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Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 On Indo-European Roads Lenka Doçkalová & Václav Blazek Department of Linguistics and Baltic Studies Masaryk University, Brno Czech Republic [email protected] and [email protected] In this article the Indo-European terms designating “road” and related terms, namely “path/pathway/foothpath”, “sidewalk”, “way”, “trajectory/course”, “route”, “street”, “track”, “trail”, “ford”, “(foot)bridge”, are summarized and analyzed from the point of view of their semantics, word- formation, and etymology. Most of them are derived from the verbs of motion, others can be explained from their technology, material or means of transport for which these roads were determined. At least in two cases the external parallels confirm the older, inherited, age of the analyzed terms (*b h rodho-, *d h reg h -). Perhaps no other word in any language, living or dead, has, despite geographical and cultural circumstances, such a multifarious meaning in the sense ‘connection from one place to another’ as the word “way” or “road” does. We use it quite explicitly when describing a connection from a point A to a point B, whether speaking about microscopic distances in the human brain or about a connection between galaxies. “Way” even has a transferred meaning by which we express a plan or series of actions that will help us achieve something. If we consider only Czech, it is possible to count here no fewer than eight words with the meaning “path” or with related meanings. Besides cesta “road” with the most general meaning, there are also the words p±sina “pathway”, stezka “footpath” and chodník “sidewalk” on the one hand, and the words dráha “trajectory, course”, trat’ “route, line”, silnice “road”, vozovka “road for cars” and ulice “street” on the other. The original Slavic generic term *pt " has acquired a somewhat transferred meaning in Modern Czech, although even that must not be forgotten.

On Indo-European Roads299-341).pdf · 2011. 11. 1. · On Indo-European Roads 301 Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 come abruptly, to go before”, Ge´ez badara “to hurry,

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  • Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011

    On Indo-European Roads

    Lenka Doçkalová & Václav Blazek Department of Linguistics and Baltic Studies

    Masaryk University, Brno Czech Republic

    [email protected] and [email protected]

    In this article the Indo-European terms designating “road” and related terms, namely “path/pathway/foothpath”, “sidewalk”, “way”, “trajectory/course”, “route”, “street”, “track”, “trail”, “ford”, “(foot)bridge”, are summarized and analyzed from the point of view of their semantics, word-formation, and etymology. Most of them are derived from the verbs of motion, others can be explained from their technology, material or means of transport for which these roads were determined. At least in two cases the external parallels confirm the older, inherited, age of the analyzed terms (*bhrodho-, *dhregh-).

    Perhaps no other word in any language, living or dead, has, despite geographical and cultural circumstances, such a multifarious meaning in the sense ‘connection from one place to another’ as the word “way” or “road” does. We use it quite explicitly when describing a connection from a point A to a point B, whether speaking about microscopic distances in the human brain or about a connection between galaxies. “Way” even has a transferred meaning by which we express a plan or series of actions that will help us achieve something. If we consider only Czech, it is possible to count here no fewer than eight words with the meaning “path” or with related meanings. Besides cesta “road” with the most general meaning, there are also the words p±sina “pathway”, stezka “footpath” and chodník “sidewalk” on the one hand, and the words dráha “trajectory, course”, trat’ “route, line”, silnice “road”, vozovka “road for cars” and ulice “street” on the other. The original Slavic generic term *p∞t" has acquired a somewhat transferred meaning in Modern Czech, although even that must not be forgotten.

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    One can also regard most “bridge” as a specific path getting over obstacles that are larger rather than smaller. And when its smaller sister lávka “footbridge” is not at hand, there is still brod “ford”. Let us now examine, from the etymological point of view, thought strategies that have led toward the introduction of all members of the semantic field “path” in all branches of the Indo-European languages: Slavic Languages *brod∫ “ford” > ChS. brod∫, Bulg., Mac. brod, SCr. brôd, gen. br`òda, Sln. brôd, also “harbor, ferry, barge”, Slk., Cz., LSorb. brod, USorb. bród, PomSln. br ´d, Pol. bród, gen. brodu, OUkr., OR. brod∫, also “way, gateway”, R., Brus. brod, Ukr. brid, gen. bródu id. (ESSJ 3, 36–37); derived from the Slavic verb *bred∞/*br"d∞: *brest “to wade” > ChS. bresti “vado transire”, Sln. brédem : brésti “to wade”, Slk. brdú : bQst’, OCz. brdu/b du/b edu : b ísti, Plb. 3. sg. brad±, PomSln. bradœ: brasc, Ukr. bredú : brest… id., R. bredú : brestí “to go slowly in a determined direction” (ESSJ 3, 14–15). The closest relatives appear in Baltic languages: Lit. brãdas “fishnet”, bras(tv)à “ford” : bredù, ELit. brendù, bridaÜ, brìsti “to wade”, Latv. brist, iterative bradât, bradît id.; cp. also Lit. hydronym Bradesà (Fraenkel 1962–65, 58). Other parallels have been found in Alb. breth, aor. brodha “to jump”, originally evidently “to overstep” < IE. *bhredh- (Pokorny 1959, 164; LIV 91). A more problematic comparison is with Gr. porymÒw “crossing, ferry; gulf” which, according to Grassmann’s law, might reflect *bhordhmo-, but it is generally identified with the verb pÒrow “gate-way, crossing, wade, way, street, ride” et al., all from the verb pe¤rv “I pierce, I drill, I penetrate” (Frisk II, 491). The classification of some toponyms is uncertain: Thr. Burd-apa, BourtoÊ-dezon (Georgiev 1981, 113), Messap. (South Italy) Bradanus (see ESSJ 3, 37). A deeper relationship can be traced in Afroasiatic languages: Berber *á-báríd “way” > Ghadames abrîd; Ghat abarid; Kabyle, Shilha, Rif, Wargla et al. abrid (Kossmann 1999, 128); East Chadic: Mubi bòdòl, Minjile b·d·l, Dangla bótól “way”; Sem. b-d-r > Thamudic bdr id., Arab. badara “to

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    come abruptly, to go before”, Ge´ez badara “to hurry, to be fast, to go before” (Leslau 1987, 87). *br∫v > *br v > Bulg. brav “tree laid over a river or brook serving as a crossing, footbridge, small bridge”, SCr. bTv “bridge”, Sln. bTv “footbridge”, OCz. b ev, gen. b vi “small bridge, footbridge”, OR., RChS. br"v", br"v" “beam”, Ukr. beQ, gen. bervy “small bridge, beam over a brook”. Related is *br va > SCr. b`rva “small bridge, footbridge, beam laid across water”, Pol. bierzwa “beam”, R. dial. bervá “dike in shore”, Ukr. bérva “beam, small bridge” (ESSJ 3, 71). The closest parallels appear in Gmc. *bruwwjó and Gaul. briua “bridge” (Pokorny 1959, 173). *c±sta > SCr. c`èsta, Sln. cë´sta, OCz. c±sta, Cz., Slk. cesta, Cz. > Pol. cesta “way”, probably from the original idiom *c±sta dorga “cleared, i.e. carved way”, cp. also the verb *c±stiti “to clear space” > OChS. oc±stiti “to clear”, RChS. c±stiti id., from *koisto; related is also S. *çist∫ “clean” (*keisto) and even perhaps Lit. káisti “to scrape, to abrade, to smooth back” (Sarapatková & Havlová, ESJS 2, 94; ESSJ 3, 188; Kolomiec 1986, 100–01; Kurkina 1971, 93) as well. *dorga > Mac. draga, SCr. draga, Sln. drága, Slk., Cz. dráha, USorb. droha, LSorb., Pol. droga, PomSln. drùoga, RChSl doróga, Brus. daróha, Ukr. doróha “way, route” (ZVSZ 95; ESSJ 5, 74–75). In Slavic, it tends to be connected with the verb *d"rgati “to drag, to tug, to pull”; Lit. dìrginti “to inspire, to irritate”; OEng. tergan “to tug, to pull” (ESSJ 5, 221). Sematically, the IE. root *dhregh- continues in Gr. tr°xv “I run”, aor. ¶yreja, trÒxow “running”, troxÒw “wheel” = *“runner”, Got. -dragan “to carry”, ON. draga “to drag through, to go” (LIV 154). The Afroasiatic parallels are remarkable: Sem. d-r-g > Akkad. daraggu “path”, Hebr. madrégáh “path in rocks”, Aram. drg’ “stairs”, Syr. dargá “tramp, motion, grade”, Arab. dara©a “to go, to stroll”, dara© “way, path”, Harsusi derget “tramp, walk, motion”, Soqotri darga “id., grade”, Amhara, Gurage därä©ä “rank, order” (DRS 308–09); NEgypt. dg3 “to go” (Wb. V, 499) *gat f. & *gat m. > SCr. m. gât “dike”, Sln. m. gât “wattle, road strengthened with entwined osiers”, Slk. hat’ “dike, pound”, Cz. hat’ “road strengthened with entwined

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    osiers”, USorb. m. hat, LSorb. m. gat “pond”, Pol. gac, PomSln. gac “provisory bridge”, Brus. hác “wattle”, R. gat’, Ukr. hátka, dial. hat’ “dike” (ZVSZ 111–12; ESSJ 6, 108–09). Alb. gosë “hole filled with water” (Orel 1998, 120) and OI. gátú- “gate-way, way”, Av. gatu- “place” are related. The basis is the verbal root *gueH2- “to move by foot” (LIV 205). *gaz > Bulg. gaz’a, Mac. dial. gaz “hollow place in a river, ford”, SCr. gaz “ford”, Sln. gâz, gáza, gazína “footpath in snow, course”; cp. Sln. gáziti “to wade through mud, snow”; Brus. haz “ford” (Kurkina 1971, 95; ESSJ 6, 113–14; Trubaçev 1974, 22–27). Of Slavic origin is also Hung. gáz “ford”, gázolni “to wade” (Trubaçev 1974, 24). Kümmel (LIV 183) and Snoj (2003, 169) think about an East IE. root *gegh- > OI. gàhate “it enters, steps into water”, dur-gáha- “hard to go through”, Chwarezm. g’z- “to run, hurry”, S. *gaziti “to wade”. A comparison by Lidén with Arm. kacan “footpath” (1906, 73; see Trubaçev 1974, 24) implies non-aspirated *-g-. Lit. gózti “to pour out, overthrow; to clumsily step over”, Latv. gâzt “to pour, rain heavily, beat, bang” (Fraenkel 1962–65, 162) can reflect an aspirated as well as non-aspirated palatal velar. *xod nik > SCr. hodnik “place longer than it is wide, or even circumscribed by a wall from one or both sides”, Sln. hodnik “corridor, a way through”, Cz. chodník “road for pedestrians” (documented since the 16th century), Pol. chodnik id.; from the verb *xoditi, perf. *s"do “chodit” (Kurkina 1971, 96; ESSJ 8, 48–49, 53). Related is Gr. ıdÒw “road, street, ride, march, walk” < *sodó-, cp. OI. á-sad- “to step into, to go there”, Av. apa-had- “to leave, to withdraw, to evade”. S. *x-/*s- is explained by deprefixation from *s according to the RUKI law. *koln c > SCr. klánac “narrow passage”, in Cr. also “narrow cleft; notch”, Sln. klánec “road running steeply upward”, dial. “street” (ESSJ 10, 140); apparently related is also Lat. callis “narrow mountain footpath, path to pasture, mountain pastures” (Walde & Hofmann 1938, 140) < *kol(8)ni-, from the verb *kelH- “to rise above, lean out” (LIV 349). Trubaçev (ESSJ 10, 140) prefers a pure Slavic etymology based on the word *kol∫ “pile”. *lava > Bulg. lávica “bench”, Sln. láva “small cupboard”, Cz. lávka vs. bench, USorb. & LSorb. lawa, Plb.

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    lovó “bench; footpath through marshes”, Pol. lawa, lawka, PomSln. lãva, R. láva & lávka, Ukr., Brus. láva “footbridge” (ESSJ 52–55). Closest is Lit. lóva “plank-bed, bed”, lov¥s “ravine, bed”, Latv. lâva “bunk, bench” (Fraenkel 1962–65, 387). Further relationship is dubious; usually, the verb *leuH- “to cut off” is considered, cp. OI. láva- “cut-off, a cut-off piece” (LIV 417; Pokorny 1959, 681–82). *laz > Bulg. las “field at the place of a cleared or burned-off forest”, Mac. laz “burned-off place”, SCr. l`àz “not a large place where a lot of trees were cleared”, Sln. l`àz “non-wooded area in a forest, new pasture”, Slk. laz “mountain village with houses on a cliff”, Cz. laz, láz “cleared, flat area (in mountains)”, USorb. laz “pasture; plain”, Pol. laz “footpath in mountains; pasture”, PomSln. låz “a slow-walking person”, R. arch. laz “footpath used by wild animals”, Ukr. laz “wood passage of animals”, Brus. laz “passage” (Kurkina 1971, 93; Vasmer II, 448–49; ESSJ 14, 72–76). Formally, it could be a derivate for the S. verb *l±z∞ : *laziti “to crawl”, although the semantic development is not clear (“to crawl” → “footpath of animals”?). *most > OChS. most∫, Bulg., Mac. most, SCr. môst, Sln. môst, Slk., Cz. most, USorb. & LSorb. móst “bridge”, Plb. möst “dike, fascine”, Pol., PomSln. most “bridge”, OR. most∫ also “dike, dam”, R. most, gen. mósta, dialectically also “floor”, Brus. most “bridge over a river; floor”, Ukr. mist, gen. móstu id. (Vasmer II, 663; ESSJ 20, 30–33). There are two etymologies: (i) adoption of the Gmc. word *masta- which is recorded in OHG. mast “bar, pole, mast”, OEng. mæst id.; cp. also Ir. maide “wand, stick” < *mazdios, Lat. málus “pole, mast” < *mazdos? (Vasmer II, 662). Mann (1963, 167) further added Arm. muyt‘ “bar, pillar”. It is possible to regard the S. word as a regular continuant of IE. *mazd- only if the form *mazd-to- is assumed as the source. (ii) *mostos < *mot-tos, from the S. verb *motat" “to roll, wind up” or *mesti (Brückner, 1928, 626; 42, 127; Janko, 1930–1931, 347). Each of the etymologies represents a particular method of building a bridge: (i) a bridge in the shape of a trunk; (ii) a suspension bridge or a dike (see ESSJ 8, 491). *p rt & *p rtina > SCr., Sln. pTt “footpath in snow”, Cz. prt’ “sheep footpath”, Pol. pyrc’ “mountain footpath for sheep”, Ukr. (Carpathians) pert’ “pathway through which

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    the cattle are run” & Bulg. prâtìna, Mac. prtina, SCr. prtína, p`rtina “track in snow”; from the verb *perti “to wash”, also “to trample, to go” (Kurkina 1971, 95) < IE. *per- “to cross, go through, penetrate” (Pokorny 1959, 816–17; LIV 472). *p∞t > OChS. p∞t", Bulg. pât, Mac. pat, SCr. pût, Sln. pót “path”, Slk. pút’, Cz. pout’, USorb. puc, LSorb. puß “pilgrimage” (also in the religious sense), Plb. p∞t “path”, Pol. dial. pœc, R. Ukr. put’, Brus. puc “path” (R. & Ukr. also in the sense of religious wandering) (ZVSZ 288). The affiliation to i-stems is explained from acc. sg. *pont-M > *pontim, similarly in Prus. pintis “path”, Lat. póns, gen. pontis “bridge” (Beekes 1989, 11). The origin might be the root *pent- “to search (path)” > Got. finpan “to search”, OSax. fáthi “walk”, etc. (Pokorny 1959, 808–09; LIV 471–72). *s∞t m. > Sln. (Central Steier, Pogorye) s t “mountain footpath” (Kurkina 1971, 98); other related words can be reconstructed in the form of *s∞t∫ka f.: jç. soutka “narrow street between houses, between a house and the neighbor’s garden”, Pol. dial. sutka “narrow passage between buildings; narrow town streets”, Ukr. sutk… “narrow passage between two buildings” (Machek 1968, 568; Bezlaj III, 294). The root vowel *o in the original *sontu- corresponds to the Gmc. causative *sandjanan (Got. sandjan “to send”), in constrast with the *e in the other derivates with the meaning “path”: Gmc. *senpaz > OHG. sind “direction, path” (Orel 2003, 318, 325), Celt. *sentu- “path”; in Tocharian A with the long *é: §ont < *séntu- (see individual entries). *st ga, st"gna, st"z"ka > OChS. st"dza “footpath”, st"gna “street”, SCr. stàza, OChS. stezà, Cz. stezka, USorb. scezka, LSorb. scazka, Pol. ßcie ka, Brus. scézka, R. arch. stezjá, vernacular stegá & stëzka, Ukr. stézka “footpath” (ZVSZ 349). Related are Latv. staÌga “walk”, stîga “footpath”, Got. staiga “path”, Alb. shteg, pl. shtigje “footpath, path” (Orel 1998, 437), Gr. sto›xow “row, line”, all from the IE. verb *steigh- “to ascend, to walk” (Pokorny 1959, 1017–18; LIV 593–94). *tor & *tir > Cz. tor “beaten path, track”, Pol. tor id., Brus. tor “cleared path”, Ukr. tor “track, rut”, R. dial. tor “beaten, rutted path” & Sln. tîr f. “footpath trodden in snow”, m. “track, little footpath; path for cattle”; from the

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    verb *terti : *t"r∞ /*toriti “to beat”, cp. Lat. via trita “beaten path” : teró “I beat” (Kurkina 1971, 94; Kolomiec 1986, 101; Snoj 2003, 766) < *terH1- “to beat” (Pokorny 1959, 1071–72; LIV 632–33). *trop m. & *tropa f. > Pol. trop “track, rut”, OR. tropa, R. tropá, Brus. trop id., Ukr. tropá, trip “track” – from the verb *tropatö “to stamp”. Closest are Alb. trap “ferry” (Orel 1998, 462), Gr. étrapÒw “footpath”, cp. also Latv. trapa “pile” (Vasmer IV, 105) – all from the verb *trep- “to tramp, to stamp” (LIV 650; Pokorny 1959, 1094). *ulica > CS., Bulg., Mac. ulica, SCr. ulica (also “yard”), Sln. úlica, Slk. ulica, Cz. ulice, USorb., LSorb. wulica, Pol. ulica, Kash. wulëca, Brus. vúlica, Ukr. vúlycja, R. úlica “street” (ZVSZ 393). Closest is Arm. owli “path, course” (Olsen 1999, 442: *Hulnio-; SLA 26; 51: *uliio-); cp. in addition Gr. aÈl≈n “country with caves; glen, valley, dike”, ¶naulow “river-basin”; Germ. dial. (Westfalen) aul, ól “glen, depression, pit, dike” (Kolomiec 1986, 99). Borrowings: Bulg. drum “road, great path”, SCr. dr`ùm “road” < Gr. drÒmow “run, racing track”, from the verb drame›n “to run” (Frisk I, 414–15, 419); the same origin goes for Rum., Alb. drum “path” (Kolomiec 1986, 97). SCr., Sln., Cz. dial. (Moravia, 1493) trata, Slk., Cz. trat’ – originally “a strip of ground belonging to one farm and stretching therefrom toward the border of the public cadaster”, also “a portion of meadow” (Silesia), “livestock path for pasture” – all from MHG. trat id., from the verb treten (Machek 1968, 649). Baltic Languages Lit. bras(tv)à & Latv. brasls “ford” are derivates of a verb attested in Lit. bredù, East Lit. brendù, bridaÜ, brìsti “to wade”, Latv. brist, iter. bradât, bradît id. (Fraenkel 1962–65, 58). *eilá > Latv. ìela “street” : Lit. eil√, eil(i)à, ail√ “row”; from a verb attested in Lit. eÌti, Latv. iêt “to go” (Fraenkel 1962–65, 119; Buck 1949, 721). *kelias > Lit. k≠lias, Latv. ce”s “path”; from a verb in Lit.

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    keliáuti (cp. also keliùta “path”), Latv. ce”uot “to travel” : Gr. k°leuyow “path”; primarily, however, we are dealing with a verbal root attested in kélti “to rise, to move” (Fraenkel 1962–65, 236–37; Buck 1949, 717). *lunkí- > Prus. (EV 800) lonki “footpath”. Apparently derived from a verb of the type Lit. leñkti “to bend, tilt”, hence “footpath” = “path with many turns”; cp. Prus. lunkis “angle” (Maziulis III, 80–81; Toporov 1990, 351–53). *pintis > Prus. (EV 799) pintis, (GrG 33) peentis, (GrA 58) pentes “path” (Maziulis III, 281–82). The form represents the zero ablaut grade *p÷to. *takas > Lit. tãkas “footpath; channel; tube”, Latv. taks “footpath”, besides teka id.; from a verb in Lit. teketi “to run, to flow, to course; to rise (about the Sun and Moon)” (Fraenkel 1962–65, 1051–52, 1074–75), cp. CS. tok∫ “run, flow”; OI. taka-, Pers. tak “run” < IE. *tek(u)- “to run; to flow” (Buck 1949, 719; Pokorny 1959, 1059–60; LIV 620–21). *tiltas > Lit. tìltas, Latv. tiÆts “bridge”, Prus. NL Tiltenikin, Grobe-tilten, Par-tiltenike, Prey-tilte; Balt. > Fin. silta id. It is a verbal adj. on *-to- derived from IE. *telH-, cp. Latv. talêt “to spread”. Related are also Lit. tìl9 “bottom of a boat”; CS. t"lo “base”; ON. pil “wall from planks”, OHG. dil id.; besides Prus. talas “floor”; OI. tala- “surface” etc. (Buck 1949, 721–22; Fraenkel 1962–65, 1093–94). Borrowings: *gatv(ii)á > Lit. gãtv9 “street, lane”, Latv. gatva, gat(u)ve “path fenced from both sides, path for livestock, alley, passage”. Borrowed from a Germanic source such as Got. gatwo “street” (Buck 1949, 721; Fraenkel 1962–65, 139–40). Germanic Languages *banó > MHG. ban(e), Germ. Bahn “course, path”, MDutch bane, Dutch baan (Kluge & Seebold 1999, 73). Kluge (1975, 44) assumed the original semantics “beaten area” on the basis of Germ. dial. (Westfalia) baan “flat side of hammer”. Another connection is probably to be searched in Got. banja “knock, bang”, ON. bane “deadly strike”; Corn. bony “ax” (Pokorny 1959, 126). ON. braut “street” – from the verb brjóta “to break”,

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    OEng. breótan, OHG. briozzan “to break” < *breutanan (Schrader & Nehring II, 494; de Vries 1962, 55; Orel 2003, 56). *bruwwjó çi brugjó > OEng. brycg, Eng. bridge, OFris. brigge, OSax. bruggia, OHG. brugga, MHG. brügge, brücke, brucke “bridge”, ON. bryggja “onshore bridge”; cp. also Gmc. Swiss Brügi “dike from piles” (Kluge & Seebold 1999, 138). A nongeminated form can be documented in ON. brú “bridge” < *brówó; of northern origin is also Laponian bruvve (de Vries 1962, 59). *faran > ON. far n. “cart-road; track; vehicle; ship”, OEng. fær “path, expedition, vehicle, ship”, OHG. far “crossing, ferry” – derived from the verb *faranan > Got. faran “to travel, to overcome” etc. (de Vries 1962, 112; Orel 2003, 93). Beyond Germanic borders, closest is Gr. pÒrow “passage, ford, sea strait, ride, path, street; means” (Frisk II, 491, apud pe¤rv “I drill, I cut through, I penetrate”), all from the IE. root *per- “to come over, to come through” (Pokorny 1959, 816–17; LIV 472). *furduz, -az > OEng., Eng. ford, OFris. forda “ford”, Dutch voorde id., OSax. -ford in toponyms, OHG. furt, Germ. Furt id., plus an n-stem OFris. forda id.; cp. Old Welsh rit, Welsh rhyd “ford”; Lat. portus “haven, port” < *p®tú-; the full ablaut grade appears in ON. fj∞rdr “narrow sea bay” < *ferduz, all from the verb *per- “to go through” (Pokorny 1959, 816–17; LIV 472). *gatwón > Got. gatwo “street”; NWGmc. *gatón > ON. gata f. “footpath, lane between two fences”, Norwegian & Swedish gata > Finnish katu “Gasse” (Setälä 1913, 380), Saami of Sweden gato, Hammerö gahtton “street” (Qvigstad 1893, 166); MLG. gate “side lane, street, course”, OHG. gazza “side lane”, Germ. Gasse “street”. Probably related are Gmc. *gatan > OEng. geat “gateway, gate”, Eng. gate id., OFris. jet “opening, pit”, OSax. gat “pit, opening, cavity, anus”; OIcel. gat “pit” (Falk & Torp 1909, 123; Lehmann 1986, 151). Besides the Gmc. languages, Phryg. z°tna “gateway” = *z°tan? (Orel 2003, 128) appears as a promising parallel. *laidó > ON. leid “path”, OEng. lád id. (de Vries 1962, 350); Gmc. > Finnish laita “side, border; direction; way,

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    road” (LGL II, 157). Derived from the Gmc. verb *lípanan “to go, to ride” > Got. ga-leipan “to go”; ON. lída “to go, to perish, to disappear”; OSax. líthan “to go, to wander, to ride” etc.; also, closest is Toch. A lit- “to leave, to fall down” (Pokorny 1959, 672). *lanón > OEng lanu & OEng., OFris., MDutch lane “street, corridor, way”; ON l∞n “barn; series of houses; street” (de Vries 1962, 374); Gmc. > Finnish lano “corridor, lane” (LGL II, 167). *papaz > OEng. pæp, Eng. path, OFris. path, MDutch pad & pat, Dutch pad, MLG. pat, OHG. phad, pfad, Germ. Pfad “footpath”; closest is Iran. *pay- “path” which, due to the irregular correspondence, can only be the source of the Gmc. word (Falk & Torp 1909, 217; Kluge & Seebold 1999, 623). *raidó > OEng. rád “ride, riding, traveling, path, military expedition”, Eng. road “path, course, road” (from 16th century), MDutch réd, OHG. reita “carriage; military campaign, military assault”; ON. reid “riding, ride, riding command; carriage” – from the Gmc. verb *rídan “to ride”, cp. Gaul. réda, OIr. ríad “ride”, dé-riad “bigae” – all from the IE. root *reidh- “to ride, to move quickly” (Falk & Torp 1909, 343–44; Kluge & Seebold 1999, 678; Pokorny 1959, 861; LIV 502). *senpaz, -an > OEng. síp “ride, riding, path, destination”, gesíp “fellow” (*“fellow passanger”), OFris. síth, OHG. sint, MHG. sint, gen. sindes “path, walk, ride”; ON. sinni n. “trip, company”, sinn n. “time”; Got. sinps “time” in adv. ainamma sinpa “once”, twaim sinpam “twice, two times”, orig. *“way”, ga-sinpa “fellow”; cp. OIr. sét, Welsh hynt “path”, hennydd “fellow” < *sentiio- besides OIr. sétig “woman” = *“fellow (fem.)” (Falk & Torp 1909, 430; Lehmann 1986, 305). *staigó f. (a) & *stJgaz, -uz m. (b) & *stJgó f. (c) > a) Got. staiga “footpath, path”; the OIcel. component of toponyms steig; OHG. steiga, MHG. steige, Germ. Steige “narrow path”; b) ON. stigr & stígr “pathway”, MLG. stîch & stech “footpath, pathway”, OHG. stîc & stîg, MHG. stic “pathway, footpath”, Gmc. Steig id., besides OHG. steg, MHG. stec, Gmc. Steg “footpath, pathway, footbridge”; (c)

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    OEng. stíg “footpath, pathway”, Dutch steeg “lane” – from the Gmc. verb *steigan “to ascend” < IE. *steigh- “to walk, to ascend” (Falk & Torp 1909, 492; Kluge & Seebold 1999, 791; Pokorny 1959, 1017–18; LIV 593). *wadan > OHG. wat “ford”, MLG. wat “place that can be used as ford”, OEng. wæd “water, sea”, gewæd “ford”, ON. vad “ford, hollow place” (de Vries 1962, 637; Orel 2003, 438). Of Germanic (Frankish) origin are It. guado, Fr. gué, Prov. gua, Cat. gual “ford” (Meyer-Lübke 1935, #9120a). The exact equivalent can be found in Lat. vadum “ford”. *wegaz, -iz, -uz > Got. wigs; ON. vegr, gen. -ar & -s, Icel. vegur, Swed. väg; OEng. weg, Eng. way, OFris. wei, OSax., Dutch. weg, OHG. wec, weg, MHG. wec, gen. weges, Germ. Weg “path, road”; cp. Lit. vèz√ “rut of a carriage or sleigh” < *uéghiiá; Lat. via “path” – all from the IE. root *uegh- “to carry” (Falk & Torp 1909, 382; Kluge & Seebold 1999, 878; Pokorny 1959, 1118–20; LIV 661). Borrowings: Got. plapja “street, road” – borrowed from Lat. platea or directly from Gr. plate›a (ıdÒw) “wide (path)”. The second -p- is usually explained by assimilation to the first p-, which, however, does not have any parallel. Many linguists think it is a clerical error P for TT (Lehmann 1986, 272). WGmc. *str t[ó] > OEng. str t, Eng. street, OFris. stréte, OSax. stráta, OHG. stráza, Gmc. Strasse “street” – borrowed from Lat. [via] stráta, from the verb sternere : strátum “to spread”, cp. Cz. silnice “(big) road” : siln… “strong” (Kluge & Seebold 1999, 800). Celtic Languages OIr. áth m., gen. átho, pl. áthai “ford, ferry, crossing”, gl. ‘uadum’ < *iátu-; cf. OI. yàti “rides”, Lit. jóti “ride” (LEIA A–99; Matasovic 2009, 435). De Bernardo Stempel (1999, 290, note 51) points to the synonym *ritu- < *p®tu- similarly formed with the suffix *-tu- (nomina rei actae). OIr. belach n., gen. belaig “narrow pass, path, footpath” (LEIA B–29) is perhaps related to Middle Welsh. bala “outflow of a river from a lake” which could reflect Brython *balago-. It is then possible to project all of them to the IE. source *guelH-g(h)o- or *guÒH2-eg

    (h)o- (Schrijver 1995, 76–77)

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    where *guelH- means “to spring, to drop” etc. OIr. bóthar “path”, originally probably “livestock footpath or pen”, cp. bó “cow, stallion” (Pedersen II, 51; Buck 1949, 718). O’Rahilly (1950, 160) proposed a beguiling etymology in the form of the compound *bou-itro- where the second component would correspond to Lat. iter. Hamp (2001[03], 153) finds support for this interpretion in the typonym Oxgangs near Edinburgh. However, Vendryes pointed to Welsh dial. (Pembroke) word meidir from f. meud(y)r “crossroad”, with the oldest records from 1531 y veydyr, and from 1600 arian y vidir ‘pecuniae viae’ to which Old Welsh *boudr < *guou-trá is to correspond (LEIA B 74–75). In that case, the OIr. word would not be a compound, but an agent noun. It was rejected by Hamp (1994b, 172) who showed that the Welsh word reflects Brython *bouVtrá which could be interpreted as a neuter plural, i.e. as a collective to the proto-form *guou-itro-. Gaul. briua gl. ‘ponte’ (glossary from Vienne) = *bríuá < *bréuá, cp. the inhabitant-name word briuatiom in an inscription from Naintre representing gen. pl. of *bríuátis “inhabitant from Bridge”. The form is spread among toponyms from Gaul: Briva Sarta > Brissarthe, Brivo-durum > Briare, Caro-briva > Chabris; and even from Britain: Duro-briuae, Duroco-briuis etc. Of the same origin could be Lepont. pruiam from the inscription in Vergiate which is supposed to reflect acc. sg. from nom. *bruviá (Delamarre 2001, 76; Matasovic 2009, 79 reconstructs the ablauting IE paradigm: nom. sg. *bhróH1us > Gmc. *brówó > ON. brú, gen. sg. *bh®H1uos, acc. sg. *b

    hreH1um, with vocalism generalized in Gaulish). Gaul.-Lat. (7th cent.) cammínus “path, street, road” > Sp. camino, Cat. camí, Fr. chemin, It. cammino, derived by means of the Lat. suffix -ínus from a Celtic verb attested in OIr. cingim “I walk”. Delamarre (2001, 85) and Matasovic (2009, 188–89) propose the following development: *k÷g-sm÷ > kangsman- > *kamman-. The last reconstruction is confirmed by the Celtiberian form kamanom from Botorrita (Wodtko 2000, 155). Cp. in addition Celt. *kammaní > OIr. céimm, dat. céimmim “walk, step”, Welsh cam “id., footprint, track”, Old Welsh pl. cemmein gl. ‘in gradibus’.

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    Welsh carrynt “path, course” < carr “carriage” & hynt “path” (Pokorny 1959, 908). OIr. older casán m. “little footpath”, Ir. cossán id. – from OIr. coss “leg” (LEIA C–45). OIr. conar f. (á-stem) “path, footpath” (conaraib gl. ‘semitis’), also “expedition; way, means, method”. Pedersen (II, 51) considered the semantic source “path of dogs”, analogically to bóthar “path”, literally “path of livestock”. If we take into account that the most common motivation for names of “paths” and “footpath” is a verb denoting some movement, it is possible to consider a similar source. A possibility is Gr. §gkon°v “I hurry, I indulge” (Il.), also in Hesychius kÒnei� :�speËde, tr°xe, i.e. “hurries, runs”, konarÒw “active, strong, huge, rash” (Frisk I, 439) which are usually connected with Lat. cónor, -árí “to try, to endeavour”, Celt. *kán- > Middle Welsh. digoni “to do”, dichawn, digawn “(he) can” (Pokorny 1959, 564; LIV 352: *kenH1-; Matasovic 2009, 183: otherwise). OIr. drochet “bridge”, drochat gl. ‘pons’, Ir. droichead – Pedersen (II, 47) derives it from the proto-form *druk-anto- and compares it with OEng. trog “trough, washing trunk”, provided that both are artifacts made from wood. Hamp (1982, 144–46) rehabilitates the traditional etymology assuming an original compound droch “wheel” & sét “path”, although sét is originally a u-stem, whereas drochet represents an o-stem (see LEIA D–199). Bret. gwenodenn “footpath” – probably related to gwen “flexible, supple”, MBret. guezn id., Welsh gwydn “persistent, resistant”, hence perhaps “path with many turns” (Henry 1900, 151; Buck 1949, 719); on the semantics see Prus. lonki “footpath”. OIr. éol ~ eól m. “direction, right path, information, history” < *i-tlo- (de Bernardo Stempel 1999, 302, note 121). Welsh llwybr “footpath” – according to Jones (1913[30], 127) perhaps from the IE. root *leiku- “to leave” (LIV 406–07). Bret. ravent “footpath”, perhaps a compound *raô-hent, where raô denotes “rope from iron chains”, cp. Welsh rhaw “chain” and hent “path”, hence rao-hent = “funicular, i.e. overhead (?) path” (Henry 1900, 230; Buck 1949, 720).

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    *ritu- > OIr. NL Humar-rith (LEIA R–34), OWelsh rit, Welsh rhyd “ford”, OCorn. rid gl. ‘uadum’, Corn. red, OBret. rit, ret id.; cp. OBrit. toponyms like Ande-ritum, Ritu-magos, also Gaul. *ritu- in many toponyms like *Ambo-ritum > Ambort, Bono-ritum > Bonnard, *Cambo-ritum > Chambord, Chambors, Chamboret, *Nouio-ritum > Niort etc., and also e.g. the theonym Ritona etc. (Delamarre 2001, 219). All reflect the proto-form *p®tu-, with continuants in Gmc. *furduz “ford”; Lat. portus “port” (Matasovic 2009, 141). *sentu- > OIr. sét, acc. pl. séotu, MWelsh hynt, hint “path, pilgrimage”, MCorn. hyns, Bret. hent “path”, cp. OBret. scoiu-hint “side passage”, cp. toponyms in Britain: Gabro-sentum, Clau-sentum, in Gallia: Sentiniacus > Sainteny, Sento-latis > Satolas etc.; the proper name Setupokios = *Sentu-bogios from an inscription from Briona in Northern Italy etc.; cf. also MWelsh hennydd “companion, friend, the other”, Corn. hynsa, Bret. hentez “neighbor”; OIr. sétig “wife” < *sent-ák-í (Schrijver 1995, 29; Delamarre 2001, 230; Matasovic 2009, 330); also, OHG. sind, OEng. síd “path, run, pilgrimage”, Got. sinps “to cut” (Pedersen I, 138; Buck 1949, 718). *siglo- > OIr. séol “sail, quilt, bed; course, run”, therefrom also “way, means”, Old Welsh huil gl. ‘velum’, Middle Welsh hwyl “sail”, therefrom “sheet (of ships)” and “path, expedition”, Welsh heol “street, path, run” (Buck 1949, 720–21); cp. Gmc. *sigla- > *segla- > OHG. segal m., OSax. segel, OEng. seg(e)l m./n., ON. segl n. “sail” (Schrijver 1995, 357; Pokorny 1959, 895–96 regarded the Celt. forms as Gmc. borrowings so that he could derive them all from the IE. root *sek- “to chop, to cut”). OIr. slige f., gen. sg. sliged “path” : sluicht “following”, MIr. slicht “track, line, course, rut” (Pedersen II, 103; Buck 1949, 718). Vendryes (LEIA S–133–34) searched for the origin in the verb slig- “to beat, to bang”, hence “path” = “beaten place”, cf. Hittite salik- “to touch, have contact with” (Matasovic 2009, 346). Italic Languages (Latin with any special marking) calciata [via] “path marked by lime”, i.e. “street” > Prov. calsada “street”, Fr. chaussée id. : Lat. calx “lime” > It. calce, Fr. chaux, Prov. caus, Cat. cals id. (Meyer-Lübke 1935,

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    #1533). callis “footpath (for animals)” > Sp. calle “street”, Cat. call, Vegl., Rum. cale “path, course” (Meyer-Lübke 1935, #1520) < *kel-ni- (see Schrijver 1991, 427, 434; de Vaan 2008, 84 derives it from Italic *kalni- or *kalsi- and admits a connection with Lat. callum “hard substance” and further with Celtic *kaleto- “hard” < *kH2l-). For more, see S. *koln"c". carrária “cart-road, street” > Rum. cârare, OFr. charriere, Prov. carreira (> It. carriera > Fr. carrière “career”), Cat., Sp., carrera, Port. carreira (Meyer-Lübke 1935, #1718). From Gaul.-Lat. carrus “carriage” < *k®so-, from the verb *kers- “to run” (LIV 255; Pokorny 1959, 583). cursus “course”, primarily “run”, also “ride”, “rush”, “race”, “sail”, etc., all from the verb curró, cucurrí, cursum “to run, to hurry, to flow, to fly”, etc. < *kers- “to run” (de Vaan 2008, 157-58; LIV 255; Pokorny 1959, 583). Rom.: Rum. curs, It. cors, Logud. kussu, Engad. kuors, Furl. kors, Fr. cours, Prov., Cat. cos, Sp. coso, Port. cosso “run, racing course” etc. (Meyer-Lübke 1935, #2417). iter, gen. itineris “journey, route, road, march, walk; way” < Italic *eitor, gen. *iten(o)s (de Vaan 2008, 311) – for more, see Toch. A ytár, B ytárye, Hitt. itar “path”. Rom.: OIt. (Milano) edre, OFr. erre “path, expedition” (Meyer-Lübke 1935, #4555). póns, gen. pontis “bridge, plank” (for the reconstruction of the inflection, see Schrijver 1991, 372, 379, 390 (de Vaan 2008, 480). Rom.: Rum. punte, Vegl. puant, It., Logud. ponte, Engad. punt, Furl. puint, Fr., Prov., Cat. pont, Sp. puente, Port. ponte id. (Meyer-Lübke 1935, 6649). rúga “wrinkle, crease” (de Vaan 2008, 528-29 connects it with Lat. érúgere “to belch”) > Rom. *ruga “street” > OIt., Calabr. ruga, Campid. arruga, Fr. rue > Sp., Port. rua id., Rom. > NGr. ruga (Meyer-Lübke 1935, #7426.2]. rupta [via], literally “broken [path]” (de Vaan 2008, 529: from Lat. rumpó “I break open”, passive past participle ruptum) > Engad. ruota “snow course, break of snow”, Fr. route “path”, No. Vallon rot “row” (Meyer-Lübke 1935, #7452).

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    sémita “footpath, pathway, side path” < *sé(d) “sideway” & *mita < meó : meáre “to go” (Walde & Hofmann II, 513), from the IE. root *mei- “to change, to pass” (LIV 426). Rom.: It. dial. (Bergamo) senda, (Milano) senta, Logud. sémida, Engad. semda, Furl. sémide, OFr. sente, Fr. sentier, Prov., Cat., Sp., Port. senda “footpath, pathway” (Meyer-Lübke 1935, #7813). trámes, gen. trámitis “footpath, pathway, side or wood path; run” < *trá(ns) “through” & *mita < meó : meáre “to go” (Walde & Hofmann II, 699). Rom.: It. trame, trámite, Sp., Port. trámite id. (Meyer-Lübke 1935, #8848). vadum “ford” – together with the verb vadáre “to wade” they are related to the verb vádere “to advance” and reflect therefore the ablaut *uÓ2d

    h- : *ueH2dh- (Schrijver

    1991, 170, 339; de Vaan 2008, 650). Other related forms also in the zero ablaut grade can be found in Gmc. *wadan “ford” and the verb *wadanan “to go, to wade (over)”, Arm. gam “I come” (Pokorny 1959, 1109). Schrijver (1991, 170) also adds Welsh go-di-wawd “to overrun”. Rom.: Rum. vad, Sic. vadu “crack in a wall”, Calabr. varu, Campid. bau “ford”, Sp. vado, Port. vao id. (Meyer-Lübke 1935, #9120a). via “path (for riding), course, road; way, means”, Umb. abl. sg. uia, via, vea, South Picenian acc. sg. víam, Osc. nom. sg. víú, acc. sg. víam, loc. sg. víaí “path”. This Italic isogloss could be etymologized in two ways: a) *ueif1-iá – from the IE. root *ueiH1- “to try, to endeavour” (Pokorny 1959, 1124); b) *uegh-iá from the IE. root *uegh- “to carry” (Pokorny 1959, 1118–20). The second etymology is supported by the form veham ‘viam’ recorded as dialectal by Varro (RR I, 2.14); see Untermann 2000, 860-61, while de Vaan 2008, 673 interprets e in veham and in Paulus ex. F. veia “waggon” as the Vulgar Latin lowering, continuing in It. veggia “waggon; barrel”. Rom.: It. via, Logud. bia, Engad. via, Furl. vie, Fr. voie, Prov., Cat., Sp., Port. via id. (Meyer-Lübke 1935, #9295). vícus “street”, primarily “village, settlement, row of houses”, also “block of flats” < *uoiko- “inhibited area” (Pokorny 1959, 1131). Rom.: It. vico “street” (Meyer-Lübke 1935, #9318).

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    Borrowings: platéa “street, avenue, road; public place” < Gr. plate›a (ıdÒw) “wide (path)” (Walde & Hofmann II, 319), cp. Cz. silnice : siln… “strong”. The word continues in Romance languages: It. piazza, Fr. place, Sp. plaza, also OEng. plætse, Germ. Platz and even Church Slavic ploça “place where fairs are held” (Lehmann 1986, 272). Albanian and Palaeo-Balkan Languages kapth, pl. kaptha “(mountain) footpath” < *kopto-. Related are Lit. kãpas “drain”, besides kopà, Latv. kãpa “dune, dike”, all from the IE. verb *kep- (Orel 1998, 170), cp. Lit. kapóti, Latv. kapât “to chop, to splinter” and OChS. kopaj∞ : kopati “to kick” (Pokorny 1959, 932). shteg, pl. shtigje “path, footpath” < *stoigho-. Related are Latv. staÌga “walk”, stîga “footpath”, Got. staiga “path” (Orel 1998, 437), Gr. sto›xow “row, line”, all from the IE. verb *steigh- “to walk” (Pokorny 1959, 1017; LIV 593–94). udhj “path” < *uodhá from the verb *uedh- “to lead” (Hamp 1965, 138) or *uoghá from the verb *uegh- “to carry” (Meyer 1895, 455). Orel (1998, 482–83) reconstructs for udhë also the proto-form *uodhá which he, however, derives from the verb *uedh- “to beat”, cp. S. *tropa “footpath” : *trepati “to beat, to bang”, cp. also OSax. thravon “to trot, to gallop”. urë, pl. ura “bridge” < *uorá, cp. ON. v∞r “row of stones”, ver “dike”, etc. (Orel 1998, 488), all from the IE. verb *uer-. Noteworthy is an observation by Baric who sees the same root in Gr. g°fura, Dor. d°fura, Aeol. b°fura “bridge” and Arm. kamowrΔ “bridge” (Baric cit. after Orel, l.c.). Borrowings: prevj, pl. preva “open path, ford” < Lat. prívum iter “private path” (Orel 1998, 344). ravë, pl. rava “footpath (in mountains or snow)” < S. *rov∫ “dike” (Orel 1998, 366). rrugë “street” < Rom. *rúga id. (Orel 1998, 390). torua ~ torue, pl. toronj “secret footpath, track” < S. pl. *torove “footpaths, tracks” (Orel 1998, 460 after Jokl, Slavia 13, 302).

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    va “ford” < Lat. vadum “ford” (Orel 1998, 491). vig, pl. vigj(e) “footbridge; coffin, a stretcher upon a corpse is carried” – perhaps from Lat. vícus “street” (Meyer 1895, 472). Hellenic Languages étrapÒw (Herodotus), étarpÒw (Il.) “footpath” < *H1÷-t®p-, cp. trap°v “I press”, in fact “I tread down”, trop°onto : §pãtoun (Hesychius) “were treading”, cf. S. *trop∫ & *tropa above (Pokorny 1959, 1094; Frisk II, 180–81; Beekes 2010, 164 prefers a substratum origin for both Slavic and Greek forms). diãbasiw “passage, crossing; ford; bridge” = diã “through, by means of” & bãsiw “step, motion, walk; base” < *g uM-ti- (Frisk I, 383, 209). drÒmow “run, running course”, from the verb drame›n “to run” (Frisk I, 414–15, 419). The word can be identified already in Mycenaean masculine names from Pylos do-ro-me-u = DromeÊ (Aura Jorro 1985, 191). It is possible to reconstruct for ancient Macedonian the word *draimos ~ *dramios “path” (*d®mios) on the basis of a name of the town 'Anã-draimow usually glossed as 'Enn°a�ıdo¤, i.e. “nine paths” (Georgiev 1981, 120). All from the verbal root *drem-, cf. OI. dramati (lex) “he runs”; OEng. trem “footstep” (LIV 128; Beekes 2010, 351). Ion., Att. g°fura, Boiot. b°fura, Cret. d°fura “bridge”, Laconian d¤foËra : g°fura (Hesych.). More interesting is Hesychius’ gloss (in acc. pl.) boufãraw : gefÊraw, this time without an origin given, which should, however (considering the origin in the Greek alphabet), be corrected to *bouforaw (Schmidt 1867, 318). The probable nom. sg. *boufora could be without any problem interpreted as “carrying the cattle”. A similar paraphrasis can probably be found in OIr. bóthar “path”, provided that it reflects the compound *bou-itro- “footpath for cattle”, cp. bó “cow, bull” and Lat. iter (O’Rahilly 1950, 160; Hamp 2001[03], 153). It is reasonable then to consider whether even the other forms do not represent the same compound. An alleged proto-form *guephúro would make

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    more sense, if we assume a vowel metathesis from *guú-phero. It is only in the position before *¨ that the pre-Greek labiovelar retains its velar realization even in the the classical era, although even here the power of analogy sometimes overcomes the weight of a sound law, cp. Gr. pr°sbuw : Cret. pre›guw “a superior” < *preis-guu-, literally “going forward” (Lejeune 1972, 43–45; Frisk II, 592–93). A direct comparison with Arm. kamowrΔ “bridge” involves phonological problems (cp. Clackson 1994, 134–35). Beekes (2004; 2010, 269) thinks about a common substrate origin, but Hatt. hamurawa- “(roof) beam” is apparently connectable only with the Arm. word. Martirosyan (2010, 351–52) adds Abkhaz-Abazin *qwe(m)bele-ra “beam over the hearth; cross-beam” > Abkhaz a-xwblare, Abaza of Tapanta qwembla, of Ashkar qweble, which could represent a missing substratum link between the Greek and Armenian words. Some researchers sought the origin of i.e. *guephúra in Akkad. gisru(m) “bridge, latch” (Muss-Arnolt 1893, 75), whence Hebr. g±súr, Aram. gisrá, Syr. gesrá, Arab. ©isr “bridge”. Apophonically, the following words are connected with “bridge”: Akkad. gusúru, NAssyr. gasúru “fallen tree trunk, beam” > Aram. g/kesúrá id. (Zimmern 1915, 44). The Akkadian word itself represents rather an adaptation of Sumer. GIS.ÚR (von Soden I, 300, 293). And the assumed substitution of the second radical in Semitic words by Greek *ph is highly suspect; in fact, it is only based on a comparison with the Semitic theonym *CAttar-(at-) > Akkad. Istar etc. and Gr. 'Afrod¤th (from Iliad; missing in Mycenaen texts) – for a discussion, see West 2000[02], 135. The Greek theonym can be without any difficulty explained as a pure IE. compound whose components correspond to Gr. êfar “suddenly; quick” & OI. díti- “shining”, as Witczak (1993) demonstrated. k°leuyow “path, footpath, course” (Il.), cp. KeleÊyeia “goddess of paths” (an attribute of Athena in Sparta; see Pausanias III, 12.4). Derived from the verb keleÊv, aor. keleËsai “to bring in, to urge, to order” which is itself a derivate of k°lomai “to bring in, to set in motion”, all from the IE. root *kel- “to move” (LIV 348; for Beekes 2010,

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    668–69 this etymology is not convincing). ıdÒw “path, street, ride, march, walk” < *sodó-, cp. OI. á-sad- “to step in, to go there”, Av. apa-had- “to leave, to descend, to evade”, OChS. xod∫ “walk, march”, with x explained by deprefixation from *s according to the RUKI law (Beekes 2010, 1046–47 prefers to see in the Slavic counterpart an Iranian loan for the absence of traces of Winter’s law, i.e. the lenghtening before the voiced unaspirated stop in Slavic). o‰mow “a strip (of land); path, footpath” < *oi-mo-, cp. OI. é-man- “course, path, walk” (Frisk II, 363; doubts by Beekes 2010, 1057–58 who is ready to accept Sommer’s reconstruction *oi-s-mo-). The word is sometimes identified in a Mycenaen appelative in instr. pl. o-mo-pi from Knossos (Aura Jorro 1993, 24). pãtow “path, road” < *p÷t(H)os (cp. Beekes 1985, 8; 1995, 181), whence the denominative verb pat°v “I tread, enter, step” is apparently derived (Frisk II, 480). pÒntow “sea” < *pont(H)os (Frisk II, 578–79). The word probably appears already in Mycenaen anthroponyms such as po-to = PÒntow (Knossos), po-te-u = PonteÊw (Pylos) – see Aura Jorro 1993, 163, 158. pÒrow “passage, ford, straits, ride, path, street; means, way”, porymÒw “crossing, straits, bay” – from the verb pe¤rv “I drill through, I pierce through, I penetrate” (Frisk II, 491; Beekes 2010, 1163) < *per- “to cross, to go through” (LIV 472). st¤bow “path, footpath, pathway”, from the verb ste¤bv “to trod, to ascend” (Frisk II, 781–82). tr¤bow “trodden path, footpath” (Hdt., Eur., Xen.) – from the verb tr¤bv “to spread; to exhaust, to be subject to wear and tear” (Frisk II, 930–32). H. Armenian Language ent‘ac’ “path, expedition” – from the verb ent‘anam “I go, I travel”. Klingenschmitt (1982, 114–15) rejects the IE. source *sento assumed by Pokorny (1959, 908), and suggests a combination of the prefix end- “to, with, on, for” and the verbal type, IE. *ptá-/*ptH2- “to fly” (cf. also

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    Hilmarsson 1986, 26; Olsen 1999, 89, note 181). hordan “path”, in hordan tal “guide”; from the verb hordem “I clear the road” < *portá-ie/o-; cp. Lat. portáre (Olsen 1999, 292, 807; SLA 26, 94). hown, gen. hni “ford” – it is probably a contamination between strong cases from *póntH2-> *hownd

    o and weak ones from *p÷tH2- > *han

    o (Olsen 1999, 195; Martirosyan 2010, 422–26). An archaic form from the era before the change *p- > h- is preserved in Georgian pon-i “bridge” (Klimov 1971, 45). kacan “footpath” (SLA 26). Lidén (1906, 73) compared it with S. *gaz∫ “ford” which perhaps reflects IE. *gegh- > OI. gàhate “he enters, steps up into water”, dur-gáha- “hard to penetrate”, Chwarezmian g’z- “to run, to hurry” (LIV 183). However, Arm. -c- implies non-aspirated *-g-. Lit. gózti “to pour out, to overturn; to step over clumsily”, Latv. gâzt “to pour, to rain heavily, to beat, to bang” (Fraenkel 1962–65, 162) can reflect an aspirated as well as non-aspirated palatal velar. kamowrΔ “bridge” < *gom-urif2, cp. Lit. gomur¥s “roof (of the mouth)” (Ritter 1996, see Olsen 1999, 66, note 137). The traditional comparison with Gr. Hom. g°fura, Dor. d°fura, Aeol. b°fura “bridge” is acceptable only if we assume the reconstruction of a syllabic sonant in Arm. *guMbhurif2 as compared to *g

    uebhurif2 – see Olsen 1999, 66; cp. also SLA 26). Then, the base would be the verbal stem *guebh-, while the Arm. form would arise from a variant with a nasal infix. The presence of a labial in early Armenian is probably suggested by the Armenian loanword in Georgian k'ip'orç'i “beam serving as bridge” (Martirosjan apud Beekes 2004, 20). However, we also cannot rule out a substrate origin. Beekes (2004, 20) reminds us of a comparison by Furnée (1972, 97, 223, 346, 390) with Hatt. %amuruwa “(roof) beam” = Sumer. GIS.U16R (Soysal 2004, 277). Martirosyan (2010, 351–52) adds Abkhaz-Abazin *qwe(m)bele-ra “beam over the hearth; cross-beam” > Abkhaz a-xwblare, Abaza of Tapanta qwembla, of Ashkar qweble. mayt‘ “footpath” (i-stem) – Mann (1984–87, 800) finds a parallel in S. *most∫, although in one of his early works (1963, 167) he connected the word mayt‘ with S.

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    *m±sto “place, town”, Av. maeyana- “dwelling” etc. (cp. ESJS 8, 470–71), whereas S. *most∫ corresponds, in his opinion (1963, 167), to the Arm. word muyt‘ “pylon, pillar”. owli “path, course” < *Hulnio- (Olsen 1999, 442; SLA 26; 51: *uliio-); cp. S. *ulica “street”, Gr. aÈl≈n “countryside with caves; glen, valley, dike”, ¶naulow “river-basin”, Germ. dial. (Westfalen) aul, ól “glen, depression, pit, dike” (Kolomiec 1986, 99). Iranian Languages *aduan- > OAv. aduuan-, YAv. adban- m. “path, footpath”; cp. Pashto mal “comrade, fellow traveller, helper” < Iran. *ham-aduan- = OI. sam-adhva- “going by the same path” (Rastorgueva & delman 2000, 84). *amaxsya-páda-, literally “place for carriage” > Khot. maßpa “path, course”, cp. Toch. B amäk§a- “carriage” (Bailey 1979, 325). Sogd. ’yzt = ízd “public place, town square, street”, ‘yzdt = ízd “street, row” (Gharib 1995, #2278, #2430). *haitu- > YAv. haétu- m. “dike”, Khot. hí “bridge, footbridge, dike”, Buddh. Sogd. ytkw = *itku < *haituka “bridge”, Yaghnobi étk, itk “footpath”, Osset. Digor. xed, Iron xid “bridge”, Alan. > Georg. qid, later xid, Hung. híd “bridge”; Pashto hél- in a name of the river Hélmand = Av. Haétumant-; Parachi hí, Yidgha y ya, Sanglechi yotuk, Shughni yéd, Roshani-Bartangi (y)íd, Sarikoli yéyd- “bridge” (Bailey 1979, 481; Morgenstierne 1974, 105). Osset. nad “path, little footpath” – derived from the verb næmun “to beat”, hence approximately “beaten [path]” (Abaev I, 147). *pra-aiana- > Av. fraiiana- n. “path, course” = OI. pràyana- n. “entrance, beginning” (Bartholomae 1904, 989). *gátu- > Av. gátu- m. “path”, but in particular “place”, OPers. gáyu- “place, throne”, M-, NPers. gáh “place”; Iran. > Arm. gah “throne” (EWAI I, 483–84). *payy -/*pantáh- > Av. pay-/pantá- “path, footpath” (Hofmann & Forrsman 1996, 125), OPers. acc. sg. payim (Beekes 1989, 11 explains the i-stem as secondary from

    ˙

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    nom. sg. *pént-H1), Zor. MPers. pnd “path, footpath; advice” = *pand, Pers. pand “path, advice”, MParth. (Tumshuq) pnd “footpath; advice”, Khot. pande, in compounds pada “path, footpath, course”, Buddh. Sogd. r’d-pnt’’k “pair of roads”, k’r-pd & q’r-py “path” < *kári-payi-, literally “path of an army” (Gharib 1995, #4657, 4659), Yaghnobi pát sau “to keep path”, Chwarezm. pindák “path”, Osset. fændag “path, road” < *pantáka-, Digor. fændæ “plan, intention, will”, fætæg “leader”, Pashto plá “path, march” < *payo (Morgenstierne 1927, 56), Parachi panán “path” < *pantán, Yidgha pádo, póndo, Shughni p’nd, Khufi pónd, Roshani pánd , Yazgulam pán(d), pl. penday id., Munji pádo, Sarikoli pánd, Sanglechi panda, Wakhi v(e)dek id. (Paxalina 1975, 283; Abaev I, 445-46; Morgenstierne 1974, 56; Bailey 1979, 211). Of Iranian origin are apparently even the following forms in Fenno-Ugric languages: Komi pad- in the compound pad-vez “crossroad”, Udmurt pad-woz id. (Permic *-d- < *-nt- regularly); Khanty pent, pânt “path, footpath” (Joki 1973, 300). *p®tu- > Av. peretu- & pesu- “passage, ford; crossing, bridge” (Bartholomae 1904, 897) < *p®tú-/*p®tu´- & *p|tu- (Hoffmann & Forssman 1996, 129). Cp. also MPers. puhr ~ puhl “bridge, ford”, Pers. pul “bridge” > Pashto pul id., Kurd. pird, perd, per, pel, Ghilaki purd “bridge” (Horn 1893, 72, #325); Pamir: Shughni púd “ford”, with a velar extension Roshani-Bartangi púg, Sarikoli p wg id.; Yidgha pilf id. reflects *p®ywo (Morgenstierne 1974, 53); Chwarezm. pwrt “sea” < *p®tu- (Humbach 1989, 195), Osset. Digor. ford, Iron fúrd “great river, sea”, perhaps also a name of the river Prut recorded already by Herodotus in the form PÒrata (Abaev I, 485–86 would expect the development *p®tu- > Osset. *fard; back vocalism represents an apparent consequence of u-umlaut which could be assumed even for the Chwarezmian equivalent). *rayyya- > Av. raiyiia- n. “path”, literally “belonging to a cart” = OI. rathyá- f. “street” (Bartholomae 1904, 1508). Cp. also Sogd. r’y ~ r’d(h) “path” = *ráy, Yaghnobi rót ~ rós, Pashto lár, dial. (Waziri) lyár “path” (Morgenstierne 1927, 37), Ormuri ráí, Kurd. rí, re, dial. (Dimili) ray id. (Bailey 1979, 325; Gharib 1995, #8414, 8438; Windfuhr 1989,

    .

    ¯

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    253), also MParth. (Tumsuq) r’h, MPers. r’h ~ l’h (MacKenzie 1971, 70), NPers. ráh “street, path” < Iran. *ráya-, all from the word “carriage”, attested in YAv. raya-, Khot. rraha-, MPers. rh(y) ~ ls, lh = OI. rátha- < *rótH2o-, from the verb *retH2- “to run”, cp. OIr. rethim “I run” (EWAI II, 429–30; LIV 507: *ret- “to run”). Sogd. tg ’m = *tagám “ford” – cp. tg- = *tag “flow, stream” (Gharib 1995, ##9567, 9566). Wakhi t rt “ford” (Paxalina 1975, 276) is assumed to be a borrowing from Khowar thúrt “ford” (see EWAI I, 650; Steblin-Kamenskij 1999, 368). *vi-tár- > NPers. gudár “ford”, Kurd. búàr id.; cp. MPers. wt’l = *widár “passage, entrance” (MacKenzie 1971, 90), Av. vítára- “passage, corridor” (Horn 1893, 199; Bartholomae 1904, 1441). Indo-Aryan Languages ádhvan- & adhvána- m. “path, expedition, run; distance” < *H1÷d

    h-uen-, cp. Páli andhati “goes” (Buck 1949, 719). Related is also ON. ∞ndurr “snowshoe” (*H1ond

    h-ur-o-). All from a verbal root attested in Gr. Dor., Arcadian §nye›n “to come” < *H1÷dh-e/o- (EWAI I, 68; LIV 249: *H1ned

    h-). The word continues in Pkt. addhan-, Páli addha-, addhána- id., Sinhali adan “road, main road” (Turner 1966, #281). ájman- n. “course, campaign” – from the verb aj- “to propel, to move forward”, similarly Lat. agmen n. “campaign” : agó “I propel, I lead” (EWAI I, 51), all from the IE. root *ag- < *H2eg- “to propel” (LIV 255). áyana- n. “path, walk” = Av. aiiana- n. “walk” – from the IE. verb *H1ei- “to go” (EWAI I, 102). The word continues in Páli ayana-, Pkt. ayana-, Sinhali ayan “path, street” (Turner 1966, #586). éman- n. “course” < *H1ei-m÷- from the IE. root *H1ei- “to go” (EWAI I, 102). itá- n. “path” (ÍB) – from the IE. root *H1ei- “to go” (LIV 232–33). Cp. Pkt. iya- “access”. cárana- m./n. “movement, run, walk, course, walk”, also “leg” = YAv. çarena- in ví-çarena- “place where a path splits” < *kuel(H)e/ono-, from the verb attested in OI. cari-

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    “to move, to go, to ride”, YAv. á-çaraiti “comes here < *kuel(H1)- id. (EWAI I, 533–35; LIV 386–88). cáryá f. “street” – from the verb cari- “to move, to go, to ride” < *kuel(H1)- id. (EWAI I, 534–35; LIV 386–88). gántu- m. “path, run” < *guóm-tu- – from the verb gam- “to go, to come, to move” < *guem- (EWAI I, 465–67; LIV 209–10). gáti- f. “path, course” < *guM-ti- – from the verb gam- “to go, to come, to move” < *guem- (EWAI I, 465–67; LIV 209–10). It continues in Páli gati- “run”, Pkt. gaï- id., Hindi gayal, gail “footpath”, OMarwari gailo “path, course”, Sinhali gí “run” (Turner 1966, #4009). gádhá- n. “ford; hollow place in water” – traditionally connected with Gr. b∞ssa, Dor. bçssa “valley, glen” < *bçyia, OIr. bá(i)dim “I sink, I go down”, Welsh boddi “to drown” (Pokorny 1959, 465; LIV 206: *gueH2dh-). Alternatively, it could be compared to Lat. vadum “ford” (*guádhom : *guf1dhom) or to Gmc. *vadan “ford” (*guh-). The first variant would appear more probable if we consider it could come from the IE. verb *guá- < **gueH2- “to go”. The Gmc.-Lat. relationship (see Lat. vadum) rules out, on the other hand, the IA.-Lat. isogloss, whereas the possibility it could be derived from IE. *gueH2- is still valid for the IA. word. gátú- m. “path, course” = OAv. gátú- m. “path” < *gueH2-tu- (EWAI I, 483–84; LIV 205). márga- m. “path, street, track; method”, cp. also márgárá- “hunter”, continuing in Páli, Pkt. magga- “path, footpath”, Sindhi mágu “place”, Maithili mag “footpath”, Bengali m᪠“vulva”, Hindi mág, magg “footpath”, Sinhali maga “path” etc. (Turner 1966, #10071) – usually connected with OI. m®gá- m. “wild animal; antilope” which corresponds etymologically to YAv. merega-, Parth. mwrg, Sogd. mrg-, Khot. mura-, Osset. mar©, NPers. murg “bird”, Wakhi m rg f. “ibex” (EWAI II, 350, 370–71. Semantically, closest is probably the YAv. word maregá- which apparently have nothing to do with the meaning “bird”, provided that it, besides “meadow, floodplain”, denoted also “street” (Videvdat II, 26). pánthá- / path- / pathí- m. “path, footpath, course” has

    Ç

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    a difficult inflection (Schindler apud Mayrhofer 1986, 136: *pént-oH2-s, gen. *p÷t-H2-ós; Rasmussen 1987, 82 = 1999, 216: *pónt-óH-s, gen. *p÷t-H2-ós; Hamp 1994a, 37; EWAI II, 81-83; Szemerényi 1996, 168: *pón, gen. *p÷t-ós with secondary aspiration in II. under the influence of the root *rath- “to travel”; Hoffmann & Forssman 1996, 125: II. pantaHo : *p÷tH2o; Beekes 1995, 181: *pont-eH1o : *p÷t-H1o): number sg. pl.

    case / language

    Ved. Av. IE. Ved. Av. IE.

    nom. pánthás pantá *pónt-eH-s

    pánthás pánthánas

    pantánó

    *pónt-eH-es *pónt-eH-en-es

    gen. pathás payó *p÷t-H-ós

    pathàm pathínàm

    payœm *p÷t-Ó´-om

    acc. pánthám pantœm *pónt-eH-om

    pathás payó *p÷t-H-÷s?

    pánthánam pantánem *pónt-eH-en-om

    loc. pathí pathe-§†hà

    paiyí *p÷t-H-í *p÷t-eH-i

    pathí§u *p÷t-Ó´-su

    abl. pathás payó *p÷t-H-és instr. pathà paya *p÷t-é/ó pathíbhi§ padebís *p÷t-Ó´-

    bhis The word has rich continuants in the later IA. languages: Páli panthan-, Pkt. pa¯tha-, Romani panth, pand, Waigali p]t, pút, Kati put, Prasun wútu, Dameli phan, Tirahi pand, Shumashti p]t, Khowar pan, Bashkarik pand, Lahnda pandh, Punjabi pandh, Marathi p[th, Sinhali patun etc.; the base pathá- reflects inter alia Páli patha-, Pkt. paha-, Lahnda páh, Hindi páhá etc. (Turner 1966, #7785; 7743). pátman- n. “flight”, later also “run, footpath, path” = OAv. payman- “flight” – from the verb attested in OI. pat- “to fly, to fall”, YAv. patenti “they fly” (EWAI II, 71); cp. Gr. pÒtmow “fate, destiny”, although the exact equivalent of the II forms should have been +p°tma (Frisk II, 542–43). pratolí f. “street, tower gate, building of a gate”, Pkt.

    ˜

    ˙

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    paolí- “town gate”, Hindi paulí “gate” etc. (Turner 1966, #8633). Connected with OI. torana- “arch, vaulted gate” (EWAI III, 341, 254). rathyá f. “street, cart-road” – from rátha- “carriage”. The word continues in Páli racchá-, Pkt. also ratthá-, Phalula rahÌ etc. (Turner 1966, #10609); cp. also Ashkun weriçu & biriçu “path” < *upa-/vi-rathyá-. sa¯kramá- m. “bridge” (RV), cp. kráma- “step” (AV), with a continuant in Páli saªkama-, Pkt. sa¯kama-, Assami x[ku, Bengali s[ko, Hindi s[ká, Marathi s[kav etc. (Turner 1966, #12834) – all from the verb kram- “to walk, to go” = Buddh. Sogd. gr’m- “to come”, NPers. xirámídan “to walk” (cp. Bailey 1979, 308) < IE. *kremH- (EWAI I, 410). sa¯tára- m. “ford” – derived from tárá- “taking across, carrying over”, the latter from tára- “crossing (of water)” – all from the verb tari- “to go over something, to penetrate, to overcome”, YAv. titarent- “overcoming”, Osset. tæryn / tærun “to propel” < IE. *terH2-, cp. Hitt. tarh- “to overcome” (EWAI I, 629–32). sétu- m. “bridge”; primarily “tie, bond”, also “dike”, Páli setu- “bridge”, Pkt. séu-, Ashkun, Waigali séw, Kati syú, Dameli séwa, Pashai seu, Gawar-Bati séu, Khowar ser, Punjabi seo, Sinhali seya, heya (Turner 1966, #13585) = YAv. haétu- m. “dike”, Khot. hí, Osset. xíd/xed “bridge” (Bailey 1979, 481; Abaev IV, 199) < *séH2i-tu-, from the verb sá- ~ say- < *seH2(i)- (EWAI II, 745). An Indo-Iranian or Indo-Aryan source has Morvinian Erzya sed’, säd’, Moksha ßed’ “bridge”, (in Moksha, too) “floor, bottom (of a boat), plank”; Komi sojd, sojt, sod “stairs; ladder; bridge” (Joki 1973, 313–14). srutí- f. “path, course” (RV) – from the verb srávati “flows, streams, runs”. In later Vedic texts (VS, S11Br) there appears, at the corresponding place, the form s®tí- f. “path, footpath” – cp. Lahnda, Bengali, Hindi sarak “path”, Assami xar “track in jungle” (Turner 1966, #13577). Formally, it could be derived from the verb sar- “to run, to hurry”; Iran.: Sogd. %rt “(he) went”, Kurd. här- “to go”, but considering Ved. srutí- “path”, we can think about a contamination of derivates of both verbs (EWAI II, 784–85; KEWA III, 554–55). tírthá- n. “ford, watering place, descent to water, place

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    for bathing, access, entrance, street”, Pkt. tittha- & túha-, Khowar thúrt “ford”, Oriya tu†ha, Sinhali to†a (Turner 1966, 5846, 5903) < IA. *tírthá- & *túrthá- < *t®H2-tH2ó- (EWAI I, 650), from IE. *terH2- “to step over, to overcome”. This reconstruction rules out an oft-repeated comparison with Lit. tìltas “bridge”. Wakhi t rt “ford” (Paxalina 1975, 276) is assumed to be a borrowing from Khowar thúrt “ford” (see EWAI I, 650). túgvan- n. “ford”, attested in loc. sg. túgvani “besides a ford” (RV 8, 19.37). Derived from the verb toj- “to urge, to hasten, to make something/somebody move, to throw” (EWAI I, 651, 670) vártman- n. “course, rut”, Páli va†uma- “footpath, path”, Kashmiri wath, Bengali, Hindi bá†, Sinhali va†uma etc. (Turner 1966, #11366) – from the verb vart- “to turn around” (EWAI II, 520). The word is formally identical with OChS. vr±m< “time” < *uert-men-, cp. Khot. bá∂a- “time”, Lat. annus vertens (EWAI II, 520). Another synonym formed from the same base is OI. vartaní- f. “path, course, line, rut”. víthi- f. ep. “path, course, street”; cl. also “racing course; row”, Páli víthi- “street, course, line”, Pkt. víhi-, Punjabi vihí, bihí, Sinhali vehe-, veya etc. (Turner 1966, #12050) – from the verb vay- “to search for, to pursue”, pada-ví- “following a track, pathfinder”, Khowar bayú “hunting”; YAv. vaiieiti “pursues”, vítar- “pursuer”, Sogd. w’ywq “hunter”, Osset. wajyn / wajun “to hurry, to run, to jump”, also Gr. ·emai “I strife for, I try, I hurry”, Lit. v…ti “to propel, to pursue” < IE. *ueiH- (EWAI III, 476 & II, 509–10; Buck 1949, 721). yàna- m. “course” & yàní f. “footpath”. Cp. Assami zán “stream, flow” (Turner 1966, #10460). Tocharian Languages B klautke “path, means”; from the verb klautk- “to turn; to happen” (Adams 1999, 229). B naunto “street” < *noiHo-u÷t-ón-, from the IE. verb *neiH- “to lead” (Hilmarsson 1989, 25–26; Adams 1999, 349). A §ont “street” < *§antu- < *séntu- (Van Windekens 1976, 459). Hilmarsson (1986, 23–27) reconstructs

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    *seH1ntu-. He explains the absence of quantity in Celt. *sentu- and Gmc. *senpaz as being influenced by Osthoff’s law (cp. Welsh gwynt, Bret. gwent “wind”, Gmc. *wendaz id. < *H2ueH1nto-). Hilmarsson searches for support in the OI. hapax sàtu- (RV IV, 6.7) which he translates as “vagina” (= *“path of foetus from womb”) and derives it from *seH1÷tu-, similarly like váta- “wind” comes from *H2ueH1÷to-. His reasoning is inviting; the semantic shift is backed up by an example from the modern IA. languages: Bengali m᪠“vulva” : OI. márga- “path, street, track; method”, Hindi mág, magg “footpath”, Sinhali maga “path” etc. (Turner 1966, #10071), but they do not explain Slavic parallels with *-o- in the root. The v®ddhi lengthening in Tocharian represents a common means of derivation and there is no need to project it to the IE. proto-language. A tiri = B teri ~ tiri “path; way, means” (Adams 1999, 305–06: without etymology; Van Windekens 1976, 506 mentions the etymology by Schneider (1939, 251) who compares MLG. tére & tíre “nature, essence, shape, quality, way, means”, from tér “shine, glory”, ON. tírr, OEng., OSax. tír “honour, glory” (de Vries 1962, 589 derives all from IE. *deiH2- “to shine”, see LIV 108). Also worth considering is an alternative comparison with the Slavic material: *tor" & *tir∫ > Cz. tor “beaten path, track”, p. tor id., Brus. tor “lopped path”, Ukr. tor “track, rut”, R. dial. tor “beaten path” & Sln. tîr f. “footpath clumped in snow”, m. “track, little footpath; path for cattle”; from the verb *terti : *t"r∞ /*toriti “to rub” (Kurkina 1971, 94; Snoj 2003, 766) < *terH1- “to rub” (Pokorny 1959, 1071–72; LIV 632–33). A wkäm, pl. wäknant = B yakne “path, way, custom” < *ueghno -; from the IE. verb *uegh- “to carry” (Adams 1999, 481). A yme = B ymíye “path, footpath; stopping in life” < *eim÷-á- + -en-

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    Anatolian Languages Hitt. GIS/NA4armizzi- n. “bridge” (Tischler 2001, 23). The ideograms GIS and NA4 reveal it might be made from wood or even from stone. The words do not as yet have a convicing IE. etymology. Tischler (1983, 63–64) compares them with Old Babylonian arammu “dike from clay” (cp. Weeks 1985, 159–60). CLuv. harwa- “path, footpath”, harwanni- “little path, footpath”, harwani- “to send” (Melchert 1993, 61–62), HLuv. harwa- (acc. sg. VIA-wa/i-na), harwant- (dat. pl. VIA-wa/i-ta-za, acc. pl. VIA-wa/i-ta-z[i?]), plus the denominative verb harwani- “to send” (Hawkins 2000, 373; cp. Oettinger 1979, 494). A clear etymology is still missing. On IE. soil, it may perhaps be connected with OI. árvan-, árvant- “racing horse”, YAv. auruua- “quick, brave”, OAv. auruuant- “quick; racing horse” (EWAI I, 121–22); Gmc. *arwa- > ON. ∞rr “quick, ready/finished”, OSax. aru “ready for harvest” (Orel 2003, 25); ?Toch. A árwar, B árwer “ready/finished”. However, provided that the source is a verbal stem attested in OI. ar- “to send, to bring; to move” (see EWAI I, 105–06), Gr. ˆrnumi “I hasten, I corral”, Lat. orior “I lift myself” (LIV 299–300), it is necessary to explain the absence of a laryngeal in Hitt. arnuzi “he transfers, he delivers”, arye-hhi “to lift oneself” which just fits here semantically. An acceptable explanation might be regular loss of the laryngeal before *o, as is assumed in the Leiden School laryngeal theory (Beekes 1995, 144). The word harwa- could, however, be also a borrowing from non-Indo-European languages of the region. In this case, there are even several candidates: Semitic: Akkad. %arránu “path”, Ugarit. %rn “path, expedition, caravan”, bn %rn “messanger” (DUL 405). North Caucasian: Hurr. %ari “path, course”, Urart. %árie “path, march”; Tsakhur wuhur “street, road” (Laroche 1976, 94; Mesçaninov 1978, 125; Diakonoff & Starostin 1986, 62). Hitt. itar “path, course, road” (= Akkad. %arránu = Sumer. KASKAL) < **H1i-t® , CLuv. nom.-acc. pl. n. itáraya (Melchert 1993, 96), cp. Lat. iter, gen. itineris “way, road”, Toch. A ytár = B ytárye “path, course, road”; from the IE. verb *H1ei- “to go” (Weeks 1985, 159; Tischler 2001, 68;

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    Kloekhorst 2008, 422). Hitt. palsa/i- “path, footpath” (Tischler 2001, 117–18), HLuv. palsa- “path” attested in abl. sg. pa-la-sa-ti-i (Hawkins 2000, 112). Perhaps OIr. bel (o-stem) “path” could be related to it (DIL, B 61; LEIA, B 29). Alternatively, it is possible to think about some connection with IE. *pels- “rock” (OI. pá§yá-, Pashto parsa “stone”, Gr. p°lla� :� l¤yow, MIr. all “reef”, ON. fjall, fell, OHG. felis “rock” – see Pokorny 1959, 807), hence perhaps “[path broken in] rock”, cp. Lat. [via] rupta against rumpó, -ere, rúpí, ruptum “to break”, besides rúpés “reef, rock face”. Kloekhorst (2008, 621–22) keeps the old comparison of Hrozn… of Hittite palsa- with the second member of the compounds expressing the multiplicative numerals: Lycian tbipl≠ “twice”, trppl≠ “three times”; Greek diplÒw; Latin duplus “twice”. Hitt. urki “trace; track, trail” = Sumer. KA.GI16R (Tischler 2001, 187); perhaps from the IE. verb *uer- “to search” (Kronasser 1966, 211; Weeks 1985, 159; LIV 685–86). Another candidate might be the homonymous root *uer- “to run” > Lit. varaÜ : var…ti “to propel”, Latv. ve u : vert “to run”, OChS. varj∞ : variti “to forecome, to overrun” (LIV 685). Kloekhorst (2008, 927–28) sees the closest cognate in OI. vraj- “to walk, stride”, reconstructing *H1/3urg-i-. However, a substrate origin cannot also be ruled out, cp. Hurr. ugri “leg” ~ Urart. kuri id. (Laroche 1976, 277). On the semantics, cp. e.g. Cz. p±sina : p±sí, originally loc. sg. *péd-su from IE. *ped- “leg”. Conclusion The lexical material gathered here represents a nearly exhaustive overview of what we know about the semantic field “way, road, path” in the Indo-European languages. It is obvious, but not surprising that the most productive source for names of “paths” and related notions is verbs of movement, in particular *H1ei- “to go”, *H1ned

    h- “to go”; *H2eg- “to propel”, *H3er- “to deliver, to send”, *drem- “to run”, *dhregh- “to drag, to carry”, *gegh- “to penetrate through water”, *gueH2- & *g

    uem- “to go, to walk”, *kel- “to move”, *keng- “to walk”, *kuel(H)- “to move”, *kers- “to run”, *légh- “to crawl”, *leiku- “to leave”, *leit- “to

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    go, to ride”, *mei- “to change, to pass”, *neiH- “to lead”, *pent- “to track, to search”, *per- “to cross over”, *petH3- “to fall, to fly”, *reidh- “to ride”, *sed- “to move”, *sent- “to send”, *sreu- “to flow, to run”, *steigh- “to ascend”, *tek- “to run”, *terH3- “to overcome, to outrun”, *trep- “to trotter”, *uedh- “to lead”, *uegh- “to carry”, *ueH2d- “to go through water”, *ueiH- “to propel, to run after”, *uer- “to run” or “to search (track?)”, *uert- “to turn around” etc. Next comes a semantic motivation based on landscaping, be it beaten earth, spread gravel or lime, broken rock, or cleared forest: S. *c±sta, *tor" & *tir", Gmc. *banó, ON. braut, OIr. slige, Lat. [via] calciata, [via] rupta, [via] trita, Gr. tr¤bow, perhaps also Hitt. and HLuv. palsa- etc. A third, less numerous source for names of “paths” is motivated by the word “carriage” or “wheel”; it is therefore a “cart-road”: OIr. drochet, Gaul.-Lat. carrária, Khot. maßpa, Av. rayiia-, OI. rathyá. Similarly scarce are names stemming from terrain characteristics such as “deeply cut” or “meandering”, e.g. S. *ulica and Arm. owli, Prus. lonki, Bret. gwenodenn, Lat. rúga. A somewhat different strategy of designation can be witnessed in the term “bridge”. Here, then, comes the technique by which a bridge is created. In most cases, we encounter a beam or a caber (S. *br"v", Gmc. *bruwwjó, Gaul. briua; S. *most∫), a board (Balt. *tiltas), a dike (Alb. urë; Hitt. armizzi-), or the bridge could be suspended (II. *saitu-; alternatively S. *most∫). Despite the apparent semantic richness, there is only one undeniable candidate for proto-language origin of the notion “path”, i.e. an etymon which is equally recorded both in the Anatolian languages and in the non-Anatolian ones. This is the term *H1ei-t® ~ *H1ei-tór, gen. *H1i-tn-ós (Della Volpe, EIEC 487–88), attested in Hittite and probably also in Luvian, in both Tocharian languages, in Latin and Avestan pairi-iyna- “(end) of lifetime”, and perhaps also in Old Irish bóthar “path”, if the interpretation from *bou-itro- “cattle path” is correct (O’Rahilly 1950, 160; Hamp 2001[03], 153) is correct. The word is derived from the verb *H1ei- “to go” which gave rise to a number of other words with the meaning “path” etc. in most IE. branches. Also quite widespread is the word *sentu-/-o- known from Tocharian A on the one hand and from Slavic, Germanic and Celtic

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    languages on the other. The derivates of the root *uegh- also go through four branches: Balt., Gmc., It., Toch. In most IE. branches there persisted the word *pont-(eH)-s, gen. *p÷t-(H)-os: II., Arm., Lat., Balt., S., plus a primary verb in Germanic. However, it is not known either from the Anatolian or Tocharian languages, i.e. from the branches which probably separated first. If we accept Afroasiatic parallels of the word *bhrodho- “ford”, we get to the most archaic etymon of the analyzed semantic bundle. Likewise, there exist promising external parallels to the verb *dhregh-. The other terms usually represent local innovations. ABBREVIATIONS Abl. ablative; acc. accusative; adj. adjective; Aeol. Aeolic; Akkad. Akkadian; Alb. albanian; aor. aorist; Arab. Arabic; Aram. Aramaic; Arm. Armenian; Assyr. Assyrian; Att. Attic; Av. Avestan; AV Atharvaveda; Bulg. Bulgarian; Bal. Balochi; Balt. Baltic; Bret. Breton; Brit. British; Brith. Brithonic, Brus. Belorussian; Boiot. Boiotic; Buddh. Buddhist; Calabr. Calabrian; Campid. Campidan (Sardinia); Cat. Catalan; Celt. Celtic; Celtiber. Celtiberian; Centr. Central; ChS. Church Slavonic; Chwarezm. Chwarezmian; cl. classic; CLuv. Cuneiform Luvian; Corn. Cornish; Cr. Croatian; Cret. Cretan; Cz. Czech; dat. dative; dial. dialect; Digor. Dogorian; Dor. Doric; E East; Eastern; Egypt. Egyptian; Eng. English; Engad. Engadian; ep. epic; f. feminine; Fin. Finnish; Fr. French; Fris. Frisian; Furl. Furlanic; Gaul. Gaulish; gen genitive; Georg. Georgian; Germ.German; gl. gloss; Gmc. Germanic; Got. Gothic; Gr. Greek; Hatt. Hattic; Hebr. Hebrew; Hitt. Hittie; HLuv. Hieroglyphic Luvian; Hom. Homeric; Hung. Hungarian; Hurr. Hurrian; IA Indo-Aryan; Icel. Icelandic; IE. Indo-European; II. Indo-Iranian; Il. Ilias; instr. instrumental; Ion Ionian; Ir. Irish; Iran. Iranian; Ital. Italian; Kash. Kashubian; Khot. Khotanese; Kurd. Kurdish; L Low; Lat. Latin; Latv. Latvian; Lepont. Lepontic, Lit. Lithuanian; loc. locative; Logud. Logudorish (Sardinia); LSorb. Lower Sorbian; Lus. Lusitanian; m. masculine; Mac. Macedonian; Messap. Messapic; M Middle; MHG Middle High German; MLG. Middle Low German; ntr. neuter; N. New; NL nomen loci; nom. nominative; No North Northern; O Old; OChS.

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    Old Church Slavonic; OHG. Old High Germanic; OI. Old Indic; ON. Old Norse; Osc. Oscan; Osset. Ossetic; p- proto-; Parth. Parthian; Pers. Persian; Phryg. Phrygian; Pkt. Prakrit; pl. plural; Plb. Polabian; Pol. Polish; PomSln. Pomerian Slovenian; Port. Portuguese; Prov. Provencal; Prus. (Old) Prussian; R. Russian; Rom. Romance; Rum. Rumanian; RV ‰gveda; S. Slavonic, Sax. Saxon; SCr. Serbo-Croatian; sg. singular; Sic. Sicilian; Slk. Slovakian; Sln. Slovenian; Sogd. Sogdian; Sp. Spanish; Sumer. Sumerian; Swed. Swedish; Syr. Syriac; ÍBr Íatapatha-Bráhmana; Thr. Thracian; Toch. Tocharian; U Upper; Ugarit. Ugaritic; Ukr. Ukrainian; Umb. Umbrian; Urart. Urartian; USorb. Upper Sorbian; Ved. Vedic; Vegl. Vegliotic; VS Vájaseneyi-Sa¯hitá; Y. Young; Zor. Zoroastrian. BIBLIOGRAPHY Abaev, Vasilij I. 1958–1995 Istoriko-9timologiçeskij slovaQ osetinskogo jazyka, I–V.

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