CIIAPTER I

J\NlJHRA SOCim'Y IN 'I'HB 19TH CENTURI'

ANIHmA SOCU:."TY IN 'IIIK 19th C!:.:N'l'UHY

Tbe ADdbra region uas brought under British control by

the beginning ot the 19th century. The Anglo-French struggle,

lmowu as tbe camotic wars, uas started for tbe control of

tbe seas and more particularly for positions of streugtb on

the coromondel Coast whore important factories ~ere establi­

shed in places sucb as Macbilipatnam, Madras and Pondtcbery.

It took an altogether different turn utth tbetr military in­

volvement lD the contest then going on betueen the Ntzam of

Uyderabad, the ltaharatas and tbc Nawab of Caruattc uith varying

fortunes. It ~as, therefore, first commercial and then botb

m111tar,y end political. The armed rivalry culminated

1D i'163 1n tbe Britlsb supremacy over tbe south. Tbe

poltttoal power of tbe French declined. It was t bus

1D tbe Madras Presidency tbat 0 the question uas decided

which of the European Nations should be supreme tn lndta.n1

However, tbts did not automatically result tn tbe establish­

mont of Brtttsb hegemony over ADdbra. For, most of tbe Andbra

regions were under the defacto rule of tbe Nizams over81nce

1724.2 ID 1'165, Robert Clive, then Governor of Bengal, suc­

ceeded in seourtng a FiJ'maD from the Mugbal Emperor Shah Alam

who gave away the Circar districts (tbe Ganjam, Vtsakhapatnam,

1. Imperial Gaze~~eor o~ India, Provtuoial series, Madras 1 I (Calcut~a, 1908), Pe19.

a. M. Venka~ara.Dgayya, ed. 'l'he Freedom StruHle lD ADdhra Pradesh (ADdbra), Vol.I, (nyderabad, 196 , P.11.

2

Godavari ODd Krlsbna districts), except Guntur, to tbe British

for their support to him iD bia misfortunes.3 Tbe Nizam, the

Subadar of tbe Deccan, unuillingly confirmed the cession of the

Ciroars to tbe Britisb through a treaty in 1166.4 Tho British,

from that date became masters of coastal ADdhra region stretoh-

1JJg from Oanjom to Guntur. Guntur was occupied by them in

1188.6 In 1800, the Nizam, a year after the close of tbe --fourth ~sore wor (in which be fought in alliance with tbe

Britisb) 0 bad entered into a treaty with tho British under tbe

system of Lord Wellesle.y's subsidiary alliances, and ceded to

the Company all the territories be acquired from ~~aore earlier

in 1192 and 1799. They included the diet~ots of Bellary,

Kurnool, Cuddapab and ADaDtapur, which siDoe tben, came to be

knowa os Ceded districts.6 In 1801 wolleale.y aDDexed tbe coma­

tic region to tbe British DomiDioD as a result of ubiob tbe

districts of Nellore and Cbittoor vera brought under British

Power. With this tbe British conquest Of ADdhra was completed.

The ADdhra region bad been tbc scene of misrule in the

immediate past, wltb tho proliferation of free-booting and

3. c.Veerabbadra Rao, Bisto!Y of Rojabmundtf (Rajabmundry, 191&), P.32.

4. G.Maokenziot A Manual Af tbe Kistna District 1D tbe Presidengr o£ Madras, \Madras, 1883), P.77.

5. It was agreed upoD tbat, by tbe Treaty o~ ~768, Guntur sbould be under the control of Basalat Jung, the brotber of the Nizam, during bis li.fe time. Basalat Jung died 1D 1782 and it took six years more for tbe British to make good tboir claim to GUDtur in 1188. see. Mobd. Abdul tvabeeb Kbo.n, ed. Brief H1stogr of Apdbrn Pradesh (State Archives of ADdhra Pradesh MoDograpb Series No.1, HYdcrabod, 1972), PP.52-53.

6 • .!!!!!!•, P.93.

3

squabbling crowd of Rajas, Zamindars, and Pol1gors.7 Tbe latt~r

held real pouer, owing atleast a nominal allegiance immediately

to their overlord, the Nizam, and ultimately as uell as in a

fictitious seuse, to tbe titular MUgbal Emperor. Tbe new British

rulers imposed an armed peace upon this unruly host and thereby

gave tbe misleadtng impression of their role as saviours of tbe

country from chronic anarchy.

CASTE SYSTEM

society iD ADdhra during tbe 19tb century was based on

tbe bierarobioal ordering of iDDumerable castes aDd sub-castes.

Tbo Village community was a combination of man,y caste groups,

'1. DUrirJg this period tho ADdbra region was frequently ravaged by tbe Ptndari bordes wbo killed people merollessly and pillaged their property. Tbo senerel condition of law and order was far from satisfactory. See, for example, R. suDtbara11Dgam, Poltttos and Nationalist AvokentD in south India (1852-189i , TUsoon, Arizona, 1974 , P.11, wherein be described: "Tbe coastal ADdhra districts •••• became focal polDt of pouer conflicts after 1748, its inhabitants 1 were left to the mercy of grasping rent collectors, local chieftains, and zamindors. In tbe interior Andbra districts conditions were decidedly worse. nere tbe tmpact of over a oeutur.y ot incossaot wars led to widespread depredatiou, banditry, and depopulation of certain villages.... The iubabitants of tbie area armed themselves and lived 1D 1ortif1ed settlements where tbe,y could withstand assaults b,y neighbouring chieftains and maraud1Ds gangs.a Also see, A.Kalesuara Roo, Naa eevitb~Katba-N andbramu (Autobiography in Telugu), (Vijayawada, 1959 , P.1o, in wbicb be described tbe Pindart iDVasioD of ADdbra in 1819. Kaleswara Rao "as youuger contemporary of Veeresalingam, a leading social reformer of ADdbra durtng tbe later balf of tbe 19tb century, and took part 1D several re.forms as well as pol it ical movements.

eacb following its bereditar.y calling and eD3oytng its fixed

status.8 A number of sub-castes bad brencbed off from tbe

original varna system iD course of time due to a variety of

reasons. 9 Tbe most import eDt of tbem gere geogra Jflical ex­

pansion and groutb of new crafts. In this respect it may be

noted tbat certain sub-castes among tbe Brahmins in APdbra

bear names denoting a particular area inhabited by tbem in tbe

past. 10 Tbese numerous sub-castes were endogamous groups gitb

inter-marriage aDd inter-d1Ding strictly forbidden. Tbese

caste groups fragmented tbo society and prevented tbe gro~tb

of common social feeling or consciousness. Tbe caste eystem,

e. For a detailed description of the village community in tbc Telugu districts see tbe Flftb Deport of tbe Select Comml,ttee for tbe Af~atrs of tbe Bast Jndia ComPauya1812 (Calcutta, 1918), P.85.

9. See Abbe J .Dubois, Hindu MaDDers, CUstoms and Ceremonies (London, 1972, first edn.1817), PP.14-16.

iO. see Edgar Tburaton, castes and Tribes of Soutb Jndla (Madras, 1909), Vol.I, P.366,·wbere1n be discussed different divisions among Brahmins like (1) Vaidikis, (2) Ntyogis, (3) Tamballa etc. Among tbese divisions existed many sub-divisions denoting areas, e.g., (1) MUrtldnadu, (2) Vegtnadu, (3) Pakanadu. Also see SUravarem Pratapareddy, AJ!dbrula SODS!lika Cbarttra (Telugu) t ~derabad, 1950, second edition), PP.424-25. i'be author quoted a verse from :aamsavimsati:, a poetical work written 1D Telugu b.Y A)'yalaraju Narayanamatyudu (1800-50) wbicb reflected the social life of ADdbra during b16 period. ~he verse mentioned different 'nodus• (territorial divisions) sucb as Velanndu, VengiJ18du, Pul ugul anadu, Pragnadu , MUriktnadu , Renadu. Also see V1gaanasarwaswornu (Encyclopaedia in Telugu)

1(Madras, 1959),

Vol.JII, Pel4, ubereiD it is staled tbat these divisions existed, on territorial basis, not only among Brabmtns but other oastce also. Among Roddie, tbere are sub-divisions like Panta, Pakonati, Motati, Karnat1 and so on. Likewise among Vaisyas, Kammas, aDd Viswabrabmins there exist tbese sub-divisions.

5

wbicb wus more rigid tban 1D tbe north, divided the entire

population into tbreo social groups, uamely, the privileged,

the under-privileged, and tho untouchables (unprivileged).

Tbe Brabmtns were at tbe opex of tbis social hierarchy

by virtue of a similar position wbicb the,y occupied in ritual­

istic bieroroby and monopoly 1D traditional learning. 'i'bey were

alsoin.the eDjoyment of 'maDyams•11 , 'srotrtmns•12 and • agraharams• 13

and were tbus an importont segment in tbe landed gentry of the

countryside. Altbougb they uere o m1Dority, tbey commanded

unchallenged respect and status and acted as arbiters of morals

in society b,y virtue of their monopoly over learning and ritua­

listic supremacy. As guardians of learning and religion ror

centuries they became tbe indispensable priestly community.

Tbis position entitled tbem to otber privileges like gifts aDd

charities tD the name of religion and also lenience in tbe matter

of punishments.

11. 'M&Qyam•, "literally means a livtnga an bonour, or glebe­lond, grantod by tbe ruler, on quit rent or on various favourable tenuruaa. See C.P.or~~un, A Diotionag, Telup ,and §!Blish (ftYderabad, 1966. first edD. 1852), P.784.

12. 0 Srotr1am moans literally A Villago beld at a favourable aseesament, a present or a donatioD ol a village made to learned men. Glebe-le.Dd beld by a learned divine 1D gift or quit rent, and by his betrs. 0 Ibid., P.1145.

13. 'Agraboram• means ••a street or vtlla~e iDbobited by Brahmins. A vtllago o~ wbicb tbo old and bereditazy cultivators are Brabmins. A villose granted to Brahmins by government for obaritable or religious purposes, either rent free or at o favourable assessment.n Ibid., PP.t7-18.

6

Tbe Brabmins \',ere divided into srotrias or Va1dikis on

one band and tbe Niyogis or LaUklkis on the other. Houcver,

tbia distinction of Vaidiki or Niyogi vas co~ined to tho

ADdhra or 'l'elugu Brahmins. Vo1t11k1s dt..~oted themselvos to the

saoordotal functions of •teaching the Vedas, performing ond

superintending sacrifice, and preserving the moral principles

of tbo people.n14 Ntyogis were secular and took to sword and

the pen wlth equal felicity as generals of armies and as

administrators or amatyas. Tbey tiere more adaptable and natu­

rally became predominant in things that really oounteds posi­

tion and po,wer.15 Tbey replaced Al'ovas and Jatns as Karanams

(vtllngo accountants), ebo styled themselves nowadays as

Adtvelamas and Kamsal1s wbo similarly 11ere used to style them­

selves as Viswabrabmtns and wbo ldgbt have professed Ja1nism

at first, tn the adm1n1etrat1on at the local 1eve1.16 An English

civil servuut observed tbat tbe secular members of the prtest­

bood of India "ruled the poltttool destinies of tbe country

since tho days of Menu (sic), no matter uho beld tbe snord,

whether MUssUlman, Mogul, Btndoo, or Mahratta, bave from our

first assumption of power ever striven to their utmost to fill

tbe co~fers of tbe ataton. 17 Qy tbe end of the 19tb century

(1891), tbere were 113,000 vaidikie anu 101,000 niyogis in tbe

14. Census of India, 1891, Madras Presidency, XIII, PP.262-63.

15. APil Soal, ~be Emergence of Indian Nationalism (London, 1968), P.98.

16. see Robert Eric l''rykenberg's Guntur District (1788-1848), A Disto;r of ,Local influence and central authority tn South India (Oxiord, 1966), PP.13-14.

17. J.D.W.Dykes, Salem, an Indian Colleotorato (Madros,186S),P.324.

'I

~elugu districts.18 True to tbeir tradition, tbe Niyogis were

quicker tD respondlag favourably to tbe new leara1ng.19 These

teo sects, among Brahmins, were sub-divided into various endo­

gamous groups. They were so uoll demarcated tbat it became

impossible for aQY ktod ot social intercourse bet~eon them

especially uttb regard to marr1ages. 20

Otber groups of Brahmins to tbe area wore tbose ~bo bad

migrated from tbe Tamil country. Tbe promineDt omung tbem \'lere

the Arama Dravtdas to tbe Godavari basin, tbe Dlmili Dravldas

ot Vtsakbapatnam a11d srikakulam districts and tbe PUdUr ond

~nta Dravtdas of Nellore district. Tbe lowest rung among

tbe Brahmins tD the rttualtsttc blerarcby wore the Tamballa

Brahmins wbo were priests ta Siva temples. 21 In addition to tbe

18. census of India, 1891, XIV, PP.312-13. 19. According to tbe 1891 Census, of 54 1082 Ntyogt male members,

28'18 tmeu English. on tbe otber band, out of 661178 Valdtkt malo members only 1,674 were educated 1D English. Speaking ln ter.ms of percentages, 24.69~ and 19.10~ were 1111torotes among tbe Ve1diks and Nlyogio respectively. See ADil Seal, op.ctt., P.tos. DUbashees or interpreters Wbo served botb tie French aDd tbe British were dra~n from the Niyogts suob as Engula Veeroswa~a, Vennolucunty Soobrow, Kandregula Jogtpantulu end BUrro Acbcbnna.

20.

21.

Abbe J .Dubois, M•£!!•, PP.14-15. For an original presenta­tion ot tbe probable blstortoal ortgiJ:Is of tbe dtvistou of Telugu Brahmin commuD1ty lDto Vo1d1kis and N1yog1s, see K.V.Laksbmanarao~"ortiole, "ADdbro Drabmanulaloni N1yog1 Valdlke Kealenirneyamu" in LaksbmaDaraye Y)'asaval1 ('l'elugu) (Vijayawado, 1965), Vol.I, PP.l-11. Also see under Andbra BrabmlDsp Edgar Thurston, Vol.J, op.c1t.,PP.357-66.

Tamballa Brahmins are "a class of beggars uho worship Sbiva and VJbo beat a drum ••••• These men are generally sudras but wear tbe sacred thread." c.P.Brown, op.cit., P.410. By virtue of tbe sacred thread they put a claim to Brahm1D­bood.

8

division among tbe Brabm1ns on the basis of tbeir religious aDd

secular callings, tbere woe •another division based on matters

of doctrinal ditlerences wblcb led to denom1Dat1onal differences.

Some are known as tbe Sm6rtos22 and some others as Vaisbna­

va1tes.23

Tbe Volsyas (also called Komatls) came next to tbe Brabmlos

occupying a middle position betGeen tbe BrabmtDs and the SUdras.

Tbeir posltloD ln tbe r ltualltYtlc bieraroby was not very mucb

bigber tban tbat of tbe SUdras, eventbougb tbey bove begun iD

recent t~es to claim a 'Dwijobood' (tbo status of the twtce­

born).24 Like DrabmiDe, tbey wero performing all rituals

22. Tbe smartas 0 were the followers of tbe doctrines of Sankora­cbar,ya which inculcate tbe worship of botb Vishnu and Sb~van. C.P.Bronn, op.cit., P.1142.

23.

24.

Vaisbnavsitos were the followers of Vlshuu. Ibid., P.l20. see on tbis division Francis BuchaJJaD, A Jpup!ez from Madras thr,ousb the countries of awsore, CeDaraa ond Malabar (London, 1801), PP.13-14.

see for example A.Koleswara Rao, op.eit.,P.25. Be mentioned Atmur1 Laksbminarasimbam, a Vals,ya, ~bo rebelled against tbo Brahmin ortbodox:y which allegadly denied bis community the r1gbt to study tbe Vedas aDd perform Vedic rituals and eVeJl performed the Yagna aDd attoined tbe stotus of • Soma­yoji•. Laks~aruetmham in his later life became a strong supporter of tbe refurm movemento launcbed b.Y Vceresalingam. For his biographical details see o.V.subbar~a Gupta, Atmuri LakshmiDarasimbam, Somaya,li Jeovitllacboritra_:-Up!JJYasamulu ('l'elugu) (Vij~uado, 1922). !-'or aD account of Laksbmina­rastmbam's activities against the Valdiki Brahmins and ottompts at mobi11s1Dg tbe Vaisyos in ADubra see c.J.Baker ODd D.A.Wasbbrook, Soutb Indio: Political Institutions and Polittoal Cbaoge, 1880-1940 (De16l, t9i5), PP.15s-sa.

9

scrupulously and prohibited widow remarriages ODd permitted

iDfant marr1ages.25 The chief occupatioD of tho Vaisyos was

trade, eventhougb ~ of them were money leDders antl bonkers. 26

There were a fe\'i instances ubere1D some of the port-towns of

ADdbra like Kaklnada, tbe Vais.yas acteu as Dubasbees and bonkers

during the 19th ceutul)?. 21 Tbey uere enterprising and prepared

to migrate to areas offering commercial opportunities. A number

of tbem migrated to the city of Madras, a place of security of

life and property, and uitb better iDVestmont opportunities.

They invested, prlmnrily, 1n iDdigo aDd betel. Also some of

them indulged 1D speculation, import t,rade iD retailed goods,

and a few of them acted as 'Dubasbees•. 28 Qy i851, there were

Dative agency bouse& operating in Madras. Tbe,y were established

26. p,ensus of Illdla, 1891, Vol.XIJI, P.2'14. 26. C.F.Brackenburg, CUddapah, Madras District Gazeteers

(Madras, 1916), Vol.I, PP.104-i05 mentioned that the activities ot tbe vais.yas of soutb India as traders and moneylenders can be traced back to the 10th ceDtury A.D. Also see, tor a comprehensive account of vaisyas, Edgar Thurston, Vol.IJI, op.clt., PP.306-48.

27. One sucb person was Pyda Ramakriabnatab of K8k1nada who later on liberally donated ~.ao,ooo touards tbo uidow remarriage movement launched by Kandukuri Veeresallngam. Tbe Pyda family, aft e z Remokrtshnaiab, beoame zamindars 1D tbe region. EVen today tbe descendants of tbe lote P.fda Ramakrisbnaiah are leading trauers, bankers, besides being big landlords iD Kakinada. Minutes of Iutervleu witb fYda sriramakrisbnamurtlly, by tbe author, one of tbe descendants of late Pyda Ramakrishna1ah, Kakinada, wbo is 1D possession of personal papers of Pyda RomW(riSbnaiab.

28. n.suntharalinsam, op.cit., P.27.

10

b,y, besides Tamil Cbotttars, Komatis and Balija natdus from

ADdbra. 29 Tbere were several sub-divisions among vateyes too. 30

Next in order came the sudras wbo formed the under-privi­

leged section of tbe society. Tbe.y were divided into a number

of castes sucb as Reddis, Kammaa, Kapus, Telagas, Rojus,

Balljas, Kamsalas (also lmown as Visuabrabm1Ds), Dcvangas,

Padmasalis, MaDgalie, Cbakalie, Kuwmaras and so on.31 Tbey uere

mostly peasant and ~isan clasees r8Dk1Dg below the Brahmins

and the Vais.yas in social status but above the untouchables.

Tbe Reddts were prominent in tbe Rayalaseema area and tbe Kammas

in tbe Circars. Both of tbem, along wi tb tbe Velamas and Rajus

formed tbe mainstay. of tbe cultivating classes of Anuhra, enjoy­

ing social dominance b.Y virtue of their control of land and

29. Madras Almanac & Compendium of Intelligence for 1851, PP.388-39, quotetl 111 ~·, P.so.

30.

31.

Abbe J.Dubots, op.ctt., PP.14-i5. Komotia uere divided into two broad divisions a Gavara end Kalinga. The gavara komatis were sub-divided eitber on tbe basts of territorial, occupational, or religious tn cbaracter2 Penukonda and Vegi­nadu Komatts; Ltngadbart Komatis, Vaishnova Komatts etc. Of occupational divisions, tbe cbtef uero: Nune (oil), Netbt (ghee), Gantba (torn cloth), Dudt (cotton), Gone (gunny bag). Otber sub-divisions were Vogtna and Bert or Bedari. sec Edgar TburatoD, op,ctt., Vol.III, FP.Si0-11. Edgar Thurston, Vol.III, of.cit., P.145. Be discussed various castes and sub-cas ea among sut.:rns. To cite an example, tbo fol~ow1ng sub-diVisioPs existed 1D tbo Bal1ja caste: (a) G&Jula, (b) GanAavullu, (c) Telaga (d) Tota, (e) Ralla, (~) Pusa, {g) nocbo, (b) Jakkula, (t) Adapaba, ~so see suravaram Pratapareddy, op.ott., P,4e6, l'iberein be gave a detailed list of sev~rol cast~s tbat ex1steu in Andbra during the period under review.

11

production.32 Among the non-brahmin sudra castes mention

should be made of Balijas (or Dalija naidus) who might have

bad some connection vitb tbe Kapus33 and who were spread

throughout Andbra. The.y bave been, primarily, the trading

community of ADd bra from the medieval t 1mes. 34 By being

leadtng tradesmen they evtnced more enthusiasm for learning

and have thus come to occupy a bigb position in society.

The next social diVision consisted of tbe •untoucha­

bles• (called Molas and Madigas, also called l'ancbamas) \vbo

were at the bottom of tbe social hierarchy. They uere segr&­

gated and treated as virtual slavea in tbe villages. ID tbe

medieval period, they were lmotm as 'Gosangulu' and their

status uas denoted b,y the word •LeDka' which meant •a serf•. 36

Nevertheless, tbe,y played ao essential role in the rural life

of ADdbra b,y contributing their labour to social production.

Economically they uere at the lowest rung of tho ladder and

were working as landless labourers. 36 Tbe.f were about 16.5 per

32. Eugene F.Irsbick, Politics eud social Conflict in south India (Berkeley and Los ADgeles, 1969), PP.7-8. Also see ADil Seal, op.cit., P.98.

33. Census of 1Ddia, 1891, XIII, P.236. 34. See for an account of their history, K.SUndaram, Studies

1n Economic and social Conditions of Me4ieval AUdhra (Macbilipatnam, 1968), PP.57-59.

35. see P.Lo.ksbmtkantbam, et al. ed. Polooti Veeracbaritro (originally said to bavebCen written b.f Srinatba during tbe 16tb centur.y), (Vijayawada, 1961), PP.89 and 123.

36. Abbe J.Dubois, op.cit., PP.49-50.

12

cent of tbe total Hindu population tn tbe ubole of tbe Madras

presidency ta 1881 (about 3! m1111ons). 31 Among them (the

Maloa and tbe Madlgas), as it was tbe case uith other castes,

social intermixture was completely ruled out.38 Tbe •untoucha­

bles' bad neither social status nor social rigbts. An aware­

Doss was gradually developing in them, durtag the 19th century,

due- mainly to tbe efforts of the missionaries39 and the

government. Tbe work Of the missionaries was made easier

because of tbe ill-treatment meted out to tbo Pariahs 1D the

soutbem parts of Indio. 40

31. Census of India, 1881, Madras (Madras, 1883), I, PP.104-5.

38. w.Franc1s, pell2£Ya Madras District Gazetteers, (Madras, 1904), PP.76-?1. Also see Edgar Thurston, oe.oit., P.332. Also see, 1D this regard, tbe views of G.A.Oddie, 'Christian Conversion in the Telugu Country, 1860-1900 : A case study of One Protestant MOvement in tbe Godavary-Krisbna Dolta", in ~be Indiaa Boonomio aDd Social Htstoq Review, Vol.XIJ, No.1 (January-March 1975), P.65, wherein be stated: "nD­touebables ••• were b.Y no means a homogenous group. In fact, tbey oonalsted of two main compettng communtttes, the malas and 'be madigas - the social separation between tbem being almost as great as tbe gulf dividing untouchables as a uhole from thetr caste neighbours above.0

39. Referring to tbis Henry K.Beaucbamp who edited Abbe J. Dubois's book stateda "The Cbrtstian missionaries iD India bave done and are dotna much to elevate tbe condition ODd character of tbis class. lD Madras otty there are now Pariah associations, and also a journal specially representtag Pariah interests." Abbe J.Dubois, op.oit., P.ao, f.n.t.

40. This was realised b,y tbc progressive minded, English-edu­cated natives ubo began souing seeds of raforms in ADdbradeso. QUoting tbe same Hindu Sastros and PUranas as tbeir opponents did, tb~ vehemently condemned tbe social evils, like caste system. See, for example, A'Dugula Vceraswamayya's Kastratra Charitra ('l'elugu), (Bez\~ada, 1941), PP.165-66. The first edition was published ~ 1838 (Madras).

13

Tbese caste-groups bad different codes of behaviour and

etiquette, one for tbe 'bigber• castes• and the otber for tbe

'loner castes•, Tbe 'lower castes•, in the 19tb century

ADdbra, were seeking to lmitote tbe higher castes and adopt

tbelr way of life in rituaband ceremonials~1 This process of

•sanskr1tisot1on• was followed by a coste or ~b-divlslon of

a caste wbea it improved its material status. It desired to

do so by adopting Vedlo ritual, qu1tt1Dg callings considered

degrading or pollutting, taktng to vegetarianism, child-marriage,

discontinuing tbe practice of widow-remarriage and giving up

taking 1Dtox1oating drinks and sacrifices of animals and fowls

41. As mentioned earlier 1D tbe footnote 20, tbe vaisyas were trying to at tolD equal status n1 tb tbo BrabmiDs by performing Vedic rituals ODd socriftces. Also tbe efforts of tbe Visvabrabmtn (Kamsalt) coummtty not only towards 'sanskritisation' but also towards disputing an equal status wltb tbe Drahmtns, if not a superior one, may be mentioned. It uas based on tbe grouiag importance of tbis community of artlsalls as producers of the luxury art tel es for tbe feudal classes tibiob were on tbe rise all over Ancibra tn tbe Vljayanasar period and thereafter. see for an account of this community, Edgar Tburetoa, op.ctt., Vol.III, PP. 141-49. Tbat tbis tendency was spreading among other communities is proved b.Y tbe fact tbat Cb1nta Ragbuuatba ReddY (born around 1873) of Vayalpadu village iD Chtttoor district, under the 1Dfluence of the Ar,ya samaj, put on the sacred thread according to tbe Vedlo rttos and came to be knom~ BB from then onwards as Raghunath& Varma. Be also made men of otber communities like Dalijas, Boyas to wear tbe sacred thread. Be opened a sobool ror •untouchables• at bls residence and made tbem also wear tbe sacred thread. see ADoaymous Satpadhamu (Cbinta Ragbunatbo Varma gari &eevitbamu iD Telugu) Part I (Madras, 19i8).

14

to village-goddesses.42

'1'bo gulf that existed among the no~brabmt.n caste::~ in

ADdbra could be illustrated by a division among them into tbe

'rigbt-band' (Valangal) and 'left-band' (Idangai) castes, a

cbaraoteriett.c peculiar to soutb India excluding Kerola.43 The

orig1Ds of these divisions are difficult to explain. Inscri­

ptional evidence sbows tbot the.y bad been in existence for the

last one thousand years. This predominantly economic rivalry

manifest~~ itself, as it usually does, in a variety of social

and religious forms. Tbougb it is difficult and out of place to

42. Xmperial Gazetteer of lpdia, P£2Vincial series, Madras (I), op.oit., P.32. Too examples may be cited in tbis conte~, from among tbe non-Brahmin castes in Aadbra, \1bicb bave adopted Brabminical customs and ceremonies, Velamaa and Kamsalts (viswabrahmiDe). Tbe Kamsalis \Vero known to be more BrabmiDtcal tban the Brahmins, and apparently the same was tbe case with Jangams also. see Census of India 1891, Vol.XIII, P.147. Tbe Kamsalts bave adopted tbe caste titles 'Acbart', 'Sarma•, similar to tbe Brahmin titles. Tbe male members started wearing tbe sacred thread after performing regular thread investiture oere­muQY like Brahmins. Also see, oD tbts, A. Vatdeb1 Krishna moortby, Social and Economic Conditions in Bastern Deccan (From A.D.1000 to A.D.1260), (seoundrabad, 1970), PP.43-44.

43. For an aDalysis of this a eo an article by Arjuu Appadorai, 'B1gbt and Left bond castes iD South India' publi!Jhed 1D tbe lndian Economic and Social History Review, Vol.II, No.2-3 (June-Sept.1974). Arjun Appadorai concluded the article stating that a ••••• there is no stngle and substan­tive explanation for tho dtvtston of mnQy of tbe constituent groups of South Indian society, between tbe eleventh and the nineteenth centuries into Right and Left band groups." Also see, for a scholarly account of the same problem, c.s. srinivasacbary, "Tbe origin of tbe Right and Left band caste divisions", Journal of tho .Anllbra Historical Research Sooie~, Vol.IV, Parts I aDd II (July-october 1929).

16

list out all of them, it can be stated now tbat they uere vying

witb eaob otber for tbe favour of rulers in tho matter of

perquisites and honours and at tbe same time claiming mutually

exclusive privileges iD tb1Dgs like roligious processions and

<WeD residential quarters. The 'rigbt-ho.nd 1 cast eo are ma iDly

of agricultural occupations and tbe 'left-band' castes are

ma1Dly of artisan communities like V1swabrabmins.44 Serious

clasbes erupted between these two divisions which led to largo

soule violence and lau courts wero flooded wttb litigation of

this kind.45

The rigours of traditional ideas on pollution and taboos

could not but get roluxed aDd consequ~ntly, social mobility

booamo quite a common pbenomanon. Novertbeless,tbe caste dis­

tinctions persisted, if not outwardly, iD inner recesses of

private tbiDidng and feeling. In tbis sense caste was driven

underground, maintainimg its swq over mou•s minds. With tbe

introduction of western education, obanges in tbe traditional

econouw, rise of new professions ODd growth of toWDs and tbe

introduction of railways and other communications, more occasions

44. VlsPanasarvaswamu, Vol.III, op.cit.,P.l6.

46. Enugula Veeraswamaiab, op.cit.,P.STO, f.n. Also see census of Madras Preaideneya 18T1 (Report), Cb.XI, P.129, wherein it is mentioned: " •••• tbat tbe castes of the 'right-band' fraternity claim cer-telD privileges \ibiob they jealously deny to tbose of the 'left-band•. Tbe rigbt-band castes, for instance, claim the prerogative of rtdiug on horse-back in processions, and of ereot1Dg tuelve pillars to sustaiD tbeir marriage bootbs, Ubile tbe left-band castes moy not bave more tban eleven pillars, nor use t be standard a aDd ensigns belonging to tbe rigbt-band ~raternity". Also see, J .Talboys \\'beeler, Madras 1D Old011 Times bet lfisto :of the Presidengr (Madras, 1882, Kirst edn. 1861 , P.24T.

i6

and opportunities were created for social inter-course bet~eea

different castes. Tbe Drabmtns were tbe first to take to tbe

new education, as f1ab to fresh water, and occupy salaried jobs

sucb as those of clerks, dubasbeee (translators) in tbe govern­

ment. Also due to certain social constraints imposed upon tbem

(Brahmins) lik~ abstention from mannual work, prohibitions

against involvement in trade and business (tbougb less severe

1D this regard), tbey turned, in large numbers, to secular

vocations.46

SOCIAL EVILS

Hinduism was not, strictly speaking, responsible for tbe

ills and tbe evils ubicb afflicted Hindu society later on. But

tbis subtle distinction did not enter tbe popular 13ind. 'l'be

common run of men and women associated religion witb 1 ts soc tal

deformities to suob a close extent tbat one uas mistaken for

tbe otber. It can be said tbat Hindu society degenerated exactly

at tbe same point whore it was supposed tbat Rlodu religion reaob­

edits 'Golden Age•, i.e., tbo times ot the Imperial Guptas.

46. IDstonces are ~ 1D tbis connection. Tbe sataka (generally, a composition of one bundred verses 1nstruot1Dg people on morals and good behaviour) literature of tbis period abounds witb verses couve.ying tbe change of tbe life-st,yle of brabmins. see, for example, Seshadri Ramana Kavulu ed. Bbaktirasa sataka S!!putamu (Telugu), (Madras, 1926J, Vol.II, PP.26 ODd aa. Aiso see s.subrabmauyasastry, ADUbhavaloo Gnapakaloo (Telugu), (Rajabmundry 0 1958), Vol.II 0 PP.26D-61. G.V.Apparao, a well known modern Telugu poet and pl~rigbt, and a contemporary of Kandukuri Veereaalingam wrote a great social play condemning sale of brides, 'KXSbaaulkem'(Telugu) in tibiob be portrayed some o£ tbc orthodox rihmins not only mouthing tbese ideas but even sending tbeir children to learn UDglisb to secure lucrative jobs 1D tbe government. o.v. APparao, ~~asulkam (Telugu)1 (Madras, 1968), first edn. 1897), PP.3 , 95 and 223.

17

Indeed HindUism, as it bas been known evcrsince, was a

departure from tbe metaphysical speculations of the times of

tbe Upanishads. SUperstition replaced reason and belief

replaced inqutry, botb iD matters of religion and social

usage. Tbe Dbarmasastras not oDly reflected but also san­

ctioned tbese changes and tbereb.f supplied tbe stamp of

authority to them. However, these usages aDd abusages differ­

ed from region to region in intensity os well as in extent.

So far as tbe ADdhra region uas concerned, tbe Apastomba

SUtras were followed.

It may not be possible, not even necessary, to list out

all these unseemly social deformities. only the most glaring

need mention. Tbe.y can be classified under: (1) religious,

(2) social, and (3) economic. Each one of tbem caa turtber

be divided, as for example, iD tbe case of religious evils,

into (1) 1dolat~7• (2) ceremonials, and (3) practices relattng

to pollution and so on. The fact is that some of them overlap

social ~~ils and at timea economic evils.

18

The cruellest of the socio-religious evils ~as •sati•47

and the 1 ess cruel were book-swinging and r ire-walking. 48

Those evils were prevalent in ADdbra. Domestic slavery, the

uorst of tbe economic evils, was more common in ADdb m. 49 Des­

pite the declaration of tbe Board of Revenue iD i818 that the

agricultural labourers were free, tboy frequently worked on

contract and gore bound to the same villages and families during

47. Judicial Consultations, Nos.2 and 4, dated APril 6, 1821; Nos.11-12, dated July 21, 1821 (Madras Presideney). Also see VeDDelacunty SOobrow, ~ife of VeDDelacunty Soobrow (Madras, 1873), P.51. He wrote, 'I visited tbe ceremoQY of the widow of Toomoo Paupaiab who bad just died burning berself on the funeral pile of her deceased husband. ' It ocoured 1D 1822. Also see Jobn A.C.Boswell, ed. Manual of the Nellore district (in the presidency of Madras), (Madras, 1873), P.260. ne mentioned that 1D Nellore district the practice of •sat1' burning was prevalent and some of the sites were still per­petuated where these •satees' bave been beld b,vashed or a rough temple beillg built over the spot. In some oases womeu \ibo bave tbus sacrificed tbcmselves have been deified and raised to the position of Village Goddesses. soe, for instanco, N.G.Ranga, Flfbt for ~~eedom (AUtobiographY), (Delb1 11968), PP.&-6, where n li is mentioned tbat o temple was raised ia NldUbrolu 1D commemoration of •soti' performed b,y one oi his ancestors • According to bim tbat temple is venerated by people even today, ~bis was en instance of •sati' among tbe sudras. Another iDstance of 'sat1' among tbe sudras was brougbt out by T.V.SObborao in bis unpublished Pb.D.Tbesis, "Telugu Vceragadbacborltramun, Sri Venkateswara University, 1968, He stated that one Birudavolu Narayanamma, wife of Papireddy of Gudur (Nellore district), performed •sat1' round about tho year 1828 Olld tbe story of ber life is bei.Dg SUIIg today by people iD that area as a ballad. Also see the article by PeSUbrobma~asastry, 8 0ramadevatalun (Village doitios)l in the annual number (tJgadi issue) Andhra Patrika (Telugul, (Madras, 1922).

48. w.Francis, op.oit., P.64.Also see ~lijab Doole, Mouras 1 Mfsore, and the south of India (London, 1844, II edD.), P.357. A vivid description oK tbe cruel practice of 'hook-swinging' is given b.r Abbe J.Uubois, op.c1t., P.698.

49. For an instance of domestic slavery 1D ADdbra see D.R.Danoji, Slavery 1D PX1tisb Indio (Bombay, 1933), P.81, wbereiD be mentioDed tbat 1D 1811 iD Visakbapatnam district a aeveD montb obild was sold for eight rupees.

19

their li£e time.60 Act V of 1843 deprived slavery of its legal

status b.f declaring that law-courts would not entertain claims

to slavea.61 Whether they uere extensively prevalent or pra­

cticed is beside tbo point. nut their existence on a large

scale COJlnot be disputed. Tbey might bave been feu and far

botweeD after tbe adVent of tbe British rule but that they still

persisted oven during tbe British rule cannot be gain-said.

Popular legends sucb as 'Balo sanyaeamma Katba• 62 point this out.

Tbe subordination of uomen iD Hindu sooi ety was confirmed

a11d strengthened uith the passage uf time and bec.ame a sottlod

fact in the feudal stage of tbe country's development. Neither

tbe MUslim rulers nor even tbe British usbered tn a totally nco

and bigber stage of social development for their oun reasons.

Whatever be tbe 'blessings• of British rule tbe fact tbat tbe,y

needed a domestic prop to their alien authority, especially otter

it gas put to tbe most dangerous test in 1861, resulted 1D tbe

revitalisation of tbo moribund feudal order. This necessarily

perpetuated all tbo social ills and t~ils, despite the superficial

attempts of the British rulers such as BentinCk to wish them out of

existence b.f means of legislation. Mere legislation, unsupported

by popular approval, can never do away witb immoral practices.

50. Dharma KUmar, Land and caste in soutb India (c.u .P. ,1965), PP.45-48.

61. For tbe full text of tbe Act v, see D.H.BaDoj1 0 op.o1t.,P.403.

62. see sagyosamma Katba (autbor anoaymous) (Telugu) (Modraa,1972).

20

Tbcy can, at best, sbow that the rulers wero benevolent or at

worst hypocritical. To sustain a dyiDg social order in tbeir oun

selfish political interests aDd at the same time try to legislate

tbem out present tbe glorious double-talk of tbe colonialists.

These ills and evils are themselves the products of the same

baDe~ul social order and to separate them was· . .ridiculous. •

~st ~laring among suob ills and evils that besot the

ADubra society iD the 19th century were 'K8l'JYasulkam• (literally··.

bride-price)53 and tbo •nautch' problem. 'Kanyasulkam' produced,

1D its turn, evils such as infant marriages aDd oases of }'remature

uidowbood. The oontlitioD of a \ildon, mainly amung the upper castes,

was tragic. Among b1gber castes, tbe widow's bead was shaved,

ornomonts taken of~ and tbe unfortuuate woman \voa deprived of all

pleasures of ltfe. "She was not even allowed to part1c1ptie tn

~amily ceremonies ao ber presence wos tbougbt to briD~ misfortune ••• "~ 54

~he became often an object of contempt and maltreatment ••• n

53. The Guruiada souvenir (llYclerabad, 1962), P.ta. Also see 'Sesbadrlnemana Kavuiu, OJ?..oit., P.37S.

54. see, for a grapbtc description of widous and tbotr miserable pligbt 111 society, t~e novel written by Kandukurt Veeresallngpm namely, Rajasekbara ~barltramu, tbe social novel written tn Telugu. Veerosaltngam wrote it befure 1880. ?:be novel gives a vivid account of social conditions of ADdhra durtag the 19th century. See K.Veoresaliogam, Collect~d works (hereafter roforrcd as Col.W<•rks), (Rajabmuodry, 1950), Vol.IV, PP.t-231. R.Raghunaiba iii, a lead1Dg social reformer of Madras and a contemporary of Vecresalingom, desc ibed tbe position of uiduu: "Her touch is pollution. Her bead is shaved ••• She is made to fast once a fortnight, even at tbe risk of deatb. ~be often asks 1D va1D ~by tbese tblDgs are dune to ber." QUoted 1D Papers on XndiaD ReKorm (editor not mentioned), (Madras, 1888), PP.78-79. Also see V.P.s.aogbuvamsbi, Indian Society tD the 18th oentu!f (New Delbt, 1969), P.1o6. Tbe description of tbe un£ortunate position of widow of tbe 18tb century bad bardly changed tn tbe 19tb century.

21 THESrS

303.484095484 R1412 So

I, 1 II !I :, , 11111111 Ill II II TH126

This miserable condition drove some of tbem to prefer dcatb to

torture and commit 'sabogamana• (self-immolutlon). sometimes

tbe birth of illegitimate ch1ldrou led to infanticide. Among

tbe eo-called lower castes in tbe countryaide widow remarriages

were not UDkDowu, tbougb among tbe •upper castes' they were

almost completely absent.

Dovadasis (nautcb-girls 1 known as 'Bbogamvallu' in Telugu)

came to be considered as a synouym for proetitutes. Tbey deve­

loped into an exclusive coste of tbe1r ovm "baviJJg its oWD laws

ot inheritance, its oan customs and rules of et1quette ••• JP5

Married to a presiding doity,tbey used to live by prostitution

and were attendtog at private bouses on all joyous occastons.56

No doubt tbere were good performers of dance and musio among

tbem.67 Nevertheless tbeir performances ~ere put to vulgar use,

wblcb led generally to tbe deler1orat1on of moral stondards 1

ubich uere already noDe too bigh, 1D soclety.58 To maintain a

prostitute and to attend a 'noutcb' performance bccamo status

symbols and marks of social standing. 59

55. Edgar Thurston, op.cit., P.131. Also see Report on tbe census of Madras Presidency, 1871 1 op.cit., XI, P.167.

66.

57.

58. 59.

JobD A.c. Boswell, op.cit., P.216. It appears that tbeso dane~ girls flourished e?CD under tho patroaage of tbo company administration. It was stated that to certain areas, district Collectors and other revenue officers maintained an establishment of these girls to donee before tbe distinguished visitors. Soe Francis Buob~an 1 op.cit., Vol.I 1 (1870 edn.), P.4'15. ''(~.\ .. ::: .. 1·"- . '· , ~ .. c

\~G

22

Alcobol d~ibking, to begin aitb, uas confined mostly to

the lower sections of tbe society, eventbougb a gradual spread

of this babit among the more could be seen iD the second half

of the i9tb ceatur,r.60

SUPEHSTI'l'IONS

Consequent upon education being limited to a t~ fraction

of society, ignorance stayed a~ ever rcsultiDg in a medley

of sup~rst1tions. If on owl porobed on a bouse, it uould bring

misfortune to the tnmateo and if a oro~ cawed on tbe roof of a

bouse it would br1Dg a guest.61 Bad omens included being ques­

tioned regarding business on Whicb one uas setting out; or

directly after leaving tbe bouse, catching sight of a single

brahmin, two sudras, o widow, oil, a snake or a s~asi, would

tbuart the purp se of tbo visit.62 Good omens included bearing

a bell ring, tbe breylJJg ol on ass or seeing a married vomaD,

a corpse, flowers or a toddy-pot.63 women and houses uere often

supposed to be possessed of evil spirits whom only a professional

witcb-dootor could exorcise. Trees aDd evil spirits were

60. Tbe native ucwspapers reported during 1881-88 about the evils of dr1Dkins liquors and deplored t be c~mplaca~cy of tho government in not bringing out a legislation prohibiting this evil. The.v alleged that the government was interested iD gettlzlg aD additional income and bcnce its reluctonce to J

ban liquor. See, for example, 'ViVekavardbani•, Report on Native Newspaferst Madras Presidency, MaY 1 1881, (hereafter referred as Not ve ens).

61. F.ll.BcmmiDguay, Godavari, Madrus district Gazetteers (Matlras, 1907), P.46. Also see J .D.B.Gribble1 Mnnual of CUddapab district (Madras, 1875) 1 p.292, Uhere be mentioned in detail ihe blrdo and ani.mnla wbicb ~ore supposed to be evil omeDs.

62. Xbid.

63. lbid •.

23

supposed to be intimately connected, aDd a stunted or deformed

tree was often po1Dted out as tbe abode of a devi1.64 When a

maD was supposed to be possessed by am evil spirit, nit it often

tbe practice to take bim out to some especial tree, wbicb is

supposed to be a favourite residence of demons, and tbere to

drive a nail into tbo trunk.066

Cbtld birth uas surrounded by a number of superst1t1ens.

A pregnant uoman wpe not supposed to see an eclipse or ber child

would be born doformea.66 It was called 'Grabana Soola'. Some

dreams were supposed to foretell comt.Dg events. It nas a good

tblag to dream of being bitten by a cobra and if tbe bite drew

blood it was considered specially gooa.67

women would rely for the bealtb of tbeir children chiefly on

superstitious observances. \iben ber chtldreD fell sick tbe

motber believed tbat it was caused by tbc displeasure of some

God or Goddess or b,y tbe influence of some evil spirit. Tbe.y

would not get tbeir children vaccinated, lest it provoked tbe

wratb of tbo Goddess lor toterfering witb ber sport. 68

Drought uas cleal t e1 tb 1D various VJays like JHJUring one

thousand pots of water over the lingam in tbe Sivo temple,

ADotber way folloued to inVoke Varuna (the rain God) was tb at

64. J.D.B.Gr1bble 0 op.cit,, P.284. 65, Ibid. ,

66, F.R.He~ngway 0 op,cit,, P,46. 67: :Ibid,, P,47.

68, Papers on Indian Reform, op~ctt,, P.15.

the MBlas used to tie a live frog to a mortar and take it round

tbe village tn a procession saying 'Mother frog, playing in

uatcr, pour raiDs b,y pots full'. The villagers of other castes

~ould tben come and pour water over the Malos. 69

ImLIGivUS LIL<'E

According to tbe 189i census besides the llinuus wbo ooD­

stltuted the overwhelming maJority of the population (88.4%),

tbere were tbe MUslims (6.3%), Cbrtstians (4.i~), and the

APimists (1.2~).70 A s1gu1flcant feature of this period was

tbe rapid advance made 1D tbe uumber of tbe native Christians.

Most of tbe converts were dra'\111 from tbe louest closees of

society. It was perhaps due to tbcir desire to run away from a

caste-dominated aDd oppressive society to embrace a rG11gion

nbicb beld no caste distinctions and which also promised tbem

education and better social opportunities.71

Religious life 1D society was greatly affected b,y tbe

supreme position beld b.f tbe Brahmins. Tbe Brabmanical festi­

vals (like Sivaratri, Vaikuntba Ekadasi) were popular. Largo

Brahmnaical shrines uere drauiug buge crowds of pilgrims, mainly

from tbe richer sections of otber communities. As poorer sections

69.

TO.

w.Frenots, Vizggapotam, ~1adras Dist~ot Gazetteers (Madras, 1909) 1 Pe265. census of India, 1891, Madras Presidency, Vol.XIV 1 1' .22 (Table vx)'.

71. seo EDugula Veerasw~, op.oit., PP.166-66.

25

could not uaaertoko pilgrimages to distant places of ~orsbip

ond offer gifts, uumerous small sbrtnes sprang up to universally­

accepted Gods. The 'Gramadcvatas' or village deities were

numerous.72 Almost every village had a shrine to some 'peran­

telamma•, or a woman wbo committed satt.13 These 'gramadevatas'

were of female sex. Tbey included NUkalamma, Dangaramma,

Maridamma, Paiditalli MUthyalamma, Poleramma, Gangamma and others.

'<Lbey bad neither clear bistory nor definite attributes. Except

in some oaaes Whore buffalo sacrifices uere made, they did not

bave any special ritual. '.fbey ~ere all equally beld in awe and

gerc worshipped as averters of dreouful diseases like cholera,

small pox, and as possible granters of boons to tbose ubo made

vous before tbem.14 As tbe poorer end 'lower• sections of tbe

society were generally tbe worshippers of tbe village deities

their shrines uere tbe poorest constructions. These consisted

of one small cell and often a spot under o tree was marked by

a feu sacred conical objects, in stone or wood, smeared nith

turmeric wltb dots of vermilion.

A number of ceremonies were prescribed by tbe ntndu

religion 1D tbe life of an 1Dd1vtdual from birth to death. Women

and young girls bad a good number of religious observances

called •vratams• and •nomus' to follow. no~evcr, moat of tbese

72. For a detoiled aooount on village deities, see tbe article by P.&"UbrabmaJJYa Sastry, op.cit.

73. w.Francis 0 op.cit., P.26T. 74. F.R.HcmmiD~oy, op.oit., P.48.

functions aaa oer~oDies uere malnly confined to tbe rich

sections of tbe community who had the moans as well as tbe

leisure to perform them. Tbo poorer sections of tbe society

remaiaed aloof from them or contented themselves witb the less

costly but more popular observances.

EDUCATION

Education, at the begtaniPg of the nineteenth century,

was mainly coDf1aed to tbe Pial scbool system.15 It included

courses iD sanskrit, arttbmetto and Telugu, given to pupils

by a teacher ubo taught tbem on a pial uader tbe cares of his

own bouse or under tbe shade of a tr~e for Ubicb be was mea-

grely paid b.f the parents of the pupils. As these schools

existed tor a very long time ~itbout muob alterotioa in tboir

76. For a ueocr1pt1ve account of tbe Pial scbool system see Censue, tbe Town of Madras 1811 (Madras, 1873), PP.13-14. 2\lso see cation CoDDDt'ssion EVidence taken before the Mad~as Prgvinoial Committee, oct.1882 Madras, 1884 • in wbicb an account of indigeaous education was given. It ran as follows: "Tbere is a sprinkling of iDdigenous schools all over tbe country; tbe.y are a relic of tbe old village system and arc attended principally by Brahmins witb a few sudras (especially the official class), merchants and others. Very little information of a general character is given in these scbools •••• no proper discipline maintained, only the rulo of terror. The schools are rarely carried on continuously, beiDg suspended •••• wbon the teacher leaves. Scbolars ••• profoss to give fees, say about 4 annas a moatb 0 but ••• seldom paid rcgularly ••• tbe pial scbool maaterG are •••• very poorly paid ODd they seldom continue long 1D one place." Also see Venndacunty Soobro,v, op.oit., PP.65-67, wbereiD be gave a grapbio picture of tbe Pial school system obtoinimg 1D tbe Madras Presidency.

2"1

style of functioning, tb~ became irrational and outdated.

i'be obildrcm uere generally made to learn tbe whol o alphabet

in order. RTbey sing it like a song, over and over cgaia, often

wit bout payiDg the slightest attention to tbo letters. Lea1ning

b.f rote uas its cbaracter.n76 Ittook quite some time to get

out of tbis unimaginative and UDsciontific method of lear.otng.77

The Oovernorsb1p of Lord MUnro (i82o-27) opened a neu brlgbt

page in tbe progress of edUcation in Madras Presidency. ne

issued a minute (June 25, 1822) onquiring into tbe stnte of in­

digenous education based on authentic sources.78 MUnro asked

for reports from tbc district collectors on the nature of edu-

cotton, number of schools and otber matters of interest. A.D.

Campbell, tbe collector of Dellary, mentioned in b1s report tbat

tbe indigenous scbool-s.ystom was not in a flourishing condition

due nto tbe gradual but general imp.o !Ver1sbment of tbe oountry.n19

Be further stated tbat, 0 every school boy oau repeat verbatim

a....vast number of verses tbe meaning of ubicb be knows no more

'16. Papers 011 Indian Reform, op.c1t., P.32. Also see A Lady (Julia Tbomas) Letters from Madras during tbe tears 1836-1839 (London, 184b), PP.2S:a&. !his iady wasdcntlfled as Julia Tbomas, tbe uife of District MUDsiff at ~1abmundry dUriDg ~bia period.

1?. Vennelacunty Suobrow, op.cit., PP.65-74. Soobrou, in tbese pages, published tbe report be submitted to tbe Madras scbool Book Society wben be was mode a member of it 1D i820. He pleaded for tbe reform of tbe existing outdated scbool aystcm and made a good number of suggestions to improve it.

18. Revenue Consultations, Vol.2TT, No.1, dt.2Dd July, 1822.

'19. D.S.Baliga, Studies 1n Madras Administration (Madras, n.d.) Vol.Il, P.65.

28

tban tbe parrot tbat bas been taught to utter certain uords.n80

The enquiry nos folloued by tbe formation ot the Presidency

Town of a Board of PUblic Instruction 1n i826.81 Tbo committee

was authorised to establish two principal schools in eocb

district, and one inferior school 1n eacb taluk and a grant to

tbe Madras School Book Society for educatUJg teachers. Sa li'or

this purpose tbe Court of Directors sanctioned (Despatch dated

16tb APril 1828) an annual grant of ~.5o,ooo, 83 wbicb MCDro

bad asked earlier. 84 Under tbis arrangement 14 district ODd

18 taluk schools were set on foot together uitb a central school

at Madras. 85 The scheme languisbetl after the deatb of Munro and

was ui tbclraWD in 1836.

80. Ibid., P.&a. see for tbe extracts from tbe letter of A.D. Cami'bell B.Sbarp, ed.Selcctions from Educational Records, Part I (1181-1839), (Calcutta, 1920, republished to 1965), PP.Os-68. Campbell furnished particulars of tb e concli.tions of 1Ddigenous education in Bcllary district. He mentioned that out of tbe total population of 927,851 there were 6,641 scholars only. It worked out to 7 scholars in one thousand population.

81. Arthur Bowell, EdUcation in British 1Ddia 8 Prior to 1854 1 and in i87o-71 (Calcutta, is12}, P.69.

82. Jobn Bradshaw, Sir Thomas h~nro and tbe British Settlement of tbe Madras Presidencx (oxford, 1920 1 first edn.1893), ~-~~3. It is significant, bouever, to note tbe views of MU.Dro 1D tbts context. "tVbatever expense", be wrote, "govern­ment may incur in tbe education of tbe people will be amply repaid b.Y the improvement of tbc country, for the general diffusion of knowledge is iDseparnbly folloued b.Y more orderly babits, by ~oreastng 1nuustry 0 b,y a taste for tbe comforts of life, by exertions to acquire them, and by tbo growing prosperity of the people." See Ibid.,

83. Jbi~ ••

84. Revenu~ Consultations, Vo1.314, No.5, dt.iOth March, i826. 86. ~bur Bowell 0 op.oit., P.69.

29

Tbe ma1D objects og the British tD their educational

policy were (a) to secure properly trained personnel for the

public administration of the country at tbe lower levels, and

(b) to spread western kDowledge.86 Tbe first aim was dominant

during 1823-33 wben finances of tbe company were not sound. Tho

Madras school Book Society was founded in 1819 to enable people

"obtatD books ot reduced ratesn, 87 and also pursue tbe necessary

cbODges 1D school education. During tbe period 1833-&3, tbe

comp~ pursued tbe second object of spreading weatero knowledge

due to an awakening of liberal ideas in ~gland. A sum of

~.&o,ooo/- was apportioned to be spent on tbe Madras Presideno.y

towards education out of ubicb only "little more tban balfn was

expendeu.88 Wben compared to the other Presidencies, this was

mucb less. "Not one-teDtb of tbe annual sum adVanced in tbe

promotion of eduoat ion iD Beogal, and not on&-fiftb of tb at

expended in Bombay (uitb a scantier population) is appropriated

tn this Presidenoy.n89

Tbe per capita expenlli ture on education 1D the three

Presidencies of Bengal, Bombay and Madras is given ill tbe follow­

illg table. Colunm •a• gives tbe government expenditure and

86. Byed Nurulla and J .P.Naik, A Student • s Distory of Education 1D Xndip (18QQ:196§) (Calcutta, 19?1), P.83. Tbe first edition was published ta 194&.

87 ...... -.. .................. ;;,;;;-....-;;.;;.;.;;;....;;;,;;;,...;;;:;,;;;,;;;;-.;;-.....;;;,;:;,.;.-

88. ~~~~~~~;J~~DL~~~~~~~~~~t-b~e 89. Ibid.,

30

columu 'b' shows tbe total expenditure from all sources, public

aDd private. 90

ID Re lokbs (ns.oo,ooo)

Bengal Bomb• Madras

a b a b a b

1858 10.4 10.6 3.9 N.A. 4.1 N.A. 1859 10.2 10.3 4.3 N.A. 6.1 N.A. 1860 e.o 10.4 3.8 5.8 4.9 N.A. 1861 8.1 11.0 3.7 6.1 6.3 6.6

1862 8.e 11.0 4.3 6.8 5.1 5.4

1863 9.9 12.3 4.4 1.6 6.6 6.6 1864 11.2 17.3 6.2 9.0 6.1 6.6

1865 12.6 20.3 7.1 12.0 6.'1 7.1 1866 13.8 22.8 8.7 17.1 6.2 7.2

1867 13.9 22.9 9.2 15.2 6.2 7.3 1868 16.6 2'1.4 8.7 16.7 7.1 8.4

1869 17.5 29.5 8.6 1'1.6 8.6 10.6 1870 18.4 81.6 8.9 18.1 9.8 11.6

1871 18.'1 32.0 9.5 20.9 10.2 11.1 1872 18.1 31.9 9.0 20.7 8.6 16.6

N.A.:: Not Available

--- - --Until 1854 tbe Company did not accept tbe direct respons1-

b111ty of e~uoot1Dg tbe masses. It follo"ed tbe 'downward

filtration theory' Which, however0 did not achieve tbe antici-

pated results and failed. It was a set back to tb e progress of

education in India. Tbe tbeory failed tD practice because of

-90. See S.Bbattacbar,ya, Financial Foundations of the 8ritisb Raj (Simla, 1971), P.323 (Table 21.2).

31

tbe lack o~ social mobility iD lDdian society, and also those

few educated IDdiaus secured jobs in the gove1·nment service.

Moreover, these educated peo~le, apart from being a microscopic

minority of the totol population, were completelY eut off from

the mainstream of tbe lite of masses. Thus tbe 'downward fil­

tration tbeor.y' did sabotage tbe cause of mass eduoation.91

A few of these bigbly educated peovlc, ~bo either because tbe,y

could not secure jobs or did not accept them, were bonever, tbo

great forerunners of 'private Indian enterprise 1n education. •92

Tbe second balf of tbe 19th c,ntury witnessed comparatively

mucb progress iD education witb tbe establishment of Anglo­

Vernacular sobools in maQy parts of ADdbra. 93 Tbis was facili­

tated by tbe establishment of rate-schools b.Y G.N.Taylor (SUb­

Collector to tbe Revenue Commissioner of tbe Northern Ciroars,

at Rajebmundr)') in tbe sub-division of Rajabmundr)'• 94 Be opened

schools, on an experimental basta, at NUrsapoor, Paloole,

Penoogonclab atlcl Aucbunta, wbtcb were •supported by local sub­

scriptions,• and tbeir successful functioning attracted tbe

attention of tbe inhabitants of many of tbe neigbbou~

Villages ubiob possessed substantial far.mers.98 Taylor sub­

mitted to tbe government the wishes of tbc ryots of tbe villages

91. Syed NUrulla and J .P.Noyak, op.,~lt. ,P.88. 92. Ibid. 93. See for example, G.o.No.38, dt.Tth Feb.1866, Educational,

Madras Presldena.y. 94. l"or a tull and analytical account on tbe system of rate

scbools, see J.Mangammo, Tbc Rate Schools of Godavari (nydera­bad11 1963). This monograph \Vas publle6eC1 bY the state Archives, Byderabad.

95. Pa era relat n to tbc sc oo s n e su

32

lb tbe Godavari clel ta area " •••• who bove come fonJard to beg

permission to contribute to~ards tbe expense of their children's

edUcatiou.n96 Ue passionately pleaded 1D tbe memorandum sub­

mitted to the government n •••• tbat while tbo Tamil population

are provided uitb no less tban 950 schools, tbere are but 30 in

tbe entire presidency of Madras, in wbicb efficient Telugu

instruction is imparted.a97 Tbe proposal was accepted aDd came

to be known as 'Mr Teylor•s System• (also lmotm as Rajahmundry

system of Schooling). A.J.Arbutunot, Director of Public Instru­

ction, orote to tbe Cbief secretary, Madras Government tbat

a •••• tbe greatest credit is due to Mr Taylor for What bas been

already accomplished, aDd tbe introduction of someubat similar

s.ystem tbrougbout the country •••• a 98 Tb e system was c out iDUod

oven after 1862 wben tbe Government came forward to pay a

matching grant equivalent to tbe sum contributed b,y tbe ryots.99

Finally it oas left to tbe option of ryots as some serious

objecti.;Ds oere raised lD some quarters.100 Tbe establishment

of tbese schools in tbe RaJahmundry region created an educational

atmos,~bere and people began n •••• to clamour for English and

bave 1D maQY places applied for better tenchers.n101 Perhaps, in

this, one could see tbe beg1na1D~ of enlightenment in tbe

96. IIbig. t P.3. 9T. Xbld., P.as. 98. Ibid., P.74. 99. G.o.No.329, dt.8tb August 1862, Educational, Madras Presi­

dency. A1so see G.o.No.301, dated iBth Sept.,1862, Educational, Madras Presld~nay.

100. G.o.No.844 dt.Ttb Junc,1862,Educatlonal, Madras Presidency. 101. Letter of Macdonald, Xnspector of Schools, to the District

Collector.G.u.No.329, op.cit.

33

Godavari district wbicb was to become, later,the centre of

reform activity ta ADdhra. Tbe desire on tbe part of ryots to

subscribe to their own education was, as noticed b.f Taylor,

dUe to n •••• tbe 1Ddircct effects of our works of irrigatlon.ni02

Tbe establishment of schools around Rajobmundry was tbe first

major attempt made by tbo governmtmt for tbe extension aDd

improvement of education in tbe AJu.lbra region. This clearly

sbo~ed tbat tbe desire of people 1D these parts to learn BDglish

in particular and receive education 1D general was immense.103

Tbe great impetus came to education when the 'Local FUnds'

were created by tbc government in 1871.104 The Local FUDd Act

(Act IV) provided funds, tbrougb bouse tax for tbo maintenance

of elementary schools, for tbe training of teachers and for the

construction of scbool bUildings.105 Act III of 1811 provided

for tbe tonne ubat Act IV did for the rural districts. Tbus tbe

municipal funds were declared to be applicable to tbe support

of education.106 As a result of this a number of schools were

estoblisbed.

Thus tbe growth of education tn the ADdbra region of tbe

102. Papers relating to tbe Establishment of village vernacular schools iD tbe sub-division of Rajabmundry, OfeCit.,P.3. Also see A Lady, Letters from Madras, op.c1t.,P.i32., wherein she described tbe enthusiasm of people, around RaJabmundry, touorcls educatioD tbus: n ••• and certainly an incrt:asl.Dg desire among tbe natives for in~truction •••• at RaJabmunury ••• we used to receive applications for books from distont villages •••• and the people used to sit 111 our reading room for buurs •••• n •

103. S.Sutbionatbon, History of EducatioD 1D tbe Madras Pret:ii-

B (Madras, 1894) • P .43. 104. t PP.84-85. 105. s es in Madras Adm~istration, op.cit., Vol.II, PP.73-74. 106. lb1d. -

Madras Presidcney during tbe second balf of tbe 19th century

was phenomenal. Tbo following table gives tbe combined efforts

of tbe govcrumeat and private agencies in tbe field of education

durtng tbe years 1862-63 and 1898-99.107

-------·-··-·------·---------------,-----------District

- I I----Goajam

Visokbapatnam

Oodavar1

Kr1sblm

107.

1862-63

1867-68

t8'19-80

1898-99

1862-63

1867-68

1879-80

1898-99

1862-63

1867-68

1879-80

1898-99

1862-63

1867-68

1879-80

1898-99

Number of institutions

Number of schools

-----------------------28

30

561

1,776

16

28

496

1,354

115

116

TOS

7

26

731

1,801

1,004

1,624

11,773

38,212

635

1,402

10,167

34,603

2,597

s,sso 17,476

53,955

633

1,135

12,869

46,93'7

36

-----------------------------------------------------------District

_._...._ .. _ . Kurnool

Bellai'Y

CUddapab

Nell ore

. ··-1862-63

186'1-68

1819-80

1898-99

1862-63

186'1-68

1879-80

1898-99

186~63

186'1-68

1879-80

1898-99

1862-63

186T-68

18'19-80

1898-99

NUmber of i.nstitutloDs

2

6

228

610

12

19

488

1,215

23

47

308

841

9

226

554

1,151

--

Number of scbolars

133

202

3,68'7

14,838

828

1,134

'1,9'13

2'1,139

568

99'1

4,'115

11,soa

204

3,918

9,685

27,015

··--- ... Tbe above table· sbows tbat tbe groutb of education was

more 1.D the Clrco.rs thaD tbe Ceded districts. Tills was due to

two factors, viz., (1) Tbe Ciroars uhicb came under tbe influ­

ence of tbe Br1t1sb earlier bad more of its impact tbeo tho

otber regions, and (2) tbe educational activities of tho

36

missionaries were widespread hero. The table further illustra-

tes aaother signlfionnt factor that the delta regions of the

Godavari and Krishna districts were leading tbe other districts

botb iD the number of schools aad scholars. Significantly this

was tbe region nbiob was comparatively ricb and where the urbaD

growth was more than the otber regions. Furthermore, as bas

already been noted, tbe Godavari district bad the benefit of

the Taylor's s.ystcm of 'rote schools' tbrougb Which a good

DUmber of schools were established tbrougbout tbe district.

lD tbe spread of education, tbc missionaries too played

aD importaDt role aloq wi tb the government. BVeDtbough indivi­

dual missionaries were carrying on informal schooliJJg of childreD

iD tho Godavari regiOD prior to 1836, lOS tbe first organised

missionary school was started lD 1836 at Nellore b,y tbe Free

Cburob Mission.109 Qy the 1850's tbe whole region wos covered

uitb an elaborate netwo~ of mission schools. 110 The Mission­

aries started schools, both for boys and girls, ond published

books 1D Telugu. It was the Missionaries wbo first introduced

the printing press 1D India and published books in Indl8JJ 1Elll­

guages.111 However, their main object in spreading education

108. A Lady, op.oit., PP.69-72.

109. 110.

111.

Madras

37

was, undoubtedly, proselytization.112

1D 1877 three first-grade colleges were started in the

Presidency among which one was established at Rajahmundry.tiS

Between 1854-82 0 in ADuhra there were, 1D all, four colleges.iid

Since the public pb1lantbropy was slow in coming forward to

undertuke the establishment of schools, tbe government was exhor­

ted to open more schools, and impart new edUcation to the cbtl­

dren.116 Ronever, since schools and colleges were established

in urban and semi-urban areas, except for a sprinkling of ele­

mentary schools in the coUDtzyside, education, by aDd large, was

urbaa-based. Moreover, tbe spread of education was confined to

tbe upper and middle classes in society.

112. Tbe Missionaries bad to take care of tbe economic, social and cultural uplift of convorta. 0 Tbeir job began, not ended witb tbe conversions." soe Syed NUrullab and J.P. Naikt PE•cit., P.ss. A discussion of the activities of tbe Miss1ouorles in ADdbru is presented in chapter II.

113.

114.

F.R.Dcmmingw~, o£.~1~., P.1&6. To begin uitb a Provincial school was storte at Rajabmundry iD 1854 and uas made a second grade college ia 1873 when F.A. class uas opened. Soe 0 Henry Morrie, pescript iye and Bistorical Account of ,the Godavqq D,istrict in the Madras Pz:esldencx (London, 1878) t PP .29-30. Tbey were located at BajabllRlDdr)', Vlzianagram, Visakbapotnnm and Macbllipatnam. Tbe Rajah of Pitbapur et~ed a college at Kak1nada lD 1884 and tbe American EVangelical Lutherau l\Ussioa started BJlotber at Guntur in 1885. see V1.asanva­swamu, op.cit., P.1409. It is to be noted tbat all ose colleges bappened to be ~ tbe C1rcar districts. Higher education was yet to see the ligbt of the day in tbe Ceded districts kDo\111 as tbo Rayalaseema (the areo ruled by

K.ristmadevarayo of tbe Vijayanagar kiDgdom). 116. see for example the news item published by ;sanmarsadarsani

requesting tbo opening of Deu schools uitb modernised syllabus and e~fective supervision. Native News, Scpt.1887.

38

This can be established b,y c1tiag tbe caste particulars

of male Hindu pupils 1D the Madras Presidency durtug 1883-84. 116

Percentage of total Hindus others including

Brahmins Vatsyas SUdras Pariahs. Collegiate edUcation 74.6 3.2 2i.7 o.a Secondary education 45.5 6.6 46.8 3.1

Pr~ary education 14.4 to.o 68.4 1.2

'lh~ above shows tbat Brahmins were holding aD upperband in bigher

education, ubereae at tbe prtmnry level, the sudras who comprised

all the communities otbcr than Brahmins, Vatsyas and the Pariahs,

were uot, comparatively upeak1Dg, bebind. For a decado from 1876

to 1886, 73% of tbe total Hindu candidates obo successfully

completed tbeir university examinations were Brahmins. In 1888,

for every 41 Brahmins of school going age, one was at college.

However~ durlDg tbe anme year, out of 2,004 Vaisyas and SUdras,

wbo were balf tbe HindU population, only one uos doiag collegi­

ate edUcation and one 'low' caste HindU in over.y 46,soo.117

compared to tbe total POJJUlotion of 'Pariabs' iD 1881, their

progress in education was very poor. There wore 3.25 millions

of 'Par1aba' in tbe wbole Presidency i.e., 15.5 per ceDt of tbe

total Binuu population.118 Tbat education uas oonfin~l to the

116. Tbe Report of tbe Dir~ctor of Higher EdUcation, 1883-84 (Madras, 1885), PP.2-139 (SUbsidiary Tables).

117. The Report o~ Director o~ PUblic Instruction 1867-68, (Madras, 1888), P.6t.

118. 1881 Census, Madras, Vol.I, PP.109-10. Here stotlsttcs ~or tbe uhole of Madras Presidency aro given.

39

upper castes iD society like Brahmins and Vatsyas could further

be established by tbe following figures. 119

Caste Total mnles Percentage 1D coste of literate

Brahmins 651,951 '12.21

Vaisyas (Komat1) 144,223 60.46

Bal1jas 362.604 20.12

Kapu or Reel d)' 1,222,546 9.55

Par lab 99'1,319 2.'16

Tbe economic background of tbose scholars must now be examined.

Tbe report of tbe Director of Public Instruction, 1885-86 stated

tbat tbe children of rtcb londlords were mnking greater use of

educational opportunities.120 Tbe details for 1883-84, mentioned

below, will sbow tbat tboso Wbo sent tbo1r cblldren to scbools

aDd colleges were mainlY landholders and officials.121

LaDdbolders Officials Petty otf1ciale Traders otbers

Colleges excluding professtoDal colleges

(100)

38.4 28.6 11.8

'1.0• 14.8

secondary ocbools

(iOO)

34.0 20.6 1'1.0 '1.0

21.5 119. Based oD 1891 censusj Madras ~es1denoy, Vol.XIII, P.i81,

ODd Vol.:XiV, W.3bU:: &. 'l'be i gures given iD the above table are lor tbe wbole Presidency.

120. Tbe Re1ort of tbe rector of PUblic Instruction 1885-86 Madras, 188'1 , P.'l.

121. Table is baeod on tbe ~p~ort of the Director of Public Instruction, 1883-84 ( ~ ras, 1898), P.47, and siatistical tables, 2-3 and 54-55.

40

Thus many of tbese educated persons came from the families

which onneo land and also from famtlies trnditionally associ­

ated wi tb administrative and professional work. This is also

bor.oe out by tbe evidence gtven before tbe Education Commission

b,y eminent public men connected with eduont1on. 122 P.Cbentsal

nao stated: 0 Tbe louest classes tD this country do not seek

primary instruction at all. Tbeir poverty compels them to employ

their children as labourers from a very early age and ••••

Pariahs and otbers of tbe lowest classes are not admitted into

schools in wbicb caste natives bave ~ influence.n123

ECONOMIC Lll"E

Tbe establlsbmcnt of tbe Brittsb rule 1D tbe ADdbra

region Cltd not spell ettber the doom or tbe total destruction

122. EdUcation Commission, op1~t.Wo tbe question tbat Wbat classes of people would m e use of tbe sobool aJJd collegi­ate eaucatioDt Rev.J.E.Padfield, Prinotpal, c.M.society Trainiug Institution, Ma<bilipotnam, replied that norabmiDs and the sons of goverameut o:fflotals generally make up tbe largest class tn our schoola •••• n.

123. Ibid. Chentsal Rao uas SUperintendent of stamps and Sl'itioDai'Y in Madras aDd a Fellov of tbe Madras UDtverstty for more tban o decade. Be vas also o~t'icially connected uitb tbe administration of schools 1D tbe Godavari district UDder tbo ''I'oylor's system•. Rao pleaded for the esta­blishment of a primary school in each village and that was the only way. accordiDS to btm, to eradicate illiteracy 1D sucb a buge couutr,y as India. nao was one of tbe leading social reformers of tbe Madras city along wttb RagbUDatba Rou and others.

41

of tbe zamtadars124 and Poligars125 1D tbe Circar districts and

Ceded districts respectively. BVentbougb tb eir wiDgs uere clipped

i24. Tbe number of zamindars was about 810. Nevertboless, tbeir political pouer uas much stronger. Tbe,y controlled a quarter of tbe area of tbe Madras Prosidcmoy. The exten­sive zamindarls like Vtjayanagaram, Pitbapur and Venkata­giri were situated in tbe Alldbro region. These zomtndaris were considered os m1Dor political kingdoms with extensive resources of mon and money. See for example n. sunthara llDgam, op.cit., P.ta. Also see c.n.Pbllips, ed. Select DocumeDts on tbe Histo of India and Pakistan 1858-1949

LOUdon, 1962 , P.126, wherein a memorandum oD 'class progress iD tbo Madras Presidency• submitted by s.srtnivase Ragbavaiaugar, Inspector-General of Registration, Madras PresideDcy is given. In that be discussed tbe conditions of different classes tD tbe Madras Presidency. Regardiag tbe zamindars be stated tbat tbe total rontal of tbe1r estates was ~.161 lakbs ohile tbe peshucush was ~.60 lakbs, that 1s, rental uas more tbau tbree times the pesbousb.

125. Poltgar or palayakkaraD was tbe bolder of a territory, called 'paleyam• 1D Tamil, • palamu' 1D Telugu and pol lam in EDgl1ab, Wbicb meant literally an armea camp. Jt was o strip of territory cous1st1Dg of a few villages, granted to a ohieftan 1D consideration of tbe m111tar.y service, that be agreed to reader and tbe tribute tbat be consented to pay to tbe soverelgu. As a political agency, tbe poligar s.ystem was associated wltb medieval South ludta. !l'amilDadU and Andbradesa (Rayolaseema area) accoUDted .for most of tbe poltgars. In tbe Englisb records the poligars of Tamll.Dadu were re1erred to as tbe Southern Pollgors ubile those o~ Rayalaseema as wostarn pollgors and tbose of Coastal ADdbra as Nortbem Pollgnrs. See K.naj~an, Rise and Fall of tbe Poltaars of Tamilnadu (Madras, 1914), P.Vl. There vere nearly eighty Polipr cbteftans and ao,ooo renters were exercising sway over this region. MaDY o1 tbem were destroyed by tbe British and tbe roma1D­ing became loyal and law-abiding lBDdlords under them. see, V.Yasoda Devt, "Brltisb Expansion: Internal Resistance in ADdbradesan (175o-1850), Paper read at tbe Seminar on Moder.a History~ Msdurai (19?1).

42

and many of their erstwhile powers were taken aw~, tboir

private armies disbanded and their policing tuuctions disconti­

nued, tbey were allo\7ed by the ner~ rulers to collect rents and

traDsmit it to tho government iD tbeir restricted spberes of

authority. Besides a sizable portion of tbeir former boldlnss

was now transferred to tbe goverDmeDt aDd for tbe rest, they

were made to p~ 'pescusb' on vczy stringent terms. The Andbra

zamtndars, mostly, were from tbe upper castes such as Kshatrtyas,

Velamas or Kammas.126 wealth and social atatus conferred by

caste combined to establish their asoendana.y over tbe society.

Agrioul ture be1Dg tbe mainstay of people, tbe life of tbe

pea.sants was miserable, positioned as tbey were between two sets

of oppressors, one berecli tazy and native and ouotber, the iDtru­

du &llg and foreign, viz., tbe zamiDdars aDd the poligars on tbe

one band and tbe comp&Qy on tbe otber.121 People connected witb

land, in oDe form or another were 47.32 per oent of tbe ellti ze

population of tbe provtnce.128 Of these 2,94,635 or 8.35 per cent

i26. CeJJSUs of lDdiaa Madras, 1891, Vol.XIII, PP.:.!20t 235 ODd 23'1.

128.

Also see, M.Baplneedu, ed. And!ara sarvosvamu (Mndras, 1943), PP.162-6S, for a list of tbe Telugu zamtndars. Most of tbem uere noD-brabmtns.

Mr Boudillon, reveuue officer 1D tbe Madras Civil service ODd a momber of tbe Commission oD Public works, stated tbat tbe majority of people were worse eoonom1oally, growiDg in J!OVerty aDd debt. QUoted 1D DI'Uce Norton, A Letter to "obert Lowe, Jo1Dt Secretaq o.f tbe Board oK Control - on i6e Condition and Requirements oi tbe Presidengr of Madras (Madras, 1854), PP.18-21.

Tbe population o.f tbe Madras Presidency, excluding tbe ,feudatory states, was 35,630,440. seo tbe Manual of standing Information for tbe Madras Presidenqy, 1893 (Madras, 1893) Chapter vx, census, P.ss.

43

of the entire population were non-cultivating land occupants,

8,257,605 or 23.39 per cent were cultivating occupants, and

5,42i,286 or i5.36 per cent were cultivating tenants and

sbar~rs.i29 It showed that the cUltivating occupants were

nearly thrice as many as the non-cultivating. AgricUltural

labourers account for i9.6i per cent or 4,i09.740 persons of

the total agricUltural population.i30 Tbe.y were divided into

farm-servants and field labourers, the former category were

labuurers employed on yearly basts, and the latter were the

temporary bands employed seasonally, for the harvesting~} etc.

Of the total number of agricultural labourers 934,950 were

farm servants and 3,i74,790 were field labourers.i3i In addi­

tion to this, nearly one million persons who are shown as

depending upon some non-agricultural occupations or other bad

also some interest in land or agricultural operations.

The only large 'industry• was weaving, which with allied

occupations of spinning, dyeing and the like supports 1,320,000

persons.i32 The supply of drink, condiments and narcotics afforded

subsistence to a million and a quarter, but of these 440,000 were

toddy-tappers and sellers and 460,000 were keepers of the well­

known •miscellaneous• shop.133 About a million were employed

129. 1891 Census, Madras Presidency, Vol.~II, P.330. 130. ~., P.331. 131. ~·t P.332. i32. The Manual of Standing Information for the Madras Presi­

dency, 1893, op.cit., P.89. 133. Ibid • ...........

in personal and domestic servioes of ubicb more tbon half

nere uasberDlOD and about one-quarter uere barbers. 'l'bere were

about a balf a million leather-workers, 300,000 carpenters ODd

tbe same number of masons aDd builders. Priests, school

masters and unqualified doctors were the cbief professional

meD and tbere were oDly 181000 lauyers.134 There were nearly

tbree mil.lion unskilled labourers, of wtaom 2 1609,000 "ere sboWD

under tbe bead oZ geDoral labourers. In tbc above categories,

except profess1onal men, all others belonged to different

castes and were do1Dg hereditary traditional services. For

example, barbers, wasbermen, carpeuters, lcotber-workers and

tbe like. Tboy bad no fixed payments or selartes. Some of

tbem CDjoycd inam lands136 called service inams. Others, like

carpenters, depended opoD the formers wbo gave tbem paddy

aDDUally in lumpsum. Tbe lost category, gCDeral labourers,

were mostly casual labourers Ubo were employed on dally wages

in activities sucb as bouse building, eartb-removiDg, road

oonstnotion.

The agricUltural classes, primarily small peasaots,

suffered duo to rack rentiDg and over assessment irrespective

of the type oZ settlement tbat uas 1D operation.. Under

134. !bid.

136. loam, is "A present, a gratuity to a dependoDt, laud grunted iD gift, rent tree for evera. c.P.nrowo, op.cit. P.i1.

45

ryotwar1 tenure, tbe share of tbe goverument was bnlf tbe

valuo ot tbe net procluoe of the land. However, the goverDJDont

acknowledged tbe fact tbat at tbe commencement ot tbe r.yotuar1

settlement, "the tax was determined in a somewhat rough-and-

ready manner", wbiob was supposed to have been reet1f1ed later.136

Though tbe load tax was imposed, tbeoretloally speoktng, on tbe

basis of tbe goVerllDlont share of tbe produce of the land, tbls

sharo varlecl mucb from district to district and also from time to

t1me. Tbe land pevenue was 1D no case, to exceed 40 per cent of

tbe gross produce in tbe case of lands for which irrigation

eater was provided at government cost, or one-third of the gross

prodUce 111 the case of lands not so lr.rlgoted.137 Tbls was

naturally ver.y bigb as tbe oultivatlDg expenses and other mis­

cellaneous taxes to be paid by people left them witb very nominal

amounts barely enough for tbetr sustenance. on an average tbe

costs and tbe profits of a ryot in Kristusa district were as

follows: 'ibe total value of tbe produce in an acre was £s.160,

out ot wblcb the ryot bad to pay es.ao/- touards govc.:rnmcnt

assessment, lls.27-3-0 ln tbe foJm of miscellaneous taxes and

£s.42-8-0 by way of cultivating mq»euses. Tbe balouce be was

left ultb uas a paltzy sum of es.to-6-0 for the ubole year.188

lf tbls was tbo cond1t1oD of tbe ryots in oue of tbe rtcbest of

tbe oircar districts, tbe mtser,y of tbe ryots tn tbe ceded

136 • .MapUal ot, tbe ,SJandlp§ Infol'mation for tbe Madras P&esldenq, 1893, op.olt., .it.

137. see, c.D.Maolean, stund1!115 lDformatioD regarding tbc Official Administration of tbe Madras Presidency 1D cacb deportmcmt 1D illustration of tbe yearly administration lleports(Madras, 1871) 1 P.i:A.

138. see, A.V.namana nao, Econo~c Development of Andbra Pradesh (Bombay, 1957), p.63.

46

districts could only be imagined.

Reveuue defalcations became a regular feoture in tbe

Ceded districts due to tbe lack of irrigation tociltttes and

vagaries of tbe monsoon. Nevertboluss tbe Board of Revenue

insisted on tbc maximum assessment and its ruthless collection,

trrospeottve of wbat happened to the ryot.139 Tbe revenue

collections 1D the Ceded districts rose steeply. In 180G-1801

it was ~.12 lakbs ond uitbin one year in 1801-1802 tt rose to

83.:17 lakbs and to 18 lakbs in 1802-1803 and by 1804-1805 to

&.23 lakbs.140 uben Sir Tbomas MUnro became the Govoraor of

Madras, in 1820, be was obliged to recommeud substantial revenue

remissions, but tboy '~oro succossf\llly stalled by the Board of

nevenue. 141 i'be Madras Presidency gas the most boavily taxed

139. General Report of tbe Board of Revenue, Vol.SS, aa cited in Ibid., P.62.

140. Revenue Consultations as cited in Jbld., P.so. 141. In 1821, Mr. Campbell, Collector of CUddapab, reported to

tbe Board of Revenue on tbe excessive nature of land revenue. He etatedJ "Tbe principal farmers of former days are redUced to poor am1 dSsp~ired bankrupts ••• aDd I bavc frequeDtly found tbe I')Tot s compare to me wi tb regret, tbelr preseut coDdlt1oJI under tbe Br1tisb goverD­ment, tvltb comparative case tbey formerly enjoyed • even under tbe dom1n1oD of Tlpu SUlte:t!". See Re!o£ to tbe Jloard of Revenue, 20tb APril, 1821. In ttie a er years, tbe goverJUllent Lao emponered itself by Madras Act II of 1864 to recover land reveuue arrears togetber wltb interest at 6 per ocnt and coste of process, by the sale of the defaulter's movable property including uncut crops or immovable property including buildings on land, or by execution against the person of tbe defaulter. seo c.D. Maclean, op.cit., P.141.

41

in matters of land revenue. It was calculated that for every

one lakh of population, the amount collected as land revenue

\vas ns.to,o5,465 ln Bengal, &.~.16,71,965 in Bombay and ns.23,12,465

in Madras.142 It oas stated in 1863 tbat only 17% of tbe farmers

uere able to pay tbe land reveoue without borrouing from money

lenders or merchants, ubile 49% bad to resort to methods of

mortgage of botb land and cattle and tbe remaining 34~~ bad to

Gispose off their crops and cattle soon after tbe barvest1Dg. 143

savage met bods of torture were employed to coll eot revenues

forcibly from people and as many of tbem were extremely poor,

ignoraDt and afraid of tbe dire consequences, they never com­

plaiDed against tortures.144 Tbe state of revenue aclmin1stra­

t1on, in botb tbe Ceded and Circar districts, and tbe attitude

of tho company oas ~tly described by Lord Macaulay: "Govern

leniently, but send us more money, practise justice and modera­

tion, but send us more money, be tbe father and oppressor of

tbe people, be just and ubjust, moderate and repaclous.n145As

142. Letter. from J.D. Norton to Robert Lowe, P.oa, as cited in A. Saroda n~u, Economic COnditions iD the Madras Presi­denCJ 180G-1850 (Mediae, 1941), P.So.

143. Letter from Mr. Pelly to tbe Board of Reveuue 0 22nd Nov. 1853, cited in Ibid., P.51.

144. In tbls connection it is ~terestlng to note that these inhumon tortures became a scandal and some enlightened members of the British parliament like Mr. Blacket, John Br1gbt condemned tbese tortures meted out to the ADdbra cultivators both ln tbc Parliament and the Press 0 sh1cb finally resulted in tbe appointment of a committee to go into tbls. see Ramosb DUtt 0 The Economic History of India in tbe Victorian Aee (London, 1906), first edn. 1903), PP.74-75.

145. Lord Macaulay 1D his Esse¥ on warren Dostiugs as cited in A.V. Ramana Rao, op. cit., P.ao.

48

a result of suob on oppressive system of land revenue 0 culti­

vation was unwillingly pursued, and iD several oases the cul­

tivators deserted their laada. Furthermore, it resulted in

beavy rural indebtodDess throwing ryots to the mercy of

village •sabukars• (moneylenders).

Agriculture vas in a bad shape with its heavy dependence

upon tbe vagaries of tbe monsoon, infertile soil, outdated im­

plements and little or no encouragement in the shape of taooav1

loons to tbe peasants eitber from tbe government or the zamtn­

dars.146 Adequate attention oas not paid eltbor to the exten­

sion or malDtena.noe of sources of irrigation like tanks and

wells. The condition of irrigation \mrka was far from satis­

tactory.141

Tbe a-equent occurrence of famines during the 19tb oen­

tury added to tbe wretobdDess of tbe agricultural population.

From among t be rural masses tbree sections of people suffered

most, namely, tenants, weavers and agricultural labourers. Tbe

famine of 180'7 affected all the districts in tbe Ciroo.rs and

tbe Ceded areas. The famine ot i81i, called Nellore famine,

\V88

146.

of a serious nature.148 MOre disastrous was tbe Guntur

commenting upon the statio position of agriculture in the Madras Presidency, A. saradar&IU stated, "•••we do not find mucb lmpl'Ovement in agricultural technique ••• and tbls lack oK change is no De\v feature. It bas chara­cterised Jndia for centuries for agricultural conditions in this country tend to be statio rather than dynamic." see A. Sarada RaJu, op. cit., P.61.

141. lbld. 0 PP.l22-23.

148. M. Vonkatarangatya, ed., cp. cit., P .49.

49

fam1De in tbe year 1833 Mlicb wrought bavoo oi tb Guntur

district •149 'l'be worst ~amine o~ the 19th century was that of

1876-78 wbicb affected fourteen districts of the Presidency

coveriDg an area of so,ooo miles.160 DurlJJg tbis famiDo, tbroe

fourths of a million, on au average, were on daily famine relief

for nearly two yeors.161 Tbe government, tn spite of a DUmber

of reports seDt b.Y tb~district collectors aDd other revenue

off1c1als, did not formulate any rational policy of famine relief or

prevention. It was only after the great fnmtne of 1876-78,

tbat a commission, under tbe presidency of Sir Ric bard strach ey,

149.

1&0.

151.

DUring Guntur famtoe nearly one balf of tbe population died, sevt:ral otbert~ migrated to tbe neigbbourtng district a and more tbon two thirds of tbe live-stock were lost. see, Fr.ykonberg, op.oit., P.a. Fr,ykenberg, in b1s book, quoted Col. Walter Cempbeil aD eye-\11 tnoss, \ibo stated: n ••• hundreds die daily, literally of starvation ••• and althougb a stromg body of pollee are constnntly employed 1D collecting tbe dead •••• numbers of bodies are left to be devoured b.f dogs and vultures." out of a population of 612,617, in one year, aoo,ooo people died aDd the total loss of revenue was esti­mated at two and one-fourtb millions sterling. see Bruce Norton• op.oit., P.42. Also see ADDie Desont, How India w.roulbt for Freedom (Madras, 1915), PP.LIII-LJJV. Also see omesh fibii,, Vol.II, op.cit •• P.49. \V1111am Digby, Famine c~ai! 1D Soutbem JDdla 1816-78 London, 1878), voi.J, P~.so see D.M.Bbatla Famines tn XDdlp (Bombay, 1963), P.89. Be cited tbe report of tbe FamiDe Commission (1880) obtob described tbe famine of 18"16-78 as "tbe most grievous calamity of 1 ts kind that the oountr.y bad experienced till tben, since tbe beginnimg of tbe nineteenth century.n. Dbarma Kumar, oe.ott., P.105. Also see c.R.\ttlliams, Letters liritten dur1D a trt. to Sout India aDd c lon 111 tbe Winter of 1.8'76-77 London, 18"1"1), P.toa, obere1JJ the author presented a picture of famine of 1876-78, which be u1tnessed durillg bis stay in soutb Iudta. For yet another eye-witness account see R1obard Temple, Men aDd EVents of MY time iD India (Loudon, 1882), P.459.

&o

witb Sir Charles ~lliot aa secretary, was appointed b.f Lord

Lytton to enquire into tbe tamtDes iD lDdla aDd suggest tho

measures of relief ODd prevention.i62 This was followed b.Y

three more Famine Commi~sions 1n i880, 1898 and 1901. 163

Tbc POZ1D8Dent settlement, uitb its magic touch of lanll­

ownorsbtp and a permanent assessment, was euvisaged to stimulate

iDduetry, promote agriculture and augment the general wealth and

prosper1ty.154 It conferred ow.aersbtp of tbe land upon tbe

former feudal lntermedlarios Who beld political and revenue

powers over large trocts of land. 165 Tbe sponsors of tbe Settle­

ment did not core tvbo the land owner was, so long as 1 t was

cultivated and land revenue was regularly paid.156 Since tbe

rosp cctive rigbts of the r,yots 81ld the zamindars were left un­

defined ODd ambiguous the settlement wroui#Jt DDlcb misobief. It

eabled tbo zamindars to enjoy enormous 1noomos, aDd afflue~~ce

led tbem to live on an unprecedented scale.151 Unfortunately

152 • Sir John Stracbey t ~d1~1 ,I~s AdmiD1s;trot1oD end PrOgress (London, 1903), P.2 •

153.

154.

155.

Xb1d. t P.22T. Tbe Fiftb Report, op.clt., Vol.II, P.1T2. The court of Directors of tbe East India CompaQy recommended iD 1795 tbat tbe Perm811CDt Settlemcmt should be 1Dtroducod 1D tbe Nortbern Circars. See avenue Des atobes from laDd -Despatch of APril 28, 1 9 Eas 1Dd1a Cor.reapondoace • This aspect bas been brought out by Gall omvedt 1D her article on "Development ot the Mabarasbtralnn class stru­cture, 1818-1931." see Economic and Political weekly, Vol.VJII, Nos.31-33 (August, 1913).

166. S.Gopnl, Tbe Penaanent Settlement tn Bo!Jgal anu its Results (LondoD, 1949). P.17.

167. Robert Eric Frykenborg, op.c1t., P.43.

61

tbe rlgbts of tbe peasants gore no~bere defined, and tbus tbe

cultivators vere exposed to uumitigated oppress1oa.168 Tbey

were content witb more oollectton of rent and never showed

interest 1D el tber tbo improvement of land or agricultural pro­

duction. Tbe Settlement, contrar.v to expectations, did not

tntroduce cap1tal1st1c farm1Dg tn India. It deprived tbe pea­

sants of tbctr traditional ownersbip-rtgbts, and made tbem depen­

dent upon tbe zamindars aDd suffer mtser,y and oppresstoa.159

Ill tbe districts of Godavari, Krlsbna and Ganjam tbe Permanent

Settlement resulted tn tbe collapse of zamindars due to tbe

excessive demands from tbe govomment. several est a tee were

either auctioned or surrendered, because of tbe inability of the

zamiadars to pay 1pesbcusb' •160 'l'ourtDg tbrougb tbe Nortbem

168.

169.

160.

M.P.n.Redd.y, "Tbe Agrarian ~stem of ADdhm under tbe East India Company (176G-1820), (an unpublished mDDograpb obtatned from tbe autbor), P.164. OeoJge D.Bearce, .§r1t1sb Attitudes towards India (1784-1858), (London, 1961), P.45. M.P.R.Reddy, ,pp.of.t .,PP.170.'73. ID tbe first ten years after tbe Permnaeni Settlement, bowever1 tbe Brit1sb Govern­ment was prepared to sbow some leniODcy towards tbe zamlD­dara and proprietors. In some of tbe 'bevelS.' tracts sub­st8Jlt1al abatements were made during tbe first ten years aud iD some of tbe revenue agreem~s ( 'knuls • ) a passage bad been inserted uhicb allol'led an increase 1D tbe revenues over a portod until tbe amount wbicb was to be permanent bad boeD reaobed. By 1810, however, tbe attitude o:t tbe govenunont bad banlened ond tbe 1Dab111ty of tbe proprietors to pey tbeir revenues was aooompaaied by aD auctloD sale or a private sole. see Benedicte Hteje, "Old Perspectives end New 1D tbe Discussion about India's Economic Development iD tbe 19tb century - A case study of Coastal ADdb m Pradesh", Itbibas, Vol.J, No.a (July-December, 1973), PP.69-116.

62

Clrcars 1D 1823, Sir '.rbomas MuDro, tbe Governor of Madras, was

struck b)' tbe agrarian discontent and poverty of tbe people

ill tbe region. Be recorded bls suggestions Qlld clefin1t1ve views

1D bis comprebcnslve minute dated December 31, 1824 iD tvbich

be pleaded tor tbe protection of r,yots in tbe Ctrcars.161 He

said tbat the Permaaent settlement deprived tbe occupancy ryots

of their proprtotory rtgbte aud bestowed them on zamiDdara aDd

imagiDary landlords.i62 'l'bua tbo failure of the Permallent Settle­

ment 1D tbe Northern Ciroars led to misrule and anarchy 1D tbe

spbere of revenue adm1Distrat1on.

After putting dovn tbe Poligars of tbe Ceded districts,

MUnro undertook a survey of tbe area and introduced tbe Ryotwari

system under wbicb tbe coDditiou of peasants became worse. Under

tbe Ryotwarl system, the benofit of every ryot beiug a peasODt

proprietor at o fixed assessment proved illusory. Land reat was

as bigb as ns.a5 to 15.60 per acre.163 Tbe fault lay iD tbe over­

assessment of land end exacting demands of the administration.

Tbis made agricUlture completely unremunerative and preveuted tbe

formation of capital witb1D tbe agrtcultural ecoDOJI\Y• Also S.t

blocked tbe way to tbe flow of outside capital eDtering into tbe

i61. G.B.Oloig, Life of Sir Thomas MUnro (Loudou, 1830},Vol.lllt P.320.

162. Ibid., P.321. -163. A.v.namana Bao, op.clt., P.SO.

63

agricultural sector.164 Peasants, wbo were tD acute need of

casb to pay land revenues, fell into the bands of • sabukars'

(money lenders) wbo became de facto landlords. 'In m&Dy 1Dsteces

tbe money lender and tbe landlord were one 8lld tbe same.168 The

condition of tbe peasants was described thus: "There are

villages iD which the ouners of the land bave become so utterly

impovertsbec, tbat tboir ubole land is mortgaged.... In very

mnny other cases tbo r,yots bcve contracted tbeir holdings to

ubut 1s just enougb to give them tbe means o:t living, and culti­

vate tbat, less for profit, tban beonuse th~ must do so or

starve, no otber meaas being open to them to gain 11 velibood • .,i66

several sobolarly attempts bave been made to assess tbe

effects ot tbese settlements. \lhatever migbt be tbo system, it

was largely 1Dfluenoed by tbe way 1D wbiob vUlages were consti­

tuted witb their exclusive customs ODd institutions. Tbese

villages were the base of tbe revenue structuz-o, end ther~ore,

tbe settlements could never be implemented suooessfUlly.161

164. see Neolmalli ~bcr.ji, Tbc !zotwar~~stem 1D Madras (Calcutta, 1962), chapter TiD, PP. aia, Wherein he dtscusseE

165.

166.

tbe economic effects of tbe Ryotwar1 system tD detail.

3), Pe254. J.D.Boudilon, Nortb t{cot District Gazetteer (Madras, 1854) 1 P.14T. Tbe present C ttoor diStrict of tho Ceded districts was tben a port of North Aroot district.

16?. B.H.Baden-Powell 1 Manua1 o~ Land Revenue §ystems and Land Tenures o£ Br•tisb iDdla (ciicutta, 1882), BOok tv, P.642.

Tbe Britisb administrators durtog tbe first quarter of tbe 19tb

century uere iDfluenced by Utili tarta.D ideas which to a large

extent :lDfluenced tbe official policy of lndiau laDd revenue. 168

Pressed to pa;y lODd revenue in casta, peasants borrowed money

and also took to tbe production of cash crops and were tbus

exposed to the fluctuations of money market. The legal system

introduced b.Y tbe Dritisb ushered to more far reacbtug changes

in tbc agrioul tural sector tbau land revenue. Nou, poor peasan­

ts vere placed at tbe mercy of courts ubere money lenders could

get favourable decisions b.Y engagtag law.yers. Earlier, peasants

could not be evicted from tbetr lands as tbe traditional village

aystem was relatively considerate to tbem.

A noteworthy feature of tbis porlod was the construction

of the Godavari and Krisbna aalcuts on the ini tiattv e of Sir

Arthur Cotton.169 Besides developing cultivation, the British

168.

169.

Eric Stokes, EDflisb Utilitarians aDd Indig (Oxford, 1959), Chapter II, n Po t icat Roonoaw 8J1d the Lond neveuue" and in particUlar, PP.B0-98. stokes mentioned tbat tb1s policy resulted in oppressive ove~aasessment, PP.iSS-39.

See F .R.BemmiDgw~, Godavari, of .ct t. , PP .19-86. "Tbe Godavari auiout was 'the first o au,y real magnitude to be butlt by EUropeans 1D tbis Presldenoy.n 'l'be cauvery aniout uas an elaboration o~ Dative enterprise. ~le sauctioD for tbe Godavari antcut vas received l·D 1841 and uas completed by 31st Marcb 1852. Tbe work on tbe Kr1stma oniout was commeuocd iD 1792 and waa completed by 1853. Cotton sub­mitted a detailed list of tbe oonstderatlons ubtcb sbould generally guide the selecttoD of 1rrigatioD works. For a discussloD of tbe imperialist character of tbe ort terta proposed b.Y Cotton, see, Sour1D Bbattaobaryo, "India's First Private Irrigation Companyft, Social Scientist, Vo1.4, No.3 (october, 1916), PP.35-55.

II

66

used tbe rivers as waterw~s tor the transport of oasb crops

like cotton aDd tobacco from tbe 1Dterior parts to tbe main

centres •170 Howover, they immensely helped tbe growtb of

ag.ricul ture iD tbe Godavari. aDd KrishDa districts wbicb fi'Om

tben on came to be called tbe grmuuy of ADdbra. In particular

tbe overall growtb of tbe Godavari district uas pbenomeual.

Tbe revenue leaped from the 13tb place among tbe 22 districts

of tbe Madras Presidency to t;le secoad plaoe,171 and became

tbe most thriving in India from bav1ng been one of tbe

poorest.n172 When tbe work of tbo anicut commenced there were

661,04i inhabitants lD tbe Godavari district and accorGiDg to

tbe census of 1891, the population increased to i,517,741 or

nearly 300 per oent.173 Dr. Roseburg (tbe Compauy•s botanist

abo conducted an experimeDtal farm for several years) said that

170.

1'11.

'l'bere are nearly 600 miles of canals wbiob, besides carry­tag water for ir.rlgatton, are excellent lines of communi­cation. FurtbeJ"mOre, tbe GodcVart ~gatioJI system was connected wttb tbe Krishna s.ystem (ultb its 800 miles of navigable canals) and from it again into tbe BPokingbam canal wbtcb runs along tbe coastline for a distance of 194 miles. Thus from Kakinado to Madras tbe canal nct­gatton is about 500 miles. Tbe provtaioD of obeap oorrtage not on}¥ 1D and aroUJJd tbo district bUt to tbe seaport (Madras) greatly belpcd tbo British to exploit tbe natural resourcos of tbe Godavari district wbtob sprang iDto pro­sperity during tbts period. Lady Hope, General S1r Artbur Cotton, Bts Ll.fe and work (LoDdou, 1900), P.IM. Sir .Artbur Cottou, Lectures ou IJ::rlgatioD works iD India (Autumn session, 1874), (Vlj~awada, 1968),P.4. Tbe revenue iD 1843-44 .from all sources was Rs.17 ,25,841 and by 1898 tbe land revenue alone was ns.eo,19,224, an iJlcrease o.f nearly 250 per ceut.

172. Ibid., P.40.

113. Ibid., P.3.

66

Ilajabmundry bad some of tbe finest laDds in India 'Wbicb could

yield ricb crops o~ sugar, cotton, tobacco ODd mulberries

besides bav1Dg extensive tracts ot paddy cultivation.i74 Tbe

aDicut on tbc Godavari triggered off tbe commerotal expansion

of tbc related region of Dajabmundry. Before the construction

of tbc Godavari Project tbe average export of tbe RajablllUDdry

region amounted to atx lakbs rupees a.DDUally. After completion

tbo amount of export trade rose to an annual figure of forty

lakbs of rup9es. 'l'be area on ubiob this trade origiDated was

2400 square miles.175 commenting upon tbe changes to Godavari

district since tbe construction of tbe anicut, s.Natbamuni

MUdaliar, a retired Tabosildar from tbe district, stated: nTbe

wealthier ola~ees were mucb benefitted and tbe condition of ryots

was so mucb improved by tbe generol bigb prices that S.nst ead of

beiug ~ tbe bauds of sowcors, they were sowcars themselves ••••

The vast increase in agriculture b.f irrigation bas very mate­

rially improved tbc condition of ryots •••• Roads bave multi­

plied.... Tbe number of Village schools bas so considerably

increased tbat tbero are now four Deputy Inspectors (sub­

Assistants) and one AssistaDt Inspector tor tbe whole clistrlct

1D tbe place of one Deputy Inspector.... Tbts ts besides aD

Inspecting Schoolmaster Zor eacb taluk •••• Tbe present project

oz Lord CoDDemaru o~ coUDeotiag this part of the country uttb

174. M.P.n. Reddy, oe.ci~., P.225. 175. See sourln Bbattacbar.ya' op.oit.

61

Maclras by meaDs of rail roado will still more develop tbe

resources of tbe country.n176

'l'be coastnaotton of railways iD tbis part of tbe country,

wos oommenoecl in 1890 and woe over by August 1893. It uas

tben called tbe East Coast Rail~~.177 Tbe railways contribu­

ted to tbe further grogtb of trade aud commerce aDd also cwde

jour.oey easy and cbeap. Tbey also led to tbe flow of ideas from

and a direct access to tbe Presidency metropolis (Madras oity).

Tbere were no indUstries uortb meutioniag in ADdbra except

tbo bandloom illdustry wbicb bod its commerce moinly with Dlropep

aDd tbe iD1811d territories of tbe Deccan.178 some agro-based

industries como up durtng tbe first two decades of tbe i9tb

century. 'l'bese consisted of aucb commodities as rice and dry

grains like pul.ses and Datcbany •179 Tbe spindle and tbe spiDIWing

176. s.srinivasa nagbavaiya»gar, o£.ci~., Appendix x, section v, PP.ocxt-ccxtv. Also see, on t e same theme, BeDJ'Y Morrlos, op.cit., P.ST.

17'1. C.Laksbmlnarasimbam, suoc:ac,barttomu (Bezwado, 1944), P.106. Laksbmtnarasimham waa a student and later o follower and c~worker of Vceresaltngam t.n bts reform activities. He \VI"'te bis autobiography iD Tolugu. Extracts from it are trans~ated and given iD tbe thesis.

178. A.V.nomaua Bao, op.cit.,P.7. Besides tbe textile industry, salt and saltpetre were also manutecturod. While tbe ueaving industry was in a £1our1sbing state, the manufacture of salt bad suffered a serious set back. Most of tbe salt bad been exported to Bensel, but 1n tbat province a monopoly of tbe ma11ufaoture of salt was established by the British Govern­ment in 1765, and importation ceased. Tbis led to a serious decline ~ tbe coastal trade. See tbe article of Beneuiote Hieje, op.o,!t.

1'19. Ibid. ny tbe middle of tbe 19tb century, new oosb crops like sugar aDd oil seeds were produced. As a result of this, a Iorge sugar factory was established at Bblmilipatnam b,y the Madras Agency Bouse, Arbuthnot oompao,y ubiob hod a stimula­ting effect on tbo cultivatt.oD of augareane in Ganjam, Visakbapatnam aud Rajabmundry. From 1860 to 1860 the average yearly v~ue of tbe sugar exported uas ~.3,59,126 out of a total export figure of ns •. at,66,454.

68

~boel wore the two additional meaas of livelihood to tbe poor

people. Thread-making uas an important cottage industry and

n~arly as many as 200 varieties o~ clotb were produced.180

Bouever, tbe colonial interests in' importiJJg cloth from EDglo.Jld

ruined tbe not1 ve bandloom industry and splDD1ng as a separate

profession was fast disappearing. 181 so millions of tbem became

jobless ud began to flock to agrlcul ture182 or migrate to

toes tbat were comiDS up or leave for otber countries like

British nurma 1D searcb of livelibood.183 It was duriDg tbis

p~:rlod tbat several flourtsbiug ports oD tbc coastal Audbra

like GaDjam, Visakbapatuam, Kakinaao, Narsapur and Macbili­

potnam decayed dUe to a fall in the export of textiles, carpets and

tbe like.184 Sb1p-buildiag industry as well as overland trading

to otber parts of tbe country like Bengal lenguisbod.

Except from tbe census, little is known about tbe strength

of industrial labourers. Tbe census of 1881, b.Y Wbiob time tbe

traditional industrieo like textiles, salt-making, sbip-buildtng

etc. declined, showed tbat workers engaged in cotton, Flax,

180.

181.

A.V.Ramaua Dao, op.olt., P.106. s.srinivasaraghovatyGIJ3ar, op.cit.,P.93. Spcakiq tor tbe Guntur district Frykenberg no\ed tbat tbe import of Earopeau cottoD products uere crlppltng tbe demand for local clotb production 1ll najapet, Votapalem, Maagalagir1 and other touns. See Rebert Uric Fr,vkenberg, op.clt., P.4.

182. M.Venkataraugaiya, op.c1t., P.5o. 183. A.V.Ramana noo, op.olt., P.16B. 184. M.Venkatarangaiya, op.c1t.,P.53.

59

uool and silk industries numbered about ~,72,400 including

females.185 The number o.f workers engagocl iD various types

of metal iDdustry such as iron 0 steel, copper, brass and

mixed metals uas 46 0 609.186 nouevcr, tbis does not include

tbe numerous blacksmiths, goldsmiths and engravers scattered

tbrougbout tbe country-side helping tbe agriculturists with

tbe tools and tmplements necessary in tboir daily operations.

Chemicals claimed 48 0 980 wbereas people engaged in leather in­

dustry were about 21 0ooo.181 Salt making industry bad 8,620,

Gums & Resins 15,360 and tbe masons and other skilled workers

involved in building ladustry numbered 41 064o.188 A small

number of 550 workers 1D book indUstry and about 600 in machine

tools were employed.i89 In tbo preoediDg account tbe strengtb

of reoogplsed sections o.f industrial labourers alone was given.

Tbey do not lnolude tbe 'village iDdustries• like pottery,

tmmiDt:h basket ueavlDg and mat making, carpentry etc. one

sigaUicant cboracteriatic ot those occupations is that the

same persons were botb makers and sellers ot tbelr products.

The growtb of towns 1D ADdbra begOD by tbe middle of tbe

l9tb oeatury and many totms come into existence by the close of

tbe centur,r.190 Tbe movement of rural population to tbe urbaa

185. These figures are calculated on the basis of the stati­stics fuxnisbed in Imferial Census of i881 - The Presi­dency of Madras, Vol. I, Table Xii-a.

186. 18'1 •

188.

lbid.

.!..!!12• Ibid. -1&9. Ibid. -190. A.v. namaua Rao, op. cit., P.lao.

60

areas uas largely due to tbe b1gber wages ond greater freedom

from coste repression Gbicb tbe touus beld out to tbe lower

grades of tbe population aDd to tbe superior soo1al and edu­

cational advantages ODd tbe more varied amenttt1es uhioh tboy

offered to the better classes. Generally tbe railways increa­

sed tbe trade of tbose places \lbere tbey reached ODd also

created neu tradlag centres along lts treck.191 Among otber

factors tbat contributed to tbe growth of towns, mention may

be made of tbe starting of industries, famines, availability

of cbeap labour, tendency of riob landlords and otbor similar

classes to live in towns, and moder.o educat1on.193 Tbe new

professional classes (educated middle class) came into existence

1n tbe wake of these totms. Tbe reveaue settlemcuts on tbo one

baDd and industry and commerce oa tbe otber foiled to develop

rural capitalist and strong commercial classes respectively.

Mlddle classes 1D tbe Madras Presidency, therefore, comprised

mainly of people belonging to differeut professions like teaching,

191. D.R.Gadgil, Tbe IndUstrial R!Vo~ution of India in Recent Times (Calcutta, 1948, first edn. 1924), P.137.

192. Ibid. Also see A.V.Ramana Rao, op.ct.t.,P.160. Ramana nao mentioned that due to communication foo111ties like water­ways aDd railuays, tow.as suob as Vij~a~ada, Bhimavoram, Kakinada were developed ODd other towns like Vijayanngaram, Kuruool, Macb111patnam, Rajabmundry were already great centres of tbe age-old weavtug industry. Census o~ lndta, 1901 (Madras) Vol.XV-A, Part I, Report, P.13, mentlonel tbat £rom 1891 to 1901 tbere bas been a striking advance 1D tbo total number of tbe town population, it being 26 per cent greater tban lt was ten years ago, altbougb the population as a wbole bas increased b.Y only a little over 7 per cent. Tbe report further stated tbat tbe growtb of municipal towns bas been rapid.

61

law, med1c1Do and civil serv1ce.193 In tbis connection it

may be noted tbat progress of education nas rapid in tbe

Madras Presidency after 1857.194 Middle classes fought for

liberal and democrot1o values and respected tbe individual but

not religious authority. They stood for intellectual freedom

and social mobiltty195 and became tbe carriers of new ideas

and provided basis ODd orientation to ~ooial refoEm move­

ments.196

Tbus tbe brook-up of tbe old political and economic

order bad a deep impact oD society. The new revenue settlements

oreat ed private property 1D laD d 1ntroeluc1Dg individual o\'lller­

sbip of land and tbereby transforming society from the basis of

stot.us to one of contract. This aDd other intruding commercial

and economic forces ub1cb entered the village undermined ' -....

193. see D.M.Bbatia, "Growth and composition of Middle class

194.

195. 196.

in Suutb India in n1neteentb centur,yn, Tbe Indian Economic and social Htsto!Y Review, Vol.II, No.4 (october, 1965). s.satbianatban, op.cit.,P.19. Madras oas leading tbc otber tuo Presidencies 1D tbe perceutage of literacy. By 1886 it bad 5 more colleges tban BoJJgal. It woe far abead of Bombay with 23 more colleges and tbree times as m~ studeDts. B.B.Misra, The IDdian Middle Classes (o.u.P., 1961),P.1. seo sum1 t sarkar, BibllofaGbic~l SUrvey of Social Reform Movements 1D tbe tBtb an i tb centuries (New Delhi,ioW), P.1. Sarkar states that "sooial retor.m movemeDts of modem period bad a olenr upper caste (alld upper and middle class) basis •••• ~"· With regord to the Madraa Presidency tb1s was true os educntlon uas almost mono­polised by the Brahmins aDd upper classes.

62

tbo agral'itm economy of tbo pre-Brlttsb period. Tbe new laad

relations and tbe consequent change tn tbe social fabric of

Indian agriculture was a stgatftcaDt ovent 1D tbe process of

tbo transformation from tbe pre-capitalist feudal econo~ of

India Ulto a formal capitalist econoqr. Karl Marx spoke of

tbo destructive as well as regenerative roles of tbe British

rule tn lndia.i97 Tbe destruction of tbe old Village eoono~,

tbougb it 1DVo1veu mucb su1ter1Dg and misery, was a progressive

ovent. It was a rtgbt step in tbe direction of uniting the

lDdtaD people economically into one unit •198 It put aD end to

tbo isolation of tbe village communities living in an atmosphere

of social passivity oDd iDtellectual inertia. Furtber, tbe

prooeas of converttns India toto a market for forelga goods

brought untold su.ffertag to tbe village artisans wbo swelled

tbe ranks of tbe landless poor. Pressure on laud and tbe

consequent rural unempla.rmeat accentuated tbe agrarian crisis.

Consequent on all tbts, tbere developed symptoms of o

structural imbalance 1D tbe lDdian society as a ubole Clurtag

tbe 19tb century. Tbeoo oveuta, along wttb tbe spread of

cducatioDe growtb of towns, a modern legal system, political

unity, better communications ond tbe rise of new professioDal

197. K.Marx and F.EDgels, on Colonialism (Moscou, n.a.),P.84.

198. A.R.Desa1, so,cia1 Background o:f Indian Nationalism (Bom~. first edD. 1948), P.37.

63

(midale) classes led to the mucb desired social mobility and

social cbango. Karl Marx, while commenting upon tbe cnambling

of tbe Village econo~ characterised it as n •••• tbe only

social revolution ever beard of tD Asia.n199 Tbe total break-

up of tbe old economic structu J"C alld tbe fUll emergence of

tbe capitalist system, bouever, did not take place and bence

social change stopped midway, leaving tbe country semi-feudal

and semi-capitalist, witb strong ties between moribund feuda­

lism and emergent capitalism, botb subordinated to aD over­

pouerful alien coloni·B"-lism. 200

199. K.Mar.X and F.Engols, op.cit.,P.38.

200. V1ewiag the developmeDts of modern Indian history ill tb e lisbt or colonialism and its restraints was tbe concept Kormulated b,y Professor B1pnn Chandra in bis Presidential addr~bS (section 111) 1 "Colonialism and Modernization", Indian History congress, Tbirtyseconu session, 1970 at Jabolpur. For SPI•lication of tbis concept to Bengal Ronatssaoce, see sumlt Sarkar's article, 0 Rammoban Roy and break uitb tbe Past,n in v.c.Josbi, ed. Rammoban Roy and tbe process of modernization in India (New Delb1 0 1975).