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16 chicagolife.net Of, By and For the People The Role of Government in a Market Economy ON ECONOMICS N ext month we will stumble to the polls to cast our bal- lots for (or against) candidates and propositions or ref- erenda. Many factors will influence our decisions, including loyalties and values; but lurking in the back- ground are economic considerations as well: Does this person or party favor positions that touch me positively or negatively, and represent the kind of society in which I want to live? To an economist, assessing a particular public-sector initiative or private market activity involves thinking about how each one affects efficiency. That is: Does it waste our scarce resources and as a result make us less well off than we otherwise would be? Eq- uity is a second important ingredient: Are the proposed policies and likely outcomes fair? The former entails measuring costs and benefits of particular actions; the latter is important but also harder to pin down because the concept of fairness involves subjective judgments. Public Interest Theory On the efficiency front, economists point to several aspects in which public intervention can improve market outcomes. Estab- lishing and enforcing rules of the game is one; fostering and maintaining competition in the marketplace is another. In some instances there can be a divergence between private and social costs or benefits, what are deemed “externalities”. This can be a firm—or an automobile—creating pollution, or the societal value of having an individual get a flu shot or acquire more education. We generally impose taxes or offer subsidies to align the public and private interests in such cases. Some things are classified as “public goods”. That doesn’t mean public education or a public park, but rather goods or serv- ices that one may be able to consume or benefit from without paying. National defense is the best example: We all benefit from it even if we don’t pay. So we tax ourselves to provide these collective goods. (In Aesop’s Fables, the well-known line: “But who is going to bell the cat?” illustrates a classic free-rider problem.) Redistributing significant amounts of income without state coercion is also difficult because voluntary actions entail significant free-rider aspects. More controversial are activities that involve economic distress or protect us from ourselves. Living on a seashore or in a forest offers many amenities, but also entails risk. Come a hurricane or wildfire, is protection against loss a private transaction between the property owner and an insurance company, or should soci- ety—that is, taxpayers—foot the bill? Or, once the government has informed me that cigarettes, not wearing a bicycle helmet, or gorging on sweets are potentially harmful, does it then have the right to keep me from smoking, feeling the wind in my hair, or becoming obese? And if a com- passionate “nudge” doesn’t change my behavior, is prohibition the next appropriate step? Reasonable people will disagree on these issues. Finally, the extent to which the central government and central bank can outperform markets when it comes to macroeconomic stability—full employment, low inflation, steady growth—is a matter of longstanding debate among economic schools of thought. Public Choice Theory E conomics Nobel laureate James Buchanan argued that politicians and voters want to provide or receive, respectively, “free lunches”. To get elected and remain in office, public of- ficials pander to their constituencies. (These groups are called “the American people” by supporters or “special interests” by oppo- nents.) And voters want an array of goodies without having to pay the full freight. So this is a marriage made in budgetary hell, leading to borrowing instead of taxing, and deception instead of an honest tabu- lation of the costs and benefits. Facing frequent elections, politicians will pursue short-sighted policies that would otherwise not pass a smell test. “Pork” proj- ects, logrolling, bureaucratic bloat, protecting friends from com- petitive forces, and concessions to powerful unions or senior citizens in exchange for short-term peace and votes are time- “honored” public-sector practices. Think bridges—and high- speed trains—to nowhere, city and state pension liabilities, redundant offices and red tape. For Buchanan, in the political marketplace—what he termed the Public Choice theory of government—the goal for elected of- ficials, bureaucrats, lobbyists, and voters has very little to do with either efficiency or fairness but rather what economists call “rent- seeking” (or, in Chicagoese: “Where’s mine?”). Is the steady increase in the size of government over time be- cause there are more and more externality and public-goods prob- lems to address, including poverty, or are our red-state v. blue-state skirmishes more due to candidates and voters trying to manipulate the political process for their own personal benefit? Something to ponder on the morning of November 4. o BY ALLEN R. SANDERSON

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16 chicagolife.net

Of, By and For the PeopleThe Role of Government in a Market Economy

ON ECONOMICS

Next month we will stumble to the polls to cast our bal-lots for (or against) candidates and propositions or ref-erenda. Many factors will influence our decisions,including loyalties and values; but lurking in the back-

ground are economic considerations as well: Does this person orparty favor positions that touch me positively or negatively, andrepresent the kind of society in which I want to live?

To an economist, assessing a particular public-sector initiativeor private market activity involves thinking about how each oneaffects efficiency. That is: Does it waste our scarce resources andas a result make us less well off than we otherwise would be? Eq-uity is a second important ingredient: Are the proposed policiesand likely outcomes fair? The former entails measuring costs andbenefits of particular actions; the latter is important but also harderto pin down because the concept of fairness involves subjectivejudgments.

Public Interest TheoryOn the efficiency front, economists point to several aspects in

which public intervention can improve market outcomes. Estab-lishing and enforcing rules of the game is one; fostering andmaintaining competition in the marketplace is another.

In some instances there can be a divergence between privateand social costs or benefits, what are deemed “externalities”.This can be a firm—or an automobile—creating pollution, or thesocietal value of having an individual get a flu shot or acquiremore education. We generally impose taxes or offer subsidies toalign the public and private interests in such cases.

Some things are classified as “public goods”. That doesn’tmean public education or a public park, but rather goods or serv-ices that one may be able to consume or benefit from withoutpaying. National defense is the best example: We all benefitfrom it even if we don’t pay. So we tax ourselves to providethese collective goods. (In Aesop’s Fables, the well-known line:“But who is going to bell the cat?” illustrates a classic free-riderproblem.)

Redistributing significantamounts of income without

state coercion is also difficult because voluntary actions entailsignificant free-rider aspects.

More controversial are activities that involve economic distressor protect us from ourselves. Living on a seashore or in a forestoffers many amenities, but also entails risk. Come a hurricane orwildfire, is protection against loss a private transaction betweenthe property owner and an insurance company, or should soci-ety—that is, taxpayers—foot the bill?

Or, once the government has informed me that cigarettes, notwearing a bicycle helmet, or gorging on sweets are potentiallyharmful, does it then have the right to keep me from smoking,feeling the wind in my hair, or becoming obese? And if a com-

passionate “nudge” doesn’t change my behavior, is prohibitionthe next appropriate step? Reasonable people will disagree onthese issues.

Finally, the extent to which the central government and centralbank can outperform markets when it comes to macroeconomicstability—full employment, low inflation, steady growth—is amatter of longstanding debate among economic schools of thought.

Public Choice Theory

Economics Nobel laureate James Buchanan argued thatpoliticians and voters want to provide or receive, respectively,“free lunches”. To get elected and remain in office, public of-ficials pander to their constituencies. (These groups are called

“the American people” by supporters or “special interests” by oppo-nents.) And voters want an array of goodies without having to pay thefull freight. So this is a marriage made in budgetary hell, leading toborrowing instead of taxing, and deception instead of an honest tabu-lation of the costs and benefits.

Facing frequent elections, politicians will pursue short-sightedpolicies that would otherwise not pass a smell test. “Pork” proj-ects, logrolling, bureaucratic bloat, protecting friends from com-petitive forces, and concessions to powerful unions or seniorcitizens in exchange for short-term peace and votes are time-“honored” public-sector practices. Think bridges—and high-speed trains—to nowhere, city and state pension liabilities,redundant offices and red tape.

For Buchanan, in the political marketplace—what he termedthe Public Choice theory of government—the goal for elected of-ficials, bureaucrats, lobbyists, and voters has very little to do witheither efficiency or fairness but rather what economists call “rent-seeking” (or, in Chicagoese: “Where’s mine?”).

Is the steady increase in the size of government over time be-cause there are more and more externality and public-goods prob-lems to address, including poverty, or are our red-state v.blue-state skirmishes more due to candidates and voters trying tomanipulate the political process for their own personal benefit?

Something to ponder on the morning of November 4. o

BY ALLEN R. SANDERSON