NOVEL REFLECTIONS ON THE ATLAS OF EL ESCORIAL

Antonio Crespo Sanz Dirección General del Catastro. Gerencia Regional de Castilla y León-Valladolid. (Spain)

e-mail: antonio.crespo@valladolid.catastro.minhac.es

�The knight-courtier traverses the globe only on a map, without expense or fatigue, suffering neither heat nor cold, hunger nor thirst; whereas the true knight-errant, exposed to all the vicissitudes of the atmosphere, by night and by day, on foot and on horseback, explores every quarter of the habitable world.�

�Adventures of Don Quixote de la Mancha�. Miguel de Cervantes. ABSTRACT

The �Atlas of El Escorial� is a very useful document. It serves as a tool in improving our understanding of how maps were designed back in the 16th Century. Despite its significance, to date no detailed study has been undertaken in order to uncover its mysteries. This paper offers new reflections on the Atlas, including the working methodology involved in its drafting, the calculation of its scale and other key elements. It aims to dispel certain recurring clichés associated with the document. The unfinished document has inexplicably been overlooked throughout the course of history, even if other later maps contain similarities that can lead to a conclusion that the Atlas was used for the elaboration of successive cartographic works. The index map is not only a document that has served for the development of subsequent works but is also closely related to the twenty pages contained in the Atlas and its small scale can be compared to other representations of the Iberian Peninsula that date from roughly the same period. It is therefore a critical artefact in the study of the evolution of cartographic representation of the Peninsula. INTRODUCTION

The Atlas of El Escorial (hereinafter �the Atlas�) consists of 21 double-sided pages containing a manuscript map of the Iberian Peninsula designed in the mid-16th Century. It is one of the few remaining maps of Spain which date from this period, and one of the first mid-scale representations of such a large territory. The Atlas can therefore be considered a fundamental landmark in the history of Spanish cartography. The importance of the Atlas goes far beyond its technical and scientific characteristics. It remains a labyrinth of mystery. Firstly, since the first pages of the document are missing, it is not possible to determine the date nor its author, thus making it difficult to explain why a document of such relevance for the scientific community of the country and for the knowledge of the territory was never printed. Secondly, the reason as to how and why it was elaborated is also unknown, as are the working methods and instruments used. Thirdly, some of the conventional signs used in the document are surprising. It is suspected that it could be the renowned map of Spain developed by the Maestro Esquivel, the King�s cosmographer, and perhaps was linked with the measures found a few years ago in Stockholm, where they appeared after a curious journey. Finally, on the reverse side of the pages there are marks and traces that have been used to draw a map of Toledo. Their only known copy forms part of a painting by El Greco. These and other unexplained features of the document have turned our initial amateur interest in the Atlas into a true obsession to which we have regrettably devoted less time than we would have liked. This article intends nonetheless to reveal some of the results of the detailed research carried out on the subject, and forms part of a doctoral dissertation which is nearing completion. Due to the concern of successive monarchs to safeguard all information regarding the geographic characteristics of the Peninsula, the Atlas was forgotten about for centuries. The Atlas provided valuable knowledge of the territory and its governance but if it were to fall into the hands of the enemy it could have become a potentially dangerous tool. This fear of the monarchs has deprived us of a considerable number of maps, though every now and again some of them do reappear in the archives of renowned libraries. It was in the late 19th Century that some authors began to study these documents in short, limited essays. Their work led to further analyses by Reparaz and later Vázquez Maure, Martín López and Paladini, which are summarised in some half a dozen articles. Yet these articles still leave many questions unanswered. The Atlas remained so anonymous that it is not even mentioned in many of the leading foreign works on cartography. Those that do refer to it, do so only briefly and by quoting the work of the abovementioned authors. Fortunately, recent works are seeking to redress this imbalance. CLARIFICATIONS ABOUT TECHNIQUES AND PRECISIONS. GEODESY AND TRIANGULATION?

It has often been claimed that the Atlas was designed using �geodesic techniques� and the use of the novel �triangulation� system has been highlighted, rendering it necessary to clarify these concepts. The latter was developed

in the 16th Century. It is basically a topographic method which allowed certain points to be located by intersecting two horizontal sights. This procedure and its multiple variants are nowadays studied in books on topography under the heading �direct intersection� and more precisely bisection, trisection, etc. Triangulation in present days involves the establishment of chains of triangles whereby all the horizontal angles and a certain distance are measured with great precision. This is complemented with vertical measures in order to reduce the sights to a horizontal plane. They are clearly two different methods, however, given that cosmographers referred to the original angular observation system as the �triangulation method�, it has been erroneously labelled. As long as there is an awareness of these differences, it is appropriate to employ the term triangulation to describe the system. It seems also inaccurate to refer to geodesic methodology. An in-depth analysis of the chaotic literature on modern definitions of Geodesy goes beyond the scope of this paper. However, it is important to note that modern geodesy studies on the shape and dimensions of the Earth, are used as the supporting skeleton for cartography. Various attempts to determine the value of the degree have been developed since antiquity, but the results were imprecise. It was a complex task that required precise angular procedures and instruments and a unit of length. However, the devices used still suffered from important errors in their construction, and a lack of parallelism and perpendicularity between its axes, along with irregularities in the division of the angles. Besides, the spheric shape of the earth and refraction were not taken into consideration, nor were the measures reduced to the horizontal plain. Given that Geodesy is a synonym for �high precision�, its precedents can be found in Snellius� work in the Seventeenth century, even if this discipline only became consolidated with Piccard�s measurings and Cassini�s map of France in the Eighteenth century. Until then, no precise measurement of the meridian arcs had been made in order determine the distance between two points of a maximum known circle of latitude, applying triangulations using the most precise instruments and observations. This enables us to distinguish between topographic methods � those used to design a map � and geodesic techniques, destined to be the fundamental basis of the former. According to this logic, it would be more appropriate to refer to topographic procedures rather than geodesy. These clarifications inevitably lead to the following questions: Was the Atlas designed with these novel methods? Does it really imply a true novelty in cartography? The answers to these questions can only be found through a comparison of three documents which date from the same period: The Atlas itself, a fieldwork notebook which contains data to design a map of Spain that was found in Stockholm and a map of Aragón drawn by Labaña in 1610, which is accompanied by his invaluable itinerary with observations and annotations that assisted its preparation. The recently discovered �Stockholm Papers� were never used to draw a map. Even so, they are very useful for the analysis of a working methodology which was later copied by other cosmographers with no modifications, and allow a comparison of its measures with other works. It is a series of radial surveys connected by common points in which each location is normally determined by at least three sights � sometimes four or even five �, but this requirement could not always be met and some are positioned with only one observation. The situation is confirmed with the distance from the radial centre (hills close to populated areas and the bell-towers of churches) and with astronomic observations that identify the longitude and latitude of a number of municipalities. As a working group is currently preparing a publication relating to these Papers, no further information will be presented on this subject-matter in this paper.

The map of Aragón (Figure 1) is yet another important exhibit for the purposes of our study, as after a careful reconstruction of the sights in the map itself our investigation has served to prove the enhanced correlation between the drawing and the fieldwork notebook � despite certain differences resulting from the lack of precision in the distances. Since it is limited to a very specific territory it is not possible to extend our comparison to the rest of the country. However, this gap is somehow diminished by the abundant complementary information regarding the working methodology. Labaña employs the same instruments and procedures used in the Stockholm Papers, even if he refrains

Figure 1: The outskirts of Zaragoza represented by Labaña (left) and in the Atlas, with a similar hydrographic structure.

from carrying out astronomic determinations of longitude and latitude and simply uses pre-existing calculations. He complements the measurements of the angles with the distances between populated areas. His data are sometimes the product of his own estimations and at other times are based on information provided by local witnesses. Upon comparison of the measurements of the angles jotted down in the fieldwork notebooks with those of the maps, it becomes apparent that there are striking similarities between the Stockholm Papers, Labaña�s work and the measurements carried out in the provincial maps of the Institute of National Geography (IGN). Both Renaissance maps contain very few critical errors and almost all the populated areas can be located with a great degree of precision once the magnetic declination is corrected, as they used a goniometer with a compass for orientation. From the analysis of their fieldwork notebooks, it can be deduced that both cosmographers used the radial-line plotting method in areas that were easily accessible. In mountainous areas, however, limited visibility meant that this method was unduly complicated and time-consuming, therefore they opted to draw sketches in which the valleys were the skeleton of the land, which was then enhanced by rivers and cities based on the estimated distances or by complementary information. The Atlas is systematically less precise, and even if some angles are very similar in all three documents, it is most common to find random differences of ten degrees or more. When taking the comparative analysis even further so as to include the different pages, the fact that only the measurements of angles in the Stockholm Papers is approximated to those obtained in the maps of the IGN is confirmed. The measurements obtained in the Atlas contain the abovementioned differences. This reality leads to a consideration that the Atlas was not designed through radial-line plotting, but from diverse data including coordinates from existing tables, itineraries, distances and references. The most outstanding populated areas were situated within the grid according to their coordinates, and then the position of other geographic features was marked using all available references. Distances were a key component, but their location was normally determined by an approximation of a half a league (a distance of little over 2 kilometres) and only occasionally of a quarter of a league, which justifies the notable imprecision of the findings There are details that are scored out and other corrections made in the pages of the Atlas which attempt to correct mistakes in the positioning of populated areas, although not all of the pages were revised. Indirect measuring instruments could not be used (cross-staff or �ballestillas�, geometric squares, etc.) given that the distances were too big to apply systems using similar triangles, and the most commonly used direct measuring technique, which was carried out using natural fibre ropes and measuring sticks or sighting rules would prolong the work endlessly. Therefore, the only plausible method was estimation. Once populated areas were situated, the information regarding hydrography which had been gathered during the journey was added and the position of the river with respect to the villages was signalled. It was also specified whether it was on the left or the right, as well as the estimated distance to the riverbed. The mountains, forests, lakes, borders and other conventional signs were added through more imprecise references were taken from previously located populated areas and rivers. The Atlas is an unfinished document, since the work was abandoned in order to commence a more detailed project encompassing the entire Peninsula, as reflected in the Stockholm Papers. The Atlas of the Escorial improved the cartographic representation of the entire Peninsula and implied an exhaustive amount of fieldwork in order to locate more than 8,500 localities, 68 of which have conventional symbols that mark them as a bishopric, archbishopric or a walled city. Over 2,000 rivers are detailed, out of which more than 600 are named and the course of the river depicted, and in excess of 300 bridges are drawn. This is accompanied by hundreds of texts referring to islands, capes, regions, lakes and lagoons, mountain peaks, forests and even kingdoms, and surprisingly almost 10,000 geographic elements � including their names � are detailed. It is difficult to suggest that this map is erroneously designed bearing in mind that earlier versions did not include more than one hundred residential areas and barely 20 dubiously positioned rivers. In order to detail such a large amount of information, specialists had to consider the design over an extended period of time. Labaña needed six months to gather the data for the map of Aragón, which is equivalent to roughly two pages of the Atlas. Applying the same timeframe to a document of twenty pages, the fieldwork would have taking roughly five years using the radial-line plotting method. This would have been somewhat reduced by itineraries, however a period of time dedicated to drawing, corrections and revisions must be added. Regardless of the method used, the map was requested by the King, coordinated by a cosmographer and carried out by various teams of topographers who travelled around the country gathering the necessary information, which implied important travelling expenditure, travel allowance and salaries of the technicians, assistants and local guides involved. Finding the receipts and payment orders is one of the tasks the autor has taken up, although it involves serious difficulties derived not so much from the absence of data, but from the enormous quantity of documents yet to be revised. From the abovementioned fieldwork notebooks, we can imagine how the days spent gathering information evolved. The fieldwork was done by a small team composed of a topographer and at least one auxiliary official who would jot down the measurements, along with assistants who helped by carrying the instruments, papers and other utilities, hired hands who looked after the mules and the horses and local guides hired in each location. They would travel following

hazardous paths on horseback gathering various notes and details. Measuring from an elevated location required transporting the necessary instruments: food, paper, ink and quills � pencils did not yet exist, and the presence of guides who could provide information on distances and names. Accommodation was not a problem as, since they were sent by royalty, they slept in the houses of renowned people, who provided statistical data, distances, administrative divisions and all sorts of information. They would awake at dawn and begin their journeys, which normally covered up to 30 kilometres, using the morning to measure and the afternoon to reach the next destination. Labaña describes hard daily work in which the only parties were those imposed by adverse climatological circumstances: rain, fog or moderate snow implied no greater inconvenience than notes describing the sights as �estimated�, as a consequence of limited visibility. There are scarce details on the daily difficulties, although the notes made by Albiano Rajas, Labaña�s collaborator, might lead to thinking that those areas with difficult access had additional risks. When situating Broto, a village on the Pyrinees of Aragon, beside its location there is the following note: �Where God took my companion from me1�. The cosmographers had immense social prestige, and although some data indicate their salaries were rather generous, they suffered from great economic difficulties which they manifested in their letters to the King. They asked the monarch for the belated payment of what was owed to them, along with their salaries and advances to continue with their work. The campaigns were financed by the cosmographers themselves, who gave an advance of the money to make and buy the necessary instruments, pay salaries, trips and other expenses, thus accumulating important debts. Despite having the monarch�s approval, they hardly ever received money in advance and their complaints towards payers and speculators were common. The testimonies are truly surprising. Alonso de Santa Cruz explains in a series of letters to the emperor his terrible economic situation as a consequence of the debts incurred while in his service, motivated by the payment of the hired officials and by the construction of the instruments. Pedro de Esquivel carefully describes his problems to the King when he writes �I do not have a single �real� with which to be on my way2� and the wills and inventories of the goods of Juan Bautista Gesio, Luis Georgio or Texeira reflect terrible financial situations. Labaña earned an outstanding sum for his map of Aragón, but the economic breakdown of his expenses only left him with a benefit of 300 �ducados� (a meagre sum) for a task he undertook in October 1610 and finished some nineteen years later with the drawing of the map, after long discussions with his clients in which the King had to act as mediator. The gathering of the data and drawing of the map was a complex task which carried no financial benefits, which means that it is likely that in the event of a lack of resources or the death of the person in charge there would be no-one interested in taking up the job. This is the main explanation for the work having been abandoned. THE DATE AND AUTHOR

Determining the author and the date of execution is a very difficult task for which no conclusive data has yet been found. There are only clues, suspicions, indirect references and conjectures. The Atlas was drawn before the Stockholm Papers, which date back to 1555, and must be a contemporary of the map of Portugal published in 1561. It was also drafted before Madrid was designated as the capital of Spain in 1561, as this fact is not reflected in the map in a significant way, and before the works to build El Escorial were started, as there are various locations that bear this name (Figure 2). Other references, such as the absence of a bridge built over the Guadarrama in 1582 or the year that some cities where granted the status of bishopric, even if they are not conclusive, situate the maps in the mid-Sixteenth century. It must have been ordered by Carlos V or Prince Felipe who, given the lack of precision in previous works, were anxious to know the full extent of their territories in a detailed, reliable format. With respect to the author, there are two main candidates, Pedro de Esquivel and Alonso de Santa Cruz. Without conclusive evidence, it is important to note that there are records of Santa Cruz�s work as a cosmographer during the period of time indicated above, and some of his known work could be related to the Atlas. It is curious that the coordinates of the cities that appear in his �Astronómico Real� are similar to those that can be found on the pages of the Atlas. The tables contained in the book were designed in 15433, a key date to consider when trying to establish when the Atlas was drafted. In addition, a letter sent by Santa Cruz to Carlos V on 1551 refers to a particular map:

�Regarding geographical characteristics, I have a Spain built of the size of a big tapestry where all its cities, towns and places, hills and rivers are located, with the division of the reigns and plenty of other peculiarities4�

As regards Esquivel, there are many references to his cartographic and levelling work, and he is quoted in many different documents and letters as the author of a detailed map of Spain. The chronicler Morales emphasises:

��he wanted to do such a complete and detailed description of Spain that all places, rivers, brooks, streams and mountains were detailed - no matter how small - and their positioning was of a precision similar to that with which Ptolomeus had all cities, mountains and main rivers�.

No matter who the author was, it is clear that he benefited from the help of other cosmographers whose names remain unknown. Diego de Guevara, who learnt from Maestro Esquivel and helped him in his duties, would hardly have participated in the making of the Atlas given his young age, and Juan de Lastanosa, Jerónimo Girava�s disciple, worked with Esquivel on a description of Spain, but the chronicler Morales does not refer to his cartographic work.

LINKS BETWEEN THE ATLAS AND OTHER MAPS

The Atlas was designed using diverse sources: Existing maps, measurements and gathered data, which resulted in differences in the level of precision of the outcome. Important coincidences can be observed with at least three known contemporary maps: �Portugal� by F. Alvarez Seco published in 1561, �Hispalenses Conventos� by Jerónimo de Chaves edited by Ortelius, and the anonymous �Carpetaniae partis descrip.�, dated 1584. The representation of Portugal, just like the Atlas, is clothed in too many mysteries to be resolved and, even if the identity of its author was known, which could be considered an advantage, it is of little use since there are barely any records of his personal data. This image of neighbouring Portugal has been reproduced unchanged for many centuries. This confirms that, just like the Spanish technique, Portuguese land cartography, which had for centuries been of unrivalled quality, was also abandoned. The first impression when comparing both territories was very surprising, as great similarities were discovered, thus motivating us to carry out a detailed geographic and metric study. We looked for the map we believed to be the most detailed, but we found great difficulties in obtaining a reliable copy on which to base our work. An enlarged photocopy of a microfilm of an Atlas by Lafreri, that was preserved in the Library of the Royal Palace of Madrid, had to suffice, although the search for a better source and a clearer copy for consultation is still ongoing.

With good will and a strong magnifying glass it can be seen that the information on both maps is very similar as regards the hydrographic network, the coastline, the borders, the number and position of towns. The data even coincide in minimal details, such as a small conventional sign which locates the Belén Tower on the mouth of the Tajo. The main differences are in the representation of the Spanish territory, for which the Portuguese had no real interest as a consequence of historical confrontations and rivalry between both countries. The result is that the Portuguese only name cities along the coastline clearly influenced by the collections of maps of harbours which were put together to form an atlas known as portolans which leads to a complete absence of information on inland Spain, a certain distortion of the Andalusian coastline and a brutal deformation of the coast of Galicia (Figure 2). There are certain details that prove that the Atlas is not just a copy of Álvarez Seco�s map, but rather that they are both based on the original document and later elements were added to each of them according to the specific needs. The Atlas employs conventional signs that indicate the ecclesiastical hierarchy in primary cities, includes many bridges, adds forests, relief in the shape of horizontal projections and other enriching secondary facts. The Portuguese map is more traditional in its representation, and is thus limited to hydrography and populated areas, some of which show classical drawings of buildings. It does not contain any information on forests or relief, and the bridges are reduced to a passage over the Mondego river in Coimbra (Figure 3). The data of Portugal reflected in the Atlas could well be provided by cosmographer Alonso de Santa Cruz, who during his stay in Lisbon, described in the �Libro de las Longitudes�:

�as a consequence of being very interested in this science of cosmography I started my pilgrimage and navigation through many locations to find out the details of Europe and I went to Lisbon, in the Kingdom of Portugal, where I remained for a long time gathering very good information�.

Figure 2: Distorsion of the coast of Galicia and scale of

latitudes on the west of the map. Figure 3: Depiction of populations and bridges on the map by Alvarez

Seco(left) and the Atlas(right).

The differentiating element of the Atlas is the scale, which was unusual until then, and the presence of a true grid for measuring coordinates. Of beautiful and austere appearance, the Portuguese map was copied at approximately 1:1.000.000. It does not include a grid of longitudes and it is only in its margin that it includes a badly-placed scale (not a grid), divided in degrees of seventeen and a half leagues. This was a consequence of the fact that the map was adjusted to the paper and on it the scale was placed without orientating it towards the north, but towards the end of the page. As a result, in order to measure latitudes the page should be rotated fourteen degrees with respect to the horizontal. It is more a decorative representation than a precise tool, as can be proven by the only coordinate measured with respect to the scale, Lisbon, which has the imperfect latitude of 40º. If this is corrected by the rotation detected on the map, the result would be very similar to that of the Atlas (39º 22�), which, once corrected from the error caused by a choice of a smaller gradient, is very close to the real latitude of 38º 50´.

Another map with which there are strong similarities is the �Hispalenses Conventus� believed to have been the work of Jerónimo de Chaves, dated 1579 and with a scale of approximately 1:600.000. On this map, the diocese of Seville and parts of Málaga, Cádiz, Córdoba, Extremadura and Portugal are represented. At first sight, it seems more a perspective than a true cartographic representation. However, there is a remarkable similarity to the first two pages of the Atlas as regards the coastline and the populated areas, yet not so much in the hydrographic details. Chaves used practically the same populated areas as the Atlas to design his map, to which was added greater details of the coastline and modifications of the position and number of cities of an area located in the west of Seville (Figure 4), which in the Atlas is crossed out and modified. He completely lost it with the hydrography, as he distorted the course of the main rivers and removed all secondary rivers. It did not help the quality of his work that the person who prited it included drawings of mountains and trees scattered haphazardly over the map for pure decoration, which do not improve upon nor add anything significant to the map. The author was the first professor of cosmography at the �Casa de Contratación� in Sevilla in 1552, and the parallels with the Atlas lead to its elaboration being set within the same time frame as the Chaves map. Its presence in other maps suggests that it was not forgotten but rather that it was used for other documents which were progressively lost over time. Thanks to these documents, perhaps it was possible to update the map and correct potential errors, although no new topographic projects were necessary. The changes performed were mere minor improvements, such as changes to the name of a toponym, the correction of the location of a city on the left or the right of the river, the drawing of a curve in the course of a river or the improved drawing of the coastline. There are later editions which, in an attempt to embellish the map, even drastically changed the course of some rivers. This is what happened for instance in the �Andaluziae Nova Descriptio�, published by Hondius in 1606, where the Guadalquivir river surprisingly makes a 90 degree turn to make room for a beautiful complementary map legend.

Figure 4: The only area revealing differences in the populated areas represented by both map and corresponding to the east of

Seville. The hydrography is more precise in the Atlas. On the left, the Chaves map.

A third map with which there are notable coincidences is that entitled �Carpetaniae Partis Descr.� (1:250.000), in which the royal residences of Aranjuez and Aceca are represented. The work of the most renowned cosmographers of the time was dedicated to these areas in the year 1562. In particular levelling works and hydraulic engineering feature prominently and perhaps the map was drawn as a complement of these works. It is evident that the information contained in the Atlas was used. Although some populated areas, ventas (guesthouses) and windmills have been added, the course of the river has been further detailed with curves and meanders, the amount of bridges is increased from two to seven and even toponomy related to vegetation and general information is improved. Some of the additions do not add much that is significant, as they are mere relief drawings in the shape of shaded horizontal projections that offer a false impression of the higher mountains, when the reality reveals plains over a valley. Other elements which assist in dating the gathering of the data for the preparation of the map include the presence of an artificial lagoon known as �the Ontígola Sea�, planned in 1560 and finished by Herrera in 1572. There is an additional detail that lends strength to the relationship between the two maps. In passages of pages nine, ten, thirteen and fourteen there is a numbered grid drawn in pencil. The area comprised in �Carpetania� is inside the grid of the tenth page and must have been used to transmit the existing information to another map. This fact confirms that the map was not as forgotten as is usually believed and that it was used as a basis for other representations that did not survive the passage of time. The overlaps are clearly significant and establish a link between the two maps. The conventional sign used to mark the bishopric of Toledo, the exaggerated curve of the Tajo in the same city, the similar number of populated areas even if the positioning does not always coincide and, in particular, the symbol of the forest near Aranjuez (Figure 5), since the representation of vegetation was uncommon. It is surprising that the printed map only uses a graphic scale of miles and has no graduation at all nor any references to longitude or latitude. It contains, like all maps printed outside of Spain, errors in toponomy given the lack of knowledge of the language on the part of carvers and printers, who made mistakes when copying some of the names. This defect can be verified also in Chaves� work, the �Hispalenses Conventus�, although other representations (Valencia and Guipúzcoa) reveal rather correct toponomy. The notes related to

agricultural production accompanying the names of certain villages are curious; one of them informs the reader of the place�s excellent wines, another one of the abundance of onions, another of the existence of a factory of sauce for fish and another of the famous cheeses, or even the existence of old monuments which have been excavated. The data has been obtained from the Topographic Relations, which confirms the idea of a group of statistical and cartographic works destined to create a description of Spain, that as has frequently happened in history, remained unfinished. It is a pity that this trend of providing gastronomical information was not preserved in present maps, because they would undoubtedly be consulted more often and with greater interest.

The coincidences are limited to these three maps. Other maps published in the very Altas done by Ortelius, such as the Kingdom of Valencia (Valentiae Regni) on a scale of 1;700.000, the Guipuscoae Regionis Typus (1:300.000) dated 1584, the Kingdom of Galicia �Gallaecia Regnum� by Fernando de Ojea included for the first time in the 1603 edition or Cataluña (�Cataloniae Principatus�) from the �Theatrum Orbis Terrarum� edition edited by Vriens in 1602, do not have any striking similarities with the Atlas and contain more information about specific localities, hydrography, coastline and situation of other geographic features. Castilla and Andalucía are well represented in the Atlas and it has many similarities with later maps. But the periphery of the Peninsula is more imprecise and could be easily improved in other cartographic works. It has not been possible either to find any relation with a graph of sights measured by Jerónimo Muñoz in 1568 in the environs of Valencia from two points using the bisection method.5 One of the stations has not been located, but the angles seen from Valencia�s Miquelet Tower � similar to those of a modern map � do not have sufficient commonalities in order for us to draw a link between the Atlas and Muñoz�s map. His measurements are closer to the work by Ortelius, even if the similarity is limited. One last reference is in the aforementioned map of Aragón drawn by Labaña and printed in 1610, which shows notable defects on the angles, distances and toponomy of the Atlas, despite certain similarities in the general structure of the hydrography. In Spain there were no carvers, draughtsmen or printers� workshops which specialised in cartography. Therefore, to print the Atlas they would have had to send it to the Netherlands. Its aspect would have been similar to that of the maps of Saxton County (Figure 6), to which it was similar in terms of scale, detail and conventional signage.

Some common elements have been found in the index page, such as the depiction of the sea as a dotted area or representation of the coastline with the use of hash-marks (present also in Álvarez Seco�s Portugal), the representation of the forests, the relief in the form of horizontal projections or the conventional signs used to denote bridges, even if the English ones have a printed work of art while the Atlas is only a draft. The English map, which was designed at the request of Isabel I in 1576, includes the whole country and is divided into counties instead of grids. All of the counties together are represented in a general map similar to the index entitled �Anglia� (index omnium comitatum). It was done through angular observations and itineraries. Orders were given that the author of the work should receive support and that local guides would provide assistance with the fieldwork. This in many respects was similar to the manner in

Figure 5. A relief corresponding to the Royal site of Aranjuez. This detail is common to both maps. On the right, the Atlas

Figure 6: The Atlas (right) and the maps of Saxton are at first analysis very

different, but the geographic information present is similar.

Figure 7: Similarities between the index map (left) and the pages (right) regarding a harbour and the curve in the course of the Tajo

in Toledo

which the Spanish maps were designed. The similarities with the Atlas reveal the existence of a common cartographic approach in Europe, with which the Spanish monarchs and the scientific community became familiar during their travels throughout the continent or England, where Felipe II lived between 1554 and 1558. THE IMPORTANCE OF THE INDEX MAP AND HOW IT CORRESPONDS TO THE PAGES

The index map is very important and deserves detailed analysis, since it summarises most of the features on the pages, even if there are some differences despite the close relation (Figure 7). It has the adequate scale to be compared to the pre-existing cartographic depictions of the Peninsula (Tolomeo, Berlingueri (1482), Servet (1535), Munster (1550), Vitalbus, Gastaldi (1544), Vavasore (1532), Paletino (1571), Cock (1553), Geminus (1555), Luchini, Ligorio (1559), Forlani (1560) and the different editions by Ortelius and Mercator), but it provides a greater quantity of information and heightened precision. The scarce similarities between all these maps and the Atlas leads to us thinking that it was designed with its own data and not from pre-existing information. The index map was drawn by generalising the other 20 pages, even if some elements are incomplete, such as borders or the toponomy of the rivers, and others do not exist on the pages, such as the reference grid. The drawing of the relief is different in both parts of the Atlas. The index situates the big mountain chains of the Peninsula, while on the pages some mountain passes or peaks are depicted. There are differentiating characteristics in the index such as the depiction of the sea as a dotted area or representation of the coastline with the use of hash-marks. Also, the techniques used in other printed maps are continued, giving it a more finished aspect than that of the twenty pages. The almost complete absence of colour and the scarcity of conventional signs give a dull appearance to the pages. No image stands out, making it necessary to make an effort to differentiate between texts, lines and drawings. Determining its scale is not an easy task either, given that if we do it according to the degree drawn on the grid it would be between 1:2.200.000 and 1:2.350.000 depending on the value of the league used, but if it is calculated measuring distances between cities the result is 1:2.500.000. Its profile is similar to that of a map of today with some exaggerated features, such as the siting of the Roca Cape excessively towards the west, the shift towards the East in the vicinity of Oporto or the very long and straight coastline of Cantabria. Some errors in the latitude and longitude turn Sixteenth century Spain into a lady that is shorter, rather chubbier than it really is, enlarged in longitude and reduced in latitude. The results are rather accurate in the south (36º and 37º), but the error increases with the latitude until it is almost one degree on 44º and 45º as a result of choosing a small unit of longitude. In order to verify this, the latitudes of many populated zones from different areas of the Peninsula have been measured (all of which are important and therefore we assume that they were sited with precision) and it has been seen that the chosen degree is 16 leagues - when it ought to have been almost 18 -, in order to obtain results similar to those we have nowadays. This difference means that the numbering is out by approximately 8 minutes per grade, accumulated for increasing latitudes. It could be believed that those errors are a consequence of the use of a cylindrical projection, however we discard this idea since the grid has the same dimensions for all latitudes, and a flat grid was used. Determining the error in longitudes is more complex as a consequence of the existing difficulties in making such measurements. Using as a reference those published by the IGN, we can examine some random characteristics and a systematic error can be perceived, because the longitudes measured in the Atlas are larger. It would be possible to do a new grid with the new corrected results (somewhat increased latitudes and reduced longitudes) and place it over the index and the pages, but it would serve no other purpose than verifying the detected error. At the end of the day, this map shows a perception of the territory resulting from the methods, instruments and knowledge, and to compare it to our vision of the Peninsula only serves to understand their way of working, not to count the possible mistakes. The errors present in the index map are copied in the pages and the gap would remain the same. If we compare the index map with a modern map, we can see that they are rather similar, even if the Atlas has very simplified and straight rivers and coastline. There are over one hundred cities represented with conventional signs that reflect ecclesiastical hierarchy. Their location is rather acceptable and obtained from coordinates in the pages, although not with the precision of the latter. It has some information added with different handwriting, darker ink and a finer line in the north of the Península (pages 12 to 20) among which are about fifteen cities such as Salamanca, Benavente, Logroño, Tortosa, Lugo, Oviedo or Calahorra, the region of Campo de Calatrava, some secondary rivers and all the tributaries of the Ebro (figure 8). Whilst the map was being designed for some mysterious reason it was abandoned, and some areas like Portugal or the Mediterranean coast remain with little information provided. The additions are much more abundant in the twenty following pages, where there are corrections, improvements, minor changes and clarificatory annotations that are common on working copies. The principal objective was to present the distribution of the pages by means of an auxiliary grid in an approximate way (Figure 9). By looking at the number inside it, it is possible to know on which page the area we want to work on is situated and we can access it immediately. This system is a consequence of modern techniques which are nowadays

used for all types of maps and atlases, whether printed or digital. The lines of the degrees are not drawn so as not to confuse the reader and they are marked with a punch, in a way so that it can only be seen on the original copy. The apparent lack of information on the coast differentiates this map from the portolans and seafaring maps, thus heralding the beginning of a new era in which the main objective is to know the inner part of the territory.

Figura 8: the tributaries of the Ebro on the left have been added with a different handwriting and colour of ink.

Figure 9: The sitting of a grid for one page. Corrections, the dotting of the sea and the shading of the coastline.

Each of the grids of the index map finds correspondence in the respective pages, where the cartographic information is determined in a frame of 40 x 55 cm, with divisions of 1º which are of similar dimensions, thus confirming the absence of any type of projection.. Using flat square grid was frequent among Portuguese cosmographers, even if on nautical maps rectangular grids were also used in which the degrees of latitude descend as we advance towards the pole. The calculation of the scale on the pages depends on the aim of the system used: If it is done based on the value of the degrees or by dedcution from the graphic scales which can be found on the first page, 6, it is close to 1:400.000, but when we measure distances between cities we find remarkable differences which force us to establish a work routine. It can only be determined in a reliable way between close localities, so that errors are not accumulated. After many measurements we can confirm that it is close to 1:400.000, highlighting in particular that obtained when measuring the distance between Guadalajara and Alcalá de Henares, measured by Maestro Esquivel with great precision, as it was determined that it was exactly one league and the scale was 1:396.000:

�There is such a precise league of four miles, that it could could serve as measuring stick for all those leagues in Spain: and as a consequence of the extreme flatness of the space, since there are no gorges, the measuring is even more precise7�.

Regarding the description contained in the pages it is worth mentioning a few details. Of particular interest are the conventional signs for forests, represented as groups of four to six trees (Figure 10) drawn with simple graphics, sometimes doodled, and which can be repeated several times depending on the size of the forest area. There are only fourteen signs, some of which are accompanied by toponyms to facilitate their identification and are spaced out over six pages. The objective is not so much to situate forests, but hunting grounds and royal retreats. El Pardo, Valsaín, Aranjuez, Doñana, Cazorla Carboneros or Torozos were used by the first kings of Castilla and are quoted by the �Libro de la Montería� by Alfonso XI from 1342. Some of these sites remain royal places (Reales Sitios) today. Nevertheless, the places visited by the Crown were much more numerous and only a few are shown. The most difficult ones to justify are in Portugal, with occasional references that inform of hunts organised by Carlos V on this territory before his wedding or the one situated beside Palma del Río of which there is no trace in present days. The most surprising one is a single tree drawn in a more detailed way than the rest (Figure 11) under which �saberquearbor� is written, which signals the border between Aragón, Navarra and France. The text could be a note in order to identify the exact point of this limit, given that it would be useless for the map to have one tree identified.

Fig 10: Symbols depicting forested areas with a double line (Torozos) and with a single line (monte de Segovia)

Figure 11: �Saberquerarbor�

Figure 12: Corrections resulting from a revision

The representation of the forests has not been continued over time and very few Spanish maps carried on depicting them, despite a notorious preoccupation with acquiring this knowledge and describing these areas, as can be read on the �Relaciones Topográficas� and other documents. One of the most frequent depictions on the Atlas relates to the populated areas, among which cities, villages, towns, ventas and monasteries are included. They are represented by a circle drawn in a rather free-handed and hap hazard manner, with the name of the city situated normally on the right, except if it clashes with drawings or text. We find locations which have been moved, corrected or crossed out (Figure 12) both on the names and the circles, which can affect only one element or a group of them. There are pages on which numerous corrections have been made (parts of Valencia and the País Vasco) by another hand and with darker ink, and areas to which details have been added, sometimes more numerous (Cataluña and Navarra) and others a mere specification, such as the drawing of the conventional sign of the bishopric of Ávila on the tenth page. The corrections in the País Vasco have been attributed to López de Velasco, but it is not very likely given that he was not a cosmographer-chronicler until 1571 and his work was more administrative than cartographic. A caligraphic study is being carried out, for now we can say that the different handwritings appreciated are of a master and his disciple, as there is a similarity between both. Add-ons, corrections and modifications in the position of the geographic elements imply a revision, confirmed when discovering small traces on the circles on some pages (Figure 13) situated randomly, which indicate a recount or checking of the populated zones. The marks, if not numerous, are frequent in Castilla y León or the País Vasco, partial in Aragón and inexistent in the southern half of the Peninsula. In some cities, the circle could be accompanied by a cross of one, two or even three beams, indicating the category of bishopric or archbishopric (Figure 14), which coincide with those marked on the index with only one exception and some of them at the same time present a drawing which marks them as walled cities or forts.8 These symbols were not very different from those contained on printed maps and the only difference was that in the alter the circle is accompanied by elevation plan which is incorporated in the process of engraving, marking it with previously prepared tools. Labaña drew, on his map of Aragon, the cities with a simple circle, but his clients were angry at such simplicity, as he expresses in his correspondence, and they requested of him conventional signs which reflected buildings, just like most significant maps of the time.

Figure 13: drawing over the revised

populated areas Figure 14: symbols that accompanied certain

cities Figure 15: the depiction of a valley. Ortelius

(above) and the Atlas

The symbols were drawn, like the rest of the elements, without particular care and almost in a hurried manner, with black ink that time has turned sepia. However, a peculiarity can be distinguished on the fourteenth page, which contains more information than any other page, where over the circle the crosses, walls and turrets have been drawn with red ink in the cities of Soria, El Burgo de Osma, Valladolid, Burgos and Tarazona. This discreet touch of colour is yet another add-on to the map which does not happen again and that points out places of importance for a Court that was still itinerant. On all the pages there are some circles without names and mainly on the second and third pages, corresponding to Andalusia. These must be differentiated from the depiction of valleys or minor entities associated to a municipality such as the case of Andorra, Galicia and Asturias in which there are various circles around a toponym. A similar symbol appears on the map of Valencia published by Ortelius which refers to moorish populations, and are a conventional sign common to the style of cartography of the era. The Atlas has as one of its major objectives the goal of reflecting the location of populated areas, framed within the hydrographic structure, revealing a different concept of that of today, based on communication channels which did not exist in maps dating from the Renaissance. The density on the representation varies: In the central areas of Castilla, in the País Vasco or in a part of Navarra there are many cities drawn, while the south of Portugal (pages first and fourth), Cataluña and Aragón (pages eleven, fifteen and sisteen) and the Andalusian coast (pages one to seven), there is little information. This representation corresponds to an ethnocentric vision from which the Peninsula is observed from Castilla, with plenty of information on its territories which is then reduced for the surrounding areas. This idea is difficult to appreciate on each page, but is apparent when we look at the mosaic map formed by the bringing together of all the data (Figure 16). This montage is useful for the global representation of forests, borders, mountains, etc. and in order to discover some of the details that can be compared to the index map or other representations.

Figure 16. Mosaic consisting of 20 pages with the forest signs (right) and the index map (left).

Analysis of the Atlas has only just begun and lessons must evidently be drawn from different disciplines, as there are many details that will require collaboration from experts in the History of Science, Paleography, Graphology and even Statistics and Digital Cartography methods. We would like to thank our collaborators for their advice and their enduring passion for the maps of a bygone era.

ENDNOTES Technical Engineer in Topography, (U. Politécnica de Madrid). Degree in Geography (Universidad de Valladolid). 1 Itinerary published by Hernando, A. (1996): La imagen de un país. J. B. Labaña. Instituto F. el Católico. Zaragoza. 158 pp. 2 Vicente Maroto, M. I. (1991): Aspectos de la Ciencia Aplicada en la España del Siglo de Oro. J. C. y L. Valladolid. 533 pp 3 Esteban, M &Vicente, Mª. I. (1992): La recuperación. del gran tratado científico de Alonso de Santa Cruz, el Astronómico Real. Asclepio 441, p 18. 4 Reparaz Ruiz, G. (1937): España, la tierra, el hombre, el arte. Alberto Martín (ed). Barcelona. 5 Navarro Brotons, V. (1998): Los comentarios al libro II de la Hª natural de Plinio de Jerónimo Muñoz. CSIC. Valencia. 248 pp. 6 Paladíni Cuadrado, A. (1996): Sobre el Atlas de El Escorial y su posible Autor. IV Centenario ciudad de Valladolid, pp. 35 �50. 7 Morales, A. (1575): Crónica de las Antigüedades de las Ciudades de España. Alcalá de Henares, p 33. 8 Vázquez Maure, F. (1982): Análisis y evaluación del Atlas de El Escorial. BRSG Vol. 98, pp. 203-215.