cultivation,

but the p r o b l e m with India, to be c o n s i d e r e d as the

original home of rice cultivation, is that the archaeo

logical and literary evidence of rice culture is very

late. The e v i d e n c e * from H a r a p a n culture (2100-1750

B.C)^ is the earliest. The Rig-veda compiled in around

1*000 B.C nowhere mentions rice.^ It is not simply the

d o m e s t i c a t i o n of rice plant but f l o u r i s h i n g of rice

culture which is responsible for its diffusion. On the

other hand both written and archaeological records from

China show a much earlier date. The approximate date of

rice culture in yang shai village is probably close to

the dawning of Hunghsoid culture around 3000 B.C.^ From

1. Chang T.T. op.cit, P. 425-40.


3. Sir Mortimer Wheeler, Civilization of the Indus Valley and beyond, P. 90, rice husks reported during the later stage of Harappan civilization. See "the birth of Indian Civilization, Bridget and Raymond All chin, P. 2 64.

4. Rig-veda the earliest sacred book in Sanskritcompiled around 1000 B.C. or slightly earliernever mentions rice but often alludes to wheat and barley. The Sanskrit name for rice, vrihi, only appear in Atharva-veda written after 1000 B.C. Ping.Ti.Ho, op.cit, P. 20.

5. Ibid, P. 19.

Agricultural Technology 142.'

present evidence there is reason to believe that rice

may have been cultivated first in the lower Han river,

late in 4rth millennium B.C. before it was introduced

into neolithic nuclear area.^ The oracle records of

the shang (1520-1030 BC) and various works of Chgan

p e r i o d (1030-722) all testify to the rice culture.

Thus the aggregate evidence in China predates by im

mense time to that of India and even if India was the

original domest i c a t o r , China can well claim as one of

the earliest rice cultures.

Out of twenty three species of the swampy grasses

oryza recognized 1axinomical1y by the scientists only

two have been domesticated. Of the domesticated s p e

c i e s o r y z a g l a b e r r i m a is s t r i c t l y a r e g i o n a l c r o p

confined to Africa and only oryza Sativa has the world

wide significance.^ The regions where the species of

rice has been discovered are India, Indo-China, Indone

sia, Taiwan, Western Africa, Madagascar, Central and

South America and Australia.'’

In view of the world wide significance, part i c u

larly in this part of the world, we find with little

surprise that the earliest rice reported from Kashmir

1 . Ibid, P. 19.

2 . Ibid, P. 21.

3 . Ibid, P. 21.

4 . Ibid, P. 21.

5. Ibid, P.

HCM


is the same species oryza Sativa (0. Sativa-P).^ The

n e o - l i t h i c sites of B u r z a h a m (2324 BC) and Gufkral

(2100 BC) in Kashmir did not reveal rice in the early

neolithic levels.^ Thus the rice findings at Semthan

(1500 BC) is the earliest. It appears at Grufkral

towards the end of second phase datable to 1000 B C 3 and

in the Megalithic period at Burzaham C. 1000 BC.^ This

shows that the rice was introduced in Kashmir somewhere

around 1500-1000 BC.

Like many other parts of the world rice is a late

c o m e r to K a s h m i r . H o w e v e r , t h e r e are s o m e o b v i o u s

reasons for this late arrival. The regions with whom

Kashmir shows closer contacts like Central Asia, Iran

and N o r t h C h i n a 1? all r e c e i v e d the c e r e a l late, so✓ ̂

Kashmir could not have it earlier. Secondly the early

settlers of Kashmir lived mostly on Karewas which were

1. Oryaza sativa has been usually classified into three sub species - India, Japonica and Javanica. The distinction between the sub-species is based on morphological characters and adaptation to temperature. Palaeothonobotany, op.cit, P. 104.

2. Sharma,A.K., 1982, Excavation at Gufkral (1979-80)

3. Indian Archaeology (A Review), 1981,82, P. 21-23.


5. It is not only the pit-dwel1ings and burialcustoms but also the tool complex like, stone axe, sickle and bone tools which take after the Central Asian and Chinese model. They are conspicuously different from their southern counterparts. See, Indian Archaeology (A review), (Excavation atBurzahom) 1961-62, P. 24.


more suitable for cereals, like wheat and barley.^-

To know the region of origin, wh e r e from rice

travelled to Kashmir, we have to give due consideration

to the regions with w h o m Kashmir had close cultural

contacts and, of course, the state of rice cultivation

in that area. India which is a strong contender for the

place of h o m e - l a n d of rice and k e e p i n g in view the

g e o g r a p h i c a l p r o x i m i t y , it is d i f f i c u l t to

overlook it as a possible place where from rice trav

elled to Kashmir. But as already mentioned literary and

a r c h a e o l o g i c a l e v i d e n c e f r o m In d i a is too t h i n to

confirm that even as late as C.1000 BC rice culture was

flourishing in India. The rice culture in China on the

other hand was by then atleast one thousand years old.

So the needle of probability of the origin of Kashmir

rice tilts towards China. Another point of interest is

that Harappan culture had not strong contacts with the

neolithic Kashmir, atleast not comparable to the con

tacts w i t h China, wh i c h is clearly r e v ealed by the

neolithic finds of Kashmir."^

1. Because irrigation is a pre-requisite to rice cultivation and it was not possible on the plateau land on which the neolithic man dwelt.

2. P i n g . T i .Ho, Op.cit, P . 20.

3. Indian A r c h e o l o g y (A Review), Excavation at Burzahom 1961-62, P. 2-4. The bone tools and pit dwelling which were so characteristic of neolithic Kashmir have not been reported from Harappan India while they have been found in China.


We do not exactly know when rice became the staple

food of Kashmir. The neolithic people seem more depend

ent on hunting-gathering rather than on agriculture.^-

It is possible that rice by then would have been used

on ceremonial occasions like China.^ On the basis of

plant remains and agricultural crops recovered from the

neolithic sites of Kashmir^ one can to a great extent

i m a g i n e the e v o l u t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e as well as the

cropping system that were introduced-there. This will

also give an insight as what role did different spe

cies play in the food economy of K a s hmir and how a

change in their food habits took place. It will also

help to have an idea as when rice, the most important

cereal of K a s h m i r became the staple food. The crop

remains recovered from Burzaham and Simthan are given

in table J E ' S Q L

Apart from the p r o g r e s s i v e d e v e l o p m e n t in the

cereal c u l t i v a t i o n a good numb e r of pulses and weed

plants show an increasing trend with every new phase

which is why the cereal constituent of the agricultural

economy shows a decreasing trend as shown in the table.

A n o t h e r note worthy feature is that the wheat wh i c h

started as a major crop shows a constant decrease while

barley shows an increasing trend. It is not clear why

this Change occured but the i n f erence seems correct

1. Ibid, Excavation at G u f k r a l , 1982-83.

2. Ping. Ti.Ho, op.cit, P. 20.

3. Palaeoethnobotany, op.cit. P. 204-6.


because even today in the hilly regions like Kishtwar

and Laddakh, it is barley which is mostly cultivated.

If the s t a tistical data represents the real pict u r e

then it can be d e d u c t e d that the new crop rice, r e

placed the cultivation of wheat and did not effect the

barley c u l t i v a t i o n much. However, it is not without

risks to generalise our argument on the basis of plant

remains only, ignoring the other evidences. The de v e l

opment of rice culture, for example, which has been the

m a i n f o o d of K a s h m i r s i n c e a n c i e n t t i m e s d o e s not

constitute much of the plant remains during the early

historical period. The introduction and development of

different crops and their progress or retrogression in

different phases of the early settlements gives a good

insight into the cropping pattern of early Kashmir. To

begin with the first crop introduced were wheat, b a r

ley, lentil and pea. These were all by then cultivated

as Kharif crops sown in spring and harvested in Autumn.

Thus during the 3rd milleninum BC only single cropping

system was prevailing in Kashmir. In the 2nd millenriiuirm

BC with the introduction of rice double cropping system

was introduced. Rice which is a kharif or summer crop

was introduced during the close of Neolithic period II

at Gufkral (C. 1000 EC) and period I at Semthan 1500-

600 B C . Towards the end of 2nd millennium BC and during

first m i l l e n n i u m BC the doub l e cropping was further

developed by the cultivation of horticultural fruits,

p u l s e s as well as s o m e f o d d e r c r o p s a n d t r e e s for

fuel.^- H e n c e from 1st m i l l e n n i u m BC onwards m i x e d

1. Ibid, P. 206-8.

Agricultural Technology 1 4 1

Tabl ̂ Percentage o£ cereals in Agriculture ou the basis of crop remains recovered from Burza- hoin and Siinthan.

Site Period r'L _rtaecu Barley Rice Oat S

Totalpercentage of cereal

Burzahom Phase IAceramic neolithic

. 2350-1700 B.C.73.5% 21.5% X X

n * f i* 0/ J . 0 O 'O

Burzahom Phase IIMature Neolithic 1700-1000 B.C.

73.68% 26.32% X X 67.5%

Burzahom Phase III Megalithic 1000-600 B.C.

65.9% 25% 9.1% X 62.8%

Siiuthan Phase I Pre-HBFW 1500-600 B.C.

30.31 14.4% 55.8% X 35%

Burzahom PqjSt Megalithic Phase IV 600-200 B.C.

60% 25% 14.50% X 54.4%

Siinthan Period II NBP Phase 600-200 b.c.

25% 56.25% 17.5% 1.1% 73.3%

Siinthan Feriod III200 B.C. - GGi A.D. 4.4% 57.6% 23.5% 4.4% 30%

Simthan Period IV Kushan001-500 A.D. '

39.3% 27 .8% 23% 4.5% 72.3%

P e r c e n t a g e o f d i f f e r e n t c e r e a ! r e ma i n s from B u m h o i a and S i & t h a n , K a s h m i r .

c r o p p i n g s y s t e m f l o u r i s h e d in the v a l l e y . T h u s it

b e c omes clear that agricultural economy a p p r o a c h e d

m a t u r i t y d u r i n g the p e r i o d . The rice c u l t i v a t i o n ,

however, does not seem to have beco m e p r e - d o m i n a n t

during the period. It was only in the ist millfinium AD

that rice culture completely took over which becomes

clear by the massive irrigation works undertaken during

the era.-*- It may however be noted that rice was on an

increasing trend ever since its introduction in Kashmir

in around 1500 BC.

One obvious question which strikes o n e’s mind is

that why the cultivator of Kashmir cultivating wheat

and barley shifted to rice cultivation on such a large

scale. There must have been some compulsions or att r a c

tions in the new crop, which motivated or compelled the

peasant to a b a ndon his age old cropping system. The

answer can come from the existing cropping system as

well as the physical geo g r a p h y of Kashmir. The dry

land cropping, to which the Karewa age people of K a s h

mir was used to, did not infact suit the overall g e o

graphical structure as well as the hydraulic situation

of Kashmir. The plateau land generally used for culti

vation of the early cereals was not fertile enough to

withstand permanent cultivation as there is no natural

system of enriching the soil. The land had to be en-

1. In the first millennium A.D. almost all the rulers of Kashmir are referred to have constructed one irrigated facility or the other, note-worthy among them are Lalitadytia and Avantivarmna (855-883 A.D.), R a jtarangini, op.cit,Book 4, P. 191-94;Book 5, No. 70-90.


riched either by manuring or by the fallow system for

which we have no evidence as yet. But onething is clear

that in K a s h m i r a single crop is ■■ norm a l l y grown

which helps the land to regain some of its lost fertil

ity.^ The tradition still continues and the tradition

al Kashmiri cultivator is generally reluctant to go far

the winter crop in the rice fields as it will affect

the rice production.

But inspite of this seasonal fallowing the plateau

land cannot undergo continuous cultivation. This must

have compelled the earlyman to look for such a farm

land which had some natural system of enrichment. The

low land had this advantage as it was enriched every

year by the silt brought by inundation and can be used

for continuous cultivation. This must have prompted

the early man to shift to rice cultivation and the idea

was not far to come because the regions around Kashmirf

with whom neolithic man had close contacts,, was already

practising the type of cultivation in the same kind of

field, for m o r e than a m i l l l h U i m . C h a u chu fei a

twelfth century AD official while describing primitive

rice culture in Southern most China, says,

"In p r e p a r i n g the field for rice pi anting, the

peasant chose only the kind of land that is evenly

submerged under water all year round. If the land

is but a too high to be submerged constant 1y , they

would reject it. Even when they do cultivate, they

1. Lawrence, op.cit. P. 306.

Agricultural Technology / A S

would barely, break up the ground. Without deep

p l o u g h i n g and hoei n g they simp l y br o a d c a s t the

(rice) seeds never transplant the shoots. After

the seeds are bioadcast they don't water the

fields dur i n g draught nor do they drain off the

surplus) water after excessive rain caring nothing

about manuring, ploughing and weeding they leave

everything to heaven".-*-

The low land rice cultivation in the valley, where

land remained submerged under water for most part of

the year,, the rice cultivation would not have been much

different from the one mentioned above except for the

fact that one or two ploughs would have been given

b e f o r e b r o a d c a s t i n g the s e e d s . ̂ ^ u t in n e o l i t h i c

period the hydraulic situation was certainly different.

Most of the land in the low lying areas would remain

submerged under water for whole year.3

This type of land had one more advantage. W h i l e

the dry land needed some sort of tools for working the

ground, be it only a digging stick, for this low land

rice cultivation no such tool was needed. Even today

there are localities in South East Asia, where the rice

1. P i n g , T i .H o . o p .cit , P . 2 5 .

2. Nilmata Purana, (Annonymas) tr. by Ved. K u m a i , V.567-68. \

3. Indian Archaeology (A Review), 1978-79, P. 70, because the river was flowing a few meters higher than its present bed level.


field is neither ploughed, nor spaded nor hoed.-*- The

soil may be fairly puddled and all the weeds destroyed.

The farmer can a c c o m p l i s h this p u r p o s e by s p l a s h i n g

around in bare feet.^ The process of preparing rice

fields with bare feet is still a common operation in

Kashmir though today it is done in addition to p l o u g h

ing. Thus keeping in view the abundance and fertility

of the low lying land, the scarcity and non-productiv*-

"ty of p l a t e a u land and the early s y s t e m of wet-1'

cul t i v a t i o n , coupl ed with the idea from their easte*

cultural brothers, it seems little surprising that the

K a s hmiri n e o l i t h i c man s h i f t e d to rice c u l t i v a t i o n

which shaped not only the economic history of Kashmir

but its socio cultural history to a great extent-

The agricultural history of Kashmir, since the intro

duction of rice culture, has primarily been the history

of rice cultivation.

The rice c u l t i v a t i o n being ge n e r a l l y in the wet

lands faces two problems; the i r r i g a t i o n (supply of

water) and the drainage (the removal of excess water).

But in Kashmir where the land remainSal submerged under

w a t e r a n d d u r i n g ^ u n d a t i o n is o v e r f l o w n by it the

problem which the cultivator generally faced was not

the irrigation but the drainage. It is the floods that

h a v e o f t e n b r o u g h t c a t e s t r o p h y to the r i c e f i e l d s

rather than the draught. It has always been the lord of

floods which posed more horror than that of dry w e a t h

1. Ping, T i . Ho, op.cit, P. 25.

2. Ibid, P. 25.


er.* This characteristic of the rice cultivation in

Kashmir is reflected throughout its history. The h i s

tory of development and diffusion of rice cultivation

in K a s h m i r is m a i n l y c o n n e c t e d w i t h this d r a i n a g e

s y s t e m . T h e g r e a t e r the w o r k of d r a i n a g e the m o r e

extensive became the cultivation of rice. So before

proceeding further in the system of rice cultivation it

is important to know about the irrigation system of

the valley.

In order to understand the irrigation pattern one

must bear in mind the geographical structure and h y

draulic situation of the valley. The valley of Kashmir

is distinctly basin shaped and it has a length of about

eighty four miles. The lowest point has an elevation of

5200 feet and the mean elevation is 6000 feet above the

sea. The lowest Banihal pass in the Pir Panjal range,

forming its outer boundary, is 3000 feet above the

level of the valley.3

In its c o u r s e r i v e r J e h l u m b e l o w the t o w n of

Is l a m a b a d flows through a plain of low level recent

alluvium. The width of this plain varies from two to

fifteen miles.^ It appears level to the eye. There is

1. Our sources are replete with the reference to different floods which often resulted in famines. See Rajtar a n g i n i , op.cit, Book 4, No. 1219, 1624; Book 8, No. 1422, 2449, 2786.

2. Ibid, Book No. 1, 159; Book 5, No. 68.

3. Lawrence, op.cit, P. 44.

4. Ibid, P. 44.


no doubt that this a l l u v i u m has been formed by the

river floods and the formation may be still observed.

There is no evidence that any change of level has taken

p l a c e s i n c e the d e p o s i t i o n of this a l l u v i u m w h i c h

contains in many cass pgttery and other works of art,

of comparatively modern date. During neolithic times

this must have been mostly submerged under water. This

alluvium plain today forms the chief rice cultivating

area of the valley.

On the b o r d e r s of this g r e a t p l a i n of r e c e n t

alluvium, there occur extensive elevated plateaus of

alluvial or lacustrine material which occupy a great

portion of the valley to which the local name Karewa

(Udder)'^Trom their elevated position these karewas can

not generally be brought under irrigation. The Karewas

are separated from each other by ravines of 100 to 300

feet in depth. Occasionally they are surrounded alto

gether by lower ground but generally they are connected

to some m o u n t a i n that bound the valley. K a r e w a s and

their dividing ravines occupy a width varying from 8 to

16 miles along the south-western side of the valley.

For a length of about 50 miles from near Shupayan to

the river flat between Sopore and Baramulla, the K a r e

was a d j o i n i n g the m o u n t a i n s have their s u r faces i n

clined from the latter with decreasing slopes.

At pres e n t the Jeh l u m makes its exit from the

valley through a narrow rocky gorge below Baramulla. It

1. Ibid, P. 45.


is yet to be finally established whether the valley of

Kashmnir i‘s true rock basin or a blocked river valley

but the latter seems more probable which is also m e n

tioned in almost all the ancient and early medieval

literary works of Kashmir.*

The plains suita b l e for rice c u l t i v a t i o n are of

two types - the ravines b e t w e e n the kare w a s and the

central plain of Kashmir along the two banks of river

Jehlum made by floods. The system of irrigation needed

for these two types of lands is quitc different While

the ravines are to be irrigated by artificial canals,

the central plain need drainage and dykes to protect it

from the flood and excess of water. The ravines between

the karewas or the "karewa valleys” which they should

be better called, are almost, all of them drained by

small s t r e a m s f l o w i n g in the m i d d l e . In fact the

" k a r e w a v a l l e y s " are the o u t c o m e of t h e s e s t r e a m s

cutting the karewas deeper during floods. Thanks to

the formation of the country irrigation is not diffi

cult and is some-what taught naturally. The villagers

of Kashmir always speaks of mountains as their treas

uries and in a year of good snow the t r easuries are

full. The snow melts into various mountain streams,

w h i c h lace the v a l l e y and r u s h d o w n to the J e h l u m

r i v e r . At c o n v e n i e n t points on the m o u n t a i n streams

temporary weirs or projecting snags are erected, and

1. Nilmata, op.cit, V. 227-290; Rajatar a n g i n i , op.cit, Book No. I, 25.

2. Lawrence, op.cit,


the water is taken off in main channels, wh i c h pass

into a net—work of small ducts and eventually empty

themselves into the Jehlum.

In the low lying areas the i r r i g a t i o n is still

easier as the level of the streams coming from high

altitudes and the cultivating fields dce4iot vary much.

The streams can be easily damped and used for irriga

tion.

In the given geographical structure and hydraulic

situation the main task which beset the rice cultivator

was the drainage, to remove the access water, from

swamps and the c o n s t r u c t i o n of dykes to protect the

land from inundation. The history of rice cultivation

in K a s h m i r is e s s e n t i a l l y the h i s t o r y of s t r u g g l e

against this hydrological chaos.

We do not exactly know when the act i v i t i e s of

irrigation and drainage started in Kashmir. However,

one thing which is to be borne in mind before trying to

find out its origin is that such activities are only

possible through an organised effort, that is once an

organised community had come into existence. Because

archaeology does not help us much in this regard so we

h a v e to rely on o t h e r s o u r c e s of i n f o r m a t i o n . T h e

history works of Kashmir which have dealt with Kashmir

history since the very beginning of the human sett l e

ments do not survive to us. The earliest extant work

does not date earlier than 6th century AD. Tho u g h

these works are full of terms related to irrigation


Y H T

.>•:

and drainage like stream (Kula), embarkment (setu) or

dyke, and dam (Gund)* but their description about such

works in remote past need to be corroborated through

other tests. The physical verification and of course

the n o m e n c l a t u r e wh i c h luckily has m o s t l y remai n e d

unchanged. The first textual evidence to an irrigation

canal provided by Kalhana, is about King Suvarna, who

ruled Kashmir before Ashoka is said to have brought to

Karala the canal (Kulya) called s a v arnamani. Karala

has already been identified in modern Zainpor^ and a

l a r g e i r r i g a t i o n canal n a m e d S u n m a n Kul the e x a c t

derivative of Suvarnamani Kula still exists which flows

along the east scarp of the Zainpur P l a t e a u . 3 The

importance and usefulness of the canal can be easily

imagined by the fact that it has survived all the plus

two thousand years of our known history of irrigation.

Similarly Kalhana mentions construction of a long

dam called Gudda Setu by one king Damudra.^ Damudra is

name of an important plateau (Udder) known as Damudar

plateau. He is also said to have built a town on this

plateau and is thus named after him. At the south foot

of the plateau is situated a small village called Gud-

Suth. The name G u d - S u t h also means in K a s hmiri the

1. R a j t a r a n g i n i , op.cit, Book I; N o . 156; Book 2; 274;Book 3, No. 345; 383, Book5, No. 120.

2. Stein, M .A . "Rajatarangini of Kalhana, Vol. I, P. 1 7 n .

3. Ibid, P. 1 7 - 1 8 n .

4. Ibid, Book No. 1, 156.


first d a m ^ G u d (First), S u t h ( E m b a r k m e n t ) * , but at

present no such arrangement survives. The same king is

a l s o s a i d to h a v e b u i l t long s t o n e l i n e d d y k e s in

K a s hmir to guard against inunda t i o n . ^ Thus we see

befo r e th b e g i n n i n g of C h r i s t i a n era, not only the

construction of dams and dykes introduced in Kashmir,

but they were made with all the refinements of modern

one's. The stone sets being used to protect the slopes

of the dykes. K e e p i n g in view the c o n s t r u c t i o n of

dykes in other parts around K a s hmir and their rich

t r a d i t i o n still s u r viving in Kashmir, it is almost

certain that fascines too would have been used to built

eathen weirs.3 In fact because of the simple mode of

construction and greater availability of raw material

in comparison to stones, fascines may have predated the

d y k e s .

The literary sources of Kashmir are replete with

the d e s c r i p t i o n of d i f f e r e n t i r r i g a t i o n w o r k s and

almost all the rulers are credited to have constructed

a canal or a dyke and what catches one's attention is

1. The small village of Gudsuth, is situated 70°,50long and 33°,58 lat. Stein, op.cit, Book I, P.2 8 n .

2. Ibid, Book 1, No. 159.

3. Fascines and stone were used to protect the dykesand built weirs since ancient times. We have evidence from China from 100 A .D . R. J. Forbes, studies in Ancient Technology, Vol. II, P.15. We do not know where from Kashmir received the technology but a simple technique like using tree branches to protect banks of the streams and used for construction of weirs, because of its simplicity, can be of local origin.


that the virtue of constructing an irrigation facility

or a drainage system is held at par with the construc

tion of religious places like temples or images.^- It

will not be out of place to mention that the construc

tion of our capital city - Srinagar is also result of ac*.

grand embankment work of early Kashmir. The construc

tion of these irrigation works is often, if not always,

attributed to some super human being or atleast to the

support they provided to the political authority. This

was perhaps so because of the gigantic nature of these

w o r k s w h i c h the a n c i e n t or m e d i e v a l m a n c o u l d not

conceive to be possible of the humans. The construction cN

of the embankment made for the protection of the city

of Srinagar as n a r r a t e d by K a l h a n a is an exam p l e in

point. To quote Kalhana, "your desire, 0 ruler of the

Earth (Prava^a sena II) will be fulfilled; come to my

side after crossing this embankment. With these words

the Raksas stretched out his own knee from the other

bank and thus caused the water of the Mahasrit (stream.)

to be parted by an emba0cment". The identity of this

stream (Mahasarit ) has already been confirmed by M. A.

Stein and is presently known as Tsunt Kul (the apple

canal) To quote Stein, "it is bound along its right or

n o r t h bank by an old embankment one and a half mile

long which stretches from the rocky foot of Takith hill

in the east to the high lying banks of vitasta (Jehlum)

1. R a j t a r a n g i n i , op.cit, Book 3, No. 483. Kalhana says that three brothers of the king who were his ministers built a Matha, a temple and an embankment .

2. Ibid, l»ook 3, No. 343-44.


in the west. There can be no doubt as to the antiquity

of this embankment, without it large p o r t i o n of the

city which are built along the low lying shores of the

Dal and the numerous canals stretching from the latter

to the west, would along with all the floating gardens

of the lake be exposed to annua] inundation from the

river. The embankment is still known by the name of

Suth obviously from Sanskrit Setu (dyke) " .*

However, the first famous ruler during whose reign

irrigation received great impetus, was Lalitadytra (8th

century AD). He is the first ruler r e f erred to have

used water wheels (aryhutta) to irrigate Ihu lundii

where ordinary mans of irrigation were not possible. To

quote Kalhana, "At Cakaradhara (Modern Taskhadar below

Vijbror) he ma d e an arra n g e m e n t for c o n d u c t i n g the

water of the Vitasta. (Jehlum) and distributing it to

various villages by the c o n s t r u c t i o n of series of

arghatta (water wheels).^ Kalhana simply mentions the

water wheel. He does not give any other detail about it

so to rediscover the type of water wheel used in K a s h

mir it is important to know the type of water wheels

used in other parts around Kashmir.

1. Stein, Vol. No. I, P. 101-2n.

2. The system of irrigation here referred to is explained by the configuration of the ground near Tasakhdar on account of the high alluvial plateau which stretches in a semicircle from Vijbror to below Taskadar, the land enclosed between them and the left bank of the river cannot be irrigated by the ordinary means of canals. At present the fields are irrigated by wells. Stein, Vol. I, P. 1 4 1 n .


Broadly speak i n g two types ol water wheels lot

raising water were known in the ancient and medieval

period. One was the Arghatta (noria) and the other was

Saqiyq or the Persian wheel . The Araghatta was a rim

round which pots were attached. It was operated with

human energy and it collected water by the surface of

water pond or by the river side. The Saqiya on the

other hand with a bucket chain or potgarland and a pin

drum gear could draw water from the well and was moved

by b u l l o c k s . I n p r i n c i p l e both noria and Persian-

wheel can have a gearing system or can work without

it. This has led some to conclude that the water rais-9

ing device has a three rather than two stage history.

The first was the argha t t a - a rim round wh i c h pots

w e r e a t t a c h e d and was w o r k e d by h u m a n e n e r g y . The

sec o n d was a r g hatta with a bucket chain to m a k e it

applicable to wells and raise water to higher elevation

but this was without a gearing system. The third was

Saqiya that is with both pot-garland and gearing sys

tem.^ It however, looks doubtful if the h i s tory of

technology has moved on such a logical course. It can

be safely presumed that water wheel mentioned by K a l h a

na was not Saqiya, because in India and China we have

no reference of Saqiya before 13th century. In fact

Irfan Habib, (Medieval Technology exchange between India and Islamic World). "Aligarh Journal of Oriental Studies", Vol. II/ 1985, PP. 198-99.

Anii'uddha Roy, B a g c h i , S.K., "Technology in A n c i ent and Medieval India" (Harbans Mukfe^a A g r i c u l tural Technology) P. 116.

Ibid, P. 116.

Ayr icuJtural Technology / 6 0

the first clear example about India comes through Babur

(1526-39) whose account makes it clear that it was not

by then known in Central Asia or Afghanistan.* Thus

there is no circumstantial evidence of such a device in

8th century Kashmir. The description of the apparatus

itself indicates that it was not a saqiya. K a l h a n a

makes mention of the apparatus at more than one place

but nowhere animal power is referred to. About Queen

Dida (*i*e-AD) he says that she "accomplished all kinds

of pious works by c o n s t r u c t i n g water-wheels, wells,

halls for the students and the like".^ The period

being contemporareous to Kalhan®,, the gearing system and

use of animal power would not have escaped K a l h a n ' s

keen eye. However, it is possible that the arghatta was

used with a pot-garland or a bucket chain because at

one place where the water wheels are m e n t i o n e d the

water was to be raised to the high plateau which seems

1. Babur writes in his autobiography, "(In Hindustan) they water certain crops in Lahore, Dipalpure Sirhind and other territories around, they i r rigate by the (Water) wheel (Charkh). They tie sticks to both the ropes and tie pitchers to the stick. This double rope to which they tie the pitchers is thrown over the wheel (Charkha) set up over the well. At the other end of the axle (Tir) of the wheel there is another w h e e l . But the side of the wheel there is yet another wheel whose anle stands upright. When the ox rotates this last wheel its spokes (Parha) getting into the spokes of the second wheel rotate the wheel carrying the pitchers. Where the water falls from the pitchers they fix a through (neu) and from the trough they take the water to where over they like", vide Irfan Habit, op.cit. PP. 199.

2. Rajatar a n g i n i , Book 8, No. 2416.


The most outs t a n d i n g figure in the a a r i c u l t u ral

h ist o r y of Kash m i r is u n d o u b t e d l y Suya, the master

agriculturalist in the court of Avantivarman (855-883

A.D.). The contribution of Suya to the development of

agriculture in Kashmir, particularly the rice cultiva

tion was so great that on the basis of his hydraulic

E n g i n e e r i n g he was con s i d e r e d a s u p e r h u m a n being to

w h o m K a l h a n a c a l l s the lord of food ( A n a p a t i ) and

attributes him a legendary birth.'' In fact, while going

through his great works in hydraulic engineering one is

astonished to observe the astounding achievements of

the medieval mind. Before describing his great works,

it may not be irrelevant to point cut that the legend

ary position which Suya assumed (perhaps) proved h e l p

ful for him for accomplishing his works. Because of

this p o s i t i o n he could p e r f o r m some such acts which

would have been ot h e r w i s e difficult lo accomplish.

Mention may be made of changing the confluence of two

great rivers (Vitasta and Sindhu ) of K a s h m i r . ̂ Had

Suyya not assumed a super human position he would have

found it difficult because changing the natural course

of things p a r t i c u l a r l y the rivers, which were held

very much sacred by Hindus was not p o s s i b l e in the

impossible by a simple water wheel."'-

1. Ibid, Book 4, No. 19£?.

2. Ibis, Book 5, No. 72.

3. Ibid, Book 5, No. 97-98.

A g r ic u ltu ra l Technology / 6 2

The p r o jects u n d e r t a k e n by Suya to improve the

productivity of land and bring more land under cultiva

tion reminds one of the modern techniques in the de v e l

opment of agriculture. The important projects undertak

en by him include the drainage of access water, irri

gating the hither to unirrigable land and testing the

water consumption of the soil.^ The most important

and massive project undertaken was to clear the bed of

the river Jehlum (Vitasta) and regulate the course of

water. K a l h a n a gives a d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n of this

grand Jehlum clearance plan. According to the author,

"He took many pots (full) of money (dinnara) from the

treasury and embarking on a boat, proceeded in haste to

M a d a v a r a j y a (modern Maraz South e r n Kashmir). After

d r o p p i n g here the pot (full) of mo n e y at a village

called N a u d a k a , which was submerged in the flood, he

h u r r i e d l y turned back --- on r e a ching K r a m a r a j y a

(present Kamraz, the northern Kashmir), the I oca lity

contemporary religious milieu.*

1. Even in other parts of the world, where riverswere not revered to the extent Hindus did, we see that people in general did not like to change the natural course of things. We know from prehistoric China that emperior Yan punished his Minister Kun because he wanted to change the natural course of things when he planned to build d y k e ^ t o retain the yellow river in its bed, Forbas, op.cit. P. 13.

2. Rajatar a n g i n i , op.cit, Book 5, No. 81-98.

3. The site of the Nandaka village is most probably,situated around Vijbror, with this name may po s s i ble be connected old Nandi canal, Stein, op.cit, Vol. I, P. 1 9 7 n .

*


called Yaksadara* (near Khadnyar) he threw with both

hands money into the water. There where the rocks,

which had i d l e d down from the m o u n t a i n lining both

river banks, had compressed the vitasta (Jehlum) and

m a d e its waters turn backwards. The famine s t r i c k e n

villages then searched for the money dragged out the

rocks from the river and thus cleaied the bed of the

vitasta".^ Not only was the river cleared by Suyya he

even b l o c k e d the whole river for seven days by c o n

structing a stone dam.After clearing the river bed and

constructing stone walls to protect the river from the

rocks which might roll down, he removed the dam. New

beds were c o n s t r u c t e d for the river w h e r e v e r it was

felt that the inundation would make breaches.**

A n o t h e r g r a n d p l a n w h i c h S u y y a u n d e r t o o k was

c h a n g i n g the conf l u e n c e of two great rivers of the

valley - vitasta (Jehlum ) Sindhu (Sindh) which at

once served many purposes. It regulating the course of

the united rivers, brought more land under cultivation,

w h i c h p r e v i o u s l y r e m ained s u b m e r g e d under water and

s a v e d it to a g r e a t d e g r e e , f r o m the d e v a s t a t i n g

floods. This was indeed a great plan only a master of

hydraulic engineering and well versed with the hydrau-

1. Yaksadara lies about three miles below Baramulla.It is the last projection of the mountain rangewhich descends to the South east from the Kaj Nagpeaks, Ibid, Vol. I, P. 197n.

2. Ibid, Book 5, No. 90-91.

3. Ibid, V. 92, Book 5, No. 92.

4. Ibid, V. 95, BooOk 5, No. 95.

A g ric u ltu ra l Technology / 6 4

lie situation of the valley could undertake. While the

novel method of clearing the river bed (dropping money

in the river) may seem funny but the change of the

c o n f l u e n c e of two rivers was a project ahead of its

times. To quote Kalhana, "The two great rivers the

Sin d h u and the V i t a s t a , which formerly met near the

t e m p l e s of V i s n u f l o w i n g to the left a n d rig h t of

Trigiami (respectively) have to this day in the vicini

ty of the city (Srinagar) their confluence which suyya

first p l a n n e d and which will last to the end of he

wor l d ".1

T h e old c o u r s e of the r i v e r has a l r e a d y b e e n

recognized by M.A. Stein lying immediately to the east

of Tirgam and Parspor ( ancient Parihasapura) around

the Panznor^ nambal . By forcing the river to pass to

the no r t h of T r i g a m instead of South, of it-j^became

possible to reclaim a great portion of land between the

1. Ibid, V. 97-98, Book 5, No. 97-98.

2. Trigami is the name given to a collection of small hamlets situated on a short distance from each other on the raised grounds stretching from the left bank of river Jehlum in the direction of Parespor plateau. Its modern name is Trigam,Stein, Vol. II. P. 329.

3. The name Parihasapura is preserved in that of the Pargana Paraspor. The identity of the name Pari- haspura and Paraspor is evident on phonetic grounds, It lies to t^ie South West of Shadpurj^ 740°.34 long. 34°.11 lat. Stein, Vol T ~ v T T v . 2 0 0 n.

4. Paz£ior lies to the east of Paraspor below the Parespore platea, Ibid, P. 301n.


v i t a s t a and the Sukhnay river on the south.* Apart

from this large tracks of land, lying to the south of

the V a l o u r lake, were to a great extent saved from

recurring floods^ by preventing the river Jehlum from

entering the very centre from the side of Parspor. This

also regulated the course of the river from the junc

tion to the Volur that is what Kalhana mentions imme

diately after referring to the confluence that stone

embarkments were constructed along the vitasta in its

course above the Valur.3

In order to f a c ilitate the c u l t i v a t i o n of newly

reclaimed . land Su#(ya founded various villages and in

order to save them from floods c o n s t r u c t e d circular

dykes around these v i l l a g e s . 4 This gave them the

shape of round bowls (Kundla) so these villages arewrz.

known with the same name like Mar-Kundal and 3 t s Kun-

dal.^ These villages still survive with the same names

s i t u a t e d c l o s e t o g e t h e r w i t h the left b a n k of the

Vitasta. Therefore, there remains no d i f f i c u l t y in

i d e n t i f y i n g them as the same villages m e n t i o n e d by

K a l a h a n a .

1. Ibid, V o l . I I , P. 331 n.

2. As suya forced the river to the north of Trigaminstead of South of it, it became possible to reclaim a great portion of land between the Vi t a s ta and the Sukhuag river on the south. Ibid. P.331.

3. Ra j a t a r n a g i n i , op.cit, Book 5, No. 105, 106.


5. Stein,op.cit, Vol I. P. 199n.


Besides these grand drainage projects Suyya also

made great contribution in supplying water to the land

which was till then dependent on rain water. He con

structed new canals and distributed water to the new

fields as per the requirements of the land.* He con

ducted experiments to ascertain the quantity of water

needed for irrigation for each type of paddy land.

Th e s e tests of water c o n s u m p t i o n carried on by

Suyya find special mention in Rajtharangani which says,

"Af t e r w a t e r i n g all village (lands) he Look from

(each village some soil and ascertained, by (observing)

the time it took to dry-up the p e r i o d within which

irrigation would be required (for each soil respective

ly). H e a t h e n arranged accordingly on permanent basis

for the size and distribution of the water course for

each village".^

S u y y a’s categorisation of the lands on the basis

of the i r w a t e r c o n s u m p t i o n has f i n a l l y led to the

r e c o g n i t i o n of land on this very basis. Even today

soils are recognised in Kashmir according to the q u a l i

ty of their water consumption. These classes are known

as Grutu, B a h u l , Sekil and Dazanlad3 Gurtu soil con

tains largest portion of clay. It holds water and in

years of scanty rainfall is safest for rice. Bahil is a

1. Rajatar a n g i n i , op.cit, Book 5, No. 110-112.

2. Ibid, Book 5, No. 110-112.



rich loam of great natural strength, Sakil is a light

l o a m w i t h a s a n d s u b - s o i l and it n e e d s s u f f i c i e n t

irrigation. Dazanlad soil is chiefly found in lowlying

grou n d near swamps. But it s o m etimes occurs in the

higher villages also.-'- It seems very likely that the

recognition of land on the basis of water consumption

followed from the experiments conducted by Suyya.

During the reign of Avantivarman (855/6-883 A.D)

the rice culluie of Kashrui t reached almost its maturi

ty. Its production increased so much that the price of

one khari came down from 200 dinars to 36 dinars^- Soon

after Avantivarman we came to know about king Samkara-

varraan (893-902 A.D) who "himself cultivated the land

as if he was an agriculturist" , which simply shows the

importance which the kings gave to the agriculture.^

During the reign of King Abhimanya (958-972) the new

post of revenue officer was created^ and the agricul

ture flo u r i s h e d with all its acces s o r i e s and with a

nomenclature of its own and with a remarkable influence

on all other departments of the life. New words like

Catusa, Khal and Armica^ became the domestic words of

Kashmiri language. The catusa modern Kuth (granary) is

a four pillared paullion which is made above ground, an

1. Ibid, P. 320.

2. Rajatar n a g i n i , op.cit, Book 5, No. 116-17.



5. Ibid, Book 7, No. 1024; Book 8, No. 23, 1245.


all w o o d hut to s t o r e the p a d d y a f t e r it has b e e n

thrashed in the autmn. The i m p ortance and r e v erence

with wh i c h the granary was held can be had from the

observation of Jonaraj, the 15h century court chroni

cler. "The granaries are indeed U f a ike* breasts of the

earth from which the people derive their nourishment”.^

Similarly Khal (the threshing floor) a track of land

kept by every peasant family, close by to the residence

to store the rice before threshing, was an important

i t e m of p e a s a n t c u l t u r e . The cr o p s s t o r e d in Khal

cannot be removed unless the state share had been taken

from it. We also come across terms like armika modern

aram° (market g a r dener or v e g e t a b l e gardener). This

clearly shows that the peasant o£ Kashmir was spec i a l

ising in raising different crops.

The food crops c u l t i v a t e d by kashmirr peasant,

apart from the above m e n t i o n e d cereals and pulses,

include pulses like black gram4 (Mango), acontifolius

(Moth), onions and saffron.Black gram (phaseolus mango)

mung in kashmir and mudga in Sanskrit, is one of the

earliest pulses cultivated in Kashmir. Seeds of this

c r o p h a v e b e e n r e c o v e r e d f r o m the s e c o n d p h a s e at

semthan (600-200 BC).^ It is also mentioned by Kalhana

1. Jaina Rajatarangini, P. 140

2. R a j tarangini, op.cit, Book 8, No. 1245-47.

3. Ibid, Book 7, No. 39-40.


5. Palaeoethonobotany, op.cit, P. 134.


as an important cultivated crop.-1' Till recent past i^

was sown in rice fields which required rest*, phaseolus

a c o n i 1i f o l u i s (M o t h in K a s h m i r i ) has b e e n a n o t h e r

important pulse, now mostly cultivated for cattle and

s h e e p . c,ai a i es t e v i d e n c e is f r o m k u s h s n p h a s e at

. . . 4- 1„ . ( r\ r\ ■» e n r td e u i i u c u i ̂ v v x ~ >j u u

Saiii Oia v CiOCUS Sai 1VUS i xi*a J ( Zctcif i cia± Xu A i a 1 c ,

K asha co in GansKirxt and K o n o xn Kaslvuxvx ) • p l a n t

is a nati v e of south Europe^ and is c u l t i v a t e d in

Span, France. Greece, Turkey, Persia and China.5 In

kashmir the c u l t i v a t i o n is mos t l y confi n e d to table

lands of paivipui. . The plant is propagated veaetatively

by bulbs. In k a s hmir the bulbs are t r a n s p l a n t e d in

August-September in raised plots. The literary evidence

cOmes f l oru 5th-6th century A . D . ̂ There is no archaeo

logical evidence as yet. Because of the scanty informa

tion it is difficult to know the region wherefrom it

travelled to Kashmir. It had both religious as well as

domestic uses.

1. Ra j a t a r a n g i n i , op.cit, Book 7, No. 786.


3. Pal utrotrthonobutany, op.cit, P. 135.

4. Wealth of India.(A dictionery of Agricultural Products), Vol X, P. 811.

r T U , * J - > * I Tsj . iDiu , c . Jxx i

6. Rajatarangini, op.cit, Book 1, No. 42, 220; Book6, No. 120; Book 8, No. 2 & 3J4-.


Q z r . e i p u l s e s , b e a n s a n d v e g e t a b l e s m e n t i o n e d in

w r i t t e n s o u r c e s are k u 1 a 11 h a {D e l i c h o s B i l f l o r u s )i

G u p l a , c a n a ( C i c e r A r i e t i n u m ) a n d m a s u r a . 1 K a l h a n a

p r a i s e s th e g r a p e s of K a s h m i r a n d s a y s , " L e a r n i n g ,

l o f t y h o u s e s , s a f f r o n , i c y w a t e r a n d g r a p e s , t h i n g s

that e v e n in h e a v e n are d i f f i c u l t to f i n d are c o m m o n

h e r e " . ^ H e e s p e c i a l l y m e n t i o n s g r a p e ju ice u s e d for

d r i n k and say s that the p r i c e of g r a p e ju ice i n c r e a s e d

a l o n g w i t h ric e b e c a u s e of f l oo ds ^ w h i c h i n d i c a t e s that

it h a d a v e r y c o m m o n use. The h o r t i c u l t u r a l f r ui t s m o s t

l i k e l y w e r e u s e d as an a l t e r n a t i v e food d u r i n g fa m i n e s

w h i c h w e r e f r e q u e n t in K a s h m i r b e c a u s e of -trad—w e a t h er

-altd floods.

Walnut, (juglans regia)

W a l n u t are n a t i v e to C en tr al Asia, Iran, C a u c a s u s ,

A n a t o l i a , B a l k h a n and s o u t h e r n Eur ope . T h e r e is no

r e f e r e n c e of w a l n u t f r o m I n d i a n a r c h a e o l o g i c a l e x c a v a

t i o n . ^ H o w e v e r , the p l i o p l e i s t o c e n e and p o s t gl a c i a l

d e p o s i t s of K a s h m i r h a v e y i e l d e d c a r b o n i z e d wo ods , leaf

i m p r e s s i o n s and p o l l e n g r a i n s of j ug la ns s p p .v a r i e t y .5

T h e i r e v i d e n c e f r o m S i m t h a n a n d B u r z a h a m is of t h e

1. R a j a t a r a n g i n i of K a l h a n a , op. cit , B o o k 1, No. 42.

2. Ibid, B o o k 8, No. . The f am i n e p r i c e of twop a l e s of g r a p e s is g i v e n as one d i n n a r a w h i c h g i v e s a p r i c e of 360 D i n n a r pe r Khari, S t e i n o p. cit , Vol. II, P. 325.

3. H u d s o n , P. S. (Trans. 1962). C u l t i v a t e d p l a n t s an d t h e i r w i l d r e l a t i v e s . F a r n h a m Bu c ks ; C o m m o n w e a l t h A g r i c u l t u r a l Bureau.

4. P a l a e o e t h n o b o t a n y , op.cit, P. 140.

5 . V i s h n u M i t h r e ( 1 9 6 5 ) , F r o r i s t i c and ec o l o g i c a l r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of the p a l c i s t o c e n e pi ant im p r e s - si'Jii l r om K a s h mi r, iraiaeobotanist, 1 o ( 3 ) , 3 0 S - 3 2 7 .

Ayricul tural Technology 117-

Juglan regia variety* which indicates that it might

have been brought from its c e n tre of origin in Central

A s i a . B u t its o c c u r r e n c e since plio pleistSfnce times

s u g g e s t s that it might have been domesticated locally

in Kashmir.

Walnut has been an important agricultural product

since early habitations in Kashmir. During early h i s

torical period it was used for oil for cookery and for

burning in lumps. However, during famine it was used

for food.3

Grapes ( vitis vinifera)

The se e d s o f the w i ld s p e c i e s have been recovered

from the N e o l i t h i c II phase o f the Burzahftm.* The

credit of the origin of V. vinifera i s p r e s e n t l y g iven

to an area extending from south west Europe to western

India. C u l t i v a t i o n of grapes was underway in the

North-East as early as 4th millennium, B.C.^ Grapes

have also been reported from Mehrgarh ( Bronze age )

1. Pa! hn o b o t a n v , op.cit, P . 140.

2. Padshah Nama (text) I Chap. II P. 30.

3. Ibid, P. 30.

4 . P a la eo et h n o b o t a n y . o p . c i t , P.144.

5 . I b i d , P. 1 4 6 .

6. Ibid, P. 146.

A g r i c u l t u r a l T e c h n o l o g y / 7 3

and Naushara ( Indus levels ) . x 'the grapes of Kashmir

are a l s o b e l i e v e d to h a v e b e e n i n t r o d u c e d t h r o u g h

Central Asia from Middle East.

The grapes are the best and most cherished fruits

of the valley. All the ancient sources have proudly

referred to i t . It seems that it was mostly used for

juice but like other fr ui t s would become an important

food item during the famine.4 Grapes were one among

the important products exported to India after Mughal

occupation of the valley.5

Bitter cherry (Prunes c a r a s u s ) . The a n c e s t o r of

one of the delicious fruits of Kashmir.lt grows wild

there. Its original home is not know but it is possible

to have been collected locally by the ancient man of

K ash m ir . K a l h a n a m e n t i o n s K a p itha a fruit which he

says, that it grows only for a short time at the b e g in

ning of the summer and is rare in India. ® The fruit

has been aptly recognized by stein as cherry.^ Butas

1. Cost antimi L. 1 984. "The beginning of ag r ic ult ur e

ir\ Sibbi Kacchi p la in and evidence from

Meh\garh" . In Bridget and Raymond A;! '-V 'r. ' °outh Asian, Archaeology) , 1981.


3. R a j atarangini, op.cit, Book 1, No. 42.

4. Ibid, Book 8, N o . ^ ^ ^ ' .

5< Lawrence, op.cit, P.351.

6. R a j t a r a n g i n i , op.cit, Book 6, No. 219-37.

7. Stein,

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New Chapter - 1shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/32997/7/07... · 2018. 7. 2. · A: Wheat, Barley and Lentil Whatever the actual state of origin of different crops, one