Opening the Doors:Intellectual Life andAcademic Conditions in Post-War Baghdad

Headless statue of Saddam Hussein portrayed in academicgarb in the courtyard of the National Library and Archives

A Report of the Iraqi Observatory15 July 2003

Keith Watenpaugh • Edouard Méténier • Jens Hanssen • Hala Fattah

©The Iraqi Observatory

Table of Contents

1. Introduction

1.1 Mission Context 21.2 Purpose and Organization of the Report 31.3 Method 31.4 Group Members 41.5 The Iraqi Observatory 41.7 Acknowledgements 4Additional Information 4Authors’ Contact Information 5

2. Material and Organizational Conditions of Baghdad’s Academic, Cultural andIntellectual Resources

2.1 Summary 62.2 Universities 6

2.2.1 Baghdad University 82.2.2 al-Mustansiriyya University 102.2.3 al-Nahrayn University 102.2.4 Recommendations 10

2.3 Scientific and Scholarly Societies 102.3.1 Bayt al-Hikma 112.3.2 Iraqi Academy of Sciences 112.3.3 Recommendations 12

2.4 Libraries and Archives 132.4.1 National Library and Archives 132.4.2 Ministry of Religious Endowments (al-Awqaf) Library 152.4.3 al-Qadiriyya Mosque, Library and Soup Kitchen Complex 162.4.4 Recommendations 16

Additional Information 17

3. Academic and Intellectual Life in Contemporary Baghdad

3.1 Summary 183.2 Academic Life under the Baath 18

3.2.1 Recommendations 203.3 De-Baathification and the Academy 21

3.3.1 Recommendations 233.4 Newspapers, the Internet, Coffeehouses and Civil Society 23

3.4.1 Recommendations 25Additional Information 25

4. Relations between the Iraqi Academic and Intellectual Communityand the Coalition Provisional Authority

4.1 Introduction 264.2 Higher Education 264.3 Culture 284.4 Recommendations 29Additional Information 29

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American soldiers patrol the campus of Baghdad University

1.1 Mission Context

W ord began to trickle out of Baghdad in mid-April 2003 that the Iraqi National Library andArchives and the library of the Ministry of HolyEndowments and Religious Affairs (al-Awqaf)had been burned and looted during the paroxysmof aggravated mayhem that followed the collapseof the Baathist regime. Soon, it became clear thatin addition to the damage to those libraries, uni-versities, research centers and private institutionshad also been harmed or destroyed, and that ad-ditional elements of Iraq’s rich cultural heritagein the form of historic buildings, musical ar-chives and contemporary art were at risk. Thesewere moments of deep and profound sadness thatultimately gave way to conversations about waysto work to rebuild and restore what had beenlost.

As these conversations continued, several of us –primarily a group of historians of the contempo-rary Middle East – decided to travel to Baghdadto catalog the extent of the damage to institutionsof higher learning and cultural production. Wealso intended to record the needs of Iraq’s aca-demic and intellectual community as it rebuildsitself in the face of a generation of brutish ruleby Saddam Hussein, a decade of debilitatingU.N. sanctions, a brief and humiliating war, andan open-ended American-led military occupa-tion.

We assigned ourselves three specific objectives:

The renewal and enhancement of contacts withcolleagues inside the Iraqi academic community,especially in the humanities and social science,while at the same time gauging their status andprofessional welfare;

The assessment, with the guidance of our Iraqicolleagues, of the material condition of libraries,archives, universities and research centers;

The establishment of bases for future coopera-tion between international and Iraqi academiccommunities, institutions and professional asso-ciations.

This is the report of our findings following a 9-day visit to Baghdad (22-30 June 2003), perhapsthe most violent week in terms of Iraqi and coa-lition casualties since the “end” of the war onMay 1. We found ourselves aided in that task bya remarkable collection of fellow historians, pro-fessors from other disciplines, librarians, biblio-philes and religious leaders. A suggestion ofwhat should happen next by one of these, thehistorian cImad al-Jawahiri, provides the title andthe spirit of this report. And despite the fact thatconditions in Iraq proved much worse than an-ticipated – especially in terms of security and thecompetence of the American-dominated occupa-tion administration, the Coalition ProvisionalAuthority (CPA) – we took comfort in the wordsof yet another historian, Kamal Muzhar Ahmad,

that “it is the responsibilityof the historian to bealways optimistic.”

Any discussions of intel-lectual activity in Iraq,from academic freedom tostudent exchange programsmust be understood in lightof the fact that the countryand its people are undermilitary occupation andlack a sovereign govern-ment. The presence of168,000 foreign troops, ageneral lack of public secu-rity and services, and arapidly shifting political ter-rain has created a volatileand politicized context forIraq’s cultural heritage,universities, libraries, and

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research centers. Further, heirs of an intensivelycentralized state, the institutional bases of intel-lectual and academic life in Iraq now dependupon the American authorities for funds and se-curity; and that aid is predicated first and fore-most upon American ideological and strategicinterests. Consequently, our Iraqi colleaguesface a dilemma: the American presence, whichrepresents access to the outside world, redevel-opment funds and the promise of a truly autono-mous, rigorous academic environment comes atthe cost of a military occupation and the modali-ties and demands of an American foreign anddomestic policy which external observers andIraqis alike increasingly consider colonialism.How institutions outside of Iraq – colleges, uni-versities, professional societies and donors –respond to this dilemma will contribute to thevery warp and weft of Iraq’s intellectual com-munity and its relations with the rest of the worldfor decades to come.

1.2 Purpose and Organization of the Report

This report is built on three themes:

A description of the current material and organi-zational condition of Iraq’s intellectual and aca-demic community;

An assessment of the prevailing conditions ofIraqi cultural and intellectual life;

A characterization of the ongoing relationshipsbetween the Iraqi academic and intellectualcommunity and the occupation forces/structuresof governance.

Each section or sub-section ends with is a seriesof suggestions based on our observations andtempered by our experience as university profes-sionals and years of living and conducting re-search in several Middle Eastern countries.

We intend this report for the international aca-demic community writ large. We hope it can beused as a starting point for policy discussions atcolleges, universities, and professional organiza-tions worldwide – especially as American uni-versities begin to vie for multi-million dollarUSAID reconstruction grants. We also encour-age those working to establish academic ex-change programs or those looking to offer theirexpertise in fields as diverse as book preserva-

tion to university management to see it as a re-source and a guide.

We conceived this work in the spirit of completetransparency and collegial discourse. It includesjudgments and assessments that may not beshared by all members of the group, but ratherrepresent a consensus opinion. Our conclusionsare based on a rapid assessment of the situation,often less than forthcoming answers from CPAofficials and occasional obfuscation by Iraqi bu-reaucrats, and thus, may not be complete. Thereport should be seen as a beginning and a roadmap for later groups.

Subsequent to the publication of this report – stilla work in progress – members of the group willbe adding detailed appendices, corrections,maps, digital video clips and updates. Hypertextlinks to relevant reports and documents appear asentries at the end of chapters.

1.3 Method

As noted in a recent International Crisis Groupreport, “Baghdad: A Race Against the Clock”(11 June 2003), “Baghdad is a city in distress,chaos and ferment.” There is no general landlinetelephone service, and satellite phones are unre-liable; we often just dropped in on people duringtheir office hours or at their homes. Others cameand spent time with us at our hotel. In addition,with daytime temperatures reaching highs of45°-50° C (113°-122° F) – compounded by thelack of electricity and air-conditioning – ourworking days were foreshortened to a few hourseach morning, and the early evening. The 23:00civilian curfew made nighttime meetings diffi-cult, especially as most Iraqis want to be homeby dusk (20:00). Nevertheless, we were able tomeet with dozens of local academics, intellectu-als, artists, and bureaucrats as well as foreigndiplomats, representatives from the UN Devel-opment Program, UNESCO and officials of theCPA. Before our departure from Amman, wealso met with Iraqis who had taken refuge inJordan, NGO workers recently returned fromBaghdad, as well as representatives of founda-tions and the local and foreign academic com-munity.

There was no set questionnaire or “talkingpoints;” rather conversations in Arabic, Englishand French tended to flow freely from topic totopic. Most were friendly and collegial althoughothers were not. Iraqis of all strata were willing

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to speak in a frank and open manner. They evi-denced little concern over criticizing either theformer regime or the current authority. CPAofficials tended to be less forthcoming.

In addition to these more formal meetings, wealso visited universities, libraries, academic andresearch institutes, coffeehouses frequented bywriters and artists, book dealers, and importanthistoric Islamic and Ottoman sites.

1.4 Group Members

Hala Fattah graduated from UCLA (1986) witha Ph.D. in Modern Middle East History. Shespecializes in the history of modern Iraq. Now anindependent scholar living in Jordan, she is theauthor of The Politics of Regional Trade in Iraq,Arabia and the Gulf, 1745-1900 (Albany, NewYork: SUNYPress, 1997), several articles onIraqi intellectuals in the 18th and 19th centuries,reformist Islam and the contours of the pre-mod-ern Iraqi state.

Jens Hanssen (Oxford, D.Phil. History, 2001) isAssistant Professor of Middle Eastern andMediterranean History at the University of To-ronto, Canada. Oxford University Press is pub-lishing his forthcoming book on 19th and 20thcentury Beirut. He has written on memory andreconstruction in post-war Lebanon and recentlyco-edited a book on “Arab Provincial Capitals inthe Late Ottoman Empire” (2002).

Edouard Méténier, Professeur agrégéd’histoire, is currently conducting research onlate 18th to early-20th-century Iraqi social andintellectual history. Attached to the Université deProvence / IREMAM, he is also a research fel-low of the Institut Français du Proche-Orient -Damas. This was his third visit to Iraq since2001; he lived in Baghdad from November 2001to May 2002.

Keith D. Watenpaugh (Ph.D. Modern MiddleEast History, UCLA 1999) is Assistant Professorof History at Le Moyne College in Syracuse,New York. He also serves as Associate Directorof the college’s Center for Peace and GlobalStudies and is an Affiliate in Research of theHarvard University Center for Middle EastStudies. He has written extensively on the ori-gins of the Baath Party, Arab Nationalism, andEuropean colonialism in the Levant. This was hissecond research visit to Iraq in six months.

1.5 The Iraqi Observatory

To maintain the momentum and follow-up on theconnections and findings of this report, theauthors, in concert with other Middle East spe-cialist and Iraqi colleagues have begun to formthe Iraqi Observatory (IO). Associates of the IOwill make subsequent visits to Baghdad andother cities, continue to focus on issues of aca-demic freedom and ethics against the backdropof both the occupation and the emergence of newstructures of power, and produce critical andengaged writing on the situation as it unfolds inIraq. For more information, please contact theauthors of this report.

1.7 Acknowledgements

Several groups and individuals made our visitpossible. We thank Professor Lisa Anderson,President, Middle East Studies Association andDean, School of International and Public Affairs,Columbia University for providing us withMESA’s imprimatur. Logistical support camefrom Jim Jennings of Conscience International,and Gregor B. M. Meiering of the Near East Re-gional Office of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftungprovided a generous last-minute mini-grant. Wealso thank the Departments of History and Nearand Middle East Civilizations of the Universityof Toronto, Le Moyne College’s Center forPeace and Global Studies, J. Barron Boyd, Di-rector, and the Institut Français du Proche-Orient, Christian Décobert, Director.

The authors are solely responsible for the de-scriptions, analyses and conclusions of this re-port. Their findings do not necessarily representthe opinions of these organizations and groups.Any support should not be interpreted as an en-dorsement of the report or its conclusions.

Additional Information

International Crisis Group, “Baghdad: A RaceAgainst the Clock” (11 June 2003)

http://www.crisisweb.org/projects/showreport.cfm?reportid=1000

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Authors’ Contact Information

Hala FattahPost Office Box 5263AmmanJordan

Cell: 00 962-6-079-5630-977Tel: 00 962-6-593-1915

email: hmf@index.com.jo

Jens HanssenDepartment of HistoryUniversity of Toronto100 St. George StToronto, ONT M5S 3G3Canada

Tel: 001 416 978 3143

email: jens.hanssen@utoronto.ca

Edouard MéténierInstitut Français du Proche OrientSection des Etudes Médiévales, Modernes etArabesP.O. Box 344Damascus, Syria

Tél.: [963-11] 333 02 14Fax.: [963-11] 332 78 87

email: edouard.metenier@laposte.net

Keith D. WatenpaughCenter for Peace and Global StudiesLe Moyne College1419 Salt Springs RoadSyracuse NY 13214 USA

Tel: 1 (315) 445-4477

email: watenpkd@lemoyne.eduhttp://www.lemoyne.edu/history/waten.html

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2. Material and Organizational Conditions of Baghdad’s Academic, Cultural and Intel-lectual Resources

2.1 Summary

I raqis have borrowed from a story in The Thou-sand and One Nights the name “Ali Baba” todescribe the loosely organized groups of looterswho took advantage of the power vacuum cre-ated by the collapse of the Baathist regime tosteal among other things, appliances, buildingmaterials, communication devices, electricaltransformers, computers, and books. While mostof this looting has abated, some looters havemoved on to disassembling entire buildings brickby brick. This is certainly the case for the late-Ottoman Qushla located near Suq al-Saray andthe Mandate-era former Ministry of Defencecomplex at Bab al-Muazzam. Ali Baba is an apt,if not ironic, euphemism: he stole from thieves.Similarly the looting was mostly directed againststate institutions, though not only those associ-ated with the Baath Party; in very limited in-stances, private homes and businesses also fellvictim. In several cases, arson accompanied thelooting. Stories, some verging on “urban leg-ends,” are in wide circulation that agents provo-cateurs of uncertain origin set these fires. Wehave no evidence that this is the case; nor how-ever, is there evidence that efforts are underwayto investigate/dispel these reports.

Almost all state institutions, universities, librar-ies and research institutes were harmed, althoughin some cases the looting and destruction waslimited to the theft of computers and other easilyreplaceable items. Looters and vandals damagedclassroom environments and research spaces;even in places not physically destroyed, theystole chairs, tables, blackboards, windows anddoors. Items of unique value are gone. And notjust old Ottoman archives, historic manuscripts,books and documents, but also student recordsand transcripts - the mundane trappings of eve-ryday life in a modern educational system.

Iraq’s structures of teaching, learning and re-search not only suffered substantially after thewar, but continue to face the cumulative effectsof two decades of mismanagement, Baathistcultural politics, and regime paranoia. This hasaccelerated since the early 1990s when the statetook extreme austerity measures as a response toUN sanctions and the fall in oil revenues. As a

consequence many of these institutions are fro-zen in terms of development somewhere in thelate 1980s. For these, the looting was just a lasthumiliating act in a longer process of erosionthat transformed what was perhaps the mostelaborate and well-developed higher educationaland research system in the Arab world into a paleshadow of its former self.

This chapter provides a snapshot of current mate-rial and organizational conditions at the capital’suniversities, libraries and research facilities; asubsequent section will address specifically aca-demic life at these institutions, the way in whichthe higher education structures of Iraq were cor-rupted by the party elite and security apparatus,and how the current program of de-Baathification is affecting the university system.

2.2 Universities

The group surveyed conditions at three campusesin the capital: Baghdad University, primarily theBab al-Muazzam Campus, al-MustansiriyyaUniversity, and al-Nahrayn (Two Rivers) Uni-versity, formerly Saddam University. The uni-versities share many of the problems brought bythe war and its aftermath, namely safety issues,unreliable water and electricity and transporta-tion. Moreover, these institutions still face fun-damental problems from before the fall of theregime, namely, being cut off from all substan-tive international contact for much of the last twodecades. In real terms, this meant a suspensionof subscriptions to academic journals, libraryacquisition, and travel abroad for faculty mem-bers and students. Most fundamentally, freedomof thought and expression and academic inde-pendence, were severely limited throughout theperiod.

A drastic fall in state investments in universitiesafter 1990 made the pre-war situation worse. Itwas determined at the time that as it was impos-sible for the state to continue to fully fund uni-versities and maintain a level of quality, it wouldcreate a multi-tiered and hierarchical universitysystem. This new system neglected the estab-lished universities in Baghdad and provincialcenters to the benefit of ad hoc elite institutionslike Saddam University. Colleges of law, tech-nology and medicine were founded along thesame lines and lavished with resources with the

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Students at Baghdad’s al-Mustansiriyya University

intent of supplying the state with a loyal class ofhighly educated and competent technocrats.

In terms of the most pressing needs, universities,students and their families have organized busesand carpools for transportation. Moreover, thelow level of student and faculty absenteeismimpressed us at a time of rampant insecurity.Nevertheless, due to actual or imagined threats topersonal safety women faculty members andstudents have found it increasingly difficult tocome to school.This structural dis-advantage far morethan the much-vaunted Islamistprofile at the univer-sities may impair theaccess to highereducation that Iraqiwomen faculty andstudents have tradi-tionally enjoyed.During the severalhours we spent onthe campuses inBaghdad, thereseemed to be littledifference betweenthe immediate antebellum period andnow in terms of re-ligious or socialpressure on women.While women haveheld positions of prominence in Iraqi higher edu-cation and female students make-up at least 50%of the student population, female faculty mem-bers expressed concern that this role has changedfor the worse over the last decade and theyopenly worry that it may continue to decline.

All universities have undergone sweepingchanges in administration at the behest of theCPA in the middle of the academic year: coali-tion officials dismissed the presidents of univer-sities and deans of faculties as well as most ofthe heads of departments. Where CPA interfer-ence has been minimal, faculty elections havebeen smooth and consensual. As in other sectorsof society, the CPA’s heavy-handed purges ofthe universities’ rank and file lies at the heart ofacademic discontent (see below). Many of thosefaculty who have been removed from theirteaching posts have been able to make informalarrangements with their colleges to continue

teaching as “volunteers” without a salary - such asolution, however, can not continue indefinitely,and the start of the next academic year will be adecisive test.

Education advisors associated with the CPAhave also indicated that new admissions proce-dures will be in place for the Fall term as part ofa broader reform of educational structures.

Despite the onerous circumstances, including thelack of tables and chairs, examination bookletsand even chalk, the normal rhythm of the aca-demic year is beginning to return to the city’scampuses. Students, excited and happy to be atschool, had set up for themselves makeshiftcafeterias where young men and women gath-ered, talked, debated and enjoyed the companyof one another. The students were all welldressed – a major accomplishment in the heatand without running water. Their professorscomplained about them in ways comparable towhat we say about our own undergraduates, sug-gesting a certain normalcy was taking shape.The resourcefulness and adaptability of Iraqifaculty and students was readily in evidence.

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Poster Reads: “Yes to Freedom! Yes to Development! Yes to Scientific Progress” and issigned by the “Renaissance of the Cultured University Students

2.2.1 Baghdad University

Baghdad University (founded in 1957) is one ofthe oldest secular institutions of higher learningin Iraq. The Walter Gropius-designed maincampus – al-Jadriyya – is on a peninsula formedby a bend in the Tigris River and suffered mini-mal damage during the war, but was looted af-terwards. Its liberal arts-oriented branch campusat Bab al-Muazzam is closer to the urban core.Approximately 80,000 undergraduates andgraduates attend both campuses. In mid-May, theAmerican administrator for higher education inIraq, Dr. Andrew “Drew” Erdmann, choreo-graphed the election of a new university presi-dent in a raucous opening session. The newpresident, Dr. Sami al-Muzaffar, is a biochemistby training, a Baathist refusnik and one of themost respected scholars on campus. The Ameri-cans had vetted the credentials of new adminis-trators before or shortly after the election.Classes resumed thereafter on a limited scheduleand at the time we were inIraq students were about tosit for their final exams.

The Bab al-Muazzamcampus is a collection ofbuildings interspersedbetween small landscapedgardens. The entrance ofthe campus – like allcampuses – is heavilyguarded by US militaryforces, some of thempatrolling the alley alongwhich faculties are spread.The main library as well assome of the departmentall ibrar ies have beendevastated by looting andin some cases, fire. Sootblackens offices and somestill smell of smoke. Thieves had taken furniture,air conditioners and electrical appliances fromthe History department's offices. We had conver-sations with faculty and students in darkened andover-heated rooms, due to the lack of electricity.Nevertheless, members of the teaching and

administrative staff were optimistic and forward-looking.

With the exception of a few comments on mis-understandings, deliberate or accidental, betweenthe American authorities and the faculty of theBab al-Muazzam campus, most of the professorsand deans we spoke to were willing to leave thepast behind them, and to embark on somethingnew and hopefully, better. A recurring complaintwas an inability to make contact with the CPAofficials in charge of the universities.

A striking feature of the Bab al-Muazzam cam-pus is the “battle” taking place on the walls andpublic spaces between rival student organiza-tions. These new groups, which would have beenillegal in the old system, have coalesced aroundvarious interests both political and religious anda whole range of rapidly evolving ideologies.Perhaps fearing the radicalization and religiouspolarization which has gripped al-MustansiriyyaUniversity, a secular student organization hastaken to displaying signs like the this:

The campus central library at al-Jadriyya ismostly intact, with losses at the utmost of 10% of

the total collection. Yet, like all libraries in Iraq,it is woefully out of date, with the collection ofnew books and periodicals ceasing almost en-tirely after 1990. While al-Jadriyya’s centrallibrary escaped destruction, the same does nothold for the Bab al-Muazzam campus’ Wazirri-yya central library, which contained the FineArts, Humanities and Literature collections andhas been looted and burned. Several depart-

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Posters on wall at al-Mustansirriya: (l) a poster from the al-Hawza al-cIlmiyya and(r) from a rivalgroup, the Society of Free Muslim Students

mental libraries, which often housed copies ofdoctoral dissertations, have been destroyed.

Following a quick survey of the Department ofMusic in Baghdad University’s Faculty of FineArts, it was determined that at least 1,000 musicrecords (vinyl disks), 5,000 tapes, dozens of re-cord players, 30 pianos and hundreds of bookswere stolen from the Musical Arts Department,including Opera, Baroque and Iraqi recordings.Most recordings were stored in the Izacat al-Shacb (People’s Radio) building which wasbombed during the US attack on Baghdad,and/or at Uday Hussein’s “private station” IzacatSawt al-Shabab (Voice of Youth Radio.) Theholdings of both institutions have been stolenand catalogues only exist in the form of M.A.theses like that completed just six months ago byMs. Zeinab Subhi on 1950s radio in Iraq. Shehas assumed responsibility for the library of theIraqi Broadcasting Station.

2.2.2 Al-Mustansiriyya University

Al-Mustansiriyya University is named for the al-Mustansiriyya Madrasa, a beautifully restored13th century Islamic college set on the banks ofthe Tigris. The modern university, founded inthe 1960s as a private institution andlater nationalized, today operatesmainly from its new campus to thenortheast of central Baghdad. Itoffers graduate and doctoral degreesin most arts and sciences.Seemingly more overtly politicizedthan Baghdad University, localmedia reports that the school hasbeen the site of student-on-studentviolence and the assassination of adean. The climate of openness hasresulted in the emergence of aprofusion of student groups. Again,hall walls are covered withannouncements calling for theformation of new studentassociations, political opposition tothe American occupation and insome cases, denouncing faculty asBaathists, or as this poster implies,un-Islamic.

At the university, we met with theDean of the College of Education,Professor Jirjis, a geographer, as well as mem-bers of the History faculty. Like the discussionwith the members of the faculty at Baghdad Uni-

versity, first and foremost, these educators wereconcerned for the safety of their students and thecreation of safe and healthy working environ-ments, especially as the students take their finalexams. When asked what they needed as schol-ars and teachers in the future, Dr. MusaMuhammad Tuwayrish, a professor of Interna-tional Relations responded, Iraq is “a drowningman in need of oxygen, all else comes second.”We encountered this response often; the immedi-ate needs relating to material, security and trans-portation conditions are so great that it is diffi-cult to think beyond just the mere day-to-day.However, in the course of the same conversation,two of the younger faculty members, Dr. Salihal-cAkili, an assistant professor of Modern Euro-pean History, and Dr. Firdaws cAbd al-Rahman,an assistant professor of Ottoman History, ex-pressed a very specific sense of what theyneeded, namely internet communication, facultyexchange programs, and support to conduct re-search abroad.

These needs were reinforced during a conversa-tion with Dr. Tahir Muhammad al-Bakka’, thenewly-elected president of the university, a histo-rian who wrote his doctoral dissertation on theearly Pahlavi Dynasty in Iran (and in so doing

made an oblique criticism of Saddam’s regime)and a former high-ranking member of the Baathparty who has escaped de-Baathification.

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Bakka’ confirmed that plans were underway torestore services to the school and he had justreceived an approximately $30,000 disbursementfrom the CPA to meet immediate needs and be-gin maintenance. He is an energetic and enthusi-astic advocate for his school.

The library facilities at al-Mustansiriyya havebeen destroyed as have the offices housing theuniversity’s central records administration.

2.2.3 Al-Nahrayn University

The former Saddam University – founded in themid-1990s as response to the embargo – is lo-cated next to the al-Jadiriyya campus of BaghdadUniversity. It has proven controversial amongacademics because it was carved out of its olderneighbor and drained it of its best faculty andstudents. Students faced high admission stan-dards, tough entrance interviews and a rigorouscurriculum. Graduates had to work for the gov-ernment for a fixed term. Unlike Baghdad Uni-versity, whose expansion seems unchecked, al-Nahrayn has a student body of only 2,500.Seeking to avoid the pathologies of large stateschools, the university’s classes are small andthere is a low teacher-student ratio. The school’snew president, Dr. Mahmud Hayawi Hamash, amedical doctor, hopes that as it is redeveloped,the school can remain an elite institution.

2.2.4 Recommendations

1) The modernization and restocking of univer-sity library holdings and teaching facilitiesshould take the highest priority along side thereconstitution of institutions such as the NationalMuseum or the National Library and Archives.

Rationale: Investment in the human capital ofIraq and the country’s future is urgent, universitylibraries have a pre-eminent role to play in thatprocess.

2) A centralized international organization ofcollegiate/university librarians should be formedimmediately to work directly with Iraqi univer-sity departmental and central librarians to coor-dinate major acquisitions and to handle dona-tions.

Rationale: The creation of a centrally organizedbody under a UNESCO umbrella, for example,would guaranty a multilateral approach and

would help to reduce redundant efforts, acquireefficiencies of scale and ensure the responsive-ness of the CPA.

3) Free, uncensored, unfiltered and unlimitedinternet and www access should be introduced toIraqi university campuses.

Rationale: Unfettered access to the tools or in-formation technology is a guarantor of liberalvalues and the best and most efficient means ofintegrating Iraqi academia into global networksof intellectual exchange.

4) Adequate security measures must be taken notonly to secure the campuses, but also to maintainequal access by female students, staff and fac-ulty.

Rationale: Guaranteeing physical access tocampus by women will help prevent any furthererosion of their status.

2.3 Scientific and Scholarly Societies

We visited two of Iraq’s leading academic insti-tutions, Bayt al-Hikma (House of Wisdom) andthe Iraqi Academy of Sciences. Despite the factthat both institutions share many functions andassociates, Bayt al-Hikma falls under the controlof the administrator for culture, the Italian dip-lomat Ambassador Pietro Cordone, while theAcademy has been placed in Erdmann’s educa-tion portfolio. In the pre-war period, both insti-tutions came under tight control by the regime’snow-disestablished Presidential Office. Affilia-tion with either place carried with it specialprivileges and stipends and thus the regime oftenemployed these institutional forms as conduitsfor rewards to those most loyal. The institutionssuffered heavy losses during the looting. TheBayt al-Hikma’s library was looted; gone too areartifacts from its small museum. The Academyof Sciences suffered less, however its remarkablelibrary has had some of its most precious bookssystematically removed. Still, both institutionswill be well suited after significant investmentsin infrastructure to host international confer-ences, workshops and symposia, and to serve asa nexus between the Iraqi and international aca-demic communities.

A list of other institutions not visited will appearin a later appendix.

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2.3.1 Bayt al-Hikma (House of Wisdom)

Located at the northern end of Baghdad’s his-toric core between the Tigris and the old Minis-try of Defence complex, Bayt al-Hikma hastaken its name from a translation/research insti-tute founded by the Abbasid Caliph al-Ma’munin 832 CE that was famous for its translations ofGreek philosophical texts into Arabic. The mod-ern Bayt al-Hikma was established in 1995 bythe Presidential Office itself. As originally con-ceived, this Bayt al-Hikma functioned as a re-search center, with lecture facilities, publica-tions, a library and museum. The faculty associ-ates of Bayt al-Hikma were drawn from the vari-ous universities in Baghdad and divided accord-ing to discipline. Junior researchers receivedstipends and office space at the institute. It pro-duced several journals, including a monthly gen-eral interest cultural magazine, the Majallat al-Hikma as well as useful editions/translations ofsources and documents in foreign languages.

Before the fall of the regime, the Bayt al-Hikmaacquired the reputation of being intimately tiedto the elite inner-circles of power. Doctoral dis-sertations and other scholarly work attributed tomembers of Saddam Hussein’s family wereghost-written by faculty affiliates. More gener-ally, the Bayt al-Hikma served as a center for theproduction of regime-sanctioned knowledge andpolitical orthodoxy. It was surprising then thatof all the institutions in Baghdad, it has beenamong the first to receive money for redevelop-ment from the CPA. The staff have begun re-pairing and repainting one wing of the complexwith a $17,000 grant from Ambassador Cor-done’s predecessor, the American diplomat JohnLimbert. New computers were in evidence aswere chairs and tables. When asked about whyhis office had moved quickly on behalf of Baytal-Hikma, Cordone, replied that it had been“cleansed” of high-ranking Baathists, estimatingthat 75 people had been removed. He also notedthat a new international board of trustees for theinstitute was being formed to oversee its rede-velopment. Despite Cordone’s support, the fu-ture of Bayt al-Hikma is problematic: Erdmannanticipates that for ideological reasons it may beallowed to “wither away.”

We asked the chair of the history program ofBayt al-Hikma, the Medievalist Dr. Abdul-Jaffaral-Naji about the connections with the ancienrégime. He admitted that these were complexand shaped by the repressive nature of the

Baathists. However, in an interesting turn, heused words like “re-establish” and “re-institute”to describe the ongoing work of the institution.These were not references to the pre-war effortsof Bayt al-Hikma, but rather to the original 9th

Century version thereof. This style of consciousanachronism was a central practice of Baathistnationalist historicist thought and it is significantthat this institution has fallen back into that pat-tern. Consistent with its “forerunner,” the centerwas refocusing efforts on translation, organizinga conference of Orientalists in November on thecivilization of Wadi al-Rafidain (Mesopotamia)and publishing a multi-volume work on the his-tory of Ashurnasirpal’s Babylon. Again, thisfocus on the pre-Islamic “Arab” past of Meso-potamia – the “restoration” of Babylon being themost prominent example of the phenomenon –was a key element of the nationalist meta-narratives employed by the regime and inventedand defended by faculty from the Bayt al-Hikma.During our two visits, we noted a cautiousness,defensiveness and lack of openness on the part ofmost of the faculty at Bayt al-Hikma.

2.3.2 al-Majmac al-cIlmi al-cIraqi: The IraqiAcademy of Sciences

Unlike Bayt al-Hikma, which dates only fromthe last decade, the Academy of Sciences is theoldest institution of its kind in Iraq. Foundedunder the Hashemites in 1948 and modeled onthe Cairene and Damascene Academies, it drawstogether fellows from various disciplines, in-cluding Modern and Ancient Middle EasternLanguages, History, Social Sciences and Physi-cal Sciences. Faculty associates and researcherswere given office space, research support andlibrary access. The building complex, designedby noted Iraqi architect Rifaat Chadirji, is lo-cated in the city’s Waziriyya district. In additionto a main, multi-storied building, outbuildingshouse conference rooms, additional office andstorage space and a print shop. The facilitieswere looted, though not burned, and for the mostpart damage to the building seems superficial.The Academy also housed an extensive andcomprehensive library. The library’s collectionis especially strong in language, literature, his-tory and the humanities and has benefited fromthe donation of entire personal collections, likethose of noted Iraqi historians Ahmad Sousa andAbbas al-Azzawi. Gone are microform copies ofmanuscripts and periodicals as well as the olderbooks in Arabic, Ottoman and Persian. Accord-ing to the Academy’s remarkable head librarian

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Ms. Juwan Mahmud, these books were notlooted, but rather taken by someone with exper-tise in language and literature for safekeepingand that when the situation stabilizes, “they willbe returned.” Mahmud did not know who thiswas, nor had she had any contact with this per-son. She has graciously provided us with asummary of current holdings and a translationwill appear in an appendix in the followingweeks.

We met with the faculty and staff of the Acad-emy of Sciences twice. On the first visit, theAcademy’s general secretary, Dr. Ahmad Mat-lub, a well-known literary critic and Arabic lan-guage specialist, received us. We noticed that thestaff had taken measures to secure the remains ofthe library and control access to the stacks. Bythe second visit, it was clear that staff had begunclearing away debris and cleaning in earnest.The relationship of the Academy to the CPA hadonly been determined a few days before our arri-val. As stipulated above, it falls under the juris-diction of Erdmann. Its uncertain status hasmeant that it had yet to enjoy the kind of finan-cial support that Bayt al-Hikma has received;likewise, prior to our leaving Erdmann had notvisited the institution, though he was in closecontact with its director, Dr. Hayawi, also presi-dent of al-Nahrayn University.

Without clear support until this point, the resid-ual leadership of the Academy, which has alsowitnessed the removal of several individuals onpolitical grounds, has not begun to make plansbeyond basic repairs. Due to its respected posi-tion in Iraqi society, as well as its solid pre-Baathist tradition of scholarly excellence, theAcademy will certainly regain its status as theleading scholarly/ professional body in thecountry. In the past, the academy supported thesystematic study of Syriac and Kurdish languageand literature. Consequently, it may be able toprovide a venue for greater cooperation betweenintellectuals representing the different compo-nents of the Iraqi national community. Seekingto build connections with the West, Dr. Hayawihas extended a formal invitation to the MiddleEast Studies Association to hold a joint meetingat the Academy in the coming months.

2.3.3 Recommendations

1) International scholarly and professional or-ganizations should immediately create struc-

tural, professional and personal links with theircolleagues at both institutions.

Rationale: While questions remain about thelong-term viability of the Bayt al-Hikma, bothinstitutions are structurally competent to makeand maintain such links.

2) The Middle East Studies Association andsimilar groups should respond quickly to invita-tions like that provided by Dr. Hayawi to holdjoint conferences and symposia.

Rationale: This kind of exchange will ensurethat Iraqi and non-Iraqi academic and intellectualrelationships are based on professional dignity,probity, equality and collegiality. Moreover,quickly reintegrating intellectuals who are com-mitted to a liberal vision of society at both insti-tutions will reinforce their standing andstrengthen the bases of modern and secular civilsociety.

3) The international academic community shouldbe willing to help introduce the affiliated facultyof the Academy of Sciences and Bayt al-Hikma tocontemporary research in all fields, but mostespecially in fields once considered off limits bythe Baathist apparatus. This includes, but is notlimited to the fields of Islamic Studies, Womenand Gender, Truth and Reconciliation, Mediaand Society, and Human Rights Jurisprudence.

Rationale: Introducing these fields will aid in thearticulation of new and vital research agendas atboth institutions and again harness the humancapital at each as engines for the creation of civilsociety.

4) The restoration and modernization of theprinting facilities at the Academy of Sciencesshould be undertaken as soon as possible.

Rationale: Before the war the Academy of Sci-ence was one of Iraq’s primary sources of inde-pendent scholarly books, translations and editedvolumes. A modest investment in their printingfacilities would suffice for the resumption ofpublishing. It could be used to publish Iraqi aca-demic journals and together with other presses,licensed to reprint copyrighted textbooks andother urgently needed materials.

2.4 Libraries and Archives

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An initial and comprehensive investigation of theconditions at several library and manuscript col-lections was conducted in late-May 2003 byNabil al-Takriti, a Ph.D. candidate in History atthe University of Chicago who has family ties toIraq and has done research and NGO work therein the past. The report is available at the websiteof the Middle East Librarians’ Association’sCommittee on Iraqi Libraries. Mr. al-Takriti’sreport provided a starting point for many of ourinvestigations, and in some cases, we were ableto confirm his initial findings. A subsequentappendix will update Mr. al-Takriti’s work.

The focus of our efforts was the documentationof the status of the National Library and Ar-chives, the Awqaf library, the Qadiriyya Libraryand the university libraries. We also were inter-ested in the pre-war program of archival centrali-zation, which brought historic documents fromprovincial collections to the capital. An addi-tional concern was an examination of the role ofnon-state actors in the rescue of elements of thelibrary’s collection, primarily that of a Shiitefaction from Sadr/Revolution City, a suburb ofBaghdad. This group claims to act in the nameof al-Hawza al-cIlmiyya, or college of Shiiteclerics of Najaf.

Baghdad book dealers report the availability forsale of books and manuscripts from all of thelooted libraries and collections. Visiting the fa-mous Friday book market at Al-MutanabbiStreet, we confirmed this fact, although the per-manent bookshops have not – it seems – beenimplicated. Nevertheless, many of the book deal-ers have systematically removed any identifyingmarkings – stamps, library cards, first pages andinterior pages – that indicate the original prove-nance of the books.

2.4.1 The National Library and Archive

The building that once housed the National Li-brary and Archives is located on Rashid Streetopposite the Mandate-era buildings of the oldMinistry of Defence. The modern three-storiedstructure has four wings built around a centralcourtyard. It included library stacks, readingrooms, microform reading equipment, bindery,photocopying offices, laser printers and photog-raphy labs. For a précis on its holdings see theprevious report of group member Edouard Mété-nier at the MELCOM website. We met twicewith library staff, including the current director,Mr. Kamil Jawad Ashur. On the second occa-

sion, we made a complete visual survey of thebuilding’s interior itself. We should note that the“Hawza” has added their own guards, completewith a semblance of a uniform of black shirts,slacks and beards, to the library – perhaps nottrusting the library staff to adequately care forwhat is left, or to monitor events at the libraryand their interests therein.

According to library employees and resentativesof the “Hawza,” the library fell victim to twoseparate arson attacks. During the first attack,while the Americans were at the gates of Bagh-dad, looters took most of the high-ticket itemslike photocopiers, computers, scanners and officeequipment. A small fire broke-out in the buildingat that time, perhaps to cover the tracks of thelooters. In a point that is still unclear, Ashurnoted that employees moved books from the off-limits collection – perhaps both rare and politi-cally sensitive books –to what he termed a “se-cret safe location” before the hostilities. He re-fused to disclose the location to us; noting, quiterightly that it would then “no longer be a secret.”When asked if the CPA knew of the location ofthis cache of books, he assured us they did. Inour conversation with Ashur, he estimated that50% of the library’s collection burned. Laterdiscoveries cast doubt on the amount destroyed,and actual numbers may be an order of magni-tude less than estimated. He was unwilling toshare with us how he reached this figure andthere are no records whatsoever of what is storedin various remote locations.

Ashur confirmed that among the items packedand stored before the war were newspapers, pe-riodicals and Ottoman archival materials includ-ing tapu (cadastral) registers, sijils (court pro-ceedings) and firmans (imperial decrees.) Hethinks that around 350 tapu documents and nomore than one half of the 1500 sijil records re-main. He also confirmed that over the last fiveor six years the central authorities moved theentire Ottoman collection of Mosul and abouthalf of the Ottoman collection of Basra to Bagh-dad. The complete lack of precision and the factthat stories often shifted and amounts of booksand other materials ranged so widely from day today, led us again to doubt the overall veracity ofthe employees’ accounts of what occurred andmoreover their competence as library adminis-trators.

Nothing prepared us for the sheer horror of theinterior of the library. All that remains in the

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Interior of National Library Reference Room

main wing are piles of ash that had been books.The heat in the entry hall of the library had beenso intense that it had begun to melt the ceramicfloor tiles. Much of the structure had lost integ-rity from the heat and the cement walls crumbledat the touch. Those areas not directly burned,perhaps half the building, are covered in an oilysoot which has provided a useful medium forgraffiti. Scattered throughout the library is thephrase “Death to Saddam the Apostate” andsigned by the “Hawza,” suggesting that they saw

their intervention on behalf of the library as acombination of civic duty, religious activism anda blow against the memory of the regime.

Iraqi engineers and representatives fromCordone’s office inspected the building andpronounced it unusable. The ambassadorinformed us that he hopes to be able to use theofficers’ club building at al-Balat al-Malki as atemporary storage location while a new structureis built. Plans for this move are tentative. Thereare no immediate plans to rebuild the library, andthe future employment status of the libraryemployees is unclear.

After the first conflagration, and shortly before amore devastating fire broke out representatives

of the Haqq Mosque in the renamed Sadr City,under the leadership of their media-savvy sheikhal-Sayyid Abdul-Muncim al-Mussawi entered thelibrary and welded shut a steel fire door on theground floor, sealing off an entire wing. Ashurestimated that 30% of the collection “mostlybooks” was inside. Again, it is hard to check theaccuracy of his figures. Meanwhile young menusing commandeered trucks transported a largeportion of the books that could not be secured atthe library to their mosque where they are cur-

rently stored. Mahmudal-Sheikh Hajim thesenior caretaker of thecollection claims theyare in possession of300,000 volumes.Cordone told us thata l - M u s s a w i h a dpromised to return350,000 books. Bothof these numbersstruck us as high.During a visit to al-Haqq Mosque, weestimated that theb o o k s o c c u p i e dapprox. 150-200 cubicmeters. We also foundmore than fifty, 50-liter sacks of archivalmaterials from theMandate through theRevolution of 1958,and confirmed earlier

press reports of the presence of books in Hebrew,some with handwritten comment-aries. Hajimdid not allow us to copy down or photographtitle pages of any of the books.

The building where the books are stored is safe,and only Hajim has a key and he must first re-ceive approval from one of his superiors beforeopening the door. The mosque is never deserted.While the room is not ventilated, and interiortemperatures were much higher than those out-side, the lack of humidity would indicate that thebooks are not in any immediate danger of dete-rioration.

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Hajim provided uswith no informationas to the modalitiesof how they plan toreturn the books tothe library. How-ever, our sense wasthat they planned todo so once they werecertain the bookswould be safe andunder Iraqi control.Al-Mussawi hasbeen in contact withCordone and thelatter expressed areal fondness andrespect for the for-mer, a signal perhapsthat they have ar-rived at an agree-ment of some kind.

2.4.2 The Ministryof Religious En-dowments (al-Awqaf) Library

The shocking pic-tures of the Al-Awqaf Ministry inflames first appearedon Arab televisionstations during thewar. When we ar-rived in Baghdad,we confirmed thatfire had destroyedthe building housingthe library and ar-chives of the al-Awqaf. In order to update al-Takriti’s earlier report, we interviewed al-SheikhHusayn Al-Shami, a leading Shiite reformistcleric now responsible for the al-Awqaf at theinstitution’s temporary location in Munir al-Qadi's house on the corniche in al-Azamiyya.

Al-Shami was personally unaware of the issuesconcerning the library and he relied on his em-ployees for information on what had happened.He stipulated that the library staff had been ableto rescue a portion of the library’s total holdings,but was vague as to how much was secure andbehind locked doors. Valuable items

had in fact been safeguarded, he had been told,

but he had also learned that 50% of the publica-tions were burned or looted. He was more loqua-cious when asked about his vision for the futureof the library. In his view, the library itselfwould be rebuilt and employ modern forms ofcataloging and information technology. Oncecompleted, the safeguarded manuscripts wouldbe made available to researchers. When askedabout the two major libraries at the Shiite shrinecities, he informed us that they were safe.

The deputy head of the library, Mr. Muhibb al-Din Yassin informed us that the only catalog ofthe manuscripts in the al-Awqaf collection wasprepared by Dr. cAbdallah al-Jaburi in the1970's. Since then, the three great manuscript

A “Hawza” Sheikh among the books stored at the Haqq Mosque

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collections (Sadr, Ta'i and Suhrawardi), whichaltogether numbered around 980 manuscriptswere added to the library, but were never fullycataloged. Until the full collection is profession-ally cataloged, it will be impossible to obtain acomprehensive picture of what was lost in thelooting or in the preceding decades.

2.4.3 Al-Qadiriyya Mosque, Library and SoupKitchen Complex

Located in the Bab al-Sheikh neighborhood, theal-Qadiriyya holds the earthly remains of cAbdal-Qadir al-Gaylani, founder of the Qadiriyyaorder of Sufis. The Qadiriyya is one of the mostimportant orders in the Islamic world and it isextremely popular in South Asia. Before the war,thousands of pilgrims from India and Pakistanwould visit each year and Saddam Hussein madethe shrine complex into a showcase of his re-gime’s support for Islam. Consequently, the oldcomplex underwent a major, vulgar and still un-finished expansion. This phenomenon of state-sponsored restoration was not limited to the al-Qadiriyya, but took shape throughout Iraq. TheShiite shrines of al-Kazimayn, Samarra, Najafand Kerbala, the last two having been severelydamaged in the 1991 uprising, were all “re-stored;” and in Baghdad, the shrines of Al-Hallaj, Ma'ruf al-Karkhi, and Sultan Ali alsounderwent a process of forced renovation. Sev-eral Christian churches, most notably the ancientchurches of Mosul have likewise been compelledto undergo reconstruction, and like the al-Qadiriyya, these projects were not completedbefore the war.

While visiting the complex, we were receivedwarmly by the mutawalli (executor), the elegantal-Sayyid cAbd al-Rahman al-Gaylani, 16th suc-cessor to Sheikh cAbd al-Qadir. Holding a de-gree in political science from George Washing-ton University, the mutawalli noted that no offi-cials from the CPA, save a representative of theUS military had visited him, and wryly observedthat when the British created Iraq they first of-fered the crown to his ancestor, rather than theHashemite Faysal. In line with this sentiment, headvocates a return of the monarchy to Iraq. Heemphasized the need for security and hoped thatonce resumed they could begin serving meals tothe poor at the mosque’s 900-year old soupkitchen. Prior to the war they had served 1500

meals a day and were now down to less than100.

It was at the al-Qadiriyya that the group had itsmost pleasant surprise. The large research li-brary at the mosque appeared unscathed and se-cure. Built from various private collectionsmainly from Gaylani family members, the libraryopened in 1954. According to Mr. Nuri al-Mufti, who has worked as librarian at the al-Qadiriyya for the better part of four decades, thecollection includes 65,000 publications and2,000 manuscripts, many of which were storedfor safe keeping prior to hostilities.

In an important correction to the story told to Mr.al-Takriti, the mutawwalli, the shrine wardensand the library’s director all denied that boxescontaining manuscripts from the al-Awqaf li-brary were moved to the al-Qadiriyya complex,casting further doubt on the credibility of al-Awqaf employees.

2.4.4 Recommendations

1) International efforts should be undertaken toaid Iraqi library professionals in cataloguing byboth card and digital systems the lost and re-maining stocks of books and materials. How-ever, by no means should such an effort takepriority over the restoration of university librar-ies.

Rationale: As noted in the report, current hold-ings are not in jeopardy of further deteriorationor pilfering. Likewise, there are no permanentfacilities available to house either the NationalLibrary and Archives or al-Awqaf; and their staffare in a state of reorganization. Until permanentstructures built, such efforts would have littlelasting effect. Only after a thorough cataloginghas taken place, should efforts like those made torestore the Sarajevo library begin.

2) Foreign library professionals, especially thosefrom Arab countries should work to establishprofessional training programs for Iraqi librari-ans.

Rationale: Very few of the people directing orcaring for libraries in Iraq now are trained li-brarians. A case in point is Ms. Juwan Mahmudof the Academy of Sciences. While dedicated toher job and the institution, she has an advanceddegree in English. For the most part library

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staffs have not received training in modern li-brary techniques, cataloging, or con-servation. Amodel program along these lines has begun at theNational Museum.

3) Interpol and the US FBI should begin to trackand work to return stolen books and manuscriptslike they are doing for artifacts stolen from themuseum or archaeological sites.

Rationale: Traffic in manuscripts and books istaking place openly. Just as ancient artifacts havebeen placed on international watch lists, so tooshould these items. Efforts to produce a cata-logue of identifying markings are underway byMELA members, however additional forensicmethods may be needed to identify “cleansed”books.

4) Iraqis should be able to return looted books toa central facility without fear of prosecution.Under no circumstances should rewards be of-fered for the return of books before current col-lections have been completely secured.

Rationale: National pride combined with com-munity outrage has led many Iraqis to returnlooted materials. This has included books. Theannouncement of a general amnesty may lead tomore books being returned, especially if it be-comes apparent that criminal investigations willtake place to recover stolen materials.

5) The former Ottoman barracks, the Qushla,with the attached governor’s palace or the oldMinistry of Defense complex should be consid-ered as the new permanent location for the Na-tional Library and Archives or other culturallyoriented activities.

Rationale: Both of these structures have a longhistory in Baghdad and are visual reminders ofthe city’s Ottoman and Hashemite past. Ownedby the state, the CPA has made no effort to pro-tect either site and looters are taking them apartwith impunity, so much so that they are in dan-ger of collapse. These buildings could be easilyadapted to modern use, while at the same timeanchor the city’s main historic district.

6) Every effort should be made to prevent theholdings of the National Library and Archivesand the al-Awqaf from becoming subject to con-flict between non-state actors like the Sadr City-Hawza or other groups and an emergent Iraqistate.

Rationale: Various ad hoc groups have success-fully integrated themselves into several spheresof Islamic high culture and administration in thecity. Until now they have been cooperative andgenerous in their aid, however, it is unclear howthey will relate to a future Iraqi government.Conflict is unlikely, but the CPA and other bod-ies should monitor the situation.

7) European, North American and Middle East-ern national archives should launch initiatives tomicrofilm government documents relating toIraq.

Rationale: These initiatives would make up in avery limited way the losses incurred by Iraq'snational archives and help Iraqi researchers -beyond the privileged few who will be able totravel to Washington, London, Paris or Istanbul -to re-examine their modern history in situ.

8) Structural engineers should conduct a studyon the water groundswell that is threatening theal-Qadiriyya complex and endangering the li-brary and ossuary.

Rationale: The al-Qadiriyya is built on very highgroundwater levels. The water is literally bub-bling onto the surface because the war has dam-aged the previous drainage system set up by aBritish company in the 1950s.

Additional Information:

Middle East Librarians Association Committeeon Iraqi Libraries

http://www-oi.uchicago.edu/OI/IRAQ/mela/melairaq.html

Middle East Library Committee

http://www.ex.ac.uk/MELCOM/index.htm

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Graffito in Sadr City that reads “The Baath is the dunghill ofhistory”

3. Academic and Intellectual Life in Contemporary Baghdad

3.1 Summary

Baghdad is a city alive to debate, discussion andintellectual exploration. The removal of the oldregime eliminated the ideological checks andnetworks of surveillance which prevented freeexpression; likewise, the most pernicious formsof oppression – the language of self-censorshipand the act of internal policing – are ebbing awayand Iraqis of all strata are testing for themselvesthe very limits of free speech and thought. Toeven the most jaded observer these are revolu-tionary times in the capital. It would temptingbut wrong to make analogies to Berlin in themoments after the fall of the Wall or Prague andBudapest following the collapse of Soviet he-gemony. Unlike the citizens of those cities,Baghdadis live under foreign occupation andlack the rudimentary structures of public safetyand urban life itself; while Iraq is freer than ithas been in recent memory, that sense of free-dom is tempered by a palpable trepidation and alack of confidence in the future.

Boys hawking armfuls of dozens of newspapersfill the streets. Political graffiti cover the wallsof public buildings and dueling banners festoonold statues or the kitschy public art of the ancienrégime. Groups have renamed squares and entireneighborhoods after beloved figures from thepast like cAbd al-Karim Qasim or the murderedShiite cleric Sheikh Muhammad al-Sadr. Withthis grand and anarchic project of iconoclasm,Baghdadis are laying claim to the public spaces

of their city and in so doing re-inscribing on itsface new layers of meaning and making newmemories.

However there are reasons to be concerned thatthis openness and vitality may vanish in the faceof increased insecurity, media controls and thefailure to resume support for the arts. Further, itis far to early to get a broad sense of what kindsof research – primarily in the humanities andsocial sciences – would now be undertaken byIraqi scholars. Where we did get a picture ofprojects under preparation, Bayt al-Hikma forexample, the research agenda described was nota departure from the past, but rather conceivedwithin the narrow formulaic restrictions ofBaathist thought. Architects now freed from theoften-capricious demands of the president andhis staff envision Baghdad as a canvass on whichto experiment with regionalism and new envi-ronmental and technological innovations.

Nonetheless, as the occupation of the countrycontinues, especially if it becomes more heavy-handed in the face of organized resistance, publicdiscourse, which until now has not pivoted onanti-Americanism, may increasingly loose itsmultidimensionality and autonomy and growpolarized, sterile, colorless and monolithic.

3.2 Academic Life under the Baath

As university professionals we were keen tolearn what challenges our colleagues had facedin the past. A series of conversations with Iraqi

academics, primarily Alya Sousa, cImadal-Jawhiri, Hussam al-Rawi al-Rifaic,Kamal Muzhar Ahmad, Issam Khafajiand Farouq Darweesh provided the rawmaterial for this section. Each possessesdifferent origins and professionaltrajectories, but all were gracious, honestand forthcoming in their conversationswith us. Sousa is an American Universityin Beirut-trained historian, whose fatherAhmad Sousa, along with cAbd al-AzzizDouri and Majid Khadduri, were theleading historians of a previousgeneration. She has written on the inter-war period and left the Department ofHistory at the University of Baghdad inthe early 1990s. Jawahiri, a specialist of

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contemporary Arab intellectual and social his-tory, who did both his undergraduate and gradu-ate work in Iraq, is distinguished among his col-leagues as one of the few who refused to join theBaath. Hussam al-Rawi, a champion of archi-tectural regionalism and historic preservation, isan urbane English-trained architect. He hasserved in various administrative positions atBaghdad University and was expelled due to hisrank within the Baath Party structure in May2003. Among his most recent and celebratedcommissions is the mosque-tomb complex ofone of the three founders of the Baath itself,Michel cAflaq, who died in Baghdad in 1989.Kamal Muzhar is one of the most respected his-torians in Iraq. Now retired he still supervisesPh.D. students and conducts graduate seminars atBaghdad University. Issam Khafaji and FarouqDarweesh fled Iraq in 1979 and have now re-turned as advisors to the CPA’s Ministry ofHigher Education. Khafaji, a leading Iraqi dissi-dent has taught both in the US and Europe, mostrecently at the University of Amsterdam. Dar-weesh, an engineer, was a former administratorat Baghdad University. He has taken leave fromCal Poly Pomona to work in Baghdad.

Each emphasized a pattern of systematic abusesand corruption of higher education and scholarlyresearch by the state apparatus; they also relatedanecdotes about acts of individual cronyism andthe mental and physical abuse of professors bymembers of the ruling elite. At the same time,they conveyed the sense that there were no in-herent flaws to the system of higher education orprofessional development per se. Rather socialforces exterior to the universities had robbed theinstitutions of their prestige, vitality, rigor andoverall excellence. Under Saddam Hussein, saysKamal Muzhar, “quantity came before quality,and the best professors were thrown out. In theold regime no one was put in the right place.”Jawahiri likened the influence of the party on theacademy to that of a washing machine: it me-chanically washed away undesirable people andideas.

Baathist policies towards higher education inIraq have shifted tremendously over the last 32years. For example, Kamal Muzhar recalls thatwhile the first systematic purges of Communistfaculty took place in 1968, he insists that until1979 university professors elected their own di-rectors, chairs and deans. The exiles Khafaji andDarweesh concurred that the situation had be-come truly unbearable only by 1979. Others

point to the mid-1980s as the point that the sys-tem broke down altogether, with the near col-lapse of scholarly exchange after the state madetravel abroad difficult and contingent uponranking membership in the party. Before thistime, Iraqi academics enjoyed the right to travelabroad to conferences and meetings, and in manycases, the state subsidized their expenses. Still,the security apparatus often considered thosewho did spend time abroad suspect and theycould face harassment and interrogation on theirreturn. The reduction in freedom to travel had itscognate in the abandonment of the tradition ofearning at least one higher degree at a school inEurope or North America. An older generationof Iraqi academics remember a time when theycould study freely in other Arab states, the USand Europe and enjoyed free tuition and liberalstipends from the government.

Where most Iraqis who completed graduate workbefore 1979 did so abroad, very few studiedoverseas in the period 1980-1991 and after theGulf War, almost no one did. The few who trav-eled enjoyed close ties to the ruling elite. For thehumanities and social sciences, this has beenespecially detrimental: foreign language acquisi-tion has been poor and exposure to contemporaryresearch almost nonexistent. Jawahiri empha-sized this last point, noting that an entire genera-tion of junior professors have spent no timeabroad, have never attended international confer-ences or have not built connections with col-leagues outside of Iraq: “They must go abroadfor their Ph.D.s so that they can be exposed tonew systems and methods, and thereby acquireprestige and be good professors.” Along thesesame lines, and in a sentiment shared by Sousa,Jawahiri was particularly eager to host interna-tional conferences and to have his students par-ticipate in scholarly gatherings abroad.

Jawahiri also provided us with insight into thestructure of faculty development in the academyand how the state used systems of rewards andpunishments to induce and ensure loyalty. Iraqiuniversities employed a tiered system of facultyadvancement accompanied by a kind of tenurethat guarantees employment but not necessarilyrank. Ideally, movement from lecturer to assis-tant professor to professor was based on success-ful teaching and the review of research and pub-lications by external evaluators. Jawahiri notedthat the regime made it increasingly easy forparty members to move through the ranks. Sala-ries, which were low even by academic stan-

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dards, were tied to rank. When one became anadministrator or chair, salaries increased steeply.Membership in institutions such as the IraqiAcademy of Sciences carried with it additionalstipends and there were often opportunities toteach a heavier load for additional pay. Never-theless, access to these upper ranks and perqui-sites often came at the price of party member-ship.

Sousa, who left the university out of frustrationin the early 1990s and worked with the UN untilthe most recent invasion, looks back fondly onher career in the academy and notes that until itbecame untenable after the mid-1980s, womenprofessors received a great deal of support fortheir research and development. Her experiencehighlights the fact that state policy encouragedwomen’s access to higher education and facultypositions. Not only was this in line with Baathisttenets of secular equality, but also was a prag-matic response to the demographic realities cre-ated by the slaughter of large numbers of youngIraqi men in the Iran-Iraq war. She also sug-gested that there was some degree of freedom inhistorical research on contemporary historicaltopics, but this was limited in scope due theclosed nature of most Interior Ministry and otherstate archives, and in an intriguing footnote shementioned that until he was executed by SaddamHussein in 1989, Fadil Barak al-Takriti, an aca-demic himself and head of the intelligence serv-ices, had begun to allow some limited access tomore recent state documents.

The issues of academic corruption aside, al-Rawiconveyed to us the potential for arbitrary horrorinherent to the old system. Luay Hussein, one ofSaddam Hussein’s most favored nephews faileda required engineering course because of atten-dance problems. Al-Rawi, as head of the engi-neering section at the time had to inform thenephew of this fact. In retribution, young toughsfrom Luay’s entourage severely beat andmaimed the professor who gave Luay the failinggrade and later tried to ambush al-Rawi himselfon the street. When the president’s officelearned of the occurrence, a staged, videotapedbeating of Luay’s accomplices was produced andshown to the faculty at Baghdad University as akind of apology. Nevertheless, al-Rawi was notrenewed as head of engineering. The story high-lights the vulnerable position of Iraqi academicsin the period before the war. Those in the artsand humanities were especially at risk, as theydid not necessarily share with their colleagues in

the sciences an obviously pragmatic value to thestate. Historians were in constant danger, as thestate placed a premium on the maintenance of anideologically “correct” portrayal of the past.

Most if not all Iraqi historians and other aca-demics with international reputations – andwithout the kinds of connections enjoyed bysome of the above – have left the country overthe last three-decades to assume better paying orless restrictive positions in the Arab Gulf, Jor-dan, Libya, Yemen and the West. Prominentexamples are the returned exiles Khafaji andDarweesh, or the Ottomanist, Sayyar Al-Jamil.This phenomenon is by no means limited to Iraqbut is an omnipresent fact of intellectual life inthe Arab world.

3.2.1 Recommendations

1) Fair, open and transparent mechanismsshould be used to reinstate or compensate aca-demics who were denied opportunities or ex-pelled for political or ideological reasons overthe last 30 years.

Rationale: This measure is the first logical stepin addressing the systematic corruption of Iraqiacademia. It would also have the potential tobring back to Iraq a vast reserve of much neededhuman capital.

2) Women in academia should be encouraged tocompete for senior administrative and leadershipposition and measures ensuring equal accessand diversity must be established.

Rationale: Few if any women have been electedto leadership roles in the series of post-war elec-tions held on the various campuses.

3) The process for filling new positions or va-cancies at all levels of the academy should beopen and transparent and meet minimum stan-dards of due process and equal opportunity.

Rationale: This would open the system to thelargest possible pool of human resources andprevent much of the cronyism and nepotism thatdrove the old system.

4) Senior faculty sabbaticals, junior faculty re-search leave, graduate student support and un-dergraduate study abroad programs should beresumed as soon as possible.

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Rationale: All of the Iraqi academics we metdemanded these kinds of programs. The regu-larization and normalization of forms of ex-change will provide the basis of the ultimate re-integration of Iraqi academics with the rest of theworld.

5) Faculty should develop their own standards ofself-management, and design procedures forfaculty advancement and rank and tenure.

Rationale: The university system suffered mostwhen non-university professionals manipulatedthe system for their own ends. Faculty self-management would help to preclude a recurrenceof this phenomenon.

6) Rotating visiting professorships for non-Iraqis– preferably in the 1-3 month range – in the hu-manities and social sciences should be immedi-ately established at all of Iraq’s universities.

Rationale: This again was a consistent requestfrom the Iraqi academics we met. In particular,there is a great demand for the teaching of non-Iraqi history.

3.3 De-Baathification and the Academy

On the larger impact of De-Baathification, pleaserefer again to the ICG’s report.

We found that there are two parallel processes ofde-Baathification at work at Iraqi universitiesand scholarly institutions. The first and verypublic process has followed a series of officialorders unilaterally promulgated by the CPA andits chief administrator, L. Paul Bremer. No courthas tested the legality of these acts and its im-plementation has been haphazard and in somecases arbitrary. The second and more grass-rootsprocess of de-Baathification has been undertakenby Iraqis themselves in both formal and informalways: elections, petitions and in a few casesthreats of physical violence.

Based on our analysis of discussions with rele-vant CPA officials, the American edict on De-Baathification is predicated on a false analogybetween Baathism and Nazism. This analogyhas been promoted most heavily by Iraqi exilesin the United States like Brandeis Universityprofessor Kanan Makiya. In 1945, the allies in-tended De-Nazification to inoculate the Germanpeople against any revival of fascism. In 2003,the American hope is that elimination of high-

ranking members of the Baath from positions inthe public sector will prevent the recrudescenceof authoritarianism in Iraq. The analogy be-tween the Nazis and the Baath – especially interms of rank and file members – fails on itsface: likening the Nazis to the Baath either un-dervalues the sheer horror and inhumanity thatthe former visited upon the world or exaggeratesthe global reach and influence of the latter.

In principle, De-Baathification recognizes theirrefutable fact that the party saturated the livedexperience of Iraqis, denied them basic humanrights and insinuated itself in all aspects of theproduction of knowledge, art and culture. How-ever, the structures of authoritarianism are notunique to Baathism and thus merely eliminatingBaathists will not keep Iraq free. Any liberal,pluralist reform of Iraq will require more thanjust the elimination of Baathist ideology. Wecontend that the best way to prevent the reestab-lishment of the authoritarian structures the Baathcreated and benefited from is the formation andstrengthening of viable institutions of civil soci-ety, of which academia is a central element.

The ruling that most directly impacts upon theuniversity and allied systems is CPA OrderNumber 1: De-Baathification of Iraqi Societywhich appeared in the 17 June 2003 edition ofthe al-Waqic al-cIraqiyya, the official gazette ofIraq. Section 2 reads:

Full members of the Baath Party holding ranksof…Regional Command Member,…BranchMember…Section Member,…and Group Mem-ber… are hereby removed from their positionsand banned from future employment in the publicsector.

The CPA implementation of this process hasbeen inconsistent at best. The CPA has removedmost senior university officials. This includesthe former president of Baghdad University,Mahmud al-Rawi, a second circle member of theparty. Beyond the top ranks and in the middlethere is a great deal of difference in treatment.Bremer has reserved to himself the right to waivethe ban and has done so, especially in high pro-file cases of individuals associated with the Na-tional Museum like Dr. Moayad Damerji, or theaforementioned president of al-MustansiriyyaUniversity, Bakka’. In both cases, their utility tothe administration in terms of competence andpublic relations merited the exoneration. In noway do we mean to disparage Damerji or Bakka’as competent Iraqi public servants, but rather to

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note the selective, seemingly arbitrary and non-transparent implementation of the ban. Thosewho have fallen through the cracks are profes-sors like Hussam al-Rawi; while well respectedand beloved of his students and colleagues, hehas neither an international support network norobvious utility to the new order. By the sametoken in using party rank as the main criterion,individuals who were not high ranking membersor even members at all, but who consciouslymade use of the pernicious nature of the formerregime to their own ends can escape notice. Con-sequently, De-Baathification has the potential tobe a source of tremendous injustice, resentmentand distrust.

Our prediction is that most professors who havelost their positions in the university system whowant to return will be allowed to do so at somepoint, perhaps following an official enquiry andrenunciation of party membership, though it isunlikely they will ever be permitted to resumepositions of leadership.

The other form of De-Baathification is much lessformal. Hussam al-Rawi related the story of Dr.Ahmad al-Hadithi, a Pennsylvania State Univer-sity trained ovine-bovine veterinarian and Deanof the College of Veterinary Sciences at BaghdadUniversity. Originally from the village ofHaditha on the Euphrates, and intensely and per-sonally loyal to Saddam Hussein himself forhaving lifted his family from poverty, Dr. al-Hadithi was renowned as an informant anddemagogue. Within days of the collapse of theregime graffiti appeared on the walls of the Vet-erinary College announcing “Death to Dr. Ah-mad; the little Saddam!” Fearing for his per-sonal safety, al-Hadithi has not returned to cam-pus. Dramas like this have played out on each ofthe campuses in Baghdad. As noted previously,it may have led to the murder of a dean at al-Mustansiriyya. Nevertheless, this kind of ad hoccleansing is also dangerous and open to abuse bythose seeking personal vengeance or politicaladvantage. It could create a cycle of revenge andeasily spiral out of control. Still, what we saw atthe universities was not merely cases of disgrun-tled undergraduates and an extreme and irre-versible form of student evaluation, rather oursense is that when professors have been ostra-cized it has been undertaken in a judicious andmoderate fashion. In fact, the reverse scenario ismore often the case: Students have held ralliesor petition drives on behalf of terminated profes-sors.

The process of De-Baathification left us withmore questions than answers. De-Baathification,as used by the CPA is a monolithic term andinfluenced by the Cold War ethos and Eurocen-trism which dominates the thinking of its ana-lysts; it fails to grasp the fact that Baathism in itsTakriti-mode relied far less upon bureaucraticmechanisms of domination and reified ideologiesand more on tribal ties, filial networks and ethnicperquisites. It needs to be deconstructed both asan American policy and as a long-term Iraqigoal. How can a massive, diverse elite with en-trenched ties and large, multi-tiered networks ofpatronage be replaced with something more “ci-vilian” and less “Stalinist?” How can a new so-cial and political elite be reconstructed throughoutside pressure in the space of a few months?Will the vilification of the Baathists have thereverse effect of promoting exemplars of theformer regime to the status of national heroes?

Where perhaps the analogy to the De-Nazification of Germany is most apt is the long-term. While the modalities of the Cold War andthe Soviet threat led the Western Allies to reha-bilitate large numbers of former Nazis, andmoreover to never de-Nazify whole categories ofthe German public sector like universities, realde-Nazification came in the late 1960s asyounger Germans, caught up in the spirit ofthose times completed the task. The true test ofDe-Baathification is not whether a handful ofparty hacks are prevented from resuming theirposts, but rather if Iraqis can create for them-selves a robust civil society.

Recommendations:

1) Current De-Baathification programs shouldcease; short of a cessation, it should be held inabeyance until a self- regulating and Iraqi-controlled system, which guarantees due proc-ess, can be developed.

Rationale: The current program of De-Baathification is of uncertain value and dubiouslegality. The basic goals of De-Baathificationcan be reached through less drastic and moreprofessional and legal means.

2) An aggressive Truth and Reconciliation proc-ess, perhaps on the model of systems used inArgentina, South Africa and Chile, should re-place De-Baathification and be integrated into

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plans for academic redevelopment/reform andextended throughout Iraqi society.

Rationale: The well-established modalities ofTruth and Reconciliation would enjoy a warmreception in higher education circles and havetremendous impact; the process must employinternational norms of openness and due process.Regardless, any attempt to implement Truth andReconciliation must take shape in accordancewith Iraqi social forms and not merely be ex-tracted from other examples. Nor should it oper-ate in lieu of formal criminal investigations orprocedures.

3.4 Newspapers, Coffeehouses, andCivil Society

While it is difficult to arrive at an accurate total,at least 75 new independent newspapers andjournals have begun publication in Baghdad.This number stands in stark contrast to the pre-war situation where the state controlled the pressand there were just a handful of newspapers.While it is unlikely that the market can sustainthis number of new journals, and indeed severalpapers have already disappeared, the quantitythat will remain will provide an unprecedentedand vital space of discourse and exchange. Forthe moment, the Iraqi press is the freest press inthe Arab world and the only obvious restrictionscome in the form of CPA orders banning incite-ment, advocating the return of Baathism or pro-moting ethnic or religious hate.

The papers range greatly in quality and coverage.Many of the papers are associated with emergentor traditional political groups like the Commu-nists, liberals and the Kurdish parties; others arepurely commercial ventures. What all papersshare is a relative lack of advertising copy, sug-gesting that either their publishers have deeppockets or they are receiving subventions ormost likely, both. Three new dailies haveemerged as front-runners in the Baghdad market:al-Zaman, al-Takhi, and al-Sabah. Of these al-Zaman (Time) is by far the most slick, and withal-Sabah (Morning), the only paper that pub-lishes in full color. Al-Zaman’s editorial officesare headquartered in London, where usually halfof the journal is prepared. The front and rearfaces are completed in Baghdad. The paper’sprofessional layout is mirrored in the elitist top-ics it covers and its cost, 750 I.D.s ($.50). Theweek we visited Baghdad, the paper presented aseries of articles on Foucault and Barthes as well

as a history of Iraq and Arab nationalism thatchampioned Gamal cAbd al-Nasser and cAbd al-Karim Qassim. This elevated discourse aside,the paper is not above printing images of scan-tily-clad western models and movie starlets onits last pages. Al-Zaman’s publisher, Saad Baz-zaz has claimed that the paper is neutral withregards to Iraqi party politics, but it is certainlyright of center. Al-Takhi (Fraternity), on the otherhand is a sober and serious paper. Founded inthe 1960s, it continued to publish through theBaathist period. The paper has connections tothe Kurdish Democratic Party and shares itswebsite. Al-Sabah is the most pro-CPA paperand the one with the least obvious links to anypolitical party.

Despite the new openness of the period, thenewspapers have yet to carve out distinctiveidentities for themselves. In many cases, theyonly reflect pre-war disputes among exilic com-munities and ideas about Arab nationalism thatwere au courant in the 1960s. This is both afunction of the lack of politics, per se, in Iraqand the fact that an older generation of Iraqijournalist dominates journalism. Certainly, aspolitical forms become more resolved in thecountry, and print-capitalisms takes root, thenewspapers that survive will evolve accordingly.

Concerned about a lack of a functioning libraryin the capital that could collect these papers, wereceived assurances from the French Embassythat it will be possible within a year to forwardnewspapers they have collected to the InstitutFrançais du Proche Orient in Amman, Jordan.They would constitute a veritable treasure trovefor the study of emergent civil society.

The newspapers of Baghdad seemed staid incontrast to the potential of the web. The plethoraof weblogs like that of the “Baghdad Blogger”reveals how younger Iraqis are using the web asa medium for discourse. Any analysis ofemerging trends in Iraqi thought must chart theon-line dimensions of public discourse. Cur-rently, access to the web is growing at an expo-nential rate in Baghdad, with cyber cafes con-nected via satellite links springing up throughoutthe capital’s middle-class districts.

Despite obvious security problems and the lackof electricity, Baghdad’s coffeehouses haveagain become sites of vigorous discussion andfellowship. This is especially the case at theShahbandar Café at the northern gate of the Suq.

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Young artists and older writers and intellectuals gathered at the Shahbandar Café

Located on the street of the booksellers, the caféattracts an artistic and literary crowd, especiallyon Fridays. Places like Shahbandar provide avaluable space for creating intellectual networks.With the collapse of telephony and the disestab-lishment of state-controlled syndicates and un-ions, cafés and other “third spaces” are becominga fundamental part of new intellectual connec-tions. And while cafés are exclusively malespaces, we noted a remarkable diversity of cli-entele in terms of age and social background atShahbandar.

Like Beirut and Aleppo, Baghdad has long beenknown for its salons, called nadi, majlis or mun-tada. This tradition, far from having been erasedby the old regime, persisted. However, this sur-vival often came at the price of cooptation, aswas the case for with the city’s musical maqamof Friday evenings. Others survived through aconscious effort at self-censorship and by limit-ing themselves to politically innocuous topicslike representational art, traditional crafts andclassical poetry. In this category are the salonsof Mrs. Widad al-Urfali in Mansour and Mrs.Amal Yasin Al-Khudayri in her late father's Ot-toman-era courtyard house on the banks of theTigris near Bab al-Sharqi. In addition religiousand linguistic minorities established clubs andhosted talks and cultural evenings. Among theseare the Assyro-Chaldean Nadi al-Babil or theArmenian-Iraqi General Benevolent Union. De-spite their non-academic character, they wereundoubtedly part of Baghdad’s intellectual life.Art galleries and exhibition openings also playeda great role, especially Qassem Sibti's al-Hiwargallery. Sibti recently added a cafe and garden

to the gallery rooms. In the overgrown garden,younger journalists, writers, critics and artistsmeet and engage in conversation and debate.

Whether or how quickly these institutions canresume their role in the life of the capital is stillan open question. The status of Mrs. Urfali’sand Mrs. Khudayri's salons are in doubt: Urfali’ssalon has been taken over by the Iraqi NationalAccord as its headquarters, and Khudayri’shouse was ravaged during the events which fol-lowed the war. Still, while we were there, other

clubs resumed their meetings,including the Nadi al-Babil, whereNational Museum curator DonnyGeorge delivered a speech on thestate of the museum in Assyrian toa packed house. The al-Hiwargallery was crowded and alive.

Among the more importantinitiatives we noted were:

The “Al-Mada” project which waslaunched by Fakhri Karim, anIraqi communist in the late 1980'sand 1990's. Fleeing Baghdad,Karim founded a publishing houseand cultural center first in Beirutand then in Damascus. Thepublishing house has become one

of the most important in the Arab Middle East.In the aftermath of the war, Karim returned toIraq and is now using a house on Abu Nuwasstreet as a base for the al-Mada center's activi-ties. Beside publishing books and a monthly re-view, he intends to begin a local daily newspa-per, organize conferences and various culturalactivities. Karim plans to open branches in otherareas of Baghdad, as well as in the provinces.

The National Committee for the Preservation ofIraqi Cultural Goods, which was founded by agroup of college students and recent graduates.They have embarked upon a “consciousnessraising” campaign to alert people to the vulner-ability of Iraq’s historical heritage, and to theways to protect it. Their effectiveness is clearlylimited by the material conditions prevailing inBaghdad, and they have faced tremendous prob-lems in maintaining momentum.

The Association for Culture and Environment,an NGO begun by the well-respected physician,Dr. cAbd al-Hadi al-Khalili. Unlike the Com-mittee for the Preservation, this association re-

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cruits mainly among the older generation, pri-marily university professors.

The emergence of a free press, spread of internettechnology and the vigorous use of informal set-tings for the exchange of ideas suggest thatBaghdadis are laying the foundation of civil so-ciety. Nevertheless, these forms are taking shapein the face of an increasingly turbulent politicalmilieu. How, or even if this nascent civil societycan withstand the formation of a new Iraqi gov-ernment is an open question. Traditionally in-stitutions like the above are among the first tofall victim to state concerns about security andpolitical stability.

3.4.1 Recommendations:

1) The newspapers, journals and magazines ofIraq must be collected and archived.

Rationale: These are the building blocks of aNew Iraqi History.

2) Foreign institutions of civil society shouldidentify potential partners in Iraq and begin tobuild relationships and exchange programsrather than impose preexisting Western NGOs.

Rationale: Salons, clubs, art galleries, and IraqiNGOs constitute the basis of civil society. Thatsuch institutions are taking shape in Iraq is themost encouraging sign that a truly democraticand independent future is possible. Iraqi-basedinitiatives have a higher probability of success.Likewise, in partnering with these institutions,Iraqis will be exposed to functioning, viable and

successful examples of civil society and begin toplace a higher value on these kinds of projects.

3) The historical urban fabric from the al-Mustansiriyya Madrasa to the remains of theAbbasid citadel should be turned into a culturalspace for Iraqis. UNESCO and ICOMOS shouldprotect this zone as a world heritage site andIraqi urban planners should begin to think aboutways to reclaim this space for the people. Themandate-era former Ministry of Defense com-pound should likewise become a cultural center.

Rationale: The historic urban fabric of the cityhas been neglected in the past two decades.Modest efforts to preserve and develop this areabegan before the war, but have suffered from alack of funding. The development of these areasas open, public places will help the formation ofnew and vital spaces of gathering and sociability,promote tourism and function as a pedestrianzone whose symbolism is untainted by theBaathist regime and could be used to help instilla sense of Arab-Ottoman heritage, national iden-tity and pride.

Additional Information:

Website for al-Zamanhttp://www.azzaman.com/

Website for al-Takhihttp://www.birayeti-xebat.net/

The “Baghdad Blogger”http://dear_raed.blogspot.com/

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American armored personnel carrier on the grounds of Saddam Hussein’s former palace,now CPA headquarters

4. Relations between the Iraqi Academic and Intellectual Community and the CoalitionProvisional Authority

4.1 Introduction

T he CPA has lost much of the support andgoodwill it enjoyed after the overthrow of the oldregime. Its perceived inability to manage thebasic needs of everyday life in the capital - pub-lic safety, electricity, water, telephone, andgasoline – is the main cause of that loss. How-ever, rarely did our contacts express virulentanti-Americanism (the occupation is not consid-ered an international or coalition effort by mostIraqis). Nevertheless, confidence in the CPA isquickly dissipating.

In an observation shared by foreign NGO work-ers, we noticed a mounting frustration evenamong members of the large educated Iraqi mid-dle class who had been willing to give theAmericans the benefit of the doubt, and who sawthe occupation as a tremendous opportunity. Forsome this frustration has the potential to trans-form into a radicalized antipathy towards theAmerican presence and their reform efforts and,moreover, contribute recruits for the increasinglyorganized paramilitary resistance.

Adding to the sense of frustration and disem-powerment is the perception that the CPA is in-stitutionally indifferent to the needs of Iraqis.The aura of indifference is perpetuated by thelack of mechanisms for Iraqis of all strata tocommunicate effectively with the CPA. Pre-sumably with more Iraqi control of the state, thisproblem will resolve itself,however, the CPA’s choice ofSaddam Hussein’s former palaceas the base of its operations sendsat the very least confusing andmixed signals to the Iraqi people.

Generally meetings betweenIraqis and the CPA take place atthe Iraqi national conference cen-ter, located opposite the RashidHotel and behind a series of USArmy checkpoints. Civilian offi-cials of the CPA – and the mili-tary personnel who accompanythem – usually wear body armorand carry side arms when out ofthe Presidential Palace compound.

While this policy was being relaxed while wewere there, with the upsurge in violence againstthe military in Baghdad proper and at the univer-sities, it is unclear how much further or if at all,this policy will change. Such a distancing cannothelp but reinforce the stereotypes and misper-ceptions held by all sides.

4.2 Higher Education and the CPA

Without independent budgets or endowmentsand with the presence of US military personneland weapons on their campuses the universitiesof Iraq have been placed in a subordinate anddependent position. The same holds for otherresearch and cultural institutions. The UnitedStates, as dominant partner in the CPA is usingits preeminent position to control the shape ofhigher education, taking an active stance towardsstaffing, curriculum and admissions.

However, the American agenda for Iraq’s uni-versities is not an unqualified commitment to thedevelopment of a system of higher education thatwill serve as a basis for civil society. Rathercounter-terrorism and non-proliferation driveAmerican efforts. The appointment of Andrew(Drew) Erdmann, Ph.D., as the CPA’s “advisor”to the Iraqi Ministry of Higher Education clearlyreflects this agenda. Far from being a mere ad-viser, Erdmann is the de facto head of Iraq’s uni-versity system with the ultimate power to vetoappointments and set budgets. He answers firstto L. Paul Bremer and then the Pentagon. Ac-

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cording to his official US State Department biog-raphy, he is a member of the “Secretary of State'sPolicy Planning Staff, where he was responsiblefor counterterrorism (sic), homeland security,and Central Asian policy.” He did graduatework in History at Harvard and recently de-fended a doctoral dissertation entitled, “Ameri-cans’ search for ‘victory’ in the twentieth cen-tury” (2000). Before joining the US State De-partment, he held fellowships at various policythink tanks like Harvard’s Olin Center. He is notfrom the State Department’s Bureau of Educa-tional and Cultural Affairs, which traditionallyadministers US government-supported foreignexchange and education programs including Ful-bright. In addition, he appears to neither haveformal preparation in Middle Eastern Historyand Politics nor speak Arabic. Moreover, he hasno training in university management or practicalleadership experience in the administration oflarge public institutions of higher learning.

Erdmann, who is scheduled to remain in Bagh-dad at least until October, does not seem tocommand the respect of the few Iraqi academicsand intellectuals with whom we spoke who havemet him.

During a 24 June meeting, and after assuring usthat the CPA was committed to letting the Iraqiscontrol their own destiny as soon as possible,Erdmann outlined what he called the “bedrockprinciples” of America’s plan for post-Saddamhigher education in Iraq. First, Iraq’s universitiesare to become autonomous entities. It is unclearif this means the complete privatization of highereducation, but it does open the door for inde-pendent international boards of trustees. Hesuggested that the Ministry of Higher Educationmay eventually be abolished and universities“floated.” Presumably this would insulate Iraqiacademia from the country’s political structure,while at the same time provide additional op-portunities for control and oversight by non-Iraqis. Second, communication and exchangewould be expanded and was explained as a keytenet of American “Public Diplomacy” in Iraq.“Public diplomacy” is a euphemism for highlycoordinated pro-American propaganda that hasgained wider use since the aftermath of 9/11. Itconnects the origins of terrorism with the con-clusion that anti-Americanism is built on an in-complete or stereotypical understanding ofAmerican government and society. Third, De-Baathification, as discussed earlier, would act toeliminate authoritarian tendencies from the uni-

versities. And fourth, the Iraqi scientific commu-nity would be “normalized.” The term normalizein this context means monitoring the researchagenda for Iraqi nuclear engineers, biologists andchemists capable of aiding in the production of“Weapons of Mass Destruction.” According toErdmann this is part of finishing the processes ofdisarming Iraq and a prophylactic measure tokeep impoverished Iraqi scientists from sellingtheir expertise to terrorists or governments hos-tile to the US.

In a prima facie sense, Iraqi academics advo-cated each of these principles. However thereare reasons to be concerned that the planned im-plementation of the reforms will reinforce andperpetuate the subordinate condition of Iraqihigher education. Further, the US is placing it-self, with planned USAID higher education sub-contracts to American universities, in a positionto dominate Iraqi educational structures for theforeseeable future. The inescapable fact is thatIraqis did not design the “bedrock principles” asa formula for reform, but rather they derive froma plan drawn up before the occupation of thecountry in Washington. Most fundamentally, theUSAID contracts are not a response to Iraqi ini-tiatives: they are based on remote assessments bystate department officials in consultation withrepresentatives of the Iraqi exile community.

Iraqis, having to deal with the trauma of occupa-tion, the challenges of survival, and the possi-bilities of an impending civil war have had littletime to devote to large-scale educational initia-tives. Seeming to fail to recognize this, Erdmannhas adopted the position that the Iraqi academiccommunity is unable to identify initiatives, planstrategies for reform, or budget as a consequenceof a “basic lack of competence” and Baathism.This struck us as an unfair, inaccurate and hastygeneralization; it is also a convenient positionthat infantilizes Iraqis and justifies a heavy-handed American intervention in the Iraqi aca-demic scene.

This is the crux of the dilemma we outlined inthe introduction. In the current formulation, aid,development and reform all first must passthrough the prism of American national interestsin Iraq and the Middle East. Similarly, if thesecurity situation in Iraq deteriorates and theAmerican occupation continues, reform pro-grams closely allied to these American interestswill prove problematic and a focus for resistance.This fact should be part of the thinking of insti-

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tutions seeking to cooperate with US governmentinitiatives in Iraq. These organizations should beconscious of the fact while they may considerthemselves as distinct from the US government,disinterested and benevolent, Iraqis will conflatethem with the occupation and see them as com-plicit actors in the forwarding of American inter-ests.

In addition to secular higher education, Erdmannhas inherited control of three religiously affili-ated institutions: the Saddam Islamic University,al-Fiqh University and Babylon College. IslamicUniversity and al-Fiqh were semiprivate institu-tions; the former was founded with help fromKuwait at the time of the Iran-Iraq war as aninitiative to support Sunni education. After thewar with Kuwait, its external support vanishedand it acquired the Saddam sobriquet. It is un-likely that the institution will continue to existand several Iraqis we spoke with speculated thatits functions would be folded into the ShariaFaculty at Baghdad University. Al-Fiqh is aShiite-centered institution. Babylon College is aprivate ecumenical Christian school which servesboth the Chaldean and Assyrian communities.Erdmann was unable to articulate a clear policyon these institutions. Finally, just days prior toour meeting he was informed that the IraqiAcademy now fell under his control; he assuredus that it would receive a budget.

Accompanying Erdmann to the 26 June meetingwas Lt. Col. Stephan Curda, a reservist who, incivilian life, is a specialist in Information Tech-nology and distance learning at the University ofWest Florida. While the US Army’s role in theoverall management of higher education is un-clear, the presence of Curda and various militaryofficers at other meetings held with CPA offi-cials made visible how closely the US Armymonitors the civilian administrators and theiractions. Curda's background highlights an un-derlying American emphasis on technology andscience in the redevelopment of Iraqi academia.

At the meeting was the aforementioned returnedexile Professor Farouk Darweesh in his capacityas advisor to Erdmann.

We contend that the CPA should recognize theprofessional dignity, vitality and resourcefulnessof Iraqi intellectuals and academics and em-power them to chart their own path, rather thanimplement vague policies in a non-transparent

way for the sake of a nebulous “counter-ter-rorism” agenda.

4.3 Culture and the CPA

Libraries, Museums and the Bayt al-Hikma allfall under the jurisdiction of the Ministry ofCulture and its senior advisor, the Italian diplo-mat, Ambassador Pietro Cordone. Cordonecame out of retirement to replace the Americandiplomat John Limbert. An Arabist by training,he has served at many Middle Eastern posts.Quite elderly, he will leave Iraq by August. Nearthe end of our visit, we met with Cordone, hisassistant, Mr. Fergus Muir, Head of ArchitectureBranch, British Department of Culture, Mediaand Sport, and Colonel A.J. Kessel of the SpecialFunctions Team of the U.S. Army 352nd CivilAffairs Command. Colonel Kessel had been oneof the first Americans on the scene of the burnedNational Library.

The conversation with Cordone revolved pri-marily around the state of post-war cultural af-fairs and what specific measure were being un-dertaken. Cordone emphasized that they were inthe process of reorganizing the Ministry of Cul-ture following a removal of 40%-60% of itshigh-ranking staff. Simultaneously, his office isencouraging the formation of independent boardsof directors and/or trustees for the various insti-tutions. In principle, this is parallel to the“floating” of the university system and antici-pates the growth of private funding and endow-ments. He also made clear that his intention wasto systematically link the Iraqi cultural heritagesector with international NGOs. One example hegave was coordinating with the Italian NGO UnPonte Per, in restoring and preserving parts ofOld Baghdad. He spoke of reviving one of twostudies conducted in the 1990s on the rehabilita-tion of Baghdad’s late Ottoman core that in-cludes the 19th-century Qushla, governor’s man-sion, post office and secondary school.

Cordone seemed committed to building on cul-tural initiatives and cooperative agreements thathad begun before the war. This course of actionprivileges European initiatives inasmuch asforms of diplomatic and cultural contact betweenthe United States and Iraq were non-existent inthe pre-war period. No doubt, this has led toconflict between CPA’s Culture and HigherEducation offices – which share the same roomin the Saddam Hussein’s Presidential Palacecomplex.

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4.4 Recommendations

1) American Universities should refrain fromcompeting for US AID Higher Education grantsuntil the military occupation of Iraq ends and anindependent and sovereign government exists inIraq. That said, institutions should make an ef-fort to build contacts and offer expertise to theIraqi academic community on an informal basisin preparation for that moment.

Rationale: In addition to reasons outlined above,as long as US military forces occupy Iraqi uni-versity campuses and Iraqis do not have sover-eign control of their institutions, they remain inan inherently unequal and subordinate position.Embarking upon any project that is directlysponsored by the government of occupation un-der those circumstances would reinforce thatposition of inequality. Other paths of supportshould and must be taken.

2) The US Department of Defense should con-sider replacing Dr. Andrew Erdmann with anArabic-speaking qualified university profes-sional who has experience in Middle EasternHistory and Society and training in universitymanagement and faculty self-governance.

Rationale: Erdmann is surely a good analyst andhistorian of the US. His appointment, however,is a wasted opportunity. The Iraqis could benefitfrom someone expert in how universities can andshould be run, who understands better the historyand culture of the region and who does not per-ceive Iraqi professionals through the lens ofcounterg,-terrorism and nonproliferation.

3) No move to privatize Iraq’s public highereducation system should be undertaken unilater-ally by the CPA, nor should there be any im-pediments to the establishment of private institu-tions of higher learning.

Rationale: Public, low cost higher education andpost-secondary training is a deeply rooted part ofIraqi society and a formula for development thatenjoyed tremendous success until the 1990s. Anydecision of such magnitude must be undertakenby Iraqis themselves. We note that the recentstudent demonstrations in Tehran began as aprotest against privatization schemes of Iranianuniversities. However, private institutions ofhigher learning have a long history in the MiddleEast and could find a ready constituency in Iraq.

4) The CPA should move as quickly as possibleto guarantee independent sources of revenue forthe university systems.

Rationale: It was noted by several of our inter-locutors that universities had their own financialresources granted to them before the war, butthat those funds were frozen with all other Iraqibank accounts. Consequently, the CPA placeditself as the only source of current funding forsalaries and general budgets. Without independ-ent budgets, universities will remain in a de-pendent relationship. Earmarking Iraq’s oilrevenues for the development of its culturalheritage, educational systems, medical and socialservices could help dispel the belief that the USis in Iraq to rob it of its natural resources.

5) Foreign governments, if they have not alreadydone so should place a priority on cultural af-fairs in their diplomatic missions to Iraq, Thisshould be buttressed by ongoing multilateralapproaches including close cooperation with UNprograms and organizations such as UNDP andUNESCO, as well as direct cooperation with theIraqis in ways that can bypass the CPA.

Rationale: This form of cultural and educationaldevelopment tends not to produce the kinds ofunequal and dependent relationships envisionedin current CPA planning. Furthermore, in inter-nationalizing approaches to development prob-lems in Iraq, the problematic close association ofUS interests with progressive initiatives is re-duced.

Additional Information:

Official Biography of Andrew Erdmann, Ph.D.

http://www.state.gov/r/pa/pil/13437.htm