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|fIGHT OF POGROMS

"KRISTALLNACHT"

NOVEMBER 9 - 1Q. 1938

"/ myself could scarcely believe that such thingscould occur iu a twentieth century civilization.

"

franklin Delano RooseveltPresident of the United States

November 15. 1938

U.S. Holocaust Memorial Council/ 2000 L Street. N.W., Suite 588. Washington. D.C.

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/ 3 5~

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

In the compilation of a packet of this kind, many peoplecontribute their skills. We especially wish to thankProfessor Raul Hilberg, preeminent Holocaust scholar and Memberof the Archives and Museum Content Committees of the U.S.Holocaust Memorial Council; Robert Wolfe, Specialist for CapturedGerman Records at the National Archives, and Member of theArchives and International Relations Committees of the Council;and Norbert Wollheim, Kr istallnacht eyewitness and Member of theInternational Relations Committee of the Council.

We also wish to thank the members of the staff of theUnited States Holocaust Memorial Council, particularly MichaelBerenbaum, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum ActingProject Director; Brewster Chamberlin, Director of Archives;Sybil Milton, Research Curator for the United States HolocaustMemorial Museum; Isaiah Kuperstein, Director of Education; SteveGoodell, Expert Consultant; and Marian Craig, Director, Days ofRemembrance. Our special thanks are expressed to Ruth Dickens,Assistant to the Director of Days of Remembrance, and RosemarieCarey, Executive Secretary to the Director of the Council, fortheir patient and efficient preparation of these manuscripts.

Our thanks to the authors and publishers who granted uspermission to reprint excerpts from their publications.

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_ t- * * . C s A

CONTENTS

Letter from Harvey M. Meyerhoff, Chairman, U.S. HolocaustMemorial Council, and Benjamin Meed, Chairman of theCouncil's Days of Remembrance Committee 5Message from James I. Freed - Eyewitness to "Kr istallnacht" ;Architect for the United States Holocaust MemorialMuseum 7

How to Use the Booklet 9

Background on the Night of Pogroms 11

Documents 15

Nazi Paperwork on Re ichskr istallnacht 17Dispatches from American Diplomats... 32Eyewitness Accounts 35Responses Selected from the Print, Media and the

Literature 47Suggested Program Ideas For Schoolsand Community Observances 71

Study Aids 77

Highlights of Events, March 13, 1938 throughJanuary 30, 1939 78

Photograph of Burning Wiesbaden Synagogue, Germany 80Map of the Destruction of the Synagogues,

9 November 1938 82

Resources 83

Sources of Additional Information and/or Materials 84Bibliography 94Selected List of Films on the Holocaust 96

List of U.S. Holocaust Memorial Council Members 102

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United States Holocaust Memorial Council

Dear Friend:

November 9-10 marks the anniversary of the Night of Pogromsin Nazi Germany, Austria and the occupied Sudetenland. It wasduring that night in 1938 that well organized violence eruptedwhen SS, SA and Nazi stormtrooper s disguised in plain clothesburst into the synagogues, shops and homes of Jews, violatingtheir rights of security. Lives were lost, but, moreimportantly, a dynamic culture and unique way of life wasshattered. For over a thousand years, the People of the Book hadlived and worked and contributed to the intellectual, scientificand cultural inheritance of these lands. They nurtured theirfamilies, built homes, created great schools of learning. But,in the Third Reich, where bigotry was the government'sphilosophic cornerstone, this rich culture was vilified,condemned and destroyed.

"Kr istallnacht , " as it was dubbed by the German public, wasa significant twentieth-century event. In a world proud of itsadvanced civilizations, the potent evil of prejudice prevailed;it was unleashed to destroy people and to alter human conscience.The violence enacted on the night of November 9-10, 1938, was amajor step toward the Nazis' "final solution of the Jewishquestion . "

Now, still in the twentieth century and here in the UnitedStates, it is important to study the lessons of this greattragedy. History teaches us that to forget is to riskrepetition. We know you share our conviction that hope for anenlightened future lies in the careful study of the past.

Please join the members of the United States HolocaustMemorial Council in remembering the Night of Pogroms.

Sincerely,

Chairman, U.S. HolocaustMemorial Council Remembrance Committee

2000 L Street NW, Suite 588, Washington, D.C. 20036-4907, (202) 653-9220

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James Inoo FreedEyewitness to KristallnachtArchictect of the U.S. Holocaust

Memorial Museum

In November 1938, I was 8 1/2 years old, living with mymother, father and baby sister in Essen, Germany, where I wasborn. My family and I already had experienced what, to a child,seemed unrelated events. I could not understand them. Simplethings which children normally take for granted were mysteriouslydenied for example, we could no longer enter a public park.

Early in the day of November 9, my father received a warningthat it would be wiser for him and me not to go home that night.It was assumed that my mother and 3-year-old sister would remainand be safe there.

In the evening my father and I boarded first one street car,and then another, riding endlessly throughout the night. Twiceour journey took us past the main synagogue of Essen which was inflames. I asked my father why it was burning, but he reminded menot to speak. Although we remained unharmed that night, for thefirst time, I realized the world we had known the world of myparents and grandparents was not going to be my world.

My sister and I left Germany in early 1939 for France, and,from Paris on a children's refugee train, traveled on toSwitzerland. We came to the United States at the end of 1939;our parents followed us in late 1940. Although my immediatefamily escaped, most of my mother's family perished in theHolocaust .

We set about making our home in Chicago. It is not entirelysurprising that in this new world a child 9 or 10 years old wouldchose to suppress frightening memories. And, as one grows upenergy is focused upon the daily events in one's immediatesurroundings. I did not forget my past. I simply did not thinkabout it, as I did not think about many of the things that mighthave happened to us then. But two years ago when I was asked tobecome the Architect for the National Holocaust Memorial Museum,I knew that I would have to remember. And more, I would have tolearn about matters that I had deliberately chosen to repress.In retrospect, this former attitude of mine, not altogetherunique, seems to be a strong argument for the need for the UnitedStates Holocaust Memorial Museum.

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During the past two years, I have immersed myself in thehistory of the Holocaust, speaking to survivors, visitingconcentration and death camp remains, and the sites of destroyedcommunities. I have come to believe that memory must beawakened, and that this living memory must be transmitted tothose who have not personally had such experiences. Further, Ihave come to the conclusion that this Memorial Museum needs tospeak to more than the mind it needs to have visual andvisceral impact. Indeed, I believe that one must spirituallyleave the normal world one knows and enter into another time,into other space. One must become physically and morallyreceptive through a structure that can be read on the outside butonly experienced on the inside, an architectural means to preparefor the singularly unbelievable but horribly true story of theHolocaust .

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How to Use The Booklet

We are pleased to offer this collection of materials onNight of Pogroms ( "Kristallnacht " ) to encourage all Americans toremember the tragic event and learn its lessons.

This booklet is not intended for the Holocaust scholar orprofessional historian, but rather is for the student or layperson who seeks to understand this event and its historicalsignificance. It is not a definitive or an extensive study; newinformation is coming to light through continuing research. Thematerials contained herein merely suggest the wealth ofinterpretative literature and documents available on"Kristallnacht." We have chosen pieces which should providematerial for a variety of commemorative observances . Educatorsshould find this booklet useful as they prepare lesson plans andstudy units; librarians should find it an aid in developing bookexhibits and film programs.

A brief historical background to the event orients the userto the salient facts of what transpired. The documents thatfollow describe not only the official actions taken by the NaziGovernment, but also the response of U.S. diplomats in Germany.Eyewitness accounts of victims and the reactions of those whoheard about the event in the United States politicians,educators, religious leaders, among others -- are also included.

The booklet contains some suggestions for school andcommunity activities. We have included study aids to help usersappreciate the historical context and to identify the affectedgeographical locations.

Finally, in order to stimulate the pursuit of additionalknowledge about "Kristallnacht," we have included a briefbibliography and filmography. These should help the user in asearch of local library holdings. Also included is a list ofHolocaust resource centers in the United States which may havemore information and materials.

There are many lessons to be derived from the study ofthis dark period in twentieth-century history. We hope thereader will be inspired to pursue more knowledge about the event,to reflect upon its significance, and to remember and commemoratethe Night of Pogroms .

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Background on the Night of Pogroms

"Dead silence not a sound to be heard in the town. Thelamps in the street, the lights in the shops and in thehouses are out. It is 3:30 a.m. All of a sudden noises inthe street break into my sleep, a wild medley of shouts andshrieks. I listen, frightened and alarmed, until Idistinguish words : Get out , Jews ! Death to the Jews ! " *

With methodical precision during the night of Wednesday,November 9th, and early morning of Thursday, November 10th, 1938,SA, SS and Nazi stormtroopers , disguised in plain clothes,assembled in pre-arranged meeting places and fanned out toselected targets in the Jewish communities of Germany, Austriaand the occupied Sudetenland (the Third Reich). FollowingGestapo instructions, these Nazi agents axed windows, demolishedfurnishings, wrecked houses, smashed store fronts, ravagedmerchandise, torched synagogues, and arrested thousands of Jews.As the well coordinated destruction took place, most "neighbors"just watched.

By Friday morning, November 11, nearly 100 Jews were dead,7,500 Jewish businesses had been destroyed, 275 synagogues hadbeen razed or burned, and 30,000 Jews had been arrested, themajority of whom were sent to the German concentration camps ofDachau, Sachsenhausen and Buchenwald. Carpets of crushed glassand debris covered the streets in the towns and cities of theThird Reich.

The German public labeled this event "Kristallnacht " or theNight of Broken Glass. Some American newspapers dubbed it"Black Thursday," while others, comparing the destruction withthe physical attacks against Jews in Czarist Russia, called itthe Night of Pogroms.

Within days of the event, Hermann Goering, Reich Minister ofthe Four-Year Plan, issued the Decree Eliminating the Jews fromGerman Economic Life. A 25 percent "flight" (thousands of Jews,in response to "Kristallnacht," began seeking refuge in othercountries) tax on all Jewish property being removed from Germanterritory and, in a perverse maneuver, levied a fine of one

*Bentwich, Norman. "Kristallnacht: Pogrom in Emden." JewishYouth Comes Home . In: Eisenberg, Azriel. Witness to theHolocaust . New York: The Pilgrim Press, 1981, page 84.

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billion marks ($400 million) on the Jewish communities tocompensate for the damages wrought by the Nazis. Goeringexpropriated all remaining Jewish businesses by transferringtheir ownership to "Aryan" hands. Thus, surviving Jews were notonly robbed and assaulted, but they were made to absorb the costof destroyed property belonging to them without any means ofincome .

Panic pervaded the Jewish communities. Thousands packedWestern European and American consulates pleading for exit visas.Only a small percentage managed to escape, since the totalrequests far exceeded the stringent immigration rules andregulations established by such countries as France, GreatBritain, the United States, Canada and others. In desperation,some Jews committed suicide. A few thousand others managed toemigrate to Shanghai (China), British-controlled Palestine, SouthAmerica, South Africa and Australia. Of approximately 560,000Jews remaining in the Reich at the time of "Kristallnacht , " agroup representing barely one percent of the total population,about 160,000 were able to get out (nearly one out of everythree . )

"Kristallnacht" marked the intensification of a 5-year anti-Semitic program initiated by Adolf Hitler, Chancellor ofGermany, soon after he assumed power in 1933. Between January30, 1933, and November 9, 1938, through a series of laws, Jewshad been systematically denied their civil rights within theGerman community and gradually deprived of the right to gainfulemployment. The violent physical violations of November 9-10were the first attacks on Jews to go beyond the borders ofGermany, affecting incorporated Austria and the newly occupiedSudetenland .

These events were widely reported in the United Statesmedia. News stories filled the front pages of papers and closeto a thousand editorials were printed. Americans reactedinitially with outrage. Offers of humanitarian relief spannedthe entire political, religious and social spectrum of U.S.society. The local and national press and radio echoed theordinary citizen's empathy; pledges streamed from parishes,congregations and school districts to adopt and shelter Jewishfamilies and their children. Calls for an economic and politicalboycott of Nazi Germany poured into Washington from trade unions,civic associations, parent-teacher associations as well as fromleaders of both political parties.

On Tuesday, the 15th of November, President FranklinRoosevelt announced the recall of Hugh Wilson, the U.S.Ambassador to Germany, and issued a special press releaseexpressing shock and dismay. Notwithstanding the public outcry,the Department of State decided not to alter U.S. immigrationlaws .

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The events of November 9-10 were a significant advancementof the Nazis' "final solution of the Jewish question." Withintwo months following "Kristallnacht , " Hitler, in a major addressto the German Parliament, promised the destruction of the Jewishpeople throughout Europe should there be war. Thus, the Jewswere inexorably consigned to the Nazis' Kingdom of Night.

Under what pretext had the Nazis unleased such blatantcriminal violence against the Jews at this time? In Paris,France, on Monday, November 7, 1938, Herschel Grynszpan, ateenage immigrant Jew, shot Ernst vom Rath, the Third Secretaryin the German Embassy in Paris. Grynszpan was protesting theNazi Government's forced expulsion of his family from Germanyback to Poland as part of the Nazis' anti-Jewish policy (known asthe Zbaszyn Incident).

Following on the news of vom Rath's death at 4:00 p.m. onNovember 9, what purported to be "spontaneous" attacks on Jews,synagogues, and other Jewish property broke out throughout theThird Reich. These were surreptitiously organized by local NaziParty officials, instigated by the anti-Semitic Reich PropagandaLeader, Dr. Josef Goebbels. The actions were carried out by SAand SS men in plain clothes, as well as other Party members. Asthe depredations spread, and murder and mayhem were mingled witharson against synagogues and Jewish-owned stores and shops,uniformed police cordoned off the areas and did not interferewith the ongoing handiwork of the perpetrators . Firemen stood byonly to prevent the spread of the raging fires to Aryan property.Meanwhile, the Gestapo carried out their orders to arrest 20,000to 30,000 preferably affluent Jews. The rampage continuedunabated all that night and well into the next morning.

The Nazis attempted to camouflage their viciousness underthe cloak of vindication, but the world decried these acts asbarbarism. The tremor of protest over "Kristallnacht" soonpassed, however.

As for the 17-year-old Herschel Grynszpan, for over a yearthe French developed elaborate plans to bring him to trial . Theproceedings were never initiated. He fell into the hands of theNazis after their occupation of France. Dr. Josef Goebbels wasto have staged a showcase trial, but again the plans were nevercarried out. No records have emerged since the war disclosingconclusive evidence of this young man's fate.

Fifty years later, why should we commemorate this event?Americans should remember the tragedy of "Kristallnacht" as anevent which demonstrates the need for national resolve to respondto government-sponsored persecution anywhere in the world .Remembrance also calls for national rededication to theprinciples of tolerance and freedom of choice which form the veryfoundation of our democratic society.

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"...Anyone who closes his eyes to the past is blind tothe present. Whoever refuses to remember ... is prone tonew risks of infection.... We must erect a memorial tothoughts and feelings in our own hearts."

Excerpt from a speech by the President of the Federal Republic ofGermany, Richard von Weizsacker, May 8, 1985, on the 42ndanniversary of the conclusion of World War II.

"Seeking to forget makes exile all the longer. Thesecret of redemption lies in remembrance."Jewish Wisdom [Baal Shem Tov (ca. 1700-1760)].

NOTES: Please see "Highlights of Events, March 17, 1938 throughJanuary 30, 1939" in this booklet for a chronologicalsequence of events.

References from which the material in this "Background"was drawn are listed in the "Bibliography."

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Nazi Paperwork on ReichskristallnachtRobert Wolfe

National Archives

The so-called Reichskristallnacht (Reich Crystal Night), theNovember 9-10, 1938, destruction of synagogues and other Jewishproperty accompanied by arrest and murder of Jews throughout theGreater German Reich, was not, as the Nazis asserted, aspontaneous expression of public outrage over the assassinationof a German diplomat by a young Polish Jew. It was the firstorganized mass attack on Jews in Nazi Germany, although manyindividual Jews had been attacked and even killed since the Nazi"seizure of power" on January 30, 1933.

Actually, there were three "nights of broken glass"; onNovember 7-8 and 8-9, as well as November 9-10. Shortly afterthe first radio reports of the shooting of vom Rath on theafternoon of November 7 , pogroms led by plain-clothes SA and SSmen and other local Nazi party members erupted in the city ofKassel and a few lesser localities, ending by 10:00 p.m. thfftevening. On the following night, November 8-9, as vom Rath laydying, sporadic pogroms broke out in more than a dozen other(mainly Hessian) localities. These latter actions were abruptlyterminated by telephone calls on the morning of November 9 fromthe Gauleiter in Kassel to his Kurhessen county leaders,confirmed in writing by the following order:

All anti Jewish demonstrations are to ceaseimmediately. County leaders are fully responsible tothe Gauleiter for carrying out this order. Furtherinstructions will follow.

[signed] Solbrig, SA-BrigadeLeader

[Hauptstaapsarchiv Wiesbaden, #423/2948, cited in WolfgangPrintz, "Die Pogrome vom 7-10 November, 1938," inVolksgemeinschaf t, Volksfeinde, Kassel 1933-1945. Vol. II.Fuldabrueck 1: Verlag Druckerei Hesse Gmblt, 1987, pages 193-198. ]

Whether premature or trial balloon, all of these forerunnerpogroms were suspiciously similar in sham spontaniety and policetolerance to the organized nationwide pogrom of November 9-10.

Facsimiles reproduced in the following pages, ortranslations included here, are of captured Nazi documents placedin evidence before the Nuernberg International Military Tribunal

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which expose the Nazi leaders as the instigators of the pogroms,and unmask their transparent attempts to cover up theircomplicity. The original documents are in the National ArchivesCollection of World War II War Crimes Records, Record Group 238.

On November 11, 1938, Reinhard Heydrich, Chief of SecurityPolice, reported to Goering (whose office acknowledged onNovember 15 that the "General Field Marshal has been informed.No steps are to be taken" ) :

In numerous cities looting of Jewish shops andbusinesses has occurred. . . . The reported figures:815 shops destroyed, 29 department stores set afire orotherwise destroyed, 171 dwellings set on fire ordestroyed, give. . .only part of the realdestruction [and] may exceed that many timesover. Of synagogues, 191 were set afire, a further 76were fully demolished. Further, 11 community centers,cemetery chapels and such were set afire and 3 othersfully destroyed. Arrested were around 20,000 Jews,further 7 Aryans and 3 foreigners. . . .reported were36 deaths, as well as 36 critically injured. The deadand/or injured are Jews. [Nuernberg Document 3058 PS][Facsimile of original, Document #1 following thisreport . ]This matter-of-fact report minimizes the true story. The

police not only failed to intervene against the "spontaneous"anti-Semitic outbreak, they knew it was coming but did notprevent it. This is clear from the following Heydrich telegram(translation below) to all police units (facsimile of originalGerman document, Document #2 following this report) entitled"Measures Against the Jews Tonight" sent at 1:20 a.m.,November 10 from Munich (where Nazi leaders were attending theannual gathering commemorating the failed "Beer Hall Putsch" of1923) :

Because of the assassination of Legation Secretary vomRath in Paris, demonstrations must be expected tonight November 9 to 10, 1938 throughout the Reich. Thefollowing orders are issued for dealing with theseevents .

1) Upon receipt of this telegram, the chiefs of thepolitical police [Gestapo] stations or their deputiesmust immediately contact the appropriate politicalauthorities for their district [Nazi Party regional orlocal administration - Gauleitung or Kreisleitung] bytelephone to arrange a discussion of the carrying out ofthe demonstrations discussions which should includethe competent inspector or commander of the uniformedpolice [ Ordnungspolizei ] . During this conference thepolitical authorities are to be informed that the Germanpolice have received the following orders from the

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Reichsfuhrer SS and Chief of the German Police to whichthe actions of the political authorities should becorrespondingly adjusted:

a) Only such actions may be carried out which do notthreaten German lives or property (e.g., burning ofsynagogues only when there is no threat of fire tothe surroundings ) .

b) Stores and residences of Jews may only be destroyedbut not looted. The police are instructed tosupervise compliance with this order and arrestlooters .

c) Special care is to be taken in business streets toprovide absolute protection against damage to non-Jewish stores.

d) Foreign citizens, even if they are Jewish, may notbe molested.

Provided that the guidelines enumerated in paragraph 1 )are followed, demonstrations in progress should not beprevented by the police but only supervised forcompliance with the guidelines .

Immediately upon receipt of this telegram, existingarchival material is to be impounded by the police inall synagogues and offices of the Jewish communitiesCenters [Kultusgemeinden] to prevent its destruction inthe course of the demonstrations. This refers toavailable historical material and not to more recent taxlists, etc. The archival material is to be turned overto the competent offices of the SD.The direction of Security Police [both political andcriminal divisions] operations relating to the anti-Jewish demonstrations resides with political policeauthorities except when orders are issued by securitypolice inspectors. Officials from the criminal policeas well as members of the Security Service (SD), of theSS para-military units [Verf uegungstruppe : forerunner ofWaffen SS], and of the general SS may be called upon tocarry out security police operations .As soon as the course of events during this night allowsthe assigned police officers to be used for thispurpose, as many Jews particularly affluent Jews areto be arrested in all districts as can be accommodatedin existing detention facilities. For the time beingonly healthy male Jews, whose age is not too advanced,are to be arrested. Immediately after the arrests havebeen carried out, the appropriate concentration campsshould be contacted to place the Jews into camps as

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quickly as possible. Special care should be taken thatJews arrested on the basis of this order are notmistreated .

6) The contents of this order are to be passed on to thecompetent inspectors and commanders of the uniformedpolice and to regional and local divisions of the SDwith the addendum that the Reichs fuehrer SS and Chief ofthe German Police has ordered this police action. Thechief of the uniformed police has issued correspondingorders to the uniformed police including the firebrigades. Close coordination is to be maintainedbetween the security police and the uniformed policeduring the execution of the ordered actions .

Receipt of this telegram is to be confirmed by politicalpolice chiefs or their deputies by telegram addressed to thePolitical Police Central Office [Gestapo], for the attentionof SS-Colonel [ Standartenf uehrer ] Mueller.

signed: HeydrichSS-Major General[ SS-Gruppenf uehrer ]

[3051 PS] [Facsimile of original, Document #2 following thisreport . ]

This telegram had been preceded by one sent from Berlin at5 minutes to midnight on November 9 (one hour and 25 minutesbefore), presumably on Heydrich 's instructions, to all securitypolice stations and units by Gestapo chief Heinrich Mueller: "Inshortest order, actions against Jews and especially theirsynagogues will take place in all of Germany. These are not tobe interfered with. . . . Preparations are to be made for thearrest of 20-30,000 Jews in the Reich. Primarily propertied Jewsare to be selected. . . .Addendum for Cologne Gestapo:Especially important material is to be found in the CologneSynagogue." [374 PS]

If the police become lawbreakers, the judiciary ought tointervene, but a follow-up Heydrich telegram of November 10reads: "The Reich Ministry of Justice has instructed publicprosecutors not to procede with any investigation of the actionsagainst Jews." Notwithstanding this promised abdication ofjudicial responsibility, some state prosecutors wereinvestigating the lack of "compliance with [Heydrich' s]instruction. . .not to endanger German life or property. . .[when] synagogues are burned. . .no plundering. . .[when] Jewishbusinesses and homes are destroyed." [3051 PS]

So the Nazi Supreme Party Court intervened because, "as amatter of principle, it must be impossible that politicaloffenses. . .which, if only from the viewpoint of theperpetrator, are willed as extra-legal measures by the Party,

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should be investigated and judged by ordinary criminalcourts. . . . The Supreme Party Court has reserved for itselftbie investigation of killings, severe mistreatment and moralcirimes . " [3063 PS] [Facsimile of original, Document #3, firstpage only of three pages, following this report.]

This report of a Special Panel [Senat] of the Court set upto try 18 SA and 7 SS men, and 5 Party members including fourlocal office holders, accused of looting, rape, and murder duringthe pogroms of Kristallnacht , was transmitted from Munich onFebruary 13, 1939, by Walter Buch, Chief Justice of the SupremeParty Court, and acknowledged by Goering on February 22. Exceptfor four men charged with looting or "racial shame" committedagainst two Jewish women, one only thirteen years old, the panelrecommended that Hitler forestall trials in the regular courts bydecreeing light suspended sentences for two SA men involved inthe killing of two Jews (one a 16 year-old male), and dismissalof charges for 24 men involved in the deaths of 21 Jews(including four women) and the injury of three. Thejustification for dismissal of charges or suspension of sentenceswas that these murders were committed "on higher orders."

The Special Panel report states that, on the evening ofNovember 9 at the annual get-together of Party leaders in Munich,Goebbels announced that outbreaks against Jewish businessesalready underway in Party Districts Kurhessen and Magdeburg-Anhalt were, by Der Fuehrer's decision, "neither to be preparedor organized, but spontaneous outbreaks were not to behindered. . . . These oral instructions were understood by allParty leaders on hand to mean that the Party should not appearoutwardly to instigate the demonstrations, but in actualityshould organize and carry them out to avenge vom Rath." Most ofthose present telegraphed instructions accordingly to their ownParty districts. [3063 PS]

The commander of SA Brigade 50 ( Starkenburg ) , for example,reporting from Darmstadt on November 11 on actions taken by hisfive regiments against 35 synagogues, rather indiscreetly (or tocover himself) stated that he had received the following order onNovember 10 at 3 a.m.: "On order of the Group Leader, all Jewishsynagogues in the [area of] Brigade 50 are to be blown up or setafire. Neighboring houses occupied by Aryans are not to bedamaged. The action is to be carried out in civilian clothing."[1721 PS] [Facsimile of original, Document #4 following thisreport . ]

The Supreme Party Court ruled that the charges were to bequashed because the murders were:

committed by order. . .presumed order. . .or without ordersout of hatred for Jews, or. . .a decision suddenly formed inexcitement. ... An order shifts the responsibility fromits executor to the order-giver. . .a misunderstanding arosein some link of the chain of command, especially

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because. . .as a matter of course, in the days of Partystruggle [before coming to power in January 1933]. . .inactions where the Party did not wish to appear as theorganizer, orders were not given with full clarity. . . .[On November 9-10, 1938] subordinate leaders understood someunfortunately-phrased oral or telephone orders. . .to meanthat Jewish blood would now have to flow; at any rate, theleadership did not attach importance to the life of a Jew.In the time of struggle, it may have been necessary in somecases, in order to achieve political success without givingthe [Weimar] state the possibility of proving that the NaziParty was the instigator. This viewpoint is no longernecessary. The public, unto the last person, knows thatactions like that of November 9 were organized and carriedout by the Party. When in one night all synagogues burndown, it must have been organized in some way, which couldonly be done by the Party. But the soldier should never beput in the position of having to ponder the real intentionof his commander, whether the order really means what itsays. . .[otherwise] the Nazi concept of discipline andresponsibility will be undermined. . . . When toward 2 a.m.on November 10, 1938, the first case of the killing of aJew. . .was reported to Reich Propaganda Leader Dr.Goebbels, the opinion was expressed that something wouldhave to be done in order to prevent the entire action takinga dangerous turn. According to the testimony of the deputydistrict leader [ stellvertrenden Gauleiter] of Munich-UpperBavaria, Dr. Goebbels replied, in essence, that hisinformant should not get excited about one dead Jew; that inthe next days thousands of Jews will have to die. [3063 PS]It would not be the last time that thousands even

millions of Jews would be the victims of the extravagantsemantics of Hitler, Goebbels, and other Nazi leaders, whosehenchmen were "only following orders," and assuming quitecorrectly that each "order really means what it says."

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TJet Chef tier Sjidiertieitspolijei

II 5 4 - 9716/33 gDOCUMENT # 1

BtttinSmil. oen li^.i^ecber 1gj.8.Jhbg*|ilbtcd|t-Stra0c8fcnfpu^tc: P 2 flora 0040

] SriitiEHbricf

Anden Herrn uinisterpr&sidentenGeneralf eldmarschall Goring

z.Ed. von iiinisterialdirektcr Dr. GritzbachBerlin "^"8.leipziger otr. 3

retr . : Auction gegen die Juden.

Die "bis jetzt *ir.ge::;.ngeneii -eldungen dar ataats-7poliseistellen haben bis zue 11 -11.1938 folgendes Ge-santbild ergeben :-

In zahlreichen 3tii.it en haban sicii Pliinderur-genj lidi seller laden und Geschaf tshiiuser ereignet . Is r/urde,ua v?eitere Ilunderungen zu varuaiden, in alien Fallensciiaxf durcngegriffen. Tfei-en rlLinderns wurden dabei

174- lexsonsn festgenoa\.xen.- Bar- Hsfan^ dar Zerstomngen jiidischer Geschaf te and

TTohniorgen lasst sich bisher zii"f ernriisslg noch nicht be-legen. Die in den fieri cht en auf cefolxrten Ziffe^a: 315z erst "irt e Geschilfte, 23 in Brand gestec*:te oier sons*aerator te Y..arenhauser . 171 "in Brand ge setzie cier zer-storte .Vohnhauser , geb ?n, sov;eit as sich nicht"- ttz Brar.d-legungon lutndelt, nur -.ine:: _eil dar ..irhlich v-.riie^an-dea Z^r3torungn -.vi.^i-j-. "Tegen d.v: Jri.- -lioh

DOCTMENT #1 - ~ 0 I J 53erichterstatt"urg mussten sicii die bisher eir^egaarenen

Ueldur.^en lediglich auf all&eneir.ore Anga"oen, nie "zahlrsi-che" oder "die meisten Gaschafte zarstcrt", beschrenlcen.Die angee-ebenea Ziffern diirften daher un 3in Vielfachesiiberstiegen werden.

An Synagogentwurder. 191 in Brand gesteckt, rei.ere76 vollstiindig deaoli-rt. Ferner wurden 11 C-eneindehauser,Friedhofslapellen una d2?gleichen in Brand resetzt undweitere 3 vollig zerst-Jrt.

Festgenociuen wui"dea rund 20 000 Juden, feraer 7 Arieruna 3 Auslanders. Lex zt ere v/urdsn zur eigenen Sicherheitin Eaft genois^en.

An 2odesf alien v/urden 36, an Sch~erverletzten ebenfalls J.geceidet. Die Getb"teten, bezw. Yerletzten sind Juden. EinJude wird noch vernisst. tinter den getoteten Juden cefia-det sich ein, unter d-sr. Yerletzten 2 polniscb?- Staatsange

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REPRODUCED FROM HOLDlNGS Of l ME NATlONAL ARCHlVES ->Dg)P ,

REPROOUCED FROM HOLDlNGS OF 1HE NATlONAL ARCH|VES "JbSl W,

# A** ^ DOCUMENT # 2

- Besprechung 1st der politischen Leitung mitzuteilen,dasB

die Deutsche Polizei vom Reichsfuhrer M und Chef derDeutschen Polizei die folgenden Weisungen erhalten hat,denen die Mafinahmen der politischen Leitungen zweckmaasiganzupassen waren:

a) Es dttrfen nur solche Massnahmen getroffen werden, die

keine Gefahrdung deutschen Lebene Oder Eigentums altsich bringen ( z.B. Synagogenbrande nur,wenn keine

Brandgefahr fur die Umgebung vorhanden ist ) ,

b) Geschafte und Wohnungen von Juden diirfen nur zeretbrt,

nicht geplvlndert werden. Die Polizei ist angewieeen,dieDurchfuhrung dieser Anordnung zu Uberwachen und PlUn =

derer fe8tzunehmen,

c) Jn Geschaf tsstrassen ist besonders darauf zu achten,das8 nicht jiidische Geachafte unbedingt gegen Schadengesichert werden.

d) Aualandische Staateangehorige diirfen - auch wenn aieJuden aind - nicht belaetigt werden.

2) Unter der VorausBetzung, dasa die unter 1) angegebenen

Richtlinien eingehalten werden, sind die stattf in^enden.Demonstrationen von der Polizei nicht zu verhindern, son =

dern nur auf die Einhaltung der Richtlinien zu Uberwachen.

3) Sofort nach Eingang dieses Pernechreibens iet in alien Sy=nagogen und Geechafteraumen der JUdischen Kultu8gemeinden

das vorhandene Archivmaterial polizeilich zu beechlag =nahmen,damit ea nicht im Zuge der Demonstrationen zerstbrt

26 ft f *b ^ r. 0

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iL national archives

DOCUMENT # 2

wird. Es kommt dabei auf das historisch wertvolle Materialan, nicht auf neuere Steuerlisten usw. Das Archivmaterial

ist an die zustndigen SB Dienststellen abzugeben.

Die Leitung der sicherheitspolizeilichen Massnahmen hinsichtlich der Demons-tot ionen gegen Juden liegt bei den

. Staatspolizeistellen, soweit nioht die Jnspekteure derSicherheitspolizei Weisungen erteilen. Zur Durchfhrungder sicherheitspolizeilichen Massnahmen knnen Beamteder Kriminalpolizei sowie Angehrige des SB, der Verf

gungstruppe und der allgemeinen H zugezogen werden.

Sobald der Ablauf der Ereignisse dieser Nacht die Ver

Wendung der eingesetzten Beamten hierfr zulest , sindin allen Bezirken so viele Juden - insbesondere wohlha =bende - festzunehmen, als in den vorhandenen Haftrumenuntergebracht werden knnen. Es sind zunchst nur gesun =

de mnnliche Juden nicht zu hohen Alters festzunehmen.Nach Durchfhrung der Festnahme ist unverzglich mitden zustndigen Konzentrationslagern wegen schnellsterUnterbringung der Juden in den Lagern Verbindung aufzu nehmen Je e ist besonders darauf zu achten, dass die auf =grund dieser Weisung festgenommenen Juden nicht miss =

handelt werden.

Der Jnhalt dieses Befehls ist an die zustndigen Jn =pekteure und Kommandeure der Ordnungspolizei und an

die SD-Oberabschnitte und SD-Unterabschnitte weiterzu =

geben mit dem Zusatz, dass der Reichsfhrer H und Chef

A 0H350327

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REPRODUCED FROM HOLDlNGS Ot THE NAiiONAL ARCH|VES "7

DOCUMENT # 2

der Eeutschen Pollzai diese polizeiliche Kasanahme angeordnet hat.Ber Chef der Ordnungapolizei hat fur die Ordnungspolizet ein =

eohlieselioh der Petrerlbechpolizei entsprechende Weisungen er =

teilt.Jn der Durchfuhrung der angeordneten Maeenahmen ist engsteeEinvernehmen zwisohen der Sicherheitepolizei und der Qrdnungs =polizei zu wahren.

tern oder. deren Stellvertretern durch PS an das Geheime Staats =polizeiamt - z.Hd.H-StandartenfUhrer Ifiiller - zu bestatigen.

Der Empfang dieses Fernschreibens ist von den Stapolei =

gez.Heydrich,

M-Gruppenftihrer.

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ED AT THE NATlOWAt ARCHlVESDOCUMENT # 3

jOtationalfojkliifdje Beutfdje Arbeiterpartei^berftes $)tte(geruf)t

&nd)m 33fmwf so$\t$9$\s, loeu

47 Indien: Schn/R, Dm

Geheim ! Geheim !

Berichtber

die Vorgnge und parteigerichtlichen Verfahren,die im Zusammenhang mit den antisemitischen Kundgebungen

vom 9 November 1958 stehen.

Am Abend des 9. November 1958 teilte der Reichspropagandaleiter Pg.Dr. Goebbels den zu einem Kameradschartsabend im Alten Rathaus zu Mnchen versammelten Parteifhrern mit, dass es in den Gauen Kurhessen und Magdeburg-Anhalt zu judenfeindlichen Kundgebungen gekommen sei, dabeiseien jdische Geschfte zertrmmert und Synagogen in Brandgesteckt worden Der Fhrer habe auf seinen Vortragentschieden, dass derartige Demonstrationen von der Parteiweder vorzubereiten noch zu organisieren seien, soweit sie

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Dispatches from American Diplomats

The Ambassador in Germany (Wilson) to the Secretary of State[Hull]

Berlin, November 10, 1938 - 2 p.m.[Received November 10 10:35 a.m.]

605. My 600, November 8, 4 p.m. and 603, November 9, 5 p.m. Inthe early hours of this morning systematic breaking of Jewishowned shop windows throughout the Reich and the burning of theprincipal synagogues in Berlin was carried out. Observers notedno uniforms of Nazi organizations among the perpetrators of thisaction. Nevertheless, it is not conceivable that this admirablebody of police would have tolerated such infraction of orderunless general instructions to that effect had been issued.The noon press nevertheless carries the following release by thesemi-official German news agency:"When news of the death of the German diplomat and Party memberVom Rath at the hands of a Jewish murderer became knownspontaneous anti-Jew demonstrations in the whole Reich developed.The profound indignation of the German people found expression inconsiderable anti-Jewish actions in many instances."Editorial comment continues along the same lines described in mytelegrams under reference which seems to imply a continuation ofanti-Jewish measures. Moreover, an order by Himmler is publishedforbidding Jews to possess arms. This has given rise toconsiderable apprehension in connection with the return of VomRath's body to Germany.

Although no arrests have been reported in Berlin the Consulate inBreslau reports arrests of Jews there this morning.

Wilson

In : Foreign Relations of the United States: Diplomatic Papers,1938.~Volume II: The British Commonwealth, Europe, Near Eastand Africa. Washington , D.C. : Government Printing Office, 11)55 ,pages 395-396.

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David H. Buff urn, American Consul in Leipzig, November 10, 1938:

Violent anti-Semitic pogrom in progress in Leipzig.Three synagogues in flames one next to Consulateburning but fire under control. Hundreds of shopwindows throughout city smashed no American property orlives molested as yet. Fur district badly damaged.

Cable to the Secretary of State. In: Mendelsohn, John (ed.) andDetwiler, Donald S. (adv. ed.). The Holocaust. SelectedDocuments in Eighteen Volumes . Volume 3: The Crystal NightPogrom. New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1982, page 173,Doc. 18.

Samuel Honaker, American Consul General in Stuttgart,November 15, 1938:

Of all the places in this section of Germany, the Jewsof Rastatt, which is situated near Baden-Baden, haveapparently been subjected to the most ruthlesstreatment. Many Jews in this section were cruellyattacked and beaten and the furnishings of their homesalmost totally destroyed. Practically all male Jews inthat city were arrested and transported either toprisons or to concentration camps.... Similardevelopments occurred in other places, and there weredoubtless many outrages.... So far as Stuttgart isconcerned, I can state confidently that these so calledreprisals against the Jews were not a spontaneousmovement originating from the people as a whole....For more than five days the office has been inundatedwith people. Each day a larger and larger crowd hasbesieged the Consulate, filling all the rooms andoverflowing into the corridor of a building six storieshigh. Today there were several thousand....

Excerpts from Honaker 's report covering Stuttgart and othercities to George S. Messersmith, Assistant Secretary of State.In: Mendelsohn, John (ed. ) and Detwiler, Donald S. (Adv. ed.).The Holocaust. Selected Documents in Eighteen Volumes.Volume 3: The Crystal Night Pogrom. New York: GarlandPublishing, Inc., 1982, pages 176-181.

David H. Buffum, American Consul in Leipzig, November 21, 1938:At 3 A.M. November 10, 1938, was unleashed a barrage ofNazi ferocity as had had no equal hitherto inGermany. ... In one of the Jewish sections an eighteenyear old boy was hurled from a three story window toland with both legs broken on a street littered with

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burning beds and other household furniture and effectsfrom his family's and other apartments....Three synagogues in Leipzig were fired simultaneouslyby incendiary bombs and all sacred objects and recordsdesecrated or destroyed, in most instances hurledthrough the windows and burned in the streets ....The most hideous phase of the so-called Spontaneous'action, has been the wholesale arrest andtransportation to concentration camps of male GermanJews between the ages of sixteen and sixty, as well asJewish men without citizenship. . . .The slightest manifestation of sympathy evoked apositive fury on the part of the perpetrators, and thecrowd was powerless to do anything but turn horror-stricken eyes from the scene of abuse, or leave thevicinity. . . .

Excerpts from Buff urn's report, "Anti-Semitic Onslaught in Germanyas Seen from Leipzig." In: Mendelsohn, John (ed.) and Detwiler,Donald S. (Adv. ed.). The Holocaust. Selected Documents inEighteen Volumes . Volume 3: The Crystal Night Pogrom.New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1982, pages 191-197,Doc. 21.

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EYEWITNESS ACCOUNTS

1 . Vienna, AustriaTwenty years is a long time in a man's life, but the eventsof the fall of 19 38 are burned into my memory. ... OnNovember 10, in the morning, on the way to a friend who livedin the center of the city, I happened to read at a newsstandthe headlines of the Neue Preie Presse, one-time mouthpieceof liberalism. The "aryanized' paper reported the death ofHerr vom Rath in inflammatory Jew-baiting language in thevein of Julius Streicher's notorious Stuenner.Cautiously I watched the expressions of my neighbors.Apparently they were little influenced by the Nazieditorials. A Jewish lad had killed a petty official inParis so what? By that time, the Austrians were moreconcerned with the growing food shortage than with Nazipolitics . But I found it advisable to postpone my visit andreturn home. I rushed to the nearest telephone booth to callup my friend.My friend's wife talked very nervously. Jacob had gone to agrocer two hours ago but had not yet returned ! I tried tocomfort her as much as I could when a man preemptorilydemanded that I leave the booth. "I am sorry,' I said tohim, "you have to wait until I've finished my call.' Hewaited, hot with anger. "We are not in Paris, mind youl' hemuttered threateningly, when I left the booth. He wore thebadge of the veteran party members .

I decided to go home. But after a few minutes I was stopped."Are you a Jew?' The man who asked me this question had thelook of a criminal; he wore no badge. Frequently Jews wererobbed in the streets of Nazi Vienna in broad daylight. Sointimidated were the Jews that they often did not dare tocall for help.I tried to elude the man by walking faster. He caught upwith me. A short struggle ensued. People gathered aroundme. I found out what I should have known from the start:that not all Austrians were Nazi sympathizers. Although allof these people were wearing swastikas (for self -protection ) ,they rallied to my aid, regarding my assailant as a commongangster. "Let him alone, at once!' they commanded my foe.But the latter scornfully shouted at the crowd: "Off withyou Gestapo 1' He took a badge out of his pocket. I hadnever seen such a stampede before....

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The Gestapo man put handcuffs on me. I was dragged like acommon criminal through the crowded streets of my nativeVienna on that gloomy November day I shall never forget....Eventually I found myself in the cell of a police stationalong with fifty or sixty other Jewish men arrested in thestreets like myself, or dragged from their shops or homes.Our number increased as every five or ten minutes anotherbattered Jew was thrown into our already crowded cell.It was two o'clock in the afternoon when we got some waterbut no food. Too exhausted for talk, we sat on the floor, ordid whatever walking could be done in the small cell. Nowand then a policeman came in. He would not tell us about thelooting of the few remaining Jewish-owned shops, or theburning of the synagogues (of all this we were to learn muchlater). In fact, he tried to reassure us, but with littlesuccess. It was clear to us that he was uneasy and that heeven felt ashamed.At eleven p.m. stormtroopers arrived to take charge of us.We were herded into a dark prison van and driven to a Nazibarracks. On our arrival we had to run the gauntlet of a wildmob who beat us with sticks and iron bars. The first toenter the barracks was shot at once. On entering the hall,he had stumbled against a Nazi guard, and another Nazi,interpreting it as a hostile act, had pressed his trigger.We spent the night in the pitch dark rooms of what had been aschool house. No one slept since we could hear the turmoilgoing on in the street. At about two a.m. the noisegradually subsided, but few of us managed to fall asleep. Wekept thinking: What will become of us? What has happened toour families?Three or four persons went mad that night. A boy of eighteentried to commit suicide by jumping out of the window. As hishead smashed through the glass he was seized and pulled backby one of our men, a former police sergeant. The man was toolate. The boy had cut one of the arteries of his neck and hedied despite the frantic efforts of some doctors in our midstto stop the flood of blood.

During the seven days that followed we got, now and then, afew slices of black bread and some tea. The Nazis (some ofthem Germans, to judge by their accents, but the majorityAustrian riff-raff) played with us as nasty boys would playwith their "pets.' They did not allow us an hour of rest.Once a grim-faced man, a devil, entered our room, demandingthat we should choose one among us who should pay with hislife "for the sins of the others.' We refused instantaneously and declared that we would rather all die thanaccept this demand. He was not satisfied with this offer.He chose a man himself, and we did not see the victim again.

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Another Nazi singled out the youngest of our group, a boy ofseventeen, put his revolver on the youngster's chest andbarked: "Say your prayers!' The brave youth replied:" Shoot, you coward!' Whereupon the Nazi beast became soinfuriated that he beat the youth with his revolver until hisvictim collapsed.

One evening it was the last we were to spend in thebarracks all of us, several hundred people, were calledfrom the classrooms into the big gym where one of the Nazismade a short speech:

"You have murdered Herr vom Rath,' he shouted. " Every one ofyou is a Herschel Grynszpan. But our Fuehrer will destroyJewry in all parts of the world, and not even your Jehovahwill help you ! 'Then we had to perform physical exercises under the mockingsupervision of the Nazis. From ten in the evening to eightin the morning we were chased through the overheatedgymnasium. We had to run, jump, kneel without pause. Notonly young strong men, but also the elderly and the sick hadto keep up the pace in spite of the exhaustion from a week'sdreadful strain and lack of food and sleep. Several mencollapsed. The Nazis "took charge" of these "recalcitrant"ones in such a way that in the morning two or three werefound dead and a number of others badly injured. I stillwonder how I was able to hold out....In the morning we were told to put on our coats and hats andto go to the offices where we would be informed as to what wecould expect. A ray of hope gleamed through our bitternessand despair.... Perhaps .... the mortal foes had abated orthe democratic world powers (especially the U.S.), in whom westill believed, had intervened in our behalf. We would bereleased soon. We would see our families again. We wouldshave and wash and go to bed sleep in our own beds. Wewould have a substantial meal next morning and again try toget visas from the embassies of some South American orAfrican state (practically all European countries werehermetically sealed to refugees from the Nazi terror) .It was not until we were herded into cattle cars and thetrain began to move that our hopes of liberty sank. Thetrain, we understood, was carrying us off to that hell onearth the concentration camp of Dachau. It was there that Ilearned from Bavarian, Prussian and Silesian Jews thatAustria and the whole of Germany had become Eretz ha-damim(land of blood) !

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Poland was next on the agenda. But the nations of the worldthat had failed to grasp the importance of the " BlackThursday' also failed to grasp the fact that the invasion ofPoland would initiate a global war. I was in America aftera half year in Dachau, and a year in a British internmentcamp when a U.S. Senator naively told an interviewer: "Itake no stock in the argument that the United States cannotlive peaceably in the world and live comparatively welleconomically if Europe is dominated by totalitarianism. 'He failed to realize that mankind could never hope to livehappily in a world half slave and half free."

Art critic and historian, Alfred Werner, recounts his experiencesof the fall of 1938 in Vienna. In: Eisenberg, Azriel. Witnessto the Holocaust. New York: The Pilgrim Press, 1981, pages 88-91.

2 . Duesseldorf, Germany

[Rabbi Eschelbacher had just returned home at midnight on 9November when the telephone rang.] A voice, trembling withhorror, shouted "Rabbi, they're breaking up the synagoguehall and smashing everything to bits, they're beating themen, we can hear it from here.' It was Mrs. Blumenthal wholived next door.... I was just about to go there, but almostat that very moment there was a violent banging at my owndoor. I switched off the light and looked outside. Thesquare in front of the house was black with SA men. The nextmoment they were upstairs, pushing in the front door of theflat. The staircase swarmed with men, of all ranks. Theyrushed in on us shouting: * Revenge for Paris! Down with theJews!' They pulled mallets out of their pouches and in amoment splintered glass flew from window-panes and mirrors,and splintered wood from the furniture. The gang came up tome with clenched fists, one of them got hold of me andordered me downstairs . I felt certain I would be beaten todeath. I went into the bedroom, put down my watch, walletand keys and took leave of Berta .

Downstairs the street was full of SA men. Counting those inthe house there must have been between fifty and sixtyaltogether. The shout met me: "Give us a sermon!' I beganto speak of the death of Vom Rath, saying that his murder wasmore a misfortune for us than the German people, that we werein no way guilty for his death. ... On the corner, in theStromstrasse, the street was covered with books that had beenthrown out of the window, together with papers, documents andletters. The ruins of my typewriter were there also.... Imyself was gripped by an SA man and hurled across the street

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against the house .... The party Kreisleiter (districtleader) said to me: "You are under arrest.'

[Rabbi Eschelbacher was then escorted to Duesseldorf policeheadquarters by SA men who sang in unison "Revenge for Paris!Down with the Jews!" Passers-by joined in the chorus.]

Kochan, Lionel. Pogrom: 10 November 1938. In: Eisenberg,Azriel. Witness to the Holocaust. New York: The Pilgrim Press,1981, page 87.

3 . Potsdam (suburban metropolitan Berlin), Germany

[Lionel Kochan recalled the morning of November 10, 1938.]I shall never forget the sound of that bell. I knew at oncewhat it meant. Scantily dressed, I opened the door and myfear was confirmed. Five men in mufti faced me. The leadersaid he was a Gestapo official and put me under arrest. Anyattempt at escape would be met by the use of arms, he warned.At that moment my son came out of his room. He too wasarrested. We had to dress under the supervision of theofficials and then they ordered me to hand over the keys ofthe synagogue and of the community records . When I repliedthat the keys were kept by an Aryan janitor and that therecords were with the Treasurer, we were both taken out tothe car. . . .

The main synagogue door had resisted the attack of betweentwenty and twenty-five men, so that I was forced to show theleaders a side entrance.... They smashed the door down and Iled the ringleader through the back entrance into thesynagogue.... "We want to see the Holy of Holies!....'In a few minutes the whole interior of the synagogue wastransformed into a heap of ruins.... the Scrolls of Law rippedinto shreds, the great Menorah used as a battering ram.

In: Kochan, Lionel. Pogrom, 10 November 1938. London: AndreDeutsch, 1957, pages 74-75.

4 . Dins 1 aken , Germany

Early one morning I was awakened by the shrill ringing of thedoor bell. With a sense of foreboding I opened the frontdoor. Three men, two Gestapo officers and a policeman inmufti, entered announcing: "This is a police raid! We arelooking for arms in all Jewish homes and apartments and so weshall search the orphanage too!' The three commenced theirtask at once. They searched only the ground floor,especially the small office and the work-room of thechildren. In the office they cut the telephone wires and

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opened the lockers and drawers of the young studentssearching for money. Unobserved for a moment, the Gestapoofficer Schneider whispered in my ear: " During the night allthe Jewish men in Dinslaken were arrested. But there is noneed for you to worry. Nothing will happen to you ! You willremain in charge of the children.' Schneider, I later foundout, was a former Social Democrat and had always beenfriendly to Jews. After the search, which lasted for 25minutes and which as was to be expected yielded notangible results, the Nazi officers left the building andgave the following order: " Nobody is to leave the housebefore 10 a.m.! All the blinds of the building which facethe street must be drawn! Shortly after 10 a.m. everythingwill be over . 'About one hour later, at 7 a.m., the morning service in thesynagogue of the institution was scheduled to commence. Somepeople from the town usually participated, but this timenobody turned up. Only the teacher of the Jewish primaryschool and two Polish Jews, who escaped during thePolenaktion [expulsion of the Polish Jews who were living inGermany to the Polish border] of October, attended the minyan[prayer service which requires the presence of ten men].Then I heard the ringing of the house bell. The sound of thebell, which I hastened to answer, became louder and louder.When I opened the door a strange man faced me. In the dimlight of the street-lamp I recognized a Jewish face. In afew words the stranger explained to me: "I am the presidentof the Jewish ^co-mmunity of Duesseldorf. I spent the night inthe waiting-room of the Gelsenkirchen Railway Station. Ihave only one request let me take refuge in the orphanagefor a short while. While I was traveling to Dinslaken Iheard in the train that anti-Semitic riots had broken outeverywhere, and that many Jews had been arrested. Synagogueseverywhere are burning.'

With anxiety I listened to the man's story; suddenly he saidwith a trembling voice: "No, I won't come in! I can't besafe in your house! We are all lost!' With these words hedisappeared into the dark fog which cast a veil over themorning. I never saw him again.In spite of this Job's message I forced myself not to showany sign of emotion. Only thus could I avoid a state ofpanic among the children and tutors. Nonetheless I was ofthe opinion that the young students should be prepared tobrave the storm of the approaching catastrophe. About 7:30a.m. I ordered 46 people among them 32 children intothe dining hall of the institution and told them thefollowing in a simple and brief address: "As you know, lastnight a Herr vom Rath, a member of the German Embassy inParis, was assassinated. The Jews are held responsible forthis murder. The high tension in the political field is nowbeing directed against the Jews, and during the next few

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hours there will certainly be anti-Semitic excesses. Thiswill happen even in our town. It is my feeling and myimpression that we German Jews have never experienced suchcalamities since the Middle Ages. Be strong! Trust in G-d!I am sure we will withstand even these hard times. Nobodywill remain in the rooms of the upper floor of the building.The exit door to the street will be opened only by myself!From this moment on everyone is to heed my orders only! '

After breakfast the pupils were sent to the large study-hallof the institution. The teacher in charge tried to keep thembusy.

At 9:30 a.m. the bell at the main gate rang persistently. Iopened the door: about 50 men stormed into the house, manyof them with their coat-or- jacket-collars turned up. Atfirst they rushed into the dining room, which fortunately wasempty, and there they began their work of destruction, whichwas carried out with the utmost precision. The frightenedand fearful cries of the children resounded through thebuilding. In a stentorian voice I shouted: "Children, goout into the street immediately! ' This advice was certainlycontrary to the order of the Gestapo. I thought, however,that in the street, in a public place, we might be in lessdanger than inside the house. The children immediately randown a small staircase at the back, most of them without hator coat despite the cold and wet weather. We tried toreach the next street crossing, which was close toDinslaken's Town Hall, where I intended to ask for policeprotection. About ten policemen were stationed here, reasonenough for a sensation-seeking mob to await the nextdevelopment. This was not very long in coming; the seniorpolice officer, Freihahn, shouted at us: "Jews do not getprotection from us! Vacate the area together with yourchildren as quickly as possible! ' Freihahn then chased usback to a side street in the direction of the backyard of theorphanage .

Herz, Yitzhak S. "Kristallnacht at the Dinslaken Orphanage."In: Gutman, Israel and Schatzker, Chaim. The Holocaust and ItsSignificance. Jerusalem: The Zalman Shazar Center, TheHistorical Society of Israel, 1984, pages 47-48.

5. Berlin, GermanyA fourteen-year-old boy, M. I. Libau, had gone to bod that nightin his home in Berlin. Suddenly, at six o'clock in the morning,the doorbell rang, waking him up. His mother went to the doorand opened it. He told what happened then:

I heard the shrill, barking, yelling voices of men. Itseemed to me there were at least twenty.

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"Are here Goyim or Ivrim [Gentiles or Jews]?' Then I heardmy mother's calm voice. "Please speak German. I understandit very well, but if you wish to know whether we areChristians or Jews, we are Jews!'

"Where are the Jews? Where are they?' they yelled. I heardnoises of falling furniture and breaking glass. I could notimagine what was happening. I stood behind my bed when oneNazi in full uniform entered the room. He stepped back afraction of a second when he saw me; then he began to yell,"I'll do nothing to you. I won't do any harm to you.'Now he stood near me, his face sweating. A smell of badalcohol came out of his mouth. He took another glaring lookat me and began to destroy everything within reach. While hewas breaking the closet door, my mother came into the room.He commanded her to hold the clothes for him so that he wouldbe able to tear them better. Desperately my mother calledout, "Those are all our clothes ! What shall we wear?'"You wear? Nothing!' he shouted. "You don't need any moreclothes! You can go naked now.'

It almost broke my heart when I saw him take my father's bestsuit. This is my father's best suit,' I called out. "Don'ttear it! Don't! '. . .We watched the men destroy the whole apartment of fiverooms. All the things for which my parents had worked foreighteen long years were destroyed in less than ten minutes.Piles of valuable glasses, expensive furniture, linens inshort, everything was destroyed; nothing was left untouched.After those ten minutes, the apartment was a heap of ruins.

My mother and I looked at everything without shedding a tear.We felt as if we had lost our minds. The Nazis left us,yelling, "Don't try to leave this house! We'll soon be backagain and take you to a concentration camp to be shot . '

But the Nazis did not come back then. Mr. Libau, who had beenworking nights as a forced laborer on the railroad, came home andwent into hiding in the cellar of a Christian friend. Many ofthe family's friends committed suicide that night, some wentinsane, and some were murdered.

In: Meltzer, Milton. "The Night of Broken Glass." Never toForget: The Jews of the Holocaust. New York: Harper & Row,1976, pages 52-53.

6 . Leipzig, Ge raany

Jewish dwellings were smashed into and the contentsdemolished or looted. In one of the Jewish sections, an

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eighteen-year-old boy was hurled from a three-story window toland with both legs broken on a street littered with burningbeds and other household furniture.... Jewish shop windowsby the hundreds were systematically and wantonly smashedthroughout the city at a loss estimated at several millionsof marks.... The main streets of the city were a positivelitter of shattered plate glass.... The debacle was executedby SS men and Storm Troopers, not in uniform, each grouphaving been provided with hammers , axes , crowbars andincendiary bombs ....

An American eyewitness describing what he saw. In: Meltzer,Milton. "The Night of Broken Glass." Never to Forget: The Jewsof the Holocaust. New York: Harper & Row, 1976, page 52.

7 . Emden , Germany

Dead silence not a sound to be heard in the town. Thelamps in the street, the lights in the shops and in thehouses are out. It is 3:30 a.m. All of a sudden noises inthe street break into my sleep, a wild medley of shouts andshrieks. I listen, frightened and alarmed, until Idistinguish words: "Get out, Jews! Death to the Jews!' Ijump out of bed and call my parents, who do not seem to haveheard anything. I stop and listen. "They' are at ourneighbour's house. Suddenly I hear shots.... Then again:"Death to the Jews!' What shall I do? In a second they willbe here. Is there still a hope of escape? Perhaps I shouldtry to crawl over the roof into the house of our Christianneighbours? They would not give me away. Or perhaps?....

Fists are hammering at the door. The shutters are brokenopen. We can hear the heavy cupboards crashing to the floor;the whole house trembles and shudders. Two Storm Troopersrush upstairs, shouting at the top of their voices: "Outwith the Jews!' I run out of my room, and down the stairs.There I meet my parents, and silently we exchange a look.They shot at us from the street. We were forced to descendthe steps during the shooting, my eyes looked straight intothe guns. Fear left me. I knew there was no escape from thebullets. "I am hit,' stammers my father, before he breaksdown on the stairs. I am forced to go on, but I can seeblood on the stairs and a dark stain on my father's back. Mymother takes him back to the bedroom. I have reached thestreet, and one of the Storm Troopers holds me by the neck.The others rush upstairs and compel my mother, despite herpleading, to leave my father and come with them.

We are led through the dark streets of Emden. Where are wegoing? We do not know. We pass the savages at work in allthe Jewish houses. The sky reflects a red glare: oursynagogue has been set on fire. We reach a big square litup by searchlights and hemmed in by Storm Troopers. We were

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the first to arrive, but the square is gradually crowded.All our friends and relatives join us . Some are clad only ina coat, others are barefoot. A young woman whispers into myear: Had I seen her husband who was separated on the way? Iknow the answer, but I did not reply. I had seen the StormTroopers knock him down and torture him to death.

Then I saw Troopers dragging my father to the square . Nowand then he broke down, and every time they beat him until hegot up and stumbled on. When he reached the centre of thesquare, he fell and remained lying on the ground, and theydrew a sack over him. We were forced to follow the Troopers.One ordered us to form a circle round him, and shouted: "Liedown ! Get up ! ' And we had to obey .

At seven the sun rose. Police appeared in the streets.There was great excitement among the population who went totheir work. In front of every Jewish house that had beenwrecked crowds were gathering. The police came to our squareand called for the Jewish doctor to examine the wounded andbandage them. My father was wounded in the lungs, and theambulance came to take him to the hospital. The policebehaved decently and assisted the Jewish doctor in his task.A little later men over sixty-five, women and children, werereleased. I was not among them, but when I said good-bye tomy mother, she said: "I am sure you will be home beforenight.' Then she left the square, alone.For us who remained a terrible day began, and it was followedby a more dreadful night. A group of men and boys, and Iamong them, were taken in to a big hall which was normally agymnasium. During the night we had to lie on the floor andclose our eyes. In the darkness Storm Troopers sat round abig table. That was the "Tribunal.' When one of us wascalled, he had to get up, walk over to the table, and answerevery question. The "Accused' was almost blinded by apowerful searchlight. One of my friends was called andaccused of "Rassenschande' ["race-violation"]. Judgment waspassed: Death.

Although we had been ordered to keep our eyes closed, Iopened them from time to time to see what was happening. ButI did not realise that one of the Guards stood by my side.He shouted: "Get up!' I went to the table, and thesearchlight was directed on my face. It blinded me. Myname was written down; then I was asked: "Are you a studentof the Talmud?' "No.' "Do you know the Talmud?' "I knowthat there is a book called the Talmud. Its contents are notknown to me.' "Is it true that a sack of stones is put intothe graves of your dead so that they may stone Jesus in theother world?' After that, I with others was taken into theyard. Again we were made to run in a circle, again theyshouted: "Get up. Lie down.'

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At seven the next morning that was over. One of the Guardsordered us to lie down. He explained that soon some"Gentlemen' would be arriving, and to their question how wehad slept, we should answer: "Very well.' Gestapo officersarrived. The asked us, and we replied as we have beeninstructed. Then we were marched to the railway station.During that time I had never lost my self-control, but whenwe passed the hospital where my father was dying, I couldhardly keep going.

It was Friday morning. All of us had had our last meal onWednesday evening. We were taken by train to Oldenburg, andled through the streets of the town. The Hitler Youth werelined up and abused us as we marched. At midday we continuedthe journey to our unknown destination. Where will they takeus? Everyone brooded over this question. All we knew wasthat we were going towards an ill fate.At eight in the evening, the train stopped. We could not seewhere we were . The Guards opened the doors , and ordered usto get out. As soon as some had left the train, we heardscreams. Storm Troopers set upon all those who had got out,striking them with the butt-ends of their rifles. I hid in acorner of my compartment and waited. Outside hundreds ofStorm Troopers had suddenly appeared out of the darkness .All the carriages were emptied. We were about two thousandJews from our town, Bremen and Hamburg. A mad hunt began.We were driven to a forest-path, and forced to run as fast aswe could. Those who stopped were beaten. We ran and ran,without seeing anything; we stumbled over roots, against thetrees we knew we ran for our lives. If one could not draghimself any further, if the beating was of no avail, he wasthrown on a van.

Suddenly, lights and searchlights [loomed] in front of us.Crowds of Storm Troopers came towards us. We were driventhrough big gates, and found ourselves in a huge open spacesurrounded by high walls. Barbed wire on top of the walls,watch-towers in the four corners, Storm Troopers withmachine-guns . We knew where they had taken us : to theconcentration camp.

A Youth Aliyah immigrant, aged sixteen, related this story toNorman Bentwich, British-Israeli juris