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INTRODUCTION

Managing diversities in urban contexts, where more

than half of the world’s population currently lives,

represents an aim for sustainable urban develop-

ment. As Bonaiuto (2011) argues drawing on a

diversity of epistemological, theoretical, and

methodological approaches is key to understand-

ing people-environment relations and for promot-

ing the quality of urban life. Urban diversity is an

outcome of contemporary debates about justice,

space, and the city (Lefebvre, 2003 and

Harvey,2009). Soja (2010) argues that justice has

geography within which equitable distribution of

resources, services and access can form a basic

human right. Fainstein (2010) suggests that evalu-

ation criteria for urban development should be pro-

longed to include social justice.

Diversity has already been influencing the

urban space and its economic development since

the mid of the 20th century in Gulf cities. The impact

of foreign labors influx clearly exists in Gulf cities

fabric. In present-time Gulf cities, diversity has

repeatedly been pictured as a problem. Sometimes

called ‘the other City’, in terms of an uncivilized,

underdeveloped group, the working class which

consists to a large extent of Indians and other

minorities was heavily stigmatized. The media

images of working class quarters as no-go areas or

‘bombs about to explode’ was linked to ‘ideological

fantasies’ of a unified Gulf city, excluding ‘the other’.

Cultural Diversity in Cities: The Various Identities

The right to the city approach (UN Habitat, 2009)

recognizes diversity in economic, social and cultur-

al life. This is centered on the principle that cities

are the dynamic engine of cultural change, social

life and linguistic and religious differences, gender

and heterogeneity. Few cities translate this under-

standing into urban policies and programs that

tackle the deep-rooted causes of social intolerance,

economic exclusion and spatial segregation.

Landry and Wood (2007) assert that multicultural

cities are open; and are equitable regarding ethnic

Ali A. Alraouf

Abst rac t

The paper discusses current trends and future developments in the study of people-urban environment relations, with

an emphasis on the concept of diversity within the Gulf cities. This is explored in relation to: theoretical approaches,

urban public spaces, people's lifestyles, social groups and inclusive urban environments. Contemporary Gulf cities are

providing unique examples for research on urban diversity.Its demographic structure is distinctive for a minimum of 50%

expatriates in overall population. Gulf cities are obliged to cope with such a compelling fact. The challenge is to move

away from indifference and bring about better acceptance of others. On the relationship; city spaces and culture, the

paper argues that traditional markets must be envisioned as spaces for cultural expressions. Traditional markets are a

rich display of products and talents and a great opportunity to share and meet with people from same culture and oth-

ers.Using comparative analysis approach juxtapositioning the selected cases, the paper confronts questions like what

does Gulf urban diversity mean in the present. In addition, is diversity in urban spaces only a challenge to be dealt with

or is there also economic potential that can be taken advantage of? How do we ensure that Gulf cities are indeed

spaces of tolerance? How to give visibility to the spaces of marginalized groups, as these spaces are often ignored or

worse, eliminated? How to preserve or regain spaces in the city for the expression of traditional cultures of those migrat-

ing from other regions or countries? The paper explores the socioeconomic and cultural mechanisms that can encour-

age inclusive pluralism in the Gulf cities’ open spaces.

Keywords: : Urban diversity, public spaces, traditional markets - souqs, multi-culture gulf cities, heritage revivalism.

A TALE OF TWO SOUQS: THE PARADOX OF GULFURBAN DIVERSITY.

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differences and desires. For most of its inhabitants,

harmony in a multicultural, economically success-

ful, satisfying city requires a way of life that main-

tains the essentials of one’s ethnic or historical iden-

tity while at the same time enables and in some

cases permits one to earn a living and take part in

a city’s political activities. Cultural diversity is a pos-

itive value that should be encouraged, supported

and protected (Low, 2005; Harvey, 2009). Besides

going into the many aspects of a model multicul-

tural city, Landry and Wood (2007) identify indica-

tions that can be used to estimate how a specific

city measures up. They argue that in globalization

era, peaceful and fruitful cities are inevitably multi-

cultural. It is in cities that a major challenge of

today’s world can be observed: How to sustain and

facilitate the expression of human cultural diversity

and at the same time create spaces and produce

connectedness, inclusion and conditions for dia-

logue. Gulf cities, since oil discovery, were severely

divided into two main categories of populations;

local and foreigners. (Figure 1)

Cities are culturally heterogeneous as they

are places of contrast, plurality and interaction.

Cultural expressions and social identities are con-

structed and reconstructed in the city as its inhabi-

tants have contact with ‘the other’. Cities are places

where we can learn about ‘the other’ and can,

therefore, potentially develop tolerance to differ-

ences and thus accept ‘the other’ as part of the

larger community. This is the essence of Gulf cities

contemporary dilemma. Moreover, on the relation-

ship cultural diversity-spaces, the adequacy of

design and planning responses in terms of socio-

cultural patterns is critical when it comes to various

aspects of urban development. The creation of

space according to the way of living is a form of

cultural expression itself; therefore, it should be as

diverse as society is.

SOUQ AS A CATALYST FOR URBAN DIVERSITY

Traditional markets - Souqs - are a popular touris-

tic attraction in every Middle Eastern city. Khan El-

Khalili in Cairo, Al-Hamidiya in Damascus, Al-

Mubarakiya in Kuwait, Al-Melh in Sana’a thrive in

Middle Eastern Cities, and authenticate the past by

reflecting its heritage. There, people are attracted

by the aura of history and fascinated by what is

genuine and rare. Souq in the traditional urban

fabric of Gulf cities was the social, commercial, cul-

tural and even recreational center, a holistic mani-

festation of public life. Contrary to European cities,

public spaces in traditional Gulf and Middle

Eastern cities were limited to two main entities. The

Saha (plaza) was the main open space adjacent to

the grand mosque, and, the souq allocated along

its edge. The three urban components; Mosque,

Souq and Saha construct the main pillars of any

Middle Eastern city’s public life. The Souq was an

urban manifestation of interaction between different

ethnic, tribal, and religious groups. Souqs were a

very distinguished category of public spaces in

Middle Eastern cities (Al Hathloul, 1981, Mortada,

2003). Kihato (2010) rightly identifies public

Figure 1. Doha as an example of globalizing Gulf cities.

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spaces as specific areas of contestation for examin-

ing the multiple meanings of inclusion and exclu-

sion in fast changing urban contexts. In the con-

text of Middle Eastern cities’ Souqs, as the main

form of public spaces, are the right platform for

examining urban diversity and its related spatial

manifestations.(Figure 2 and 3)

Gehl (2010) asserts that a lively city

counters the trend for people to withdraw into

gated communities. A phenomenon becomes so

evident in contemporary Gulf cities’ urbanism. As

oppose to segregated city, lively city is serving a

democratic function where people encounter

social diversity within its spatial diversified com-

ponents. Using rehabilitated public spaces like

renewed traditional souqs, the paper analyzes the

actions of the state, the integration of locals and

practices of marginalized urban dwellers. The

paper assesses the formation and reformation of

processes of inclusion, whether through deliber-

ate institutional actions intended to rejuvenate

public life or the spontaneous reactions of city

residents. It will construct an approach that views

diversity as an asset rather than a threat. Gulf

communities have a lot in common and yet are

diverse. Cultural resources should be explored

and used to bridge the urban divide and for the

development of cities.

Figure 2. Traditional Souqs in Islamic cities as platforms for knowledge transfer and social integration.

Figure 3. Traditional Souqs in Islamic cities as plat-

forms for knowledge transfer and social integration.

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lraoufTRADITIONAL SOUQS IN GLOBALIZING

URBANITIES

During the last decades, cities in the Gulf have

gone through an unprecedented transformation,

which is most visibly apparent in architectural and

urban new projects. While the suitability of such

projects for the region’s climate and cultural envi-

ronment is under great scrutiny, the desire for

modernization is overwhelming. A trend that

results in a wave of Western architecture mush-

roomed throughout contemporary Gulf cities.

Hence, projects that would provide a new under-

standing and respect to traditional architecture

are not only important but also setting a new

direction of development for government officials

and developers.

The case studies used are two important

commercial and cultural public spaces in capital

cities of Bahrain and Qatar respectively. They both

represent milestones in the two cities’ urban history.

The first case is in Manama, called Bab Al Bahrain

Souq, located on the Gulf water edge and extends

towards the inner city. The second in Doha, called

souq Waqif, located in the city heart. The selected

cases in Manama and Doha have many similarities

helping conducting a realistic comparative study.

The two souqs are the most significant public and

commercial centers in the two selected cities. They

both represent the physical manifestation of tradi-

tional architecture and urbanism. During the last five

years, the two Souqs were subjected to massive ren-

ovation projects aiming at regaining vitality within

their urban and social context. The cases will be

analyzed as newly renovated spaces, which were

created with much potential to empower the relation

between cultural diversity and urbanism. A move

from indifference to tolerance will provide a new

platform for Gulf cities planners where a question

‘How do we sustain and facilitate the expression of

cultural diversity and, at the same time, create

spaces for connectivity, inclusion and dialogue will

be addressed and potentially answered.

Bab Al Bahrain Souq

Manama was a Gulf regional capital, occupied by

the British following the signing of a Protectorate

Treaty in 1892 (Khouri, 1980; Fuccaro, 1999,

2000). The two sects of Islam, Sunni and Shi’a, co-

existed in Manama with other non-Muslim entities

such as Christians, Indians of various sects and

Jews. Such a rich mosaic was further enhanced by

the arrival of expatriates, initially because of eco-

nomic prosperity (Alraouf, 2006).

The old port called Bab-al-Bahrain

(Bahrain Gate) was a commercial pole that extend-

ed to the main market. The souq is popular with

locals, expatriates and tourists who experience the

traditional setting of a unique marketplace. The

renovation project, which will cost around 90 mil-

lion US dollars, was expected to be completed by

2011. Moh’d Al-Makdadi, project manager, states

that “the objective of the project is to preserve the

unique heritage and traditional character of the

souq and activate its touristic and cultural roles

which were endangered due to unplanned increase

in surrounding high-rise buildings” (Gulf News,

2008). The ‘Project Design Report’ states: “We seek

continuity, sustainability and balance through our

culture and architectural heritage. We preserve

identity and respect the alphabets of the architec-

tural vocabulary of the region” (2006, p. 4).

Ahmad Bucheery, a Bahraini architect responsible

for the renovation project, rejects copying from the

past and preaches for innovation and creativity

(Bucheery, 2004). Assessing the souq’s renovation

design reveals major contradictions. Claims of per-

ceiving the project as an arena for creative inter-

pretation are confronted by the extensive use of typ-

ical traditional architecture vocabulary without any

attempts for innovation.

Significantly, the routes of a major religious

festivity traverse the context of Bab Al-Bahrain. The

religious and ceremonial processions performed by

the Shi’a groups to remember the anniversary of

Imam Hussain, Grandson of Prophet Mohamed,

who was martyred in Karbala city, Iraq. The usage

of spaces and streets in addition to urban charac-

ter and spatial qualities changes dramatically due

to the sacred event known as Ashouraa (Alraouf,

2010). According to extensive interviews, conduct-

ed by the author, with Manama municipality repre-

sentatives, on site discussions and project architect-

statements, it was concluded that Ashouraa event

was not considered in the renovation scheme. The

decision-makers’ conception of heritage renovation

in the area is limited to reintroducing traditional

architecture vocabulary. Hence, the new urban set-

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ting was not generated from within the context or

the event which highlights its public life; Ashouraa.

(Figure 4 and 5)

The authenticity of the event: while archi-

tecture, which has been used in the rehabilitation of

old Manama souq can becritically referred to as

‘fake’ representation of the past, the event of

Ashouraa and itssacred power to gather thousands

of people is one of the most authentic dimension of

Manama’s urbanity. The fact that it is a religious

festival and related to a major sect inthe country

adds different layers to its importance. The new

development should focus onthe event as aggrega-

tor for the spatial and social spirit of the urban con-

text (Picard and Robinson, 2006). As Frenchman

(2004) convincingly argues, good event-place-

making represents more than successfulurban

design. It is a powerful means of city building

because it creates both social and physicalcapital

and can contribute to the local economy.

Souq Waqif

Souq Waqif was originally a weekly market for local

Bedouins.The souq acquired its name ‘Waqif,’

which means ‘standing’ in English because mer-

chants stood up to peddle their goods. Spaces were

small, making it impossible to sit on either side of

Musherib Valley (Atar and Abdullah, 2006). Doha

Figure 4. Manama Souq hosts the religious festival of Ashouraa attended by multiracial shi’a groups.

Figure 5. Manama Souq hosts the religious festival of Ashouraa attended by multiracial shi’a groups.

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was a mere village and Musherib Valley was the

main feature of its morphology. Coinciding with the

emerging of modern Qatar, the souk developed to

expand in space and activities. The Souq recent

renovation is considered one of the most successful

projects, which took place within Dohain the last

decade. It has become one of Doha’s most popu-

lar sites.

In time for Doha’s hosting of the 2006

Asian Olympic Games, and with Qatar’s aim of

presenting and preserving its heritage in the midst

of prevailing globalization and modernization, the

souk was rebuilt a new to welcome visitors from all

over. After renovation, Souq Waqif becomes a

showcase of traditional architecture, handicrafts

and folk art. The Souq evokes the feeling of tradi-

tional Qatar heritage. Beginning in 2004, it was

renovated according to traditional Qatari architec-

tural principles and by using authentic materials

(Atar and Abdullah, 2006). An intricate labyrinth of

streets offers a natural shelter from the country’s

harsh climate (Kaaki, 2008). The successful reno-

vation highlights the nobility and wisdom behind

the region’s traditional architecture in the face of

modern construction devoid of any cultural

identity1. This traditional experience made Souk

Waqif imperative and the prime place to visit for

locals, expatriates and tourists alike. The spatial

experience currently provided is so unique. Strolling

in open air along the winding souk streets and the

twisting narrow alleyways is itself an interesting jour-

ney; evoking a sense of connecting to the past and

reliving Qatar’s ancestors lives before develop-

ment.

Souq Waqif was nominated for prestigious

Aga Khan Award for Architecture in the 2010 cycle.

It has been described as a revitalization project, a

unique architectural revival of one of the most

important heritage sites in Doha aimed to reverse

the dilapidation of the historic structures and

remove inappropriate alterations and additions. In

complete contrast to the heritage theme parks that

are becoming common in the region, Souq Waqif

is both a traditional open-air public space that is

used by shoppers, tourists, merchants and residents

alike, and a working market.(Figure 6)

The souk has another crucial role that ele-

vates visitors’ artistic and cultural experience.

Allocated in the center of the main alley is Waqif Art

Center. Different local and foreign artists display

their creative handwork, especially in forms of pho-

tography, painting and sculpture. It is also a place

for conducting workshops for children and youth in

different art subjects. The Souq spatial experience is

usually used to inspire participants. Moreover, in

addition, it is a place for events such as cultural

symposiums and lectures covering all subjects deal-

ing with art and creativity. Periodically, evenings of

celebrations and creative popular music recitals are

artfully organized on weekends and national holi-

Figure 6. Souq Waqif, Doha as a space to rejuvenate diversified public life.

1 According to Mohamed Ali Abdulla (2006, p:13), the souq designer, the renovation plan was based on a comprehensive study of Qatar traditional architecture, analysis of Ariel photoscaptured the souq’s urban fabric in the 40s and 50s of last century, archival records, building records and finally local elderly people narrative of place memories structured the renova-tion plan.

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days. Among the successful events which have

been held at the Souq included the Spring Festival,

Eid Al Fitr and Al Adha festivals, concerts of popu-

lar Arab artists, and musical events during week-

ends all catered to the multi-cultural population of

Qatar and visitors. Al-Maawda (2009) argues that

just as Khan El-Khalili in Cairo, was a strong source

of inspiration for Nobel Prize laureate Naguib

Mahfouz, Waqif Art Center strives to promote cul-

tural awareness and a refined human artistic sense.

SMALL IS BEAUTIFUL: AUTHENTIC OR

FAKE; L IMIT ING GROWTH

Souq Waqif is set to further cement its reputation as

Doha’s tourist hub with plans taking place to estab-

lish new facilities including new hotels and addi-

tional parking areas. Ten new hotels are set to rise

as part of the management’s ambitious plans to

develop the already prominent Souq. Currently,

around 20,000 to 30,000 visitors come to Souq

Waqif during weekdays and can reach up to

40,000 during weekends. Parking areas are also

being developed to add spaces that can accom-

modate an additional 4,500 vehicles. They include

a three-level underground parking area which can

hold up to 2,000 vehicles and another parking

space which can accommodate 2,500 cars. The

parking areas along with the new structures which

have been built and yet to be erected such as cafes

and shops followtraditional architecture and use

locally available materials to maintain the tradition-

al look and feel of the Souq.

In this sense, I would argue that Souq

Waqif’s development is extended to include the

authentic, the authentic fake and the fake. The term

‘authentic’ lends credibility to the resource and pro-

vides the most direct connection to a special time or

place (Eco, 1986; 1990). Authenticity is not solely

the built environment around us, but relates to the

people and their activities. Eco goes on to show

how the layers of reality and the concept of original

become even further blurred. The duality of the fake

and real is so complex.

The old core is definitely authentic and

goes back to the city’s original structure. Then the

project moved to the authentic fake in its first phase

of development. Traditional Qatari architecture was

used to reintroduce new spaces and places, which

were added to the original. Finally, the new phases

of the souq development are simply fake. The level

of success that the project achieve, tempt decision

makers to extend it beyond authentic and authentic

fake boundaries. Currently, the new additions of the

souq with its fake approach and naive use of limit-

ed vocabulary are stretching in every direction

around the original souq. The notion of small is

beautiful which is the essence of traditional souqs

was ignored for the favor of the souq becoming a

prim destination. Limiting the souq’s growth once it

reaches its original territory, is as important as

expanding it. Moving from authentic place to a fake

one, precisely if new additions are functionless, is

harming the project’s success story.

CONCLUSION

Heritage, cultural plurality and social sustainability

Revitalizing the commercial cores of traditional

cities can be a catalyst for connecting cultural plu-

rality with historical territory. Both Doha and

Manama traditional souqs exhibited this concept. In

their attempt to construct a global image, both

Doha and Manama expanded their strategy. The

two cities coupled the focus on real estate iconic

development with revitalized traditional souqs and

spaces that incorporate cultural diversity. In the city

today, everything has an economic value, not only

Figure 7. Suggested new public spaces which neglect

the spatial needs of Ashouraa.

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the usual commodities butalso the images can be

traded and purchased. A trend towards the privati-

zation of urbanpublic spaces is growing swiftly in

many world cities and perhaps most rapidly in

Gulfcities. Shopping malls do not even try to dis-

guise their effort to replace open squares andmar-

kets. Yet, the city should be flexible enough to let

people apply their own volition. They leave

thetraces that reflect their identities and mold the

city as well as being reshaped by thecity. Buildings,

streets, people, smells, sounds, colors, motions,

etc., are inherent and inextricable components that

make cities what they are and constructtheir

authentic memory.

The absence of public spaces

Urban heritage conservation does not necessarily

mean preserving a building but revivingits spirit and

life. It implies to be flexible enough to adapt the

objectives of rehabilitation tothe needs of modern

living while respecting local community values.

Rehabilitation of public areas is important and

essential as they add to the quality of a living andto

the ways in which people perceive and identify with

their locality. It is therefore paramountthat rehabili-

tation acknowledges the significance of public

areas and strengthenspeoples’ sense of belonging.

What is questionable about the two discussedpro-

jects, in Doha and Manama, is their common

abounded of what was previously stated as an ulti-

mategoal, the sufficient provision of open spaces

(Figures 7 and 8). Theonly developed public space

in the design scheme of Bab Al-Bahrain Souq was

cancelled due to a lack of availableparking spaces

in the area. Advocating a policy for preserving and

rehabilitating Manama’sold core is urgently needed

but not in the sense that would focus on reviving a

few historicalbuildings but would provide a com-

prehensive strategy to revive the city with all its life,

events and community. In the case of Souq Waqif,

giving car parking more priority than people do

resulted in a situation where the souq is suffocated

by huge parking places. The souq is becoming an

island within pools of cars spoiling its visual richness

and continuity. All potential areas that can be used

as spaces for people were designated for cars even

from the Gulf’s waterfront direction. A latent urban

connection, traditionally exist, was not considered.

Incorporating cultural diversity

Tourism is developed by using ‘fake’ vocabulary to

produce ‘authentic’ yet isolated pieces of architec-

ture. Alternatively, considering issues like sustain-

ability especially in its social aspects, cultural diver-

sity, presence of ethnicgroups, accommodating fes-

tivals and religious ceremonies are more authentic

and credibletools to promote more genuine experi-

ences to be seen, perceived and shared by

tourists.The ability of the place to accommodate

social, cultural and religious events was totallya-

Figure 8. Suggested new public spaces which neglect the spatial needs of Ashouraa.

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bandoned in Bab Al Bahrain souq in Manama.

While, limited cultural event, mainly singing festivals

were allowed in souq Waqif, Doha. Allowing differ-

ent ideologies to materialize in places is an impor-

tant factor in making cities more appropriate set-

tings, for communal ceremonies and festivities.

Both the conservation and the effective manage-

ment of the historic townscape are dependenton a

sound understanding of its historical and spatial

structures, an understanding ofsocial and commu-

nity structure and more importantly, as Orbasil

(2000) stresses, an appreciation of the private and

religious uses of urban spaces. With the uniquely

diversified demographic structure in Bahrain and

Qatar, such focus on incorporating cultural diversi-

ty and considering its spatial impact is urgently

needed.

The fallacy of architectural national identity

Urban planners and architects in the Gulf region

should encourage decision makers, developers,

engineers and builders to understand the essence

of traditional architecture and at the same time,

make full use of the latest building techniques. The

fusion of traditional and contemporary should con-

struct the platform for creativity in the built environ-

ment. The two examined cases, In Doha and

Manama, exhibited a limited understanding of the

role of traditional architecture as a catalyst for cre-

ativity and innovation. Traditionalcommunities’

architecture, in fact, does not follow strict rules.

Traditional architecture, despite its astonishing diver-

sity, has throughout its history adapted to different

cultures, without ever departing from the spiritual

essence, which was its sole source of inspiration.

More significantly, cultural relativeness is so crucial

in this context. Cultural and heritage preservation

development projects; like the paper-examined

cases, are important. Yet, new development is also

creating new culture and heritage. Therefore, While

Gulf cities are celebrating the success of renovation

projects of their old heritage; they need also to real-

ize that new heritage is born out of the unprece-

dented development they are all engaged in.

Multicultural ethics, boundaries and choices

Public projects that enhance the quality of open

spaces and allow urban diversity are manifestation

of the ethical perspective of culture. In cosmopoli-

tan society like the one residing in contemporary

Doha and Manama, intercultural/ multicultural

ethics should be applied. In the light of such

understanding, cultural universalism cannot be

tolerated. A move towards cultural relativism in

all aspects of life and significantly in different cul-

tural groups’ ability to manifest its existential pres-

ence is a fundamental vehicle towards promoting

and attaining urban diversity in contemporary

Gulf context.A diversified society in terms of cul-

tural, ethnic, religious, and gender backgrounds

must adhere to cultural choices rather than cul-

tural boundaries. In Doha and Manama cities

with such a unique demographic structure,

imposing cultural boundaries will never facilitate

enhancing urban diversity. Alternatively, providing

an array of cultural choices infuse a massage of

tolerance and harmonious living.

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Prof. Dr. Ali A. Alraouf

Urban Planning

College of Arts and Sciences

Qatar University, Doha, Qatar

alialraouf@yahoo.com