12
The'Social Crediter, Saturday. June 17th, 1939. '- J-THE SOCIAL CREDITER FOR POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC REALISM . Vol. 2. No. 14. 3d. Weekly. Registered at G.P.O. as a NeW8~per. Postage (home and abroad) 1<1. SATURDAY, JUNE 17th, 1939. THE I am writing during the first week in June, at a time when there is a decided lull in what seemed to be a gathering storm, and as I look at the wondrous beauty of the English country-side, with the trees in all the splendour of early summer, everything tempts me to forget what happened during the first months of 1939. .This is a temptation that must be resisted.' Those who are in control of international finance and who wish to bend the English to their will, count on our short memories even more than on our submission to regimen ta tion. These lulls, therefore, are useful to them. But let us use the interval to assess the progress that has been made towards Sovietisa- . tion, always, of course, under the given impression that we are progressing towards liberty. I'll begin by reminding you of a leader in the Evening Standard for March 17, from which I have copied the following extract:- "None in this country doubt that Britain is resolved to defend her liberties 'with the same spirit and success which we have always achieved On Other Pages Douglas and Democracy Banana-Farmers Fantasia on the Theme of War Milk Marketing Board TURN OF THE By B. M. PALMER III the past. The first need of the moment is to give expression to that resolve. It can only he done by the anouncernent of the British Government of a plan for national conscription ... By this means we will tell both enemies and friends that British freedom will never perish from the earth." It was in such a smoke-screen of hysterical and lying nonsense that the first step was taken towards the objective of the complete conscription of life. To do the people justice I don't think many were impressed by this article. I believe the leader page has, fewer readers than any other of these "popular" papers. The ordinary citizen is not much concerned with freedom in the abstract. He only understands it instinctively, and at the moment his instincts are half petrified by the alternative lulls and crises he has been called upon to endure. Conscription was put over so easily because it was only applied to a small and comparatively docile section of the people. Older men, in their relief that something was to be done without call upon themselves for more sacrifices, let the thing go through without considering what is meant. The screw was turned gently. But it has been turned. This means that it will be easier next time to conscript a larger class; possibly women too may be pressed for some form of national service. We ought to have made quite certain that, though conscription might be necessary for war-time it must be a strictly temporary measure. We should have demand- ed the power to get our liberties back when we wanted them. Yet not one of our "democratic" M.P.'s <. SCREW was ready to put this view forward; not even the Labour party, who are supposed to have consented to conscription only as the gravest necessity. The fact is that this party has another fish to fry. Their part is to complete the conscription of wealth. Once more it is intended to begin with a small class; those with more than £20,000, said Mr. Pethick Lawrence in his recent broadcast, though he did not make it clear whether he meant £20,000 of capital or income. But this is no matter. If conscription of wealth be accepted as a principle of govern- ment, it will be easy to extend it later, just as it will be easy to extend conscription of life. The technique the Labour Party adopt is to set the poor against the rich, under the pretence that there is not enough to go round, though, of course, they know this is a lie. Hugh Dalton based his speech in the House on "Why should they have cake when the poor haven't enough bread?" Pethick Lawrence has another lever. He asked why all these young men should be conscripted, when "the rich" were not asked to make sacrifices? In a speech full of "inaccuracies," among them the statement that it was possible to finance rearmament out of "savings," he did his best to make us believe that a conscription of wealth would help the poor, although he knows very well that the bankers and insurance companies would buy up at low rates most at the property, thus centralising power in their own hands, under the screen of Socialism. Major Attlee, Hugh Dalton and

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The'Social Crediter, Saturday. June 17th, 1939.

'-

J-THE SOCIAL CREDITERFOR POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC REALISM

. Vol. 2. No. 14. 3d. Weekly.Registered at G.P.O. as a NeW8~per.Postage (home and abroad) 1<1. SATURDAY, JUNE 17th, 1939.

THE

I am writing during the firstweek in June, at a time when thereis a decided lull in what seemed tobe a gathering storm, and as I lookat the wondrous beauty of theEnglish country-side, with the treesin all the splendour of earlysummer, everything tempts me toforget what happened during thefirst months of 1939.

.This is a temptation that mustbe resisted.' Those who are incontrol of international finance andwho wish to bend the English totheir will, count on our shortmemories even more than on oursubmission to regimen ta tion.

These lulls, therefore, are usefulto them. But let us use theinterval to assess the progress thathas been made towards Sovietisa-

. tion, always, of course, under thegiven impression that we areprogressing towards liberty.

I'll begin by reminding you ofa leader in the Evening Standard forMarch 17, from which I have copiedthe following extract:-

"None in this country doubt thatBritain is resolved to defend herliberties 'with the same spirit andsuccess which we have always achieved

On Other PagesDouglas and Democracy

Banana-Farmers

Fantasia on the Themeof War

Milk Marketing Board

TURN OF THEBy B. M. PALMER

III the past. The first need of themoment is to give expression to thatresolve. It can only he done by theanouncernent of the British Governmentof a plan for national conscription ...By this means we will tell both enemiesand friends that British freedom willnever perish from the earth."

It was in such a smoke-screenof hysterical and lying nonsensethat the first step was taken towardsthe objective of the completeconscription of life. To do thepeople justice I don't think manywere impressed by this article. Ibelieve the leader page has, fewerreaders than any other of these"popular" papers. The ordinarycitizen is not much concerned withfreedom in the abstract. He onlyunderstands it instinctively, and atthe moment his instincts are halfpetrified by the alternative lulls andcrises he has been called upon toendure.

Conscription was put over soeasily because it was only applied toa small and comparatively docilesection of the people. Older men,in their relief that something wasto be done without call uponthemselves for more sacrifices, letthe thing go through withoutconsidering what is meant. Thescrew was turned gently. But ithas been turned. This means thatit will be easier next time toconscript a larger class; possiblywomen too may be pressed forsome form of national service.

We ought to have made quitecertain that, though conscriptionmight be necessary for war-time itmust be a strictly temporarymeasure. We should have demand-ed the power to get our libertiesback when we wanted them. Yetnot one of our "democratic" M.P.'s

<.

SCREW

was ready to put this view forward;not even the Labour party, who aresupposed to have consented toconscription only as the gravestnecessity.

The fact is that this party hasanother fish to fry. Their part isto complete the conscription ofwealth. Once more it is intendedto begin with a small class; thosewith more than £20,000, said Mr.Pethick Lawrence in his recentbroadcast, though he did not makeit clear whether he meant £20,000 ofcapital or income. But this is nomatter. If conscription of wealthbe accepted as a principle of govern-ment, it will be easy to extend itlater, just as it will be easy to extendconscription of life.

The technique the Labour Partyadopt is to set the poor against therich, under the pretence that thereis not enough to go round, though,of course, they know this is a lie.

Hugh Dalton based his speechin the House on "Why should theyhave cake when the poor haven'tenough bread?" Pethick Lawrencehas another lever. He asked whyall these young men should beconscripted, when "the rich" werenot asked to make sacrifices? Ina speech full of "inaccuracies,"among them the statement that itwas possible to finance rearmamentout of "savings," he did his best tomake us believe that a conscriptionof wealth would help the poor,although he knows very well thatthe bankers and insurance companieswould buy up at low rates most atthe property, thus centralisingpower in their own hands, under thescreen of Socialism.

Major Attlee, Hugh Dalton and

Page 2 THE SOCIAL CREDITER

Pethick Lawrence are thus detailedto make an attack on property viathe capital levy, by setting the pooragainst the rich.

Another attack on property hasbeen proceeding ever since lastSeptember, through the variousBilleting schemes, which aredesigned to show us that we ownnothing, and have no real rights ofany sort. What sort of a voluntaryscheme is that which can be madecompulsory at a moment's notice?For it has been stated by WalterElliott that householders couldfinally be forced to come into line.It was easy at first to pretend thatall the opposition came from therich who did not like to "give uptheir homes to the poor children."The truth was that the most in-articulate and neglected "class" inthe nation, the poorer country folk,who live for the most part ininconvenient cottages, were seeth-ing with anxiety and a fury ofdiscontent. This "class" numbersless than eight million; they arescattered and disunited. Their justcomplaints concerning the insanitarycondi tions that would prevail invillages crowded with refugees,witj;lOut proper water supply,medical attention or drainage,would have been completely ignored,had it not been, for the promptaction of the United Ratepayers,who organised the demand forcamps. A few camps have beenpromised, but not .nearly enough.The country people have since beensubjected to a wearing-downprocess on the part of impudent

To Meet YouMrs. Palmer will be glad towelcome friends on Wed-nesday afternoons from 3-5p.m., and at other times byappointment at-

4, Mecklenburgh Street,London, W.C.1.(first floor bell)

Seven minutes from RussellSquare Station, five minutes

from King"s Cross.It is hoped that visitors toLondon will make a point ofcalling at that time. Teaand biscuits 3d.

bureaucrats, as witness the letterwhich was published in this paperon June 3.

It is only during the last fewweeks that the townsfolk haverealised that the billeting scheme isalso a menace to their own propertyand family life, and they haveshewn it by the boycott (unorgan-ised of course) which Londonmothers have adopted towards theL.e.e., evacuation scheme.

"Fifty thousand mothers of childrenunder five -refu se to register forevacuation in wartime-which showsthat fifty thousand mothers can bewrong.

"They feel an instinctive desire, tohe around to keep the home together ...

"The evacuation plans are beingdrawn up with an eye to the generalsafety and the greatest efficiency. Theymust not be put out of joint by therefusal of one section to join in.

"If necessary, non-essential non-combatants should be compelled to with-draw to safe areas."

It is hoped that we haveforgotten that the countryfolkdislike the scheme, when it is statedthat "one section refuses to join in."The truth is that both the billetersand the billetees detest everythingconnected with it, becauseit is anattack on home life. Their mindshave not yet fully apprehended thisfact, but their instincts are aroused,and fully aroused. The instinct forhome making is the strongest of allthe English national traits, and itwill take some time to destroy it.

These fifty thousand mothersthat the Daily Mail dares to callmistaken are instinctively right.

They don't want to leave theirhusbands, to leave their property,perhaps only a little poor furniturein a couple of rooms, but still"home"; they don't want to beseparated from older children, from"granny" and the "aurities." Thereare just two realities in life to them-strong family affection and theirhomes. They are being asked togive up both, and for what? Theyare given nothing in place except aproblematical safety, patriotism,service to the state and other 'highfalutin' things which mean nothingto them.

Their instincts tell them that itwould be better to risk death anddisaster together with those theylove, than to live on after they havelost all that gives life any meaning.

They are afraid that if the family isonce broken up it will never bereunited. Travelling about in war-time would be almost impossible-how could thev ever meet husbandor elder childi'en? How do theyknow their husbands will continueto send them money to supplementthe 5/- a week which is all theGovernment will grant? Supposethere was "another woman" asthere might be when the generalslackening of family ties due to thegeneral migration began?

All this, as I say, is feltinstinctively by the fifty thousandmothers. Their instincts are rig-ht,but because they find it difficult to-explain, even to themselves, theirrefusal to register, they will becalled apathetic, unpatriotic, and anattempt will be made at compulsion.

Having coerced the country-folk, the next step is to coerce thepoorer town-dwellers. One classat a time-the turn of the screw.

Here are two pathetic letterswhich were tucked into a 'corner ofthe Daily Herald, in very small type:

"All this conscription business getsme down. Mothers who lost husbands inthe last war and after are having togive up their sons and their homes. Whynot do two or three nights militarytraining each week and not upset theircareers."-Elder Sister, Bedford.

"Out of l7s. a week allowance, howis the wife or mother of a man called upgoing to pay ISs. rent, Ss. rates-sandlive? We have an obligation towardsall Service men to keep the homesopen, as well as the jobs."~

A.M., Canterbury,What these poor women don't

yet realise is that those who areorganising the preparations for "wardo not care what happens to thepeople's homes. They may say thatthey support democracy, and thatthe Englishman'S home is his castle,but all their actions give the lie totheir words.

It is not what a man savs orintends, but what he does - thatcounts. When one thing afteranother is done to take away thepeople's liberty, first by attemptingto break up home life, then byconscription in peace time, andfinally by a threatened attack onthe property of all classes there isonly one name for it-Sovietisation.

You will be asked what otherscheme you have to suggest in place(continued on page 11)

THE SOCIAL CREDITER Page 3

NEWS ANDSupply Ministry

In moving the second readingof the Ministry of Supply Bill, Mr.Burgin pointed out that the twomost exceptional powers voted tothe Minister enabled him to call upa civilian manufacturer to giveGovernment work priority, and as aconsequence power to cause a,manufacturer to accept an order,carry out the work or deliver thegoods as the case might be.

These 'exceptional powers'amount to a virtual dictatorshipover trade. No more freedom ofchoice for the manufacturer; hemust toe the line-to whom? Tothe elector? Firstly, he is anelector himself, forcing himself toabandon his choice of making shoe-buckles or knapsack buckles.Secondly, where is his security (asan elector) that such powers usedon him as a manufacturer will notbe used to secure ends which hedoes not want as an elector?

•Trade War

Mr. R. S. Hudson, Secretary ofState for Overseas Trade, saidrecently that he had been "extreme-ly encouraged" by reports ofgrowing complaints about Germancommercial methods, deliveriesgetting worse and worse and thedeteriorating quality of Germanmerchandise.

(a) If this statement is true itimplies a condition of strainin Germany which, unlessrelieved by some reasonabletreatment by the owners ofraw materials will probablysweep out in armed force. Itis not a source of 'encourage-ment.'

(b) If the statement is mistakenit is unfortunately propa-gandist in tone and willaggravate relations betweenthis country and Germany.

•Birmingham Rent Strike

The tenants of council housesin Birmingham who are on rentstrike for the removal of differentialrates which have recently been in-troduced, suggested that a referend-

VIEWS,urn should be held, all citizens inBirmingham voting for or againstthe City Council's rent scheme.They also propose that an independ-ent committee of three shouldinvestigate the scheme.

The Council rejected theseproposals by 60 votes to 20.

As the Birmingham EveningDispatch points out, the citizens ofBirmingham are the landlords, andthe introduction by their ownelected representatives of this newand unfair scheme without theauthority of the landlord and flatlyagainst the wishes of the tenantsis open dictatorship. The tenantsare not giving way-the strikecontinues.

•Pity the poor target

All Government departmentsare to be given the right to talk toBritain's millions at any time theychoose, and their manuscripts willnot have to be submitted to theB.B.C., for approval. It is plannedto link up the Government talkswith the Empire BroadcastingSystem, so that the whole Empirecan be in constant contact withGovernment officials.

•Montreal Overdraft

The city of Montreal has anoverdraft of £8 millions, and themanagers of the Bank of Montreal,the Roya1 Bank of Canada and theBanque Canadienne Nationale haverefused further credits.

Threats from the managers toput in a small body of competentmen to "reliabiliate the city'sfinances" should be countered bvpressure from the citizens, on whomthe increased rates will recoil,anyway.

•No Jelly

At the Congress of AssociatedCountrywomen, Mrs. Crowley; ofSouth Australia, said it was, not truethat all the farmers in Australiaowned their own land. "To a greatextent," she said, "the farms areowned by the banks.

"Some farmers even have toshow their bank managers their

grocery list for the week and ask ifthey can buy all the things on it.

"The managers sometimes said:'No, you have a jelly on this list andthat is a luxury. You must knockit off.'''

Our"Free" (for whom?) Press

The following paragraph ap-peared in the Daily Telegraph ofJune 6:

In spite of Alberta's financial'situation having suffered under Mr.Aberhart's Social Credit Administrationand Government House being closed,nominally on the score of economy, thedinner was far from frugal. It included, _I hear, the tour"s most elaborate winelist.

It was ironic that Mr. Aberhart andMr. Bowen had to join: forces at thedinner and elsewhere throughout theday. ' Normally they are at daggersdrawn. They have been so ever sinceMr. Bowen, who is a former Baptistminister and Army chaplain, opposedthe Aberhart Government's more mad-cap schemes.

We suggest that news and viewsshould be clearly labelled:

(a) The total provincial debt inAlberta has only increased bya few thousand dollars sincethe present Government hasbeen in power in contrast toextremely heavy increase indebt in other more "orthodox"provinces.

(b) Madcap schemes?

Madame TabouisFollowing the absorption of the

Sunday Referee into the SundayChronicle last Sunday, SundayDispatch posters on the streetsdeclared that "Now MadameTabouis Writes for Us."

Madame Tabouis, politicalcorrespondent of a French National'daily paper, is said to have affilia-tions with Soviet Russia.

Speaking recently in London on "TheFuture of Europe" she said that militaryaction or inaction was equally dangerousto Herr Hitler. His only hope of salva-tion -lay in the contemplation of a policyof peaceful absorption of States whichwould bring the materials he was unableto obtain through lack of currency and onwhich the moral of his people depended.He could only be saved if the democracieswere still willing to allow him to blackmailthem. Until France, Britain, and Russiasigned a paet of mutual assistance thepeace coalition would be inoperative.

Page 4 THE SOCIAL CREDITER

A TASMANIAN SPEAKS HIS MIND

AND D'EMOCRACYThe fundamental conceptions of true Democracy are to-day gaining expression in almost every country

in the world, while the Social Credit Movement which is responsible for the presentation of these con-ceptions is now established as a powerful and vital fighting machine in all English speaking lands.

The issue before the peoples of the world is truly one of Democracy versus Dictatorship, but it is not,necessarily, an issue between the Totalitarian states and the so-called Democracies-such as Great Britain-for it is quite conceivable of a highly centralised administration that it should provide its communitywith the results desired by the people to a far greater extent than an administration supposedly givingeffect to Democratic wants but actually committed to direction from financial or other vested interests.The major struggle of to-day is typified in the growing revolt against blind institutionalism; the struggleof the people to gain control of the institutions (not only parliamentary) which exist to serve them.

This is the modern war for true Democracy and it is obvious that the front line trenches are centredin the political systems of the world.

It is not surprising, therefore, to find a widespread belief in existence-and some sections of the SocialCredit Movement itself are not yet free from it-that the followers of Major Douglas should band them-selves together into political parties for the particular purpose of imposing a set of clearly defined financialproposals upon a system already rotting in the bright sun of economic reality.

The ideas underlying this belief were admirably dealt with recently in a letter written by a prominentTasmanian democrat, extracts from which are published below. .

"The fight is 'Man versus theInstitution.' Men have delegatedtheir powers to institutions, and themen who have been given control ofour institutions as the servants ofthe people have become our masters.The people, through various causes,have come to believe they can nolonger control their own affairs, andcan expect nothing from their owninstitutions but constant punish-ment.

That is one phase of institu-tionalism. Another phase is themachine-like nature of institutions,which gradually builds a routine orritual or legal code which becomessacrosanct, and to alter whichtremendous forces are required.

Now, all large movements formthemselves into organisationswhich ultimately become institu-tions, like the Labour Party, andwhich suffer from a commondisease: namely, fatty degenerationof the heart. ' '

The result is that if any realreform work is to be done it is doneby individuals or by small minoritygroups of individuals and seldom bylarge organisations. Nothing ismore pathetic than the large groupsof men and women who, years ago,having seen some of the truthsembodied in Socialism, Social Creditor Land Reform, consider that thereis no more to be learned and tha tthey have reached the ultimatetruth.

Actually, the driving force for

reform is coming from small activeminorities of men who are sub-mitting themselves to the humiliat-ing, but also invigorating, task ofdoing something, trying something.The experience gained by - thesesmall select groups takes two orthree years before it can pass intothe literature of the country. andthence to the knowledge of thosespectators who call themselvesfollowers of Major Douglas, KarlMarx or Henry George.

The trouble with these self-styled followers is that they followso far behind that it is impossible tocall them to your assistance in timesof need.

It may be said that it isdangerous to move too far ahead ofthe main army of followers; that istrue provided the enemy is

. advancing. But our enemy is nowon the defensive and .retreating andwe have no time to keep on arguingwith those who are never near thefiring line.

Our experience in Tasmania hasproved that since we have drawnapart from all useless alliances andparties, and have relied on themerits of the actions of activeworkers we have strengthened our-selves a hundredfold. We have notthe slightest desire to amalgamatewith any party. Those who aresympathetic towards our aims arehelping us at the present moment;that help is most encouraging andwidespread. We have no desire to

barter this widespread support ofactive workers for some dubiouspolitical entanglement of a sectionalnature.

Every man who stands forParliament has every right to doso; and no man has been, or will be,opposed by us who complies with " ~Iour policy as enunciated from time ~to. time. And we have only onepolicy, that is, to help the people toget what they want. But thepeople must decide the issue, not theParty Bosses.

With a policy such as ours, it ismanifestly insincere to fight on anyissue where there is no populardemand behind it. Most peoplehave their own ideas as to what thatpopular demand should be, and ittherefore behoves them to conductan educational campaign to elicitthat demand. A demand willeventually crystallise out which willhave the imprint of many hands.

The Electoral Campaign is amechanism to help the people tomaintain control over the policy oftheir representatives in Parliamentand elsewhere; it also acts as awhip to keep those representativesattentive to their own electorate.I t is obviously absurd to suggestthat the executive of any Party,Social Credit or otherwise, shouldhave any control over the ElectoralCampaign.

The spectacle of professional \ .'politicians going about hawking VIwhips for their own backs is a trifle

THE SOCIAL CREDITER Page 5

ludicrous, and it is apt to raise muchspeculation as to the genuineness ofthe whips offered for sale.

This criticism might appearharsh, but any political party whichtries to run a party machine, andalso a mechanism one of whosechief objectives is to destroy partymachines, must stand accused ofinsincerity, and, moreover, it willencounter our emphatic repudiation.When Major Douglas repudiatedthe Social Credit Party in Englandhe was forced to do so in order tomaintain his own integrity ...

And where we are fighting amighty power like the financialinstitutions with its tentacles buriedin every other institution in theland, and with powers over ourenvironment never before known orunderstood, a frontal attack on theFinancial Dictatorship meansnothing short of civil war. Thenature of the problem, therefore, :snot financial or even political; it ismore in the nature of a militaryproblem.

As a small militant force,Electoral Campaigners cannot allythemselves with any party or sect.Their duty is to find out wherethere is a large force ready to takeaction and to help it and guide it tosuccess. That force is a publicopinion backed by a sufficientnumber of people who are so inter-ested and determined to get whatthey want that they are prepared toput up a fight for it. Anythingshort of this is quite useless.

No one can be sure from day today what turn public opinion willtake-that is determined largely bytime and place. To tie ourselvesbeforehand to fight for a certainthing at a certain time would bemerely stupid."

AmericansIt's not. wor th getting angry

about the propaganda circulated bya London agency.

Main allegation is that Russiais being financed by wickedAmericans to promote a great war,after which the American capitalistswould dominate an exhausted world.

But who, we wonder, isfinancing this curious twaddle?

-John Bull, May 27, 1939.

BANANA-FARMERSThe age of miracles is not yet

quite past. Actually the other dayin the Daily Telegraph-that fortressof High Finance-appeared the newsthat the Royal Bank of Canada inJamaica had taken up the entireissue of the £200,000 Governmentloan for the campaign against theleaf spot disease in bananas, theprice paid being £102 3s. Od., for the£100. stock. No mention was madeof the rate of interest payableyearly.

The bald statement is the firstoccasion that it has been openlyadmitted that a bank has taken upthe entire issue of a new public loan.Heretofore it has been the financialconvention to advertise such loansto be open for public subscriptionbetween certain hours on a givendate. The next day a second in-stalment of this convention wouldtake the form of a news paragraphto the effect that the list was"opened" at 9 a.m. and "closed" at9-5 a.m., implying that the "Public,"had been so anxious to "get in onthe ground floor" that the issue was"over-subscribed" in five minutes.

Doubtless in many cases not apenny was subscribed by a privateindividual, the entire issue beingtaken up by the financiers and thefinancial institutions "in the know."When the public did subscribe, itwas a mere fraction of the totalamount that they would take up, orthat would be alloted to them.

With a monotony worthy of thecuckoo the Money Monopolists kepton denying the truth that "bankscreate the means of payment out ofnothing" until the lie could nolonger be justified in the face ofsocial credit propaganda. In thesame way the Money Monopolistskept on pretending that the publicsubscribed the bulk of the moneyfor each new Government issue.

Thus a second fort guarding theCitadel of High Finance has at lastcapitulated to the army of socialcredit whose policy of "encircle-ment" must be giving headaches tothe Hitlers within the walls of thatCitadeL

A touch of humour, perhaps un-conscious, pervades the figures ofthe premium of forty-three shillingsper £100. These odd shillings

enable us to picture the conscien-tious actuary laboriously calculatingwith a nicety worthy of a bettercause the precise number of penniesof profit .he could squeeze out ofthose diseased bananas.

Force of circumstances may, ofcourse, have driven the local bankto subscribe the entire issue. Foreven the dunderheaded "public"would not be likely to invest moneyin doctoring other people's bananasthat had gone wrong. The banknaturally had to consider its over-drafts to the banana-farmers.Better to take up the entire issue ata premium, the bankers decided; forthe premium as well as the capitalsum would cost them nothing tocreate. Besides, both premium andcapital could be cancelled in thesweet bye and bye, if necessary,without the public's knowing any-thing of it. Their taking up theentire issue was, of course, lettingthose wretched social crediters settheir clumsy feet in a secondfortalice. But otherwise the wholebanana-growing population mightgo bankrupt were the leaf-spot pestpermitted to nibble until even theinterest on those precious over-drafts was eaten away. Moreover,taking up the whole issue at apremium showed how "generous"was the banking profession in thepublic's hour of need. "0 God!0, Montreal!" as Samuel Butlersaid on another occasion.

WILLIAM BELL.

'Wealth'A monthly review ofnews and opinions ofservice to all students ofthe reaction of economicprinciples to Human

welfare

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Pageti THE SOCIAL CREDITER

THE SOCIAL CREDITERThis journal expresses and supports the policy of theSocial Credit Secretariat, which is a non-party, non-classorganisation neither connected with nor supporting anypolitical party, Social Credit or otherwise.

SUBSCRIPTION RATES:Home and abroad, post free: One year ISs.; Six months 7s. 6d.;

Three months 3s. 9d.Vol. 2. No. 14.Saturday, June 17th, 1939.

12, Lord Street,Liverpool, 2.

QUESTIONSFrom what may be an excess of

sensibility, a few of our readershave made it known that theydistinguish between Little TommyTucker and his Jewish equivalent.This is rather unfair. The dimin-utive, familiar (and doubtlessaffectionate) form for Isaac is Ikeyand, for. Moses, Mo. But we arebidden not to use these expressions;doubtless for reasons of euphony,though one might have thought therule, neglected but good, 'While inBritain, do as the Britons do' justas sound when translated 'While inJewry, do as the Jews do.'

The Jewish problem will not besolved by Jew-baiting certainly; butit is as certain that it will not besolved with the whole-heartedcooperation of the Jews themselves-at all events at the start. It willbe solved by the employment of atechnique well known in medicine.Here its special nature is confinedto cases in which organism, widelydifferent but closely associated, areshowing marked inability to get onto their mutual advantage.

The technique consists infavouring the side in whom you aremore particularly and keenlyinterested, or, in technical languagemaking him an unsuitable host forthe parasite. It may be well topoint out that if ever the para-site responds to such encouragementso as to establish mutual advantage,medical science (and the patient)will lose interest in him and forgetall about him, an indignity fromwhich he will suffer no essentialloss.

I am more particularly andkeenly interested in the peoplefrom whose stock I have sprung,whose language and culture I have

inherited and whose inconveniencesat the hands of InternationalFinance (which is predominantly inJewish control) I suffer than in anyother people whatsoever; and Iforesee that I shall have to favourmy side with as shrewd and activesupport as I can muster if it is toregain its health as a body politic.If we can't be playful, let's beserious by all means.

A minor result of the distribu-tion" of 'Warn Europe' was that abook "written under a pseudonymby a well known Fleet Streetjournalist" was sent along forperusal. It alleges that with thebreaking of silence about the J ew-ish question "will probably gosomething like a revolution"; thatabout the only thing that wouldbreak the silence would be a largerefugee influx into jobs held byBritons; and that "the idea maysound fantastic, but anyone whocares to investigate the Jewishquestion soon finds that fear of] ewish influence is a very potentsilencer." The book is called"Britain's Jewish Problem" and thepen-name of the author is M. G.Murchin. Among others, he asksthese questions: '

"Is it' equitableshould, with impunity,adopt any honouredstrikes their fancy?"

that Jewsbe able toname that

"Aren't things bad enough forus ? And aren't there enoughpeople out of work without bring-ing foreigners here?"

"Are they ... a poor, illiterate,wretched flock of human sheep ...Or are they better off individuallythan the average British working-man ?"

"Why concentrate on Germanywhen the facts prove that there aremillions of Jews in other Europeancountries who have much greaterhardships to suffer?"

Why could "the Post Office ...move with amazing rapidity [issueof special green-covered savingsbooks to facilitate small contribu-tions to Refugee Fund] ... but notso quickly in pushing forward anysimilar scheme for distressedBritons ?"

Why is the Jew so secretive?How many Jews are ·there

really in England?"Can anyone honestly say that

the contortionist figures of Christthat appear in certain 'modern'paintings are devout?"

"Can the ordinary man look,without something akin to loathing,at the monstrosities produced bythat world-famous Jew, Epstein?"

Why did the removal of Dr.Schacht which "was supposed tobring war nearer" send it fartheraway?

"Why shoot a man when youcan starve him to death?"

Did Colonel Nathan say: 'IfZion falls, the British Empire fallswith it'?

What are the conditions 111

those trades in which the Jews arestrong - chain-stores, cabinet-making, tailoring and shoe-making?

"Is it advisable that thenational safety should be placed inthe hands of a minority who could,in certain circumstances, eitherhold up vital supplies or take ad-vantage of national necessity to getrich quick"? [Oil.]

"Are the Jews in every countryaffected entirely innocent and theGentiles all in error?"

"Here is an opportunity lyingon the doorstep of Jewish finance.Will the Jews take it?"

"Is it not far better to have thewhole question ventilated once andfor all?"

We may safely leave commentto 'Mr. Murchin.' "It is not a man'sorigin that matters, but hisbehaviour."

T. J.

THE SOCIAL CREDITER

FANTASIA ON THE THEME OF WAR

It was peacetime, gloriouspeacetime; the lilies bloomed andno mud spattered the slenderpoppies; nation smiled on nationand the world rocked gently on itspath.

But I had no peace, for I wasnot at work. I was one of millionsof unemployed, no lilies bloomedfor me, they were five cents apiece.My belly was caved in, my beltstrapped tightly around my middle;and I looked for work.

But there was none.So I applied for the army;

asked to join up; stated my age andgave my references,-to which theyreplied, briefly, succinctly: We haveenough men in the army; besides,your qualifications are not goodenough, and you are a year overage.

I had hated the army before,but now I hated it more. I contin-ued to starve. I grew thinner andthinner, and I nursed a secretgrudge, a grudge against the army,who would not let me join theirfattened ranks.

Then suddenly, surprisingly,war flared in Europe; was fannedby mighty armament firms andkhaki cloth businesses; grew toamazing proportions, and finallyswept the whole world with itsravishing flames. And I laughed.The whole world mobilized, and stillI laughed. Men rushed patrioticallyto the flag of their country, menwere conscripted and forced to war.But me,-I was cunning. I hadfore-provided. And I had myarrows, and I meant to shoot them.

My papers came. Will youjoin up, said they,-so I wrote back,"Dear Sir, I am pleased to receiveyour letter. I shall be delighted toenlist, but,-you made your terms inpeace,-I make mine in war,-Idemand to be enlisted as a Colonelof the line,-yes, a fully fledgedcolonel. I have as much brains as,any of the nincompoops who nowfill that office,-I am an uprightspecimen,-I belonged to theOfficers Training Corps when I wasyounger,-Yes, I am a very finefellow, make me a colonel, willyou?"

I posted the letter early one

By JOHN H. EDWARDSmorning to the accompaniment ofbombs from the sky and the rat-tatof enemy machine guns; for theywere even now on us, and thegovernment were clamouring formen, men, men! But I was clever,I was not over tall of stature,slender in fact, built of steel wire.I avoided the authorities and everymorning I watched for the post likean eagle, and when it came Ipounced on it and bore it away tomy secret hiding place to read.

And the War Office sent a reply"We regret, Sir, that it is notpossible, it takes age, yes age andexperience, to be a colonel-youhave neither. We expect you tojoin the ranks, where you will havenothing to fear, no responsibilitywill be yours, all you have to do isto dodge shells."

That reply,-it made me mad,-I yelled with rage when I heard it:but I toned down pretty soon, I didnot want my disguise penetrated.Then, quietly, with cold anger in myheart, I delivered my -secondultimatum.

"You refused to make me acolonel of the line, you asked me tojoin the ranks. This I will do withpleasure, gentlemen, on the condi-tion that you pay me £50 a week forthe hazardous enterprise,-and £20a week for life for my wife andchildren should I die by an enemybullet."

I thought this a fair bargain; Idid not doubt that, with moneyflowing like water, as it always doesin war time, I should obtain myreasonable demand.

Would you believe it, they hadthe impertinence to refuse my offer,and their letter was cold and chill.

"In re yours of the 25th, we begto state that a soldier's pay is lit>!daily, but that uniforms, rations,and socks are also free. We askyou to make haste to enlist, Sir, orwe may be forced to conscript."

When I read this letter myheart panted within me; I wept inimpotency, I gnashed my teeth. ButI calmed myself by saying that thenext request I made would beentirely reasonable, I must convincethem of that.

Page 7

"O.K., I wrote, O.K., then youwill at any rate grant me the nextitem. For God's sake, don't putme in the front line,-put me in thered hatted department, put mewhere organization is God, and fearis unknown. There, far frombursting shells and whining bullets,I shall be safe, and I am willing topay you £100 for this privilege."

"Dear Mr. Smith," came back thereply, "we fear it is useless. Thered hatted brigade are hand-picked-the foremost men from the uniquefield of organization,-all possibleappointments have been assigned topeople like the head of the ChainStore of Groceries; Mayors andLord Lieutenants; to anyone, infact, who has enough influence toreach those sublime heights, andalso, I might add, at least £500 topay as a premium."

Was I mad when I read this?I raved and ranted and shook withthe fever of impotence; surely, Ithought, surely one of my schemesmust come off, in haste I seized apiece of yellow notepaper andsplashed down words in violet ink:

"I. believe in my country. Ilove, and would die for her, I am abrave man and true. But I will notdie alone. Others, my superiors,surely have a better appreciationthan I of the glory of dying forone's country-they must realise tothe full how much a bullet throughthe belly can help the economicconditions of the worId,-they canprobably correlate wounds, deaths,and world depressions in the formof a hyperbola on a piece of graph-paper. I cannot ;-1 am not asclever as that although I have atleast the perspicacity of a colonelof the line.

Give me then, oh War Office,give me two fat and jov.ial bankersto go to the front with me, one oneither side, so that I may die aglorious death. I will not qualifythese super men other than to sayI should like them to hold at leasta hundred and twenty threedirectorships of different kindsbetween them.

These obese but cheerful fellowswill be an example to me on how to

Page ,8 THE SOCIAL CREDITER

stand up to gunfire. With theirsleek and protuberant bellies stick-ing out cheerfully a mile in front ofthem, what care slender I for dis-embowellment? I'll wait on themwith eager hands, I'll shave them inthe morning and wash their feet atnight-they shall be a shiningexample of how to behave in thetrenches. With this example infront of me, I shall die a fearlessman. They will show me how toface gunfire, mills bombs, minen-werfers and deadly chlorine gas-they are men of unexempled valor,they will laugh at shells and bullets.

So, I repeat, two fat and jovialbankers, oh War Office, and I dielike a hero with heroes around meand my face towards the enemy."

Three days I waited for a reply-so long,-at last I thought, I'vedone it, they've agreed, the direct-ors will be mine. But alas! myhopes were dashed by the piece ofepistolary violence which arrivedthe next day.

"Dear Sir, we are surprised atyou, a man of your intelligence andintegrity. Or perhaps you will sayyou were not aware that all bankdirectors, business magnates,millionaires, mayors, and members ofparliament were earmarked forvery important positions of trust inthe home defence areas. They linethe bomb-proof shelters and keepthem warm; they open the doors ofthese same shelters and see theirfriends safely in. What is more,they see that the public pays forthem, oh, yes, they have mostimportant tasks.

"Lesser bankers, too, are on thered hatted staff in positions of trustand integrity, where they arecertain that no bullets would be-they realise the importance of theirbrains to the community, and theirsleek and shining bodies are keptfar clear of any forms of physicalviolence.

No, Sir, you can not have twofat and jovial bankers to shave andfoot wash,-why, you would begrooming them for death, no less,and that as you know cannot be-for bankers. Only the commonpeople are granted the gloriousprivelege of dying for their<country."

Broken hearted and weary Ireplied; I had given up hope, anddespair was germain within me.

Sarcasm writhed from my pen:"To the War Office,-one more

request I make. Since, by yourprevious letters, I infer you wouldnot allow me to command a businessman's battalion in the hottest flameof the front line; since all thesethings are denied to me, grant me,oh War 'Office,one last request-letme die in decent company. Let menot be set about by cads of thelower order; I only want men of myown standing to see me crawlinghome with my intestines draggingin the mud-do this for me and Iwill forever hold my peace."

Heavy was I with sarcasm, andweary of the circumlocutions of theWar Office,-(the Bloody WarOffice}.

"Let me die (I continued) in acompany of men who all wear thesame tie as I do-the old school tie,whose colours haunt me even beforedeath, before my last moments ofagony. Let the old school form acompany of such splendid manhoodthat they will make the sky ringwith their deeds of derring-do, orgive me a battalion from the olduniversity, so that we can , flauntour letters and colours in 'the faceof grim and deadly odds."

Here I ended the letter, andhere I shot my last arrow, and thatone of such immense irony Ithought it could not fail to raise asmile on the faces of the grimpersonages I envisaged reading myletters.

But the reply! The replyexceeded my expectations: "That isa splendid idea, Sir, we will act on itat once, we will have battalionsfrom all our best schools. Theri wecan run football teams and seewhich school breeds the best snipers-we can tally, the enemy dead ineach school section; we can fosterthe old school spirit to such anextent that the rival teams will goroaring over no man's land as ifthey were playing a football game.As the English say, the Battle ofWaterloo was won on the playingfields of Eton.

"We beg to present you here-with with £5 to show our esteem ofyour idea."

This was the last straw,-tohave my serious letters derided, myscornful one praised.

With the five pounds I bought

a second-hand revolver and threebullets. Loading the weapon, Iraised it to my right temple, andreflecting,-this will save the enemytrouble, and, my own side hasmurdered me, I pulled the trigger.

Russia, 1915"Some people may favour

Peace but they dare not speak.Rasputin will not work for Peace,for he is run by a ring of Bankswho make money out of the war."

-President of the Russian Duma,(quoted by Paul Rodzianko).

Nate: It was the slaughter of millionsof ill-armed, ill-equipped Russian peasant·soldiers which produced the Revolution.

. --IF YO'U CAN'TDelend your HomeYOU CAN'TDefend your Country

The Government Billetingscheme is a direct attack onthe property rights of privatecitizens. It is family des-truction (i.e., National I \,destruction) ; not NationalService as it is hypocriticallycalled by the Government.

Resist it and insist on theconstruction of camps.

Bolshevism is billeting-separate wives from theirhusbands or parents fromtheir children. Turn any-man's home into everyman'shome. Destroy the family;destroy Britain. Always doexactly what the State tellsyou OR, if you have a will-

There are plenty of com-petent engineers and work-.men who can build campsand deep shelters. Use yourwill to make the financiersprovide the money.

The NEW ERAAustralia's Social Credit Weekly

Z4 Pages, Illustrated. 12 months, 12s.

\.The New Era, Radio HOUle, "

, 296 Pitt Street, Sydney, AUltraiia.

THE SOCIAL' CREDITER Page 9

B. I. S.Bureaucracy by the Gaggleor The Last Word

Contribution from a Countryman-italics show his reply to the questions

FromTHE CROP REPORTER toMINISTRY OF AGRICULTURE AND FISHERIES.

With reference to your Agricultural Return of the 4th June last,in respect of your holding in the parish of.. .it is observed-

(a) that you omitted to complete the sections relating topoultry.

(b) that you have failed to differentiate between adult andyoung birds.

The Regulations made under the Agricultural Returns Act, 1925,provide that such returns of the number of poultry shall be made, andyou should, therefore, furnish the required information in the spaceprovided opposite.

Where accurate information is not available the nearest estimatepossible should be given.

Your reply should be forwarded in the enclosed envelope.* Do you own or rent the land?

* Land owned by (a) Banks(b) Rating Authority_(c) Various Inspectors.,

REPLYGive numbers actually on the holding on 4th June; birds hatched

since the 4th June are not to be included.If no pOultryare kept write the word "NONE."

Fowls over 6 months old None.Fowls under 6 months old :, None.Ducks of all ages None.G ' } Transferred to '

eese of all ages Government departments.Turkeys over 6 months old None.Turkeys under 6 months old None.

NATURAL HAPPINESSFar from distrusting the

temporal delights that come throughthe body, we should abandon' our-selves to them with confidence.The way of the senses is the wayof life. It is the people with theirhands in the till and their eyes onheaven 'who ruin existence .. Thereshould be open-air temples in everytown and village where philoso-phers could expound this soundestof doctrines. Why is half thepopulation tormented with re-straints, obedience to which in no'

way furthers the public good?Because the priests for generationshave been confederate with themoney-makers, and 'they both knowvery well that if natural happinesswere allowed the generationswould no longer accept theirshrewd worldly maxims,' no longerbe so docile, So easy to be exploited.Without doubt, half the ethicalrules they din into our ears aredesigned to keep us at work.

Llewelyn Powys in "NaturalHappiness."

One swallow does not make asummer, and one spate of back-chat over the immunity of the Bankfor International Settlements fromcontrol by any government doesnot make a victory over inter-national finance.

The row started, so 'far as thepublic has been told, in the office ofthe Financial News, or in the brainof its proprietor, Mr. BrendanBracken, M.P., (Conservative) forN. Paddington. The nett result ispossibly a slight heightening ofpublic interest in the relationshipbetween banks and govemments,the Bank of England and theBritish Government not excluded;and a hint that we may return todiscorporate international finance inplace of the moribund body at Basle.

'BIS', the initials of the Bankof Banks, means, in Germany,'until'. Political and EconomicPlanning abbreviate into thefamiliar English 'pep'; and someonehas discovered that Gay-pay-oo andG.P.O. are the same. It's ratherlike the unconsidered idiosyncrasythatis said to reveal the identity ofeven the cleverest criminals!

Who is Schulwasser?Preliminary drilling operations

in the Cromwell Road are said tohave unearthed a quantity of goldhidden there in the name ofSchulwasser by the Bank ofEngland acting as "Miss Vuttle" inthe .interests of a Mr. Knowse, whois said to be acting for the Bankfor International Settlements., TheBank for National Settlements,acting through Mr. Koshovitz, hasat once repudiated all knowledge ofits own interest in the gold, thoughSnoffheim and Gurgl, financialoperators, of the Damrak, Amster-dam, allege that their client, Mrs.Hummelbreyse, is a Bank ofEngland client named Usvrondt."No government," said a strangernamed Buddlgork, "has any powerin the matter since high finance isan extra-governmental and super-national affair understood only bythe elite of the money markets.Our operations are no concern ofthe public, who should have implicitfaith in us."

Beachcomber in The Daily Express,June 6, 1939.

Page 10 THE SOCIAL CREDITER

InstitutionsTHE MILK MARKETING BOARD \

Between 16 and 23 millw1IS of people in this country do not have enough to eat for full bodily health;many of these would like more milk. The Milk Marketing Board was set up for the convenience offormers in selling their milk; is it pressing for the opening up of this tremendous potential market? Oris it now governing the lives of the farmers, instead of serving them?

A review of the work of theMilk Marketing Board was givenby the Chairman, Mr. ThomasBaxter, at the sixth annual generalmeeting last week. Although thework of the Board was describedmany of the results of the workwere not mentioned.

"There was an increasedturnover in every branch theBoard's activities. There was anincrease in the number engaged inmilk production; an increase inboth the volume and value ofmilk sold; an increase in the totalvolume of liquid sales. Therewas also an increase in the pro-duction of quality milk and in theconsumption of milk in schools,and, above all, in the average poolprice paid during the year."

The total volume of milk soldwas 1,080million gallons, an increaseof about 6.8 per cent. over 1937-38.In four years sales of liquid milkfor consumption had increased bynearly 100 million gallons.

On the other hand, while thequantity of milk sold by producer-retailers during the year increasedby 131 million gallons oyer theprevious year, there were 1,489few producer-retailers operating.On the whole, therefore, the smallerman is giving up his independenceas a bad job, concerns are increas-ing in size and centralisation, andthis in turn leads to a firmer controlof prices and of conditions withinthe trade by the institution.

Another indication of the trend tomonopoly is the distribution through-out the country of 15 creameriesand depots belonging to the Board.Some of these supply the liquidmarket, others are largely concern-ed in manufacture of butter andcheese and milk powder.

In his speech Mr. Baxter said:"Our own desire is to build a

strong dairy interest under ourown control, and in the nationalinterest we shall welcomeGovernment assistance with this

object in view ... I sincerelytrust that when details of theGovernment's proposals for themilk industry are published theywill be directed more in line withthe feelings and wishes of thegreater majority of the producersin the industry."

The underlying assumption thatthe policy of the producer cannot bereconciled with that of the consumerinfringes both physical fact and (inthis case) personal appetite, andflourishes malignantly alongsidedistress and hunger in the slums.The consumer wants to buy quite asmuch as the producer to sell. Butthe assumption is convenient forthose who wish to retain control ofboth producers and consumers.

After congratulating the Boardon the result of past salesmanshipMr. Baxter says:

"I must give you my presentimpression, and it is this-thatproducers' profits must increas-ingly be obtained in the futurefrom greater efficiency andeconomy in the management oftheir own farms."

By fear of the limit of themarket still more regulation andrestriction will be imposed on thefarmer, to whom it is already anightmare.

For the Marketing Board is notjust a device for selling milk: it is amedium for the "discipline" of manyof the farmers for whose conveni-ence it was originated. As well asthe levy payable .on milk handled,records must be kept by the milk-men, many of whom have strongobjections to this as waste of time.Arid no wonder.

A Lancashire milkman wasfined £5 by the Marketing Board fornot filling in the records. Therewere eleven columns in the MilkBoard's document, enough to dazzleanyone with its bureaucracy even if,like Mr. Frearson, they only had tofill in four of them. Mr. Frearsondeclared that if he had to fill in

every column every day he wouldnever get to bed at night.

On that occasion, Mr. Baxtersaid:

"This organised opposition tokeeping daily records appears tome to be a direct challenge bythis Federation [the NationalFederation of Producer-Retailers] .to the authority of this Board.We accept the challenge."

Mr. Baxter added that it wasnot difficult even for the least in-telligent man to fill in the returns. .. "I would like to point out thatthe maximum penalty for thisoffence is £100 plus the revocationof the licence. But we do not wishto be vindictive. We are out tohelp them, but we must have themhelp us."

Officers of the Board can evendemand to go into farmers' housesto see their books.

Under the aegis of the MilkBoard, dairymen contract to takefarmers' milk for their cheese andbutter. If then, the dairyman getsbehind in his payments or in anyway infringes regulations, all hissupplies may be cut off and he maybe literally deprived of the meansof making either his living or thedues of his crediters.

Mr. J. A. Thomas, a dairymanof Wisbech, sent his cheque in pay-ment of his account two days late:his supplies of milk were cut off. Heappealed to the Board, offering £200in security and the immediatepayment of his account in cash. Hisoffer was refused. He had to gointo bankruptcy. The Registrarat the bankruptcy court describedthe Milk Board's action as "soarbitrary that it was difficult toexpress what one really thought ofit." The Minister of Agriculturesaid that nothing could be doneabout it.

In inflicting penalties the MilkMarketing Board, as are all Market-ing Boards, is prosecutor, judge andjury in its own cause, and this

THE SOCIAL CREDITER Page 11

. ;;(~

arrangement has been confirmed bya recent report issued by a specialcommittee on the infliction ofpenalties by Marketing' Boards. TheCommittee recommends that dis-ciplinary committees in each of theBoards should have an independentchairman with legal experience. Theright of appeal to an arbitrator issupplemented by right of appeal tothe High Court on questions of Law.

The report adds that it is mainlyamong producer-retailers, which, onthe whole, are smaller firms, thatdisa tis faction is felt.

The last word lies with aproducer-retailer from South Wales,who said of the Board:

"It is our servant, but when itbecomes our tyrant it is time tofight it."

E. S. E.

,(continued [rom page 2)of billeting in private families. Theanswer to this is that the.possibilities of providing adequatecamps and efficient shelters havenot even been considered except inthe most cursory manner. To saythere is no money for this purposeis sheer nonsense.

But in any case to attempt tosolve the problem by creating a hostof bigger problems, and by takingaway the very thing which we areall supposed to be ready to fight todefend--our homes-is the courseof action we should expect fromtraitors., Centralisation, sovietisation, andfinancial dictatorship are all inter-changeable terms, and when we findour own political leaders workingfor these ends we know what to callthem.

B. M. PALMER.

PRAWN COCKTAIL'Shred fairly finely a lettuce, and

place at the bottom of individualgrapefruit or similar glasses.Arrange eight or more prawns oneach bed of lettuce, and over eachpour the following sauce.

1 gill cream.1 tablespoonful tomato sauce.1 teaspoonful Worcester

sauce.1 teaspoonful lemon juice.

Mix all well together.-From Mrs. W. L. Bardsley.

us, BILL H.R. 4931The Hon. Jerry Voorhis of

California, speaking in the House ofRepresentatives. on April 17 insupport of his Bill H.R.4931, pointedout that basic flaws in the moneysystem must be corrected to solvethe problem of poverty in the midstof plenty.

Congress, he shews, is evadingits Constitutional responsibility to"coin money, regulate the valuethereof and of foreign coin . . . "(Art. 1, sect. 8) That the duty ofcoining includes that of issue isshewn by the legal-tender casesafter the Civil War. But apartfrom the Treasury which issuessilver certificates and the Mintwhich coins nickels and dimes, theNation's money is issued by theprivately owned Federal ReserveSystem and the 15,000 commercialbanks. And "the Federal ReserveBoard has shewn itself neitherwilling nor qualified to act as theagent of Congress ... We haveheard a lot about bureauocraticusurpation lately. This is a goodexample." England is dominatedby five banks and France oj one,the creation of circulating mediumbeing dependent on someone goingin debt to the banks; Uncle Sammust borrow or bust.

"Thomas Jefferson, JohnAdams, Andrew Jackson andAbraham Lincoln are only a few ofthe great Americans who havelooked, with horror upon control bybanks over the Nation's money.Th-e - function of creating money,vas reserved to the sovereignpeople by the Constitution." SoCongress must be enabled to bringinto circulation directly year byyear a volume of money sufficientto meet the needs of a growingpopulation and expanding productivecapacity on the basis of reasonablestability in the buying power of thedollar. H.R. 4931 will do this bytwo changes.

First a new Federal ReserveBoard of seven is to be set up, oneof whom shall be the Secretary ofthe Treasury; and the governmentis to purchase the Federal ReserveBanks to give this central monetaryauthority effective control over thevolume of money. Secondly, a 100per cent. reserve behind deposits is

to be enforced to prevent manipula-tions by fhe commercial banks.This is the old system, as fractionalreserves only date from theseventeenth century London gold-smiths. The banks are to have anhonest fee for services.

Under H.R. 4931, no inflationwould be possible unless the Boarddisobeyed the law; and approxi-mately half the national debt wouldbe turned into cash on passage. Asall available workers will neveragain be needed, there will be a hugeincrease in pensions.

The bill is based in its majorfeatures on that of CongressmanBinderup of Nebraska (the Statethat has no debt), and is in thetradition of Senator Cutting.

* * * *W e may fear that this bill

would result in a mere shuffling ofpersonnel, and that it is open to'capture' by the enemy. It iscertainly a move which places theemphasis on method rather thanresult. Nevertheless the Board isto have carefully defined powers,and here at least is a man who saysthat "sound. money is money thatdoes the job that money is supposedto do."

HENRY SWABEY.

ORDER NOW:-"The "Purpose of Politics -

By H. E.

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Page 12

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DERBY & DISTRICT Lower RatesDemand Association: Fortnightly meet-ings suspended until October.

TO LET-For short periods only andduring August, charmingly furnishedcottage near Ilfracombe. Sleep 5. 3 bed-rooms, 2 sitting-rooms and kitchen. Lampsand oil-cooker. E.C. under cover. Alsogood garage and camping ground, withElsancloset. Pereentage of rent goes tofunds. Apply Mrs. Clifford, BeafordHouse, N. Devon.

I wish to support Social Credit Policy as defined in the termsof association of and pursued by The Social Credit Secretariatunder the Chairmanship of Major C. H. Douglas.

I will, until further notice, contribute

{per week

£ : : 'per monthper year

towards the funds of the Social Credit Secretariat.

Name H .

Address .

- _ _ _ _ .

The NORTH DURHAM Ratepayers'Advisory Association would welcomesupport, physical or financial fromsympathisers in Gateshead and Districtto carryon their campaign for LowerRates and no Decrease in Social Services.Campaign Manager, N.D.R.A.A., 74-76High West Street, Gateshead.

UNITED RATEPAYERS' ADVISORYASSOCIATION. District Agent for New-castle-an- Tyne area, W. A. Barratt, 10.Warrington Road, Fawdon, Newcastle-on-Tyne, 3, will be pleased to assist anyoneon new Lower Rates Associations.

UNITED Ratepayers' Advisory A.. oeia-tion. District Agent for S. Wales andMonmouthshire, Mr. P. Langrnaid, 199,Heathwood Road, Cardiff.

EXPANSION FUNDTo the Treasurer,Social Credit Expansion Fund,c/o The Social Credit Secretariat,12, Lord Street, Liverpool, 2.

I enclose the sum of £ : . . ,as a donation towards the SocialCredit Expansion Fund, to beexpended by the Administrators atthe Sole Discretion of Major C. H.Douglas.

Name \....JI

Address .

The Social CrediterIf you are not a subscriber to THESOCIAL CREDITER, send thisorder without delay,K.R.P. Publications, Ltd.,12, Lord Street,Liverpool, 2.

Please send THE SOCIALCREDITER to me

Name .

Address .For Twelve Months-I enclose 15/..;" Six " 7/6" Three " ,,3;9

(Cheques and Postal Orders should becrossed and made payable to K.R.P.Publications, Ltd.)

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