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NotforCirculationorDistributionbeyondHooverInstituteWorkshopMarch10,2017;notforcitationorquotationwithoutspecificpermissionoftheauthor.RedState,BlueState:FederalismforAllROUGHDRAFTMarch2pm,2017NOTFORCIRCULATIONORDITRIBUTIONBEYONDHOOVERWORKSHOP;NOTFORCITATIONORQUOTATIONWITHOUTSPECIFICPERMISSIONOFAUTHOR.
VickiC.Jackson1
Introduction:OfBrandeisandtheDemocraticDeficitinNationalPolitics
Intheearlypartofthe20thcenturyLouisBrandeis,agreatprogressive
crusaderandoneofthefirst"publicinterest"lawyersinournation'shistory,argued
infavorofallowingthedifferentstatestoserveaslaboratoriesofexperimentation
ineconomicregulation.2Andheimplementedthisattitudeindecisions,asa
SupremeCourtjustice,rejectingchallengestostatelawsrestrictingeconomic
competitionandregulatingcommercialactivity.3
Thevirtuesofsmallercommunitiesassitesofdecision-makingwere
obscuredby"statesrights"rhetoricofthemid-20thcenturyanti-raceequality
movement,amovementthatstillcastsalongshadowoveranumberofsouthern
states.Butinlightofdevelopmentssincethemid-20thcentury’suglyinvocationof
statesrightstoprotecttheracialcastesystemexpressedinsegregation,our
thinkingaboutconstitutionalfederalismneedstobereconsidered,asbothpolitical
liberalsandconservativesexplorethevalueofdegreesofautonomousdecision-
makingatthestateandlocallevel.
Suchrenewedthinkingaboutfederalismalsoneedstotakeintoaccountthe
changesintherepresentativecharacterofthestatelegislaturesasaresultofthe1WiththankstoRobertTaylor,MichaelTaylor,MarthaMinow,JohnManning,DickFallon…forhelpfulconversations.2SeeNewStateIceCo.v.Liebman,285U.S.262,---(1932(Brandeis,J.,dissenting).SofarasIamaware,hedidnothaveinmind"experiments"insuchbasicrightsasthoseprotectedbytheFourthAmendmentorFirstAmendment(thoughasJeffRosensays,neitherwasheacrusaderforracialequality).Butineconomicmatters,Brandeiswasafanofsmallness,wherepeoplecouldlearnfactsandparticipateinmakingdecisions.3SeegenerallyPhillipaStrum;JeffRosen[biographiesofBrandeis].
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WarrenCourt’sreapportionmentdecisionsandtheVotingRightsAct.4Incontrast
toprevailingimagesintheearly1960sofstatelegislaturesasreflecting
malapportioned,frequentlyraciallyexclusionaryelectorates,statelegislaturesand
governorsnowmayhaveasomewhatstrongerrepresentativedemocraticcharacter
–inrepresentingthepeopleoftheirjurisdiction–thandoestheCongressin
representingallthepeopleoftheUnitedStates.5
AsChiefJusticeEarlWarrenwroteinReynoldsv.Sims,"Fullandeffective
participationbyallcitizensinstategovernmentrequires...thateachcitizenhavean
equallyeffectivevoiceintheelectionofmembersofhisstatelegislature.Modern
andviablestategovernmentneeds,andtheConstitutiondemands,noless."6
Althoughbythe1950sanumberofthestatelegislatureswereseverely
malapportioned,andstategovernmentssubjecttomassivecritiqueasineffective
4SeeVickiC.Jackson,TheWarrenCourtandthePostWorldWarIIModelofConstitutionalFederalism,inEARLWARRENANDTHEWARRENCOURT(HarrySchiebered.2006).UntiltheVotingRightsActwasfullyimplemented,therewerestatesinwhichsohighaproportionofadiscreteracialminoritywerenotvotingthatthedemocraticlegitimacyofthestategovernmentcouldbequestioned.Todaythatislesstrue.5Assumptionsorquestionsthatrequirefurthercheckingbeforepaperisfinalized:IassumethatpriortotheVotingRightsAct,AfricanAmericanslivinginpartsofthecountryoutsidetheSouthwerenotassystematicallyexcludedfromvotingastheywereintheSouth,andthustheHouseofRepresentatives--totheextentitreflectedvotingbyamoreinclusiveelectorateinsomeofthestates–mayhavehadgreaterdemocraticlegitimacythanthelegislaturesinstatesthatsystematicallysuppressedAfricanAmericanvoting.Astartonthisresearchisathttp://history.house.gov/Exhibitions-and-Publications/BAIC/Historical-Data/Black-American-Representatives-and-Senators-by-Congress/(showingthatthereweresomeAfricanAmericanrepresentativesintheCongressbetween1871and1901;andthennoneuntil1929,whenanAfricanAmericanfromIllinoisiselectedtotheHouse;in1945bothIllinoisandNewYorkhadoneAfricanAmericanmemberoftheHouse;in1955athird,andin1957,afourth,fromPennsylvaniaandMichiganbecamemembers;in1967thereweresevenAfricanAmericansintheCongress,allfromnorthernstatesorCalifornia).Anotherquestiontocheckistheeffectsofdistrictsizeintherepresentativenessofstatelegislatures,ascomparedtotheHouseofRepresentatives,withrespecttopartisanaffiliation.Iassumebutneedtocheckthatthestatesallusefirstpastthepostwinnertakeallvotingfortheirstatelegislatures.6ReynoldsvSims,377U.S.at565(1964)(emphasisadded).
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andoutoftouchwithcurrentneeds,7thisbegantochangeinthelate1960s,after
theWarrenCourt'sone-person,one-votedecisions.Asaresultofthesedecisions,
statelegislaturesmustbeapportionedbypopulation,inboththeirupperandlower
houses.8Improvementinthequalityofstategovernmentseemedtofollow.9That
thereapportionmentdecisionswouldhaverevitalizingeffectonstategovernments
wasanticipatedbysomeprescientscholarsatthetime.10Indeed,levelsoftrustin
stategovernmentsvis-a-visthefederalgovernment--begantoriseinthelate
1960s;11today,oneseesgreaterconfidenceexpressedinthestategovernments
thaninthefederalgovernment.12(Moreover,allstategovernorstodayaredirectly
elected;intheearly19thcenturymanywereappointedbylegislatures.13)
7Seee.g.ROBERTMCKAYREAPPORTIONMENT:THELAWANDPOLITICSOFEQUALREPRESENTATION36-40(1965)(describinggovernancefailuresinthestates).8Reynoldsv.Sims(1964);Lucasv.44thGeneralAssemblyofColorado(1964).9SeeVickiC.Jackson,TheWarrenCourtandthePostworldWarIIModelofConstitutionalFederalism,inEARLWARRENANDTHEWARRENCOURT159-60(HarrySchiebered,2006)(arguingthattheWarrenCourt,contrarytotheargumentsofsomescholars,wasgoodforthestatesandforfederalism);seealsoFerguson,IntroductiontoStateExecutives,infranote13(notingeffectofreaportionment,promotedbythecourt,ingivingstategovernmentsnewenery).10See,e.g.ALPHEUSMASON,THESUPREMECOURTFROMTAFTTOWARREN262-63(1964)(arguingthatreapportionment"maybetterequipthestatestomeettwentiethcenturyneeds,revitalizingratherthandisablingtheseessentialunitsoflocalgovernment").11SeeM.KentJennings,PoliticalTrustandtheRootsofDevolution,inTRUSTANDGOVERNANCE218,239(ValerieBraithwaite&MargaretLevieds.1998);seealsoWARRENEMILLLER&SANTATRAUGOTT,AMERICANNATIONALELECTIONSTUDIESDATASOURCEBOOK1952-1986,at256(1989)(findingthatconfidencelevelsinstategovernmentsbegintorisebetween1968and1972,whileconfidenceinthefederalgovernmentdoesnotbegintofalluntilafter1972).12Gallup,TrustinGovernment(showinginSeptember2016,higherlevels(63%)whohadafairorgreatamountofconfidenceintheirstategovernmentthaninfederalgovernment(44%ondomesticissues,49%oninternationalissues);inSeptember1972,therewerehigherlevelsofconfidenceinthefederalgovernment(70%ondomestic,75%oninternational)ratherthaninstategovernments(63%))http://www.gallup.com/poll/5392/trust-government.aspx13Atthefoundingthiswasnotthecase.SeeMargaretFerguson,IntroductiontoStateExecutives,EagletonInstitueofPolitics,RutgersCenterontheAmericanGovernor,athttp://governors.rutgers.edu/on-governors/us-
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TheCongress,bycontrast,isconstitutionallymalapportioned,with
Wyomingandits584,000peoplehavingtwoSenatorswhileCalifornia,withits38.8
millionpeoplehasthesametwoSenators.Atthiswriting,thereare52Republican
SenatorsintheU.S.Senate,a48Democrats(actually46Democratsand2
independents,whogenerallycaucuswiththeDemocrats).Basedonstate
populationsinthe2010Census,14the52Republicansrepresent136million
Americans.The48Democratsrepresentroughly172million.15Sowehavea
countermajoritarianSenateatthepresenttime.16Althoughthe"equalsuffrage"for
statesruleofthesenatewasmalapportionedfromthebeginning,thedegreeof
malapportionmenthasincreaseddramaticallyovertime.17Andtheequalsuffrage
provisionfacesanevenmoredifficultamendingprocedurethanotheramendments
totheU.S.constitution,whichis,inturn,farmoredifficulttoamendthanstate
constitutions.
governors/introduction-to-governors/introduction-to-governors-chapter-1/(explainingthatgovernors,attheFounding,werequiteweakandinsomestateswereappointedbythelegislatureratherthanbeingdirectlyelected;followingAndrewJackson'selectionin1828,manystatesbegantoswitchfromappointedtoelectedgovernors).14ForstateswithtwoDemocraticSenators,ortwoRepublicanSenators,allofthestatepopulationisattributedtothatpartyinmycalculations.InstateswithoneSenatorfromeachpartythestatepopulationwassplitinhalfandallocatedaccordingly.Seenote[15]belowfortreatmentofthetwoIndependentSenators.15ThetwoindependentsarefromVermontandMaine.Ifthenumbersrepresentedbytheseindependentsaresubtractedfromthetotalrepresentedbythe46registereddemocrats,those46stillrepresent171million.16TheSenatehasbeenmalapportionedfromthebeginningofourcountry’shistory,ofcourse.However,thedegreeofmalapportionmentbetweentherepresentationofthesmallest,andlargest,stateshasincreasedbyafactorofaboutfive.Seeinfranote75(largesttosmallestpopulationstateshadrationof13:1in1790,and67:1in2010).Moreover,themostpressingconsiderationsthatdrovethecompromisethatledtotheallocationofsenatorsintheSenatehavelongsincedisappeared,asslaveryhasbeenabolished,seeHenryMonaghan,WethePeople[s],OriginalUnderstandingandConstitutionalAmendment,96Colum.L.Rev.121,145(1996)(describingconcernfor,interalia,protectingslavestatesundergirdingprovisionsofArticleV),andmajorregionaldifferencesdiminished,seeFeeley&Rubin,FederalismasaNationalNeurosis,[cite],thoughnotdisappeared.17Seeinfranote75.
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ThePresidentiselectedthroughtheElectoralCollege,whichhastheeffectof
disproportionatelyweighingvotesinsmallpopulationstates.Thisaspectofthe
ElectoralCollegehasbeenhighlysignificant:Twiceinthelastsixteenyears
presidentshavebeenchosenwholostthepopularvotenationwide.The
malapportionmentofthepresidentialelectionsystemalsomeansthatU.S.
Presidentsdonothavethesamedegreeofelectorallegitimacy(vis-a-vistheir
constituents)fromarepresentativedemocracyperspective,asdostategovernors.
ThecurrentPresidentlostthepopularvotebutwontheElectoralCollegevote.
ItistheCongressandthePresidentwhoarethelawmakinginstitutionsof
thenationalgovernments.18Thereisnowagreaterriskatthenationallevelthat
legislationwillbeenactedandexecutiveactiontakenthatisinconsistentwiththe
viewsofthepeopleoftheUnitedStatesthanthereisthat,inanygivenstate,
legislationwillbeenactedinconsistentwiththeviewsofthepeopleofthatstate.19
Thereis,inotherwords,asignificantstructural"democraticdeficit"inournational
lawmakingprocessesvis-a-visthoseofthestates.20
18Asshownintext,thePresidencyandtheSenatearepresentlycountermajoritarianinstitution,measuredbythevotesoftheconstituenciestheyrepresent.WithrespecttotheHouseofRepresentatives:AccordingtoBallotpedia,inHouseelectionsin2016,Democratsreceived61.7millionvotes,andRepublicansreceived63.1million,whilemorethan3millionvoteswerecastforIndependentcandidates.With49%ofthevoteRepublicanscontrolled55%oftheHouseseats;theDemocrats,whowon48%ofthevote,held44%oftheHouseseats.Seehttps://ballotpedia.org/United_States_House_of_Representatives_elections,_201619Thedistortingeffectsofthetwosenatorsruleonnationaldecisionmakinghaslongbeenobserved.Seee.g.GillianMetzger,StLouisUniv,at1075n142015citingsources.20IdonotmeantosuggestthatdemocraticrepresentativelegitimacyonapercapitabasisistheonlyformofdemocraticlegitimacythatisimportantortheonlylegitimatevaluepromotedbytheConstitution’sstructure.Somedegreeofpopulation-baseddisproportioninrepresentationintheupperhouseisnotuncommoninfederalsystems,inordertoassurethatparticularinterestsoflesspopulousregionsarenotneglected.ButIamawareofnofederalsysteminaworkingconstitutionaldemocracythathasthedegreeofdisproportionthattheU.S.Senaterepresents.Andastoothervalues,havingstaggeredtermsformembersofthenationallegislature,asexistsintheSenate,hasthebenefitofhelpingtopreventrapidswingsbasedonsingleelections–astabilitybenefitalsoimportantto
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Howmightthisshifttowardsgreaterdemocraticlegitimacyofstate
governmentsaffectthinkingaboutconstitutionalfederalism?Inthistimeinwhich
membersofbothtraditionalpoliticalpartiesarebeingchallengedbynontraditional
movementsandcandidates,oneofwhomhasbecomethePresident,perhaps
liberalsandconservatives,redstateandbluestatelawprofessors,informedby
awarenessofthetherelativedemocraticrepresentativenessofstategovernments
vis-a-visthefederal,canfindsomecommongroundaboutthebenefitsof
federalism,ifnotofthestrategiesforachievingthosebenefitsortheparticular
substantivegoalstowardswhichthosestrategiesareused.
Thispaperaimstoassistthisre-evalutionbydescribing,incapaciousterms,
threedifferenttypesofapproachestothinkingaboutthepossibilitiesand
challengesofU.S.federalism.First,Ibrieflydiscussasetofdoctrinalconstraintson
nationalpowerarticulatedbythecourts.Second,Iconsider"newnationalism"
theories,includingthoseof“disruptive”or“uncooperative”federalismapproaches.
Third,Iconsiderpoliticalformsoffederalreconstitutionorreconstruction.The
discussionisanefforttolayouttheseapproachesasapositivematter;normative
argumentswill,forthemostpart,needtoawaitanotherpaper.
I.ExistingDoctrine
The“federalismrevival”intheSupremeCourt’sjurisprudencecanbedated
toastatutorydecision,Gregoryv.Ashcroft,in1991.21Theissuewaswhetherthe
AgeDiscriminationinEmploymentActappliedtostatecourtjudges,whowere
subjecttoastatelawagelimitontheirservice.Thecourtheldasastatutorymatter
thattheADEAdidnotapplytosuchhighgovernmentofficials.Theinterpretationof
theADEAwasinformedfromtheoutsetoftheopinionbyconstitutional
considerations,asJusticeO’Connorexplainedthehistoricalreasonsforandbenefits
legitimategovernment.ButitalsomeansthatthemembersoftheSenate,atanygivenmoment,maynotmatchintheirpartyaffiliationsthemoodofthemostrecentelectionsfortheHouse.21501U.S.452(1991).
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ofconstitutionalfederalism,includingacapacityforinnovation,increased
opportunitiesforparticipationindemocraticpolitics,andgreaterresponsivenessof
thestatestothedifferentneedsofcitizens.22
IntheyearssinceGregoryvAshcroft,statutorycanonsofinterpretationhave
beeninconsistentlydeployedinfederalism-relatedcases.23Thesignificanceof
Gregoryisitsforeshadowingofshiftsinconstitutionaljurisprudencethathavemade
asignificantdifferenceintheformalscopeoffederalpower.
A.Anti-CommandeeringdoctrineasalimitonCongress
ThefirstcleardoctrinalsignaloftheCourt’swillingnesstorevivejudicially
enforceablelimitstoprotectfederalismwasitsdecisioninNewYorkvUnited
States,24holdingthatoneelementofafederalstatutewasinvalidinthatitimposed
acoerciveliabilityonastatetorequireittotakethekindofactionordinarily
requiringlegislation.Thisanti-commandeeringrulewassaidtobesupportedboth
byprinciplesofaccountabilityandbyahistoricaldecisiontoabandonthepowerthe
centralgovernmenthadintheArticlesofConfederationtocompelstatestoact.
Soonthereafter,theanti-commandeeringprinciplewasextendedtoadoctrine
barringfederalrequirementsthatexecutiveofficialsofstateorlocalgovernments
22Id.at458("Thisfederaliststructureofjointsovereignspreservestothepeoplenumerousadvantages.Itassuresadecentralizedgovernmentthatwillbemoresensitivetothediverseneedsofaheterogeneoussociety;itincreasesopportunityforcitizeninvolvementindemocraticprocesses;itallowsformoreinnovationandexperimentationingovernment;anditmakesgovernmentmoreresponsivebyputtingtheStatesincompetitionforamobilecitizenry.)23Asanillustrationofthelackofconsistencyofinterpretivepresumptionsinfavorofstateauthority,compareMedellinvTexas,552U.S.491(2008)(President’smemorandumimplementingICJdecisionagainsttheUnitedStatesarisingoutofTexas’officialsfailuretocomplywithConsularConventionhasnoeffectonstatecriminalprocedurelaw)withAmericanInsuranceAss’nv.Garamendi,539U.S.396(2003)(findingthatexecutivememorandumwithGermanyconcerningfoundationmechanismtoresolveHolocaustperiodinsuranceclaimspreemptsstateinsurancelaw).24505U.S.144(199x)
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enforcefederallawsagainstothers.25Thisdoctrineislikelytoremainastablelimit
onfederalpowersince,thoughoriginallypropoundedbymoreconservative
scholarsandmembersoftheCourt,ithasnowbeenembracedbyliberalor
progressivescholarsasameanstoinsulatestateandlocalgovernmentofficialsfrom
carryingoutfederalmandatesviewedasregressiveordiscriminatory,asin
immigration.26
B.LimitsonCongress’PowersundertheCommerceClauseandother
ClausesinArticleI
InUnitedStatesvLopez,27theCourtinvalidatedafederallawprohibiting
possessionofgunsnearschoolzones.Althoughaplausibleconnectiontointerstate
commercewasarticulatedbythegovernmentlawyersinitsdefense,itrequired
multiplestepsinaformofanalysisthatwouldsupportfarreachingfederal
legislationintomanyareasoflife.Moreover,thefactthattheprohibitedareawas
definedbyproximitytoschoolsseemedtosuggestaneffortorpurposetoregulate
education,amattertheCourtviewedastraditionallyoneforthestates.Although
thecaseoccasionedsignificantcriticism,andwasclearlyviewedasadeparture
fromthelineofcaselawonthescopeofthefederalcommercepowersince1937,it
wasarguablyjustifiableifunderstoodnotasacategoricalbar,butratheras
respondingtoaparticularruleoflawprobleminsofarasCongressitselfhadfailed
totakeseriouslytheneedtoshowhowitwasconnectedtointerstatecommerceor
whyafederallawwasneeded.28
25Inearlierwork,Idisagreedwiththeabsolutistapproachofthesedecisionsastoexecutiveofficials,butwasgenerallysupportiveofthedecisionastolegislatures.Forexecutiveofficials,thereismuchthatisattractiveabouttheideaofapresumptiverule,allowingforexceptionsunderspecialcircumstances,e.g.,foradraft,orothertime-sensitiveneedofthenationalgovernment.SeeVickiC.Jackson,FederalismandtheUsesandLimitsofLaw:PrintzandPrinciple?,111HarvL.Rev.,2180(1998)26See,e.g.,Galarzav.Szalczyk,745F.3d634,643(3dCir.2014)(“[T]hefederalgovernmentcannotcommandthegovernmentagenciesofthestatestoimprisonpersonsofinteresttofederalofficials.”)27cite28SeeJackson,PrintzandPrinciple?,at2234&n238,2238-39.
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SubsequentcasesdevelopedLopez’sruleintoamorecategoricalone,
prohibitingrelianceonthecommercepowertoregulate,onanaggregatedbasis,
activitythattheCourtidentifiesasnot“economicincharacter.”InUnitedStatesv
Morrison29theCourtheldunconstitutionalaprivatecivilrightsremedyinthe
ViolenceAgainstWomenAct;forCommerceClausepurposestheCourttreatedthe
activitybeingregulatedasprivateviolenceagainstpersons(largelywomen)
becauseoftheirgender,ratherthanseeingprotectionfromviolenceasanecessary
aspectoffullparticipationinthe(federallyregulatable)economy.30YetinGonzales
vRaich,31theCourtupheldabanonpossessionofmarijuana(evenasappliedto
medicalmarijuana)becauseoftherelationshipofsuchpossessiontoanunlawful
interstatemarket.(DeterminingwhatpossessoryactionstheCourtwillfindnot
economicincharacterremainssomewhatuncertain.)
InNFIBvSebelius,32theCourtidentifiedanothersubstantivelimiton
Congress’commercepower:thattheCongresscannotcompelpersonstoengagein
commercialactivities.ItthusheldthattheCommerceClausedidnotsupporta
congressionalmandatethatpeoplepurchaseorotherwiseobtainhealthinsurance
(thoughtheprovisionswereupheldunderthetaxingpower).Determiningtheline
betweencompellingactionandregulatingcommercialactionalreadyundertaken
mayposeinterpretivechallengesinthefuture.
Ihavearguedinthepastagainstrigidapriorisubstantivelimitationsonthe
substantivescopeoffederalpower;Ihavealsosuggestedthattheruleoflaw
requiresshowingaplausiblechainofconnectionbetweenlegislationandafederal
sourceofpower.Inlightofmymorerecentreflectionsonthedegreetowhich–asa
29cite30IwasacoauthorofanamicusbriefintheMorrisoncase,arguing,asIstillbelievetobecorrect,thattheconnectiontocommercewassubstantial,andwell-documentedinthelegislativerecord,sincefearofviolencesubstantiallylimitedwomen’sabilitytoparticipateintheeconomyontermsofequalitywithmen,inwaysanalogoustotheeffectsofprivatediscriminationontheabilityofAfricanAmericanstotravel,inHeartofAtlantaMotel[cite].31545U.S.1(200532132SCt2566(2012).
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resultofactionsbythefederalcourtsandCongress--statesnowhaveastronger
claimtodemocraticlegitimacythannationallawmakers,Iwonderwhetherjudicial
approachestoreviewingfederalism-basedchallengestonationalactionoughttobe
developedthatconsiderthedegreetowhichsuchnationallegislationsufficiently
reflectstheinterestsofthepeopleatthenationalleveltowarrantdeferenceacross
theboard.Iwonderwhethercourtsshouldtakeamorecarefullookatasserted
basesofnationalpowerandgroundsforactingbeforeupholdingfederallegislation
orrulemakingthatwouldcutofflawmakinginthestates–atleastintheabsenceof
reasontobelievethatthelegislationwasneededbecausestateswereengagedin
discriminationorinequitabletreatmentofdisadvantagedminoritygroupsnotable
toprotectthemselvesinthestatepoliticalprocessorthattherewasaneedfor
federalactionbecausethestatesseparatelycouldnotregulatewellorsomestates
wereimposingseriousexternalitiesoninterstatecommerceorothersubjects
withinCongress’regulatorypowers.
C.LimitsonCongress’spowersundertheFourteenthAmendment:
InKatzenbachvMorgan,33theCourtupheldprovisionsoftheVotingRights
ActprohibitingdiscriminationbasedonEnglishliteracyforthosewhowereliterate
inSpanishbyvirtueofbeingeducatedinPuertoRico.TheCourthadrejecteda
challenge,fiveyearsearlier,toanEnglishliteracyrequirementinNorthCarolina,
concludingthatitboreasufficientrelationshiptothelegitimateaimofpromoting
aninformedelectoratethatitwasnotunconstitutional.InMorgan,however,the
CourtupheldthelawbothonthegroundsthatCongresshaspower,underthe
FourteenthAmendment,toconcludethatactsclaimedtoviolateequalitynorms,
whichhavenotbeenstruckdownbytheCourt,nonethelessdoviolatethe
FourteenthAmendment,oralternatively,thatprovidingaccesstothevotewasa
meanstoenableSpanishspeakerstopreventunlawfuldiscriminationinother
areas.
33384U.S.641(1966).
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InCityofBoernevFlores,34theCourtheldunconstitutionalastatute,the
ReligiousFreedomRestorationAct,designedtoovercometheeffectsofitsdecision
inSmithvEmploymentDivision.35InSmiththeCourthadheldthatstatesgenerally
neednotaccommodategenuinereligiousobjectionstoagenerallyapplicablelaws,
distinguishingalineofcasesseeminglysoholdingasinvolvingbothreligionand
otherclaims.TheRFRApassedoverwhelminglyandrequiredthatwhenapractice
waschallengedasintrudingonreligiousfreedomstateshadtojustifyitunderthe
standardsofstrictscrutiny.TheCourtheldthatCongressdidnothavepowerunder
theFourteenthAmendmenttosoprovide.Disagreeingwithatleastoneofthe
theoriesofMorgan,itheld,Congresscouldonlyenactlegislationaimedat
preventingorremedyingconductthattheCourtwouldagreeviolatesthe
Constitution.WhileCongresscouldadoptprophylacticmeasures,thosemeasures
neededtobecongruentandproportionatetotheconstitutionalviolationtobe
sustained.
Sincethen,theCourthasrejectedaFourteenthAmendmentbasisforthe
ViolenceAgainstWomenActcivilrightsremedybecauseitpermittedsuitsagainst
non-stateactors,eventhoughthisremedywastargetedatstatefailurestofulfill
theirresponsibilityofequalprotectionunderthelaw.36Similarly,thepreclearance
provisionoftheVotingRightsAct–whichhadbeenanessentialtoolforincreasing
andmaintainingvoterregistrationamongpoorandblackvoters–-wereinvalidated
inShelbyCountyvHolder(2013),because,theCourtbelieved,thefactualbasisthat
oncesupportedthelegislationnolongerexisted.Ignoringtherecordonwhich
CongressactedandCongress’sconclusionotherwise,theprovisionwasfound
unconstitutional,asnotmeetingthestandardsofproportionalityandcongruence.
34cite35cite36Morrison,at__.TheCourt,interalia,misrepresentedthestateoftherecord,insuggestingthatfewerthanhalfofthestateshadproblems,whentheevidencebeforeCongresswasthatinatleast21statestherewerestatesponsoredgenderbiastaskforcereportsthathadidentifiedbiasintheprosecutionofviolenceagainstwomen,andeveryreasontothinkthatsimilarproblemsexistedinmostifnotalloftheotherstates.Compareidat__withidat__(Breyer,J.,dissenting).
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TheFourteenthAmendmentwasnotintendedtoabolishthestatesassemi-
autonomouspartsoftheUnitedStates,nortogiveCongressgenerallegislative
authoritytoenactlawsforthegeneralwelfare.Toocapaciousanunderstandingof
theFourteenthAmendmentmightleadinthisdirection.Soitisperhaps
understandablewhythecourtdidnotadoptthecapaciousapproachofMcCullochv
Maryland,whichinterpretedtheNecessaryandProperClausetoallowCongress
amplechoiceofmeanstofulfillitslegislativepowers,aslongastheywere
appropriatetotheendandnototherwiseprohibited.
Butwheretherehasbeenahistoryofstatepersecutionofminoritiesand
suppressionoftheirvoting,considerabledeferencetothenationallegislature’s
effortstoremediateandpreventrecurrencesisinorder.Therewasnothingunclear
aboutthecompellingfactualbasisfortheVotingRightsAct’sinitialenactment,and
Congress’decisiontorenewwouldseemtobewellwithinthelegislativejudgment
astohowlongtheremedywasneeded.InthisrespectthecaseisunlikeCityof
BoernevFlores,wheretheexistenceofmassiveconstitutionalviolationswas
doubtfulunderjudicially-controllingstandards.37
Boernev.FloresanditsprogenywillenabletheCourttomonitormoreclosely
pretextualusesoftheFourteenthAmendmentpower,shouldtheyarise.Arguments
incaseslikeFloridaPrepaidvCollegeSavingsBank,38thatCongressenactedchanges
tothepatentlawsbecauseofconcernaboutconstitutionalrightsviolations,wereto
somedegreepretextual;themotivationofthelegislationcouldreasonablyhave
beenregardedasprimarilyconcernedwithadvancingthepurposesofthepatent
andtrademarklaws.Bycontrast,ShelbyCounty(theVotingRightsActCase),or
Morrison,reflectedCongress’seriousattentiontoconstitutionalrightsofequality
37ThedecisioninShelbyCountygavetheappearanceofjudicialover-reachinconcluding,contrarytoCongress,thatthetimeforneedingthepre-clearanceremedyhaspassed.If,asthepluralitywroteinColemanvMiller,307U.S.433(1939),thequestionofhowlongisreasonabletoratifyaconstitutionalamendmentisnonjusticiable,thenthequestionofthedurationofaremedythatwasatonetimeconstitutionalwouldseemtobeonewhereverybroaddeferencetoCongressisappropriate.38527U.S.627(1999)
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andrighttovote;thesedecisionswereviewedbyanumberofscholarsasinvolving
judicialoverreachinreviewingcongressionalaction,essentiallybecauseofan
ideologicalhostilitytothesubstanceofthelegislation.TheCourt’sFourteenth
Amendmentdoctrinethusholdsbothpromiseandpitfallsfortheoverallwell-
functioningofthedemocraticsystem.
D.LimitationsonCongress’sSpendingClausePowerstoImpose
ConditionsonReceiptofFederalfunds
AsAllisonLaCroixhasargued,constitutionalfederalismintheUnitedStates
doesnothavefixedboundaries,asillustratedbyherstudyofthespendingpowerin
theperiodbeforetheCivilWar.39Specificallyshearguedthatearlynineteenth
centuryconstitutionalthoughtconceivedofthespendingpowerasrequiring
structuredformsofcooperation,inordertopreventfederaldominance.40Without
suggestingthat19thcenturynotionsoffederal-statepowerbeassuchrevived,the
notionthatanunboundedspendingpowerwouldmaketheideaofalimitedfederal
governmentverydifficulttosustainremainstrue.
TheresurgenceoftheSpendingClauseasalimitation,aswellasagrant,of
powertoCongressarrivedinthe21stcenturyinNFIBvSebelius.41Inthisrecent
decision,theCourtinsistedonandreliedonadistinctionbetweencoercive
regulationandconsensuallimitationsagreedtobyrecipientsoffederalfunding.The
Courtinvalidatedaconditiononfederalspendingthatineffectrequirestatesinthe
Medicaidprogramtoexpanditseligiblerecipients.Eventhoughthefederal
governmentwouldhavepaidallofthedirectnewcosts,statesobjectedtothe
administrativeburdenstheywouldneedtoassume,andarguedtheycouldnot
realisticallyturndownthenewrequirementbecausethestatutewouldpenalize
thembywithdrawingallfederalfundingforallexistingMedicaidprograms.The
Courtwrote:“CongressmayuseitsspendingpowertocreateincentivesforStatesto
39AllisonLaCroix,TheInterbellumConstitution,--StanLRev--(2015)40Idat40141132SCtat2304
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actinaccordancewithfederalpolicies.Butwhen‘pressureturnsintocompulsion,’
thelegislationrunscontrarytooursystemoffederalism.”42
ThispartoftheCourt’sdecisioncapturessomethingimportant:Unbounded
authoritytoconditionfederalgrantsontheobservanceofpositiveornegative
requirementshastoomuchcoercivepotential--forstateandlocalgovernments,
andforuniversities.43Bothofthesegroupsareamongthemajor,ongoingrecipients
ofsuchconditionalfederalspendinggrants.Andbothlocalandstategovernments,
ontheonehand,andcollegesanduniversities,ontheother,playimportant
constitutionalfunctions:first,aschecksonabusiveuseofnationalpowerand
second,assourcesofinnovationthatwouldbenefitthepolityoverall.Theeffortto
relyontheexistingprogram(consenttowhichrequiredconsenttochangesthat
mightinthefuturebemade),wenttoofar,intheCourt’sview.AsHeatherGerken
outit,“theSpendingClauseanalysisis…themostdeeplyintuitiveportionofthe
opinion…rest[ing]onasimplepremise:Congresscan'tpulltherugoutfromunder
thestatesbyradicallyalteringthedutiesassociatedwithacooperativefederal
regime.”44
E.Limitations,derivedfromtheEleventhAmendmentandPrincipleof
SovereignImmunity,onCongress’spowertosubjectstatestoprivatesuits.
In1996theCourtoverturneditsearlierdecisioninUnionGas,whichhad
upheldCongresspower,whenitspokeclearly,tosubjectstatestoprivatesuitsin
legislationenactedunderthecommercepower.InSeminoleTribetheCourtheld
thatCongresslackedpowertosubjectstatestoprivatessuitsinlegislationenacted
underArticleI,althoughtheUnitedStatesretainedtheabilitytoitselfsuestatesfor
damagesunderfederalstatutes.TheCourtwasandremainscloselydividedonthe
issueofstatesovereignimmunity.
42NFIBvSibelius,at__2602(quotingStewardMachine)43Cf.e.g.RumsfeldvFAIR,546U.S.47(2006)(rejectingconstitutionalchallengetofederallawconditioningreceiptoffederalfundsonuniversitiesallowingmilitarytorecruitevenifmilitary’spolicyviolatedanti-dsiscriminationnorms).44Gerken,2014HLRat__.
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AsIhaveexplainedinearlierwriting,45theCourthasbeenmistakeningiving
thisbroadreadingtosovereignimmunity.Butunlessthereisasignificantchangein
membershipontheCourt,thisdoctrineislikelytobestable.Thisdoctrinedoesnot
constrainCongress’substantivelawmakingbutonlylimitstheremediesavailable
toenforesuchlaws.AssuchIthinkitunlikelytoplaymuchofaroleinupcoming
federalismdebates.
II."Uncooperative"Federalism,Disruption,The"NewNationalism,"
FederalismAlltheWayDown,andtheLike
Anothersetofscholarlyapproaches,includingthatofHeatherGerken,the
Dean-electofYaleLawSchool,challengesconceptionsoffederalismbasedonthe
ideaofsovereignty.Theyinsteademphasizedescriptiveaccountsofhowtheformal
doctrineconcerningsovereignty,theallocationofpowersandevensupremacyof
federallawdonotreflecttherealityofinfluencesgoinginmultipledirections.46
Emphasizingvoiceoverexit,Gerkenarguesthat“federalismwithoutsovereignty”
embracesasystemofverticalchecksandbalancesthroughsituationsof
interdependenceinlawenforcement,implementation,interpretation.47Sheoffers
amoredescriptivepoliticalaccountofhowthefederalgovernmentshapesstate
agendasandhowstatesshapefederalagendasevenafterlawisenacted.48Nodoubt
theseobservationsaretrue,anditisimportanttoseehowpoliticalimpactof
federalismworks;butitisnotclearhow"federalismallthewaydown"inthis
respectdiffersfromdecentralization.
45Jackson,1988,Yale;Jackson1997orso,NYU46See,e.g.HeatherGerken,TheSupremeCourt,2009Term,Foreword--FederalismAlltheWayDown,124HarvL.Rev.4(2010);seealso,e.g.,GillianMetzger[AdministrativeFederalism,cite};FederalismunderObama,cite];arguingthatfederalregulationisnotazerosumgameattheexpenseofstatepower,whichsurfacesinimportantwaysintheadministrationoffederalschemes).47SeeGerken,supra,at10(“theenergyofoutliersservesasacatalystforthecenter”);idat33-44(exploringthe“poweroftheservant”).48SeealsoAbbeGluck,Our[national]federalism,Yale2014(arguingthatCongressistheprimarysourceofourfederalism).
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TheargumentadvancedbyProfessorGerkenandothersisthat
governmentalprocessesinourfederalsystemaffordmanyopportunitiesforboth
levelsofgovernmenttoexerciseinfluenceontheother,withtheimplicationthat
accordingly,doctrineenforceablebycourtsbasedontheideaofsovereigntymaybe
inappropriateorunnecessary.Iamnotsure,though,thatthenormativeconclusion
followsfromthedescription,northatProfessorGerken’sapproachofferssufficient
guidanceastofederalismaslaw,exceptinonedirection.ProfessorGerkenclearly
intendstopreservethesupremacyofnationallawasamatterofjudicially
enforceableconstitutionallaw,apointonwhichIaminagreement49However,
explainingthatheraccountissupplementarytoothers,50herworksuggeststhatshe
maynotbelieveinanyjudiciallyenforceablesubstantivefederalism-based
constraintsonnationalpower.51
Shemakesapersuasiveandpowerfulnormativeargumentforanapproach
ofallowingexperimentationatstateandlocallevels,subjecttocorrectionby
nationallegislation.Indeed,sheargues,“divisionanddiscordareuseful
components”ofthefederalsystem,52andsuggests,alongwithJessicaBulman-
Pozen,53thatthe“uncooperative”anddisruptivefeaturesoffederalismhave
considerablenormativevalue.54Theseaccountslendnormativeforcetothe
49Id.(insistingthatthe“centercanplaythenationalsupremacycard”).50Seeidat10-11.51HereIdrawinferencesfromworksshecites.Seee.g.id.at12-14andnn.13-20.Seealsoidat16-18(discussingdebatebetween“process”theoristsandand“federalists”overstatepowerandidentityandasking,why“webothertohaveit”);idat28.InotherworkGerkenappearstoendorseclearstatementrequirements,asproceduralconstraints.52Id.at10.53JessicaBulman-Pozen&HeatherGerken,UncooperativeFederalism,118YaleLJ1256(2009).54Id.at20(arguingthatthisuncooperativedimensionallows“minorityrule”instatesandlocalgovernmentstoshapeidentity,promotedemocracy,anddiffusepowers).Seealsoidat24“(“Whenstatebureacratsrefusetoimplementafederalprogram,properlyorhijacktheprogramfortheirownends,theysendamessagetoWashington...aboutthefutureoffederallaw”);idat40(valueof“dissentandresistance”).Sheurgesattentiontocities,zoningboards,schoolboards,juriesand
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requirementthatifnationallegislationintendstodisempowersuchstateandloca
initiativesitneedstospeakclearlyindoingso.55Theyalsoevenmorestrongly
supportargumentsagainstexecutiveoradministrativepowertopreemptstate
laws.56Giventhebenefitsofstateexperimentationanddiversity,herworkstrongly
suggests,aconsidereddecisionbythemostrepresentativefederaldecision-maker–
theCongress–shouldberequiredbeforethosebenefitsaredisrupted.
SomeofthelegalcomponentsofGerken'sapproach,thoughframedunder
therubricoffederalism,mightinsteadbeunderstoodasarguingforamore
expansiveconceptofconstitutionalequalitythanexistsundercurrentdoctrine.For
example,shewouldallowroomforamorediverseconceptoftheconstitutional
roleofdiversity,e.g.,allowingracialmajoritiesinsomeareastofavortheirown,as
ethnicimmigrantgroupsdidbeforethem.Thisappearstoenvisiona
reinterpretationoftheequalprotectionclause.Ifso,questionswouldarisewhether
currentU.S.lawhassufficienttoolstodistinguishsituationofdisadvantagedracial
minorityorimmigrantgroupsfromsituationofthosewhofeelsubjectively
disadvantagedbyequaltreatmentforminorities/women.
Inlaw,descriptiveandnormativeclaimsareoftenblended;thethrustofthis
scholarshipfeelsnormativeeventhoughitclaimsattimessimplytobedescriptive.
Itisinpartausefulefforttodisruptlawyers’focusoncategoriesandcourts,andin
other“specialpurposesinstitutions”oflocalgovernance,idat24-33,butwithoutexplicitlyconnectingthemtoconstitutionalfederalismindeed,drawingonscholarshipnotingthestrengthofmayorsinaunitarysystem.Id.at42(citing.Cf.VickiCJackson,Citizenship,GenderandFederalism,in___(notingschoolboardsandotherinstitutionsoflocalgovernmentaslocationsfor“actsofpubliccitizenship”andquestioningwhetherthedensityoflocalgovernmentstructuresisorisnotrelatedtofederalism).55CfGerken,SlippingtheBondsofFederalism,128HarvLRev85,92,109,122(2014)(celebratingclearstatementapproachtointerpretingfederallegislation,stating,interalia,that“IfyouworryaboutCongressinadvertentlyreadingonstatepowerinimplementingtreaties,itmakesperfectsensetoimposeaclearstatementrule.”)56SeeBulman-Bozen,102VaLrev953,1024(2016)(suggestinggreaterChevrondeferenceiffederalagencydecidesstatelawisnotpreemptedthanifitdecidesthatitispreempted).
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partanefforttoshiftmeanings/understandingsofcategorieslikediversity.It
suggeststhatsomedefiantoruncooperativebehaviormaybenecessarytoadvance
legaldevelopment.Historyshowsthetruthofthis,sometimes.
Butthereareruleoflawconcernsforapproachesthatresttoomuchon
disobedienceanddisruption.57BearinginmindCoopervAaron,58anapproach
givingnormativeweighttodefiancebystateandlocalofficialsraisesconcernsabout
theincentivesforthosewhodisagreewithalaw,oraruling,tocomply.Thereis
clearlyanargumentthatdefianceofstatutes,forpurposesoftestingtheir
constitutionality,islegitimate(evenifnotalwaysprudent),andthusperhapsone
coulddistinguishthatfromdefianceofafinalcourtjudgmentonalegalpoint.
Anotherconcernisthequestionofwhethersuchanapproachispresumedtocarrya
onewayratchet.Wouldthosewhocelebratestatelawspermittingmarijuanauseor,
priortoWindsororObergefell,thegrantingofmarriagelicensesindefianceof
existingstatutorylaw,equallycelebratedefianceofguncontrollaws,orby
opponentsofstateuniversityaffirmativeactionplanstoprocurebyreferenduma
banonsuchplans?59Isthereanargumentforaonewayratchetinfavorof
defiancesonsomebutnotallissues–andifso,whataretheargumentsforthis
normativeposition?Isitnecessarytocivilizedsocietytograntthosewedisagree
withsimilarrightsof“defiant”or“disruptive”federalism?Isthereariskthat
argumentsfor“disruptive”federalismmaydetractfromruleoflawvaluesreqiring
compliancewithunpopularbutimportantnorms(e.g.,ofcriminalprocedurerights
fordefendants)?
57SeealsoGillianMetzger,TheStatesasNationalAgents,StLouisUNiv(arguingthatGerken'saccountgivestoolittleweighttostateautonomyandtherespectduestatesasconstituentpartsofthegovernment).58358U.S.1(1958).59SeeCaliforniaProp.209.HowwouldthetheoryapplytoissuesdecidedbyaSupremeCourtdecision,butbyanarrowlydividedCourt?Cf.MarkJoephStern,IsSame-SexMarriageSafe?,Slate(March12017)(describingTexasSupremeCourt'shearingofacasechallengingexpenditureofpublicfundstoprovidebenefitstosame-sexcouples).
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Toreturntotheimplicationsforlawofthe“newnationalism”approaches:
Suchapproaches,focusingastheydoontheactualdegreetowhichstates,local
governmentsandthenationalgovernmentareinterdependentincarryingoutmany
aspectsoffederallaw,supportdoctrinesthatpromotegoodprocessesfor
establishingsuchframeworks.Strongerandmoreconsistentlyapplied
presumptionsagainstpreemption,andespeciallyagainstpreemptionbyexecutive
oradministrativeactionalone,wouldbeconsistentwiththenormativeargument
implicitinthenewnationalism.Clearstatementrules,aswell,mighthelppromote
actualcongressionalconsiderationofeffectsonstateandlocalgovernments.Clear
statementsinlegislationmayalsoprovidenoticetostateandlocalgovernments–if
theycomeupearlyenoughinthelegislativeprocesstodoso.Butitisunlikelythat
suchaproceduraltimingrulewouldbejudiciallyenforced;despiterejecting
nonjusticiabilityargumentsconcerningOriginationClausechallenges,theSupreme
Courthasbeenotherwiseunwillingtomonitorthefairnessandregularityof
legislativeprocessesoftheCongress.60
III.ReconstitutingPoliticalCommunit(y)(ies)ThroughLocalAction
Federalismmightbethoughttoofferopportunitiesnotonlytoinfluence
substantivepoliciesbutalsotoaddressproblemsofpolarization,inaction,and
failuresofrepresentationatnationallevel.BythisImeanatleasttwokindsof
failuresofnationalpolitics:failurestorepresentmajoritiesandfailurestogive
appropriateconsiderationtominorities.Inboth,partofCongress’sfailureof
responsibilityhasbeenasimplefailuretotakeactionthatisneeded–legislativeand
oversight.Partofthefailurehasbeenaninattentiontoconsideringminorityviews
andtheeffectsonminoritiesofproposedcoursesofaction.Whatarethe
possibilitiespresentedbyfederalismforimprovingqualityofpolitics?
A.Howwelive:Physicalmovementsofpopulations?
60See[19thcenturycaseconclusivelypresumingthatifrecordsaysthatenoughvoteswererecordedtheywere].
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Itisuncleartheextenttowhichstatepopulationsaremorepolitically
polarizednowthaninthepastbutthereissomereasontothinkthatlivingpatterns
todayreflectmuchgreaterpoliticalpolarizationthaninthepast.Somedatasuggest
thatatthelevelofthecounty,morepeoplearelivingincountiesthatare
overwhelminglypartisaninonedirectionoranother(i.e.morethan20%margins
forpresidentialcandidateinrecentelections).61Thisaccordswithdatashowingan
increase,between1994and2014,of“ideologicalsilos”ofsocialcircles,thatis,that
thepercentagesofliberal,andconservative,voterswhoareclosefriendsprimarily
withpoliticallylike-mindedpeopleareincreasing.62Itisalsoconsistentwithdata
reflectingthatthereisasignificanturban-ruraldivideinpartisanandideological
identification.63
Thispolarizeddistributionofvotersbypartisanshipmayreflectsomesortof
Tieboutiansorting.Butwhilethismightbethoughtabenigndevelopmentinterms
ofmaximizingpreferences,whatislostinsuchanalysisisthewaysinwhich
preferencesarenotstablebutdependinpartonsocialinteractions.Notonlyare
preferencesconstituted,inpart,bytheirsocialcontexts,butsatisfyingsome
preferencesmayimposeexternalitiesonothers--andthetrendsinthese
demographicdistributionsimposesevereexternalitiesonpoliticalprocesses.
Themorewespendtimeonlywithpeoplewhothinklikeus,thelesspractice
wehaveinhavingconversationsandfriendshipswiththosewhothinkdifferently.
61BillBishopandRobertCushing,TheBigSort:Migration,EconomyandPoliticsintheUnitedStatesof‘Thosepeople,"‘https://web.archive.org/web/20080624204202/http://www.aei.org/docLib/20080229_BillBishop.pdf62CarrollDoherty,7ThingstoknowaboutpolarizationinAmerica(PewResearchCenterJune12,2014).63SeeThomasSchaller,GrowingUrban-RuralSplitProvidesRepublicansWithDown-BallotAdvantages(June2,2016),http://www.centerforpolitics.org/crystalball/articles/growing-urban-rural-split-provides-republicans-with-down-ballot-advantages/;JoshKron,“RedState,BlueCity:HowtheUrban-RuralDivideisSplittingAmerica,”TheAtlantic,https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2012/11/red-state-blue-city-how-the-urban-rural-divide-is-splitting-america/265686/
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Themorepolarizedandhomogenousourideologicalcommunities,thegreaterthe
riskoflessandlessbridgeabledifferencesarising.Whetherthereareappropriate
andnon-coercivewaystoincentivizepeopletomoveinto(andcreate)morerather
thanlessideologicallydiversecommunitiesisaninterestingquestion,64asis
whetherasanormativeandpracticalmatteranysuchapproachesshouldbe
pursued.
B.Newpoliticallyadoptedrulestoencourageconsideringminority
viewsandincreasetendenciestowardmoderation.
Isitpossibletopersuadepeopleinexistinglocationstoadoptnewpolitical
rulesthatwillempowerminoritiesandincreasetendenciestowardsmoderation?
Thismaybemorelikelytohappeninsmallercommunities,wherethereisa
greaterpossibilityforone-on-oneconversationonthemeritstohaveanimpact,or
inlargerjurisdictionsinwhichpoliticalpartisanshipisrelativelyevenlybalanced,so
thatbothsidesmightthinkeachhasachancetobenefit,ortominimizetheirrisks).
Reformisnotimpossible.Arizonaadoptedanonpartisancommissionto
reapportion,inamovethatwasupheldbytheSupremeCourt.65OneofPresident
Obama'slastspeechessuggestedthatinreapportioninglegislativedistricts,itis
importantnottodrawlinessuchthatonepartydominatesandcandidatesendup
appealingtothemostextremewingoftheirownparties;apportionmentwithless
unequalnumbersofvotersfrombothpartieswillhaveatendencytohavea
moderatingeffectonpublicdiscourse.66Ifnoonepartyalwaysknowsitcan
64OnpastincentivesformovementforpurposesofsettlementoftheWest,considerthevariousHomesteadActs.65cite66SeeBarackOBama,AddresstotheIllinoisGeneralAsebly,January--2017)https://www.c-span.org/video/?404557-1/president-obama-address-illinois-general-assembly("politicansshouldnotpicktheirvoters;votersshouldpicktheirpoliticians").Cf.DonaldHorwitz'sEthnicGroupsinConflict(1985)(arguingthat"centripetalism"inplaceslikeNigeria,withethniccleavages,andvotingsystemdrivingpoliticianstoseektobeasecondorthirdchoiceforfolkswhoarenottheirprincipalsupporters,helpsavoidextremismandgovernmentalbreakdowns)
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control,candidatesfromeachpartywillhaveincentivestolistentoandappealtoa
widerswatheofvoters.
ScholarshaveobservedformsofwhatJessicaBulman-Pozenhascalled
"executivefederalism,"meaningnegotiationsamongfederalofficialsandthe
officialsofoneormorestates,thatareproviding"aneededforumforbipartisan
compromise."67Assheexplains,"[r]atherthanrequireagranddealthatsatisfiesan
aggregatenationalbody,executivefederalismunfoldsthroughmanynegotiations
amongdisaggregatedpoliticalactors.Thesediscreteconversationsfacilitate
intrapartydifferenceatthesametimeastheprocessofimplementationfurther
complicates,andmayattenuate,partisancommitments."68Shearguesthatalthough
theseexecutivediscussionstakeplaceinnon-publicfora,thismaybealegitimate
strength.69Non-publicdiscussionmaypermitbothmorecandorandmore
willingnesstomoveoffofinitialpositions,therebyfacilitatingthekindsof
compromisesonwhichworkinggovernmentdepends.70
Aseldomdiscussedpossibilitywouldbetointroduceorreintroduce
proportionalvotingforcollegialbodies.71MorethanadozenU.S.citiesused
proportionalvotingearlyinthe20thcentury;scholarlyevaluationsofitseffectsare
largelyfavorable.72Well-designedPRsystemscanpromotemoreinclusiveformsof
67JessicaBulman-POzen,cite(2016)at955,1001-68IDat__69Id.at__.SeealsoSarahBinderandFrancesE.Lee,MakingDealsinCongress,inSOLUTIONSTOPOLITICALPOLARIZATIONINAMERICA252(NathanPersilyed.2015)(onimportanceofsecrecyinenablingsuccessfuldeal-makinginCongress);GeorgeC.Edwards,StayingPrivate,inSOLUTIONS,supraat__;JayneMansbridge,chapterinsamebook.70SeeJackson,Proconstitutionalrepresentation,WilliamandMary2016.71ForarecentproposalforproportionalvotingforCongress,seeArendLijphart,PolarizationandDemocratization,inSOLUTIONSTOPOLITICALPOLARIZATIONINAMERICA76-78(NathanPersilyed.2015).72SeeDouglasAmy,ABriefHistoryofProportionalRepresentationintheUnitedStates,http://www.fairvote.org/a_brief_history_of_proportional_representation_in_the_united_states.Amy,aprofessorofpoliticalscienceatMtHolyoke,reliesalsoonKathleenBarberetal,ProportionalRepresentationandElectoralReforminOhio.
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representationthatavoidgivingexcessivepowerwithinlegislaturestopartiesthat
haveonlyasmallmajorityofthepopularvote.Howlikelyitisthatsuchmethods
couldbeadoptedisunclear;and,forthenationalCongress,legislationinplacesince
1967requiressinglememberdistricting.73Butchangeatthestatelevelcanhave
effects,albeitindirectly,onnationalpolitics.
C.Constitutionalamendment
Anotheravenuebywhichtoredressthedemocraticdeficitinournational
politicsisconstitutionalamendment.IntheorytheprovisionsoftheElectoral
Collegefortheelectiontopresidentcouldbeamendedthroughtheordinary
amendingprocess.Thisprocess,however,isquitearduous,anditwouldtakeyears
tobuildthepoliticalwill.And,becauseitwouldrequirethatsmallerpopulation
statesgiveupsomeoftheadvantagethatElectoralCollegecompositionprovidesto
thesmallerstates,itisunlikelythatenoughofthesmallerstateswouldwillingly
giveupthisadvantage.
Afortiori,thepossibilityofamendingthecompositionoftheSenateisasa
practicalmatteralmostnon-existent,absentsomeemergencythatwouldcreatean
extraordinarysenseofexigency.UnderArticleVoftheConstitution,nostatemay
bedeprivedofitsequalsuffrageintheSenatewithoutitsconsent.Ineffect,notonly
doesthisrequiremeetingtheeveryrigorousbarrierofthree-fourthsofthestatesto
ratify,butitgivesavetotoanysinglestatethatobjectstopreventthechange.
Thus,atthenationallevel,ourpoliticsonthisissueislikethepoliticsin
TennesseeatthetimeofBakervCarr74--thatis,frozeninananti-democratic
posturebyvirtueoftheunwillingnessofincumbentsandtheircitizenpopulations
AccordingtoProfessorAmy,politicianssuccessfullydismantledthesesystems.,e.g.,inthe1950sinNewYorkcity,whenCommunistswereelectedinsmallnumbersandtheColdWarprovidedammunitionformajorpartypoliticianstocampaignagainstPR,orwhen(alsointhe1950s)inCincinnati,African-AmericanswereelectedtotheCityCouncilforthefirsttime.SeealsoAmy(notingthatproponentsbelieveitis"accuratetoconcludethatthissystemwasrejectedbecauseitworkedtoowell").73See2U.S.C.Section2c74369U.S.186(1962).
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toabandontheadvantagethattimeanddemographicchangehadconferredon
longstandingboundaries.75Inthesameway,ournationalrepresentativesandtheir
homeconstituenciesareunlikelytobewillingtoredresstheincreasinglycounter-
majoritariancharacterofCongress.Constitutionalamendmentisthus,barring
extraordinarycircumstances,notanavailablevehicleforthiskindofmuchneeded
change.
D.Secession
ManyAmericanscholarsbelievethattheCivilWarandsubsequentcaselaw
decisivelyruleoutthepossibilityofsecession.Notso.Whattheslimcaselawafter
theCivilWarrejectsisunilateralsecession,withouttheconsentofotherstates.76
Thecasethuscontemplatesthatsecessionwithconsentwouldbepermissible,
thoughitslanguageleavesunclearwhetherwhatiscontemplatedistheamending
procedureorsomeotherwaybywhichthestatescouldconsent,asinbyordinary
legislation.77Ifsecessionarydrivestrongenough,otherstatesmightagree?But
secessionshouldbeverylastoption(evenifnotaccompaniedbyviolenceand
75In1790,theratiobetweenthelargestpopulationstate(Virginia,747,000)andthesmallest(Delaware,59,000),wasaround13:1--andthisassumestotalpopulationfigures;theratioof"freewhitemen"overage16(110,000to11,000)wouldbeevenlower.[citeforsource?IthinkU.S.Censusbureaudaya]Today,theratiobetweenourlargeststatetoday(California,about39,250,000,U.S.CensusBureau,estimate2016,https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2016/demo/popest/state-total.html)andoursmallest(Wyoming,585,000,U..SCensusBureau,2016estimate)issomethinglike67:1.Thus,intheUnitedStatesasinTennessee,thepassageoftimeresultedinincreasingthecounter-majoritariancharacteroftheSenate'scomposition.76Texasv.White,74U.S.700,725(1869)(statingthattheunionwas“indissoluble”and“[t]herewasnoplaceforreconsideration,orrevocation,exceptthroughrevolution,orthroughconsentoftheStates”).77QuerywhethertheprovisionsofArticleIV,Section3,statingthatnostate'sboundariescanbechangedwithoutitsconsent,wouldcomeintoplayintheeventofsecession.Asecessionwouldintheoryleaveboundariesuntouched.WhatwereformerlyboundariesbetweentwostateswouldbecomeboundariesbetweenpartoftheUnitedStatesandadifferentpolity.Sincethepurposeofthisprovisionwas,Ibelieve,toprotectastatefromlosingpartofitspreexistingterritory,itwouldnotmakesensetoapplyittothesituationofsecession,givinganyonestateavetoonapoliticalsolutiontowhatmightotherwisebeanintractableproblem.
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lastingbitternessthatmayconfoundrelationsforyears)stilltendstoleaveboth
politieslessdiversethantheywerebefore.
Secessionshouldbealastresort,hopefullyonenotneeded.Aftersecession
bothpolitiesofwhatwasonceasinglenationendupbeinglessdiversethanthey
werebefore.Secessionisoften,thoughnotalways,accompaniedbyviolenceand
lossoflifeandenduringbitterness.Itistobehopedthatthingswillnotcometothis
pass.
Conclusion
Thegoalofthispaperhasbeentoidentifydifferentapproachestothe
enduringquestionsofU.S.federalism.Framingthediscussionistheargumentthat
Americanfederalismnowhasbetterdemocraticrepresentationwithinthestates
thanitdoesatthenationallevel.Untilslaverywasabolishedthiswasnottrueof
thosestatesthatmaintainedslavery.Manyofthosesamestatescontinuedto
disenfranchiseAfrican-Americanvotersintothe1960s.Butinthe1960s,Congress
andtheCourtsubstantiallyreformedthedemocraticbasesforrepresentativestate
government.Thesereformstooksometimetobecomeacceptedandbearfruit,
althoughbythe1990sprogresstowardsracialinclusionhadbeguntobeseen.78
Scholarsoffederalismneedtoconsiderthedemocraticdeficitatthenational
level,adeficitthathasincreaseddramaticallysincetheFounding.79andthatnow
standsinmarkedcontrasttothedemocraticlegitimacyofthestategovernments.
78Forexample,from1877until1993,theStateofAlabamaelectednoAfricanAmericanstoCongress.Seehttp://history.house.gov/Exhibitions-and-Publications/BAIC/Historical-Data/Black-American-Representatives-and-Senators-by-State-and-Territory/.Alabama'spopulationwas45%blackin1900;by1990,itwas25%black.Seehttp://www.bplonline.org/resources/government/AlabamaPopulation.aspx`79Seesupranote75.