Overview mood: the next hurrah/ﬁnal fron0erjb77/Handouts/TLS_JB_v1.pdf · • Krila 2011: mood in Daakie (Oceanic; Vanuatu) as presupposi0onal tense in branching-future models 7

Subjunc'vemoodasnon-realiza'onviewpointaspectinMayan

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Subjunc0vemoodasnon-realiza0onviewpointaspectinMayan

JürgenBohnemeyerhGp://www.acsu.buffalo.edu/~jb77/

[email protected]

TLS16UT,February20,2016

SohappytobeinAus0n…

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Overview

•  mood:thenexthurrah/finalfron0er•  data(i):theYucatecstatussystem•  theory(i):aspectandrealiza0on•  analysis(i):theideainanutshell•  data(ii):usesofthesubjunc0ve•  theory(ii):possibilis0csitua0onseman0cs•  analysis(ii):towardaformaliza0on•  comparisontootherapproaches•  conclusions 3

mood:thenexthurrah/finalfron0er

•  goals:descrip0ve– sketchtheseman0csoftheso-calledstatussystemofYucatecMaya

– status:afunc0onalcategoryoftheMayanverb(Kaufman1992)

•  conflatesno0onsofviewpointaspect,mood,illocu0onaryforce;alsosensi0vetoproper0esofargumentstructure,voice4

'Iknowwhatyou'rethinkingabout,'saidTweedledum;'butitisn'tso,nohow.''Contrariwise,'con0nuedTweedledee,'ifitwasso,itmightbe;andifitwereso,itwouldbe;butasitisn't,itain't.That'slogic.'

(LewisCarroll,ThroughtheLookingGlass)

mood:thenexthurrah/finalfron0er(cont.)

•  goals:theore0cal– accountfortheseman0csofsubjunc0veandirrealismoodinatleastonelanguage

– explainwhyviewpointaspectandmoodareconflatedinasinglefunc0onalcategoryinMayanlanguages

•  andwhytheirexpressionsaremoregenerallyfrequentlyparadigma0callyrelatedacrosslanguages

– clarifyandfurtherdeveloptheno0onofeventrealiza'on(Bohnemeyer&Swid2004)

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•  goals:theore0cal(cont.)– unifiedtheoriesoftenseandaspectareareality

•  Kamp&Reyle1993;Klein1994–  thenexthurrah/finalfron0er:aunifiedtheoryoftense,aspect,andmood?

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•  goals:theore0cal(cont.)– exis0ngaccounts

•  Roberts1989:‘modalsubordina0on’•  Farkas1992:verbsw/indica0vecomplementsdescribesingleworlds;verbsw/subjunc0vecomplementssetsofworlds

•  Portner1997:moodconstrains‘conversa0onalforce’,understoodintermsofmodalaccessibility

•  Iatridou2000:composi0onalseman0csofcounterfactuals•  Krila2011:moodinDaakie(Oceanic;Vanuatu)aspresupposi0onaltenseinbranching-futuremodels

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•  goals:theore0cal(cont.)–  rela0ngmoodtomodality

•  Roberts1989;Farkas1992;Portner1997–  rela0ngmoodtoviewpointaspect

•  Iatridou2000;thepresentproposal–  rela0ngmoodtotense

•  Krila2011

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Overview


Data(i):theYucatecstatussystem•  statusmarking:example(2.1)a. Perfec&veaspect-comple&vestatus

T-in=mèet-ah le=nah=o’PRV-A1SG=do:APP-CMP(B3SG) DEF=house=D2‘Ibuiltthehouse’

b. Progressiveaspect-incomple&vestatus Táan in=mèet-ik le=nah=o’ PROG A1SG=do:APP-INC(B3SG) DEF=house=D2 ‘Iam/was/willbebuildingthehouse’c. Remotefuture-subjunc&vestatus Bíin in=mèet-∅ le=nah=o’ REMF A1SG=do:APP-SUBJ(B3SG) DEF=house=D2 ‘Itis/was/willbealong0mebeforeIbuildthehouse’

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Data(i):theYucatecstatussystem

•  statusmarking:subcategories– everyverbform,finiteornot,thatprojectsacoremustbemarkedforexactlyoneoffivesubcategories

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Table1.ThefivestatussubcategoriesofYucatecStatuscategory Distribution

Matrixclauses Finitesubordinateclauses

Nonfiniteverbalprojections

Completive Perfectiveaspect N/AIncompletive Imperfective

aspectImperfectiveaspect;purposeclauses

Gerunds;complementsofpredicatesexpressingaspectual,causal,modal,andeventperceptionmeanings;intensionalcomplementsofintransitivepredicatesoffear,desire,attempt;intransitivecomplementsinthemotion-cum-purposeconstruction

Subjunctive ‘Insubordinate’(Evans2007)jussives

Irrealisclauses;counterfactualconditionalantecedents

Intensionalcomplementsoftransitivepredicatesoffear,desire,attempt;transitivecomplementsinthemotion-cum-purposeconstruction;complementswithprojectiveandcounterfactualcontents

Imperative Imperativesentences

N/A N/A

Extra-focal N/A Backgroundclauseinmannerfocusconstructionsw/perfectiveaspect

N/A

Data(i):theYucatecstatussystem

•  statusmarking:allomorphy–  thestatussuffixescomeinallomorphsthatdis0nguishverb(stem)classandvoice

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Table2.Statuspolysemyandverbstemclasses

statusstemclass

incompleGve compleGve subjuncGve extra-focal imperaGve

ac0ve -Ø -nah -nak -nahik -neninac0ve -Vl -Ø -Vk -ik -eninchoa0ve -tal -chah -chahak -chahik N/Adisposi0onal -tal -lah -l(ah)ak -lahik -lentransi0ve

ac0ve-ik -ah -Ø/-eh -ahil -Ø/-eh

passive \’/...-Vl/-a’l

\’/...-ab/-a’b

\’/...-Vk/-a’k

\’/...-ik/-a’bik

N/A


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Overview


Theory(i):aspectandrealiza0on•  framework:Klein’s(1992,1994,etc.)aspecttheory

– adynamicmodelofwhatadiscourseis“about”•  itispossibletosomeextenttomodelthemeaningsofuGerancesinadiscourseascontribu0ngtoaques0on

–  animplicitorexplicitques0on•  Klein&vonStuGerheim1987,2002:quaes'o•  Roberts1996,2012;Simonsetal2010:ques'onunderdiscussion(QuD)

•  onlyproposi0onsthatcontributetotheQUDareatissue

–  allotherproposi0onsarepresupposedorbackgrounded•  limits:non-consta0ve/representa0vespeechacts;direc0vesotherthanques0ons

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Theory(i):aspectandrealiza0on(Cont.)

•  framework:Klein’saspecttheory(cont.)– every(finite)clauseisinterpretedwithrespecttothetopicGmettop

•  ttopisestablishedbytheQuD•  ttopconstrainsthe0meforwhichaproposi0onisassertedorques0oned,etc.

•  ttopisrelatedto–  therun0meτ(s)oftheasitua0onsdescribedbyapredicatebyviewpointaspect

–  uGerance0metubytense

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(3.1) a. Whatdidyouno'cewhenyouenteredtheroom? b. Amanwaslyingonthefloor.

c. HewasChineseorJapanese. d. Hedidnotmove. e. Awomanwasbendingoverhim. f. Shewastakingapursefromhispocket. g. Sheturnedtome.(Klein1994:39-40)

λs3.be_chinese’(s3)∨be_japanese’(s3)&ttop⊂τ(s3)


'me

λs1.enter’(s1)

ttop=τ(s1)

λs2.lie’(s2)&ttop⊂τ(s2)

¬λs4.move’(s4)&τ(s4)⊆ttop

λs5.bend’(s5)&ttop⊂τ(s5)

λs6.take’(s6)&ttop⊂τ(s6)

λs7.turn’(s7)&τ(s7)⊂ttop

a

b

c

d

e

f

g

Figure4.Temporalstructureof(3.1)16


•  realiza0on:Bohnemeyer&Swid2004–  explanandum:telicity-dependentviewpointaspect

interpreta0onofzero-markedverbforms•  inGerman,Inuk0tut,Russian•  asopposedtodynamicity-basedinterpreta0ons

inEnglishandEwe

–  explanans:eventrealizaGon•  zero-markedformsareusedtodescriberealizedevents

–  byentailmentinRussianandbyGriceanstereotype(Q2)implicatureinGerman

•  realiza0on≈culmina0oninParsons1990•  realiza0ondependsonthetelicityoftheeventpredicate

–  atelicpredicatesmaybeinstan0atedbyrealizedeventsunderimperfec0veaspect;telicpredicatesrequireperfec0veforrealiza0on17


–  hencetheimperfecGveparadox(Dowty1979:133)(3.1’)a.Whatdidyouno'cewhenyouenteredtheroom?

e. Awomanwasbendingoverhim. ∴Awomanbentoverhimf. Shewastakingapursefromhispocket. not∴Shetookapursefromhispocket

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'mettop=τ(s1)

λs6.take’(s6)&ttop⊂τ(s6)

λs1.enter’(s1) Figure4.Temporalstructureof(3.1)

λs5.bend’(s5)&ttop⊂τ(s5)


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Overview


Analysis(i):theideainanutshell

•  viewpointaspectconstrainstheextenttowhichthetopicsituaGonrealizesacertainsitua0ontype– perfec0ve:thetopicsitua0onincludesasitua0onoftherelevantkind

–  imperfec0ve:thetopicsitua0onisincludedinasitua0onoftherelevantkind

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Analysis(i):theideainanutshell(cont.)

•  moodconstrainsrealiza0onofasitua0onofagivenkindinsidevs.outsidethetopicsitua0on–  realis/indica0ve:constrainsfactualrealiza0on

•  thatis,at-issuerealiza0oninafactualtopicsitua0on–  irrealis/subjunc0ve:constrainsnon-factualrealiza0on

•  TypeA:non-factualrealiza0onofasitua0onthatextendsafactualtopicsitua0on

•  TypeB:realiza0oninanon-factualtopicsitua0on•  TypeC:non-at-issuerealiza0on•  TypeD:non-realiza0onduringanextendedtopic0meinterval

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Overview


Data(ii):usesofthesubjunc0ve•  thevariouscontextsofthesubjunc0vecanbesortedintofourtypes– TypeA:non-factualrealiza0onextendingafactualtopicsitua0on

•  occurswithintensionalcomplementsofpredicatesoffear,desire,aGempt;inthe‘mo0on-cum-purpose’construc0on;

–  andwiththecounterfactualpreverbalmoodmarkeróolak

(5.1) A8empt Le=doktòor=o’, t-u=ts’a’-ah u=báah DEF=doctor=D2 PRV-A3=put-CMP(B3SG)A3=self

u=ts’ak-∅ le=pàal=o’ [A3=cure-SUBJ(B3SG) DEF=child]=D2

‘Thedoctortriedtocurethechild’

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Data(ii):usesofthesubjunc0ve(cont.)

– TypeA:non-factualrealiza0onextendingafactualtopicsitua0on(cont.)(5.2) Fear Sahak-en in=tsikbat-∅ le=kwèento=o’ afraid-B1SG [A1SG=talk:APP-SUBJ(B3SG) DEF=tale]=D2 ‘Iam/was/willbeafraidtotellthestory’

(5.3) Mo&on-cum-purpose (Aissen1987:16-17;ZavalaMaldonado1993) Le=pàal=o’, h-tàal u=ch’a’-∅ le=ta’kin=o’

DEF=child=D2 PRV-come(B3SG)[A3=take-SUBJ(B3SG)DEF=money=D2] ‘Thechild,(s)hecametocollect/withdraw/takethemoney’

•  awrinkle:intransi0vecomplementsofthesamepredicatesappearintheincomple0ve

– w/theset-A(“erga0ve”)markerdeleted–thesearenominaliza0ons

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– TypeA:non-factualrealiza0onextendingafactualtopicsitua0on(cont.)

(5.4) Countefactualmoodóolak‘almost’ Óolak in=mèet-∅ le=nah=o’ CF A1SG=do:APP-SUBJ(B3SG) DET=house=D2 ‘I(willhave/had)almostbuiltthehouse’

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'mettop

Figure5.Temporalstructureof(5.2)

wtop w

s1 s2


– TypeA:non-factualrealiza0onextendingafactualtopicsitua0on(cont.)

•  arelateduse:‘insubordinate’(Evans2007)jussives(5.5) a. Káa séeb+uts-chahak-ech! SR fast+good-INCH.SUBJ-B2SG ‘Speedyrecovery(lit.mayyougetwellquickly)!’

b. Káa in=k’al-eh? SR A1SG=lock-SUBJ(B3SG) ‘Doyouwantmetolockit(lit.(Doyouwant)

thatIlockit)?’–  formallytheseresembleintensionalcomplementsofellipsedmatrixpredicates

–  buttheirseman0cshasillocu0onaryforceaspects»  cf.Devlin2006;Portner1997

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– TypeB:realiza0oninanon-factualtopicsitua0on•  occurswithcounterfactualcondi0onalantecedentsandirrealissubordinateclauses

– whichhavefuture-0meorhabitual/genericreference

(5.6)Counterfactualcondi&onals [Context:I’mnotallowedtovoteintheupcominglocal

elec0on,sinceI’mnotaMexicanCi0zen.]

Pero wáahkáabèey-lak in=bóotare’,

but ALT SR like.this-INCH.SUBJ(B3SG)A1SG=vote

hi’n=bóotar-t-ik Pablo=e’.

ASS:A1SG=vote-APP-INC(B3SG) Pablo=D3

‘ButifIwereabletovote,I’dvote(for)Pablo.’ 28


– TypeB:realiza0oninanon-factualtopicsitua0on(cont.)(5.7) Future-&mereference Kéen ka’=sùunak-ech t-u=láak’ ha’b=e’(…), SR:IRRREP=turn\ATP:SUBJ-B2SGPREP-A3=otheryear=TOP táan0k in=mèet-ik le=nah=o’. IMM A1SG=do:APP-INC(B3SG) DEF=house=D2 ‘(When)youreturnherenextyear,Iwillhavejustbuildthehouse.’

(5.8)Habitual/genericreference Le=kéen k=ts’a’-∅ túunhe’l=a’, DET=[SR.IRR A1PL=put-SUBJ(B3SG) so.thenPRSV]=D1 u=k’àaba’=e’, ka’nal+pàach+nah. A3=name=TOP high+back+house ‘Sothenthe(one)weputhere,asforitsname,(itis)ka’nalpàachnah’

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– TypeB:realiza0oninanon-factualtopicsitua0on(cont.)(5.7) Future-&mereference Chéenka’=sùunak-ech t-u=láak’ ha’b=e’(…), SR:IRRREP=turn\ATP:SUBJ-B2SGPREP-A3=otheryear=TOP táan0k in=mèet-ik le=nah=o’. IMM A1SG=do:APP-INC(B3SG) DEF=house=D2

‘(When)youreturnherenextyear,Iwillhavejustbuildthehouse.’

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'mettop


wu wtop

s1 s2


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– TypeC:non-at-issuerealiza0on•  occurswith‘degree-of-remoteness’predicates

(5.9) Degreesofremoteness(‘metricaltense’)markers

Ma’ sáam sùunak le=kòombi=o’;... NEG REC turn\ATP:SUBJ(B3SG) DET=van=D2 ‘It’snotawhileagothatthebusreturned;…’

a. …inw=a’l-ik=e’, h-ts’o’k mèedya òora. A1SG=say-INC(B3SG)=TOP PRV-end(B3SG)half hour ‘…Ithinkitwashalfanhourago.’

b. ??...tuméen ma’ sùunak=i’. CAUSE NEG turn\ATP:SUBJ(B3SG)=D4 ‘…becauseithasn’treturnedyet.’

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– TypeC:non-at-issuerealiza0on(cont.)(5.9) Degreesofremoteness(‘metricaltense’)markers

Ma’ sáam sùunak le=kòombi=o’;... NEG REC turn\ATP:SUBJ(B3SG) DET=van=D2 ‘It’snotawhileagothatthebusreturned;…’

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'mettop

wtop

s stop



– TypeD:non-realiza0onduringanextendedtopic0meinterval(5.10) a. Nega&onwithperfec&veaspect Domìingo-ak=e’ ma’ h-hàats’-nah-en=i’ Sunday-ak-TOP NEG(B3SG) PRV-beat\ATP-CMP-B1SG=D4 ‘LastSunday,Ididnotbat(lit.beat).’

b.Nega&onwithperfectaspect‘notyet’interpreta&on

Tèen=e’ tak be’òora=a’ma’ hàats’-nak-en=i’ me=TOP even now=D1 NEG(B3SG) beat\ATP-SUBJ-B1SG=D4 ‘Me,uptonow,IhavenotyetbaGed(lit.beaten)’

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– TypeD:non-realiza0onduringanextendedtopic0meinterval(cont.)(5.10) Nega&onwithperfectaspect‘notyet’interpreta&on b. Tèen=e’ tak be’òora=a’ma’ hàats’-nak-en=i’ me=TOP even now=D1 NEG(B3SG) beat\ATP-SUBJ-B1SG=D4 ‘Me,uptonow,IhavenotyetbaGed(lit.beaten)’

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'mettop

wtop

s stop



•  comparingsubjunc0vesacrosslanguages– grammariansassignthelabel‘subjunc0ve’primarilybasedonsyntac0cdistribu0on

•  amoodthatoccurspredominantlyindependentclausesorverbforms

–  itisnotobviousthatthereisasingleseman0cprototype•  sharedbyallormostofthefunc0onalcategoriesthathavebeencalled‘subjunc0ves’indescrip0onsacrosslanguages

– however,Iarguethattherearetwoseman0cno0onsassociatedwiththeYucatecsubjunc0ve

•  whichareworthlookingintoforwidercrosslinguis0ccurrency–  thesearetheno0onsofnon-realizaGonandnon-at-issueness

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Overview



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Theory(ii):Possibilis0csitua0onseman0cs

•  Kratzer’s(1989,1990,1998,2002)blendofsitua0onseman0csandpossibleworldseman0cs

•  basicingredients(cf.Kratzer1989:615-616)– adomainDsofpossiblesitua0ons– amereologicalrela0on≤samongsitua0onsdefiningapar0alorderingonDs

– asubsetDwofDs,thesetofpossibleworlds,definedasmereologicallymaximalsitua0ons

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•  basicingredients(cont.)– asetofproposi0onsdefinedasthepowerset𝓅(Ds)

•  proposi0onsmaybetrueinsitua0ons,butthelogicalrela0onssuchasentailmentandequivalencearedefinedoverworlds

(6.1) Truth:Aproposi0onp∈𝓅(Ds)istrueinasitua0ons∈Dsiffs∈p.

(6.2) Entailment:Asetofproposi0onsA⊆𝓅(Ds)entailsaproposi0onp∈𝓅(Ds)iffw∈⋂A→w∈pforanyw∈Dw.

(6.3) Equivalence:Twoproposi0onsp,q∈𝓅(Ds)areequivalentiffp⋂Dw=q⋂Dw.

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•  factsas“worldlypar0culars”– cf.Kratzer(2002:660)

– exemplifyingfactsaresitua0onsthatlack“irrelevantdetails”

– Kratzershowsthatthisno0onisusefulinmodelingtheseman0csofknowandofcounterfactuals

(6.4) MinimalsituaGoninwhichaproposiGonistrue:Apossiblesitua0onsisaminimalsitua0oninwhichaproposi0onpistrueiffs∈p&¬∃s’.s’


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•  transla0ngKlein’sapproach(cont.)– mereologicaldefini0onsoftheaspects

•  perfec0ve:thedescribedeventisapartofthetopicsitua0on

•  imperfec0ve:thetopicsitua0onisaproperpartofthedescribedevent

(6.11) PerfecGve:⟦PRV⟧c=λP.∃s.s≦sstopc&P(s)

(6.12) ImperfecGve:⟦IMPF⟧c=λP.∃s.stopc


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Analysis(ii):towardaformaliza0on


49

'mettop

(7.3’)[(7.3)]c=λs1.stopc≤ss1&∀s2.Extc(s2)(stopc)&tell’(story’)(s2)→afraid’(s2)(s1)

[Ext(sb)(sa)]c=1↔∃w.sb≤sw\wa&Accc(sb)(sa)

Figure10.Temporalstructureof(7.3)wtop w

s1,s2rangeoverpossiblesitua0ons.

s1 s2

Analysis(ii):towardaformaliza0on

– TypeB:realiza0oninanon-factualtopicsitua0on(cont.)(7.4) Future-&mereference Chéenka’=sùunak-ech t-u=láak’ ha’b=e’(…), SR:IRRREP=turn\ATP:SUBJ-B2SGPREP-A3=otheryear=TOP táan0k in=mèet-ik le=nah=o’. IMM A1SG=do:APP-INC(B3SG) DEF=house=D2

‘(When)youreturnherenextyear,Iwillhavejustbuildthehouse.’

50

'mettop

(7.4’)[(7.4)]c=λs1,s2.∃w.s2≤sstopc&stopc≤sw\wa&return’(s2)&build’(s1) &prox(τ(s1))(ttopc) . τ(s1)


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Comparisontootherapproaches(cont.)

•  Krila’s(2011)analysisofmoodinDaakie–  doesn’tcarryovertoYucatecbecause

•  realis/indica0veclausesinYucatecdonegate•  projec0vecomplementsaresubjunc0veinYucatec

–  notrealis/indica0ve,asinDaakie

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•  Iatridou’s(2000)proposal–  counterfactualcondi0onalsareassertedovertopic

worldsthatexcludetheuGeranceworld

•  theYucatecevidence–  Iatridou’sanalysispredictscorrectlytheoccurrence

oftheYucatecsubjunc0veincounterfactuals•  giventheseman0csofthesubjunc0veproposedabove(8.1) Perowáah káa bèey-lak in=bóotare’, but ALT SR like.this-INCH.SUBJ(B3SG) A1SG=vote ‘ButifIwereabletovote,’ hi’n=bóotar-t-ik Pablo=e’. ASS:A1SG=vote-APP-INC(B3SG) Pablo=D3 ‘I’dvote(for)Pablo.’ 56


–  exceptIatridousuggeststhattheelementofcounterfactualityisnotcontributedbythesubjunc0ve

•  butbypasttensemorphology–  inIatridou’slanguagesample

•  subjunc0vesonlyoccurincounterfactualantecedentsinlanguagesthatdis0nguishpastandnon-pastsubjunc0ves

–  YucateccounterfactualscontradictIatridou’sgeneraliza0on

•  Yucatecisatenselesslanguage(Bohnemeyer1998,2000,2002,2009)

(8.2) wáahkáabèey-lak in=bóotare’ ALT SR like.this-INCH.SUBJ(B3SG) A1SG=vote 1.‘ifIwereabletovote’ 2.‘ifIwouldhavebeenabletovote’(constructed) 57


•  analterna0veroutetocounterfactuality?–  ontheanalysissketchedhere,theremaybean

alternatetypologicalroutetocounterfactualmeanings•  notintermsofthetense-likerela0onbetweentopicworld

anduGeranceworld,asperIatridou’sanalysis•  butintermsoftheaspect-likerela0onbetweentopicworld

andrealiza0on

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•  mood:thenexthurrah/finalfron0er•  statusmarkinginYucatec•  usesofthesubjunc0ve•  Klein’saspecttheory•  possiblesitua0onseman0cs•  realiza0on•  analysis•  counterfactuals•  summary

Overview

59

Summary•  mainpointsargued

–  twoseman0cno0onsassociatedwiththeYucatecsubjunc0ve

•  non-realiza0onandnon-at-issueness– possibleunifiedaccountviatheno0onofrealiza0on

•  formalizedhereintheframeworkofpossibilis0csitua0onseman0cs

–  theYucatecsubjunc0veemergesasakindofinverseperfec0veaspect

– onthisaccount,viewpointaspectandmoodcapturedifferentrela0onsamongthesamevariable

–  thisconceptuallysimilaritymayexplainwhytheyareexpressedinasinglemorphologicalparadigminMayan60


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Thankyou!

Documents

Overview mood: the next hurrah/ﬁnal fron0erjb77/Handouts/TLS_JB_v1.pdf · • Krila 2011: mood in Daakie (Oceanic; Vanuatu) as presupposi0onal tense in branching-future models 7