One World One Response

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    Introducing a series on complex emergencies in

    The Lancet less than two months ago, we noted that

    Jan Egeland, the UNs emergency relief coordinator

    on disaster reduction, was frustrated by the lack of

    attention being given to natural disasters by the

    international community. Now no longer, one

    presumes. The devastation wreaked by the south-

    Asian tsunami that struck on Dec 26, 2004, has kick-

    started an unprecedented global response. Un-

    qualified human empathy has been translated intounrestrained public acts of giving and helping that

    have caught more cautious politicians unprepared.

    There are huge lessons here for all heads of state to

    learn, not least the need for a massive overhaul in the

    way nations respond to episodes of humanitarian

    crisis.

    In addition to those who have died, the numbers of

    people at risk of disease defy comprehension. WHO

    estimates that 5 million people are presently without

    access to basic services. Over 2 million people have

    been displaced from their homes. And 15 million

    children are either orphaned or separated from their

    families. UNICEF has issued an urgent appeal for

    US$81 million; WHO for $40 million. Yet the

    international response to the publics generosity now

    poses its own particular problems. According to US

    Secretary of State Colin Powell, lack of money is not

    the main difficulty facing relief efforts. Distribution

    and coordination of aid are far bigger challenges. And

    here there has been unnecessary confusion.

    President Bushs delayed call for a US-led

    humanitarian initiative seemed to conflict with the

    UNs mandated role as principal coordinator of aglobal response. Former President Clintons proposal

    for individual nations to take one-to-one respon-

    sibility for assisting affected countries, while a

    constructive suggestion given the scale of the

    catastrophe, seemed to conflict with more

    multilateral approaches. Meanwhile, even within the

    UN system, the parallel efforts of WHO, UNICEF, and

    the World Food Programme, each of which has been

    rapid and robust, have demanded some kind of

    central coordinationa necessity that remains

    unfulfilled. The vital parts being played by amultiplicity of non-governmental organisations only

    add to the grave need for strategic planning

    Our recent attention to complex emergencies

    underlined several critical issues that will now be

    occupying those coordinating relief efforts. There is a

    need for a continuous process of epidemiological

    assessment across all affected regions. These

    assessments will include surveys of mortality,

    underlying risk factors (eg, prevalence of commu-

    nicable diseases, such as measles), and nutritional

    needs. It is surprising how often these measures are

    not obtained. Their absence makes planning aneffective response almost impossible. While the

    major causes of death in the immediate aftermath of

    the tsunamitrauma, diarrhoeal disease, acute

    respiratory infections, conditions affecting new-

    borns, and malnutritionare predictable, these

    remain commonly neglected aspects of almost all

    emergency responses. The commonest under-

    recognised needs are safe water supplies, basic

    sanitation, and hygiene. The best way to make these

    issues high priorities among those at risk is through

    community mobilisation and outreachanother

    under-recognised aspect of any response.

    There will also be an obvious demand for high

    population coverage with food and medicines. An

    often forgotten challenge is the need to match food

    provision with public-health intervention. Food acts

    as a strong magnet for attracting people from

    surrounding regions to the focal points of food

    supply. Unless public-health serviceseg, safe water

    are ensured, a rapid influx of people can overwhelm

    pre-existing stretched resources, increasing rather

    than diminishing risk. There will be additional special

    needs in areas such as reproductive health (access tosafe blood transfusions and good obstetric care,

    including caesarean section facilities), child (especially

    neonatal) health, and mental health. All of these

    demands require continuous monitoring. Although

    the effects of the south-Asian tsunami have so far

    been measured in numbers of casualties, mortality is

    an insensitive measure of health risk. Better measures

    will be needed in the weeks and months ahead.

    Beyond these immediate priorities, what should be

    the next steps in the global response? In the short-to-

    medium term, several initiatives have already beendeclared. The UK, in its role as G8 chair, has led

    welcome efforts on debt relief for countries affected

    Editorial

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    Editorial

    by the tsunami. Chinese and Japanese political

    leaders, together with Colin Powell and European

    Commission President Jose Barroso, met this week at

    the Asian Summit of Heads of State in Jakarta to pool

    their thinking on ways forward. Next week will see a

    UN-sponsored ministerial meeting to discuss pledges

    of aid. But this visible concern and commitment

    hides important weaknesses in the response so far,

    weaknesses that illustrate severe and surprising

    structural flaws in the international community.

    Whatever statements are now being made by

    presidents and prime ministers, there have beendisappointing political miscalculations. The most

    extreme was Tony Blairs decision to continue his

    holiday in Egypt while the bodies of his own country

    people, let alone the corpses of tens of thousands

    more, continued to wash up onto the shores of

    south-Asian nations. His choice to remain on

    holiday betrayed astonishingly derelict leadership

    and cruel detachment. More importantly, Chinas

    contribution to the tsunami response has been

    meagre, not only in financial terms ($62 million,

    against Japans $500 million) but also in logistics.China aspires to be a regional superpower. But its

    lack of experience in joining multilateral pro-

    grammes makes it an unusually weak partner. Asia

    continues to rely on Japan as its regional centre of

    geopolitical gravity. More encouragingly, the

    European Union is now considering a proposal to

    create a crisis management team to expand its

    capacity to respond to civilian emergencies. As many

    as 5000 experts across the EU might be part of this

    on-call team, which could be deployed for

    immediate relief and reconstruction.Still, there are disturbing uncertainties surrounding

    efforts to upgrade global collaboration. Kofi Annans

    leadership of the UN has been hit by US claims of

    impropriety over the pre-war oil-for-food pro-

    gramme in Iraq. This criticism has led Annan to

    bolster his position by appointing a new chief-of-

    staff, Mark Malloch Brown, formerly head of the

    UNs development programme. But in the face of

    this political storm, it will be hard for Annan to win

    support for a stronger UNthe key reform that he

    wished to leave as his legacy as secretary-general. A

    further uncertainty resides in the World Bank. Under

    the leadership of James Wolfensohn, the Bank has

    adopted a far more pro-poor posture in its advocacy

    and towards its loan arrangements. But

    Wolfensohns liberalism sits uncomfortably with the

    re-election of a conservative US president

    determined to spend his recently won politicalcapital. The risk that the World Bank may retreat

    from its more progressive development agenda is

    real and worrying.

    During this phase of continued crisis, we make two

    proposals. The first is to create an inter-

    governmental panelunder the umbrella of, but

    structurally separate from, the UNto coordinate

    emergency relief over the coming months in south

    Asia. This panel should include representatives of

    each affected country and be led by a person with

    international stature, proven diplomatic ability,familiarity with global policy making processes, and

    unbeatable communication skills. Former US

    President Clinton, perhaps.

    Second, we propose an International Commission

    on Global Responses to Complex Emergencies. This

    commission would draw on research evidence to set

    out recommendations and mechanisms to respond

    to man-made or natural disasters. Any catastrophe

    should be the trigger for a regional or global

    response that has been preplanned and tested in

    extreme circumstances. It should not be, as it isacross the tsunami-hit regions of south Asia, that

    competing agendas of governments, international

    agencies, and aid organisations be allowed to

    impede the publics wish that they put aside self-

    interest in the spirit of pure human cooperation.

    The Lancet

    The Lancet today issues a call for papers describing experiences of health workers in countries affected by the south-Asian tsunami.

    We want to publish descriptions of the conditions in which medical and public-health interventions are being delivered, the

    challenges faced by relief workers, and reports of the health predicaments confronting local communities. These papers might

    range from preliminary evaluations of responses to aid, to descriptive essays; from case reports, to photojournalism.

    Please contact: [email protected]

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