14 URBAN POVER'IT IN B",NGIJ\nF.SH

and sever-al slgl1lncant predictors were found, although some of [hem were no[ suong.

The validity and reliability of both quantitative and qualitative data were ensured through appropriate strategies. The survey

guestionnatrewas desIgned wuh lOgIcal consistency so that maccurate Jam on some issues were easily cross-checked Wlth each other. As the

survey was conducted at the place where the subjecrs were livlOg It was easier [or the researcher to check some data dunng mtcrvlcwmg.

In many instances, where the respondents were confused or

lacking mformauon, data were also collecred from other household members simultaneously to ensure the quality of the survey data. The involvement of this researcher in all phases of qnalitative dam collection provided confidentiality and greatly helped In mamtauung detailed records of the responses. The length and intensity of the mterview sessions helped the researcher to observe the subjects more closely. This provided an opporrumty to check the validity and reliability of ethnographic data.

Despite the above measures, the validity of responses could not be [Otally assured, as In any research of this nature. A.hhougb there IS

no basis to suspect that the data offer an inaccurate representation of the urban poor livmg m slums and sguatter settlements, the potential biases inherent in the convenient sampling procedures Wlthin each cluster must be kept in mind when considenng the feasibility of the study.

1

OVERVIEW OF DHAKA CITY: ITS NATURE, GROWTH

AND POVERTY

Dhaka Ciry IS cemrally located in Bangladesh, in the southeITl part of the dismct of Dhaka. It IS situated between latltudes 24°40':t\.: (0

24°54' Nand longtrudes 90°20' E to 90°30' E and defined by the Buriganga nver m the south; the Balu and the Shitalakhya rivers m the east; Tongl Khalm the north and the Turag river in the west. The City has developed on the higher Pleistocene terraces of the cenrral part of BangL1.desh, otherwise referred to as the 1fadhupur-Bhawal Garh Region. In addition, a substantial portion of the adjoining low­lying areas have recendy been broughr under the structured zones of the CIty due to the accelerated rate of urban growth in Dhaka (Asaduzzaman and Rob 1997; Hossain 2008a).

..:\ccordlllg to the adjusted populatlon of the 2001 Census, rhe size of Dhaka's population IS 10,712,206 of which 5,978,482 are male and 4,733,724 are female (RBS 2003). This makes Dhaka a 'megaclty'. The population growth of Dhaka stands at 56.5 per cent In the last decade, which is very high. This means that dunng the last decade the city's population has grown by 3,868,077. The sex ratio of the populanon IS calculated as 123.4 based on the current popuL1.tion census (BES 2001 a). ·Moreover, the sex ratio of Dhaka City has decreased over the years mainly because of the reunion of women with male partners living In the city, and the increase III the number of single females 10 the urban work force (Siddigui et at 1993).The

I. ....i~

---

17 16 URlHl'; Pml.lI."lY I:.. R\M;I.~lll·.'H

number of Dhaka Ciry's young-population is relatively high due to age selective rural-urban llllgration (Siddiqui et al. 1993). About 40 per cent of the total cuy's population is in the unproductive age groups of 0-]4 or 60 and over, which indicates a high dependency burden on the working age population (BBS 1997). The high dependency raUo among the city's population causes poverty, especially among the low lOcorne groups 10 the dry (Hossain 2001; 2006a).

Dhaka IS a ell)' characterized by extreme inequaliry and poverry. Tl.1Ough poverty 1n Dhaka City has somewhat declined over time, the magnitude of poverty, in terms of both the percentage and absolute number of people below the poverry line remains vtry high. According to Islam ct aJ. (1997) about 55 per cent and 32 per cent of tLte city's population are absolute poor and hardcore poor respectively. CUS (1990) shows the per caplLa annual income in Dhaka City as only US$327, which is perhaps ,he lowest among the world's megacities. Significant portions of the ci()"s population live in slums and squatter settlements. The adverse surroundings of low­income sertlements, coupled with a highly dense population, give nse to a myriad of social, health and environmental pmblems (Siddiqui et aL 2000; World Bank 2007). In conte1st, 10 the areas inhabited and frequented by the rich and the powerful there are extremely high standards of living. Only 3 per cent of the total city's population fall into this category. It may well be the only megacity m the world wLtere the inequality between the rich and the poor is so high (Islam ] 996a).

Dhaka City is noted for a serious shortage of housing facilities. The private sector provides 90 per cent of the housingin rhe city while rhe government provides 10 per cent of the housing for government employees (Siddiqui et al. 2000). Land is a scarce commDdity: more than 70 per cent of the city's population have no access tD land. The distribution of land among the remaining 30 pcr cent is also highly unequal (Stuhbs and Clarke 1996). Willcox (1979) shows that due to physiographic factors such as low-Iymg agricultural lands and namral barriers - rivers, canals and depressions - the expansion of Dhaka City has been seriously con Lamed. There is thus a scarcity of land for development in the city, and ,he pnce of land is increasing at a

(hrl(\lI'w (ll Dill"': \ CITY

very rapid rate. This explains why the 'common people' are unable to purchase land and build homes in the city. Siddiqui et aL (:2000) show thar the housmg problem has been made particularly acute by the alarming rise in t:he value of land, the high cost and shortage of both modern building mater.ia\s and indigenous consuuction materials such as bamboo and ambcr, complicated land acqwsllion proccdun.·$ (for government housing schemes), and disorganized and inadequate housing finance.

Dhaka City faces serious problems in almost all aetas of Its infrasrructure, in its electricity, gas and fuel and water supplies, sewerage and excreta management, and solid was Ie management Among all of these facilities electricity is possibili()' the best provided, yet there are areas of the city expenencmg problems of inadequate ~upply, and most arL':i!S experience frequent breakdowns (Hossain 2002; 2006b). ()verall, the electricity system of the city is very poorly managl'd and thl'rc I~ a systematic loss of up to 30 per cem, malllly through illegal connections (Siddiqui e[ ai. ] 993). The higher and middle mcome groups of the city have access to gas but mOSI of the poor people (90 per cent) do not have access to the urban gas mpply. They use electricity and various traditional forms of fuel like kerosene, wood, straw, cow-dung and '.Vltste-paper for cooking (Islam, 1996b). Currently 60 per cent of the residents of metropolitan Dhaka have access to the municipal piped water, 15 pCl cent have indirect supply, while the remaining population relies on water from private wells and snrface '.Vltter. According to

Islam (1996b) [he quality of water supphed by the Dhaka Water &

Sewerage Authority (DW.\S.\) is poor and the people need to boiJ it to make it safe for drinking. The sanitary muation of the city IS

highly unsatisfactory. Louis Berger Internallonal11991) shows that about 15 per cent to 20 per cem of the CJty's populanon is servICed by the DWASA sewer and sewage treatment system, about 25 per cent have septic tanks on ~ite, 15 pcr cent use samtary Pit latrtncs aud about 5 per cem bucket latrines. Ir also reveals that another 35­40 per cent of people rely on unsanitary syHems notably of kllhha

(temporary) latrines or defecation in the open, which depoSlt human Vo'aste directly into the living environment (Siddiqui el aL 2000).

19 18 UJlIl;\~ POVER"n lr-> H.~ __ (~I"'I)l-'_~H

The limited acceli. of the urban poor to social services like

health, education and recreation is characteristic of Dhaka City. The existing health care centres of the city have failed [Q cope with the I<{pid growth of the otr's population, and during the last decade, there has been no significant increase in hosplt.al provision in the city (Siddi'lw e[ a1. 2000). The number of private hospitals and clinics has mcreased in the last decade but these provide medical services co only 30 per cent (the upper class and upper middle class) of the city's population (Sidillqw et aL 2000). Similarly existing educanonal

institutions have also failed to meet the demands of city dwellers. Though the number of private schools, colleges and uruversities has significantly increased in the last decade, they arc meeting demands of ouly an insignificant portion of the cny>s population belonging [0 the upper class (Sidiliqui et al. 1993). Dhaka City is noted for a senous lack of outdoor sports and recreational facilities. ~>Jthough

no comparative st.atistics are available, it is certain that among the world's metropolises, Dhalul has amongst the lowest per capita nwnbers of playgrounds, sradlums, parks, woods, swimming pools, public libraries, theatres, art galleries, exhibition halls and museums. The urban en'''lronment of Dhaka City is physically and soci.:tlly lacking because an adeguate proportion of ils land has not been pUt aside as 'open space'. Some of the open space (such as parks) is being constantly taken by 'land gnlbbers' ...nth the support of those in power. Also, the presence of antisocial elements in these places ­particularly in parks and cinema halls - poses a serious rhreat to their proper use by city residen ts (Siddiqui et a1. 2000).

The freguency and seventy of floods and the problem of poor drainage is on the increase, cau.~ing heavy financial losses during the rdiny season through property damage, inrerfering With commercial activities as well as aggrdvating health and sanitanon problems in the city arC-\. 1991). Because of the topographic condition of Dhaka City, most areas arc vulnerable to annual flooding dUring the monsoon season. During abnormal floods nearly 75 per cenl of Dhah Gty is under water. In such situarions, the settlements of rhe poor ar!' the \I/Or$[ affected although other areas are not necessarily spared (SiddilJUI et al. 2000). Furrhermore, unplanned and

(hl'R\IL\\ 01- DII\o,.\ CII\

unregulated urban expansion also enhances the seventy of floods and rainwater st.agnanon, particularly through the 'unWise' closure of natural and old artifietal Jr:lInage and naVIgational channels (Islam 1998). 1Ioreover, t.he flood protection embankmem that is being constructed around the city (at a huge cost) may adversely affeel the drainage of rain water becanse pumps alone may not serve the

purpose. Dhaka I-lty has emergcd as a ci[)' of crime, insecurity and poliacal

violence. Due to the inadeqnacy of the law enforcement agencies (especially the police) social unrest, violence, theft, robbery, looting, murder. hijaCk, arson, throwing acid on mnocent females, rhe rape of young girls, possessIon and usc of illcgal fire arms and illegal rent/ toll collection have phl~nomenally increased over the years aud have tlow become a way of life (:->iddiqw et al. 2000): according to ;\hmed and Dague (1996) nearly 61 per ccm of rhe country's crime occurs in Dhaka City. There has been a rIse in 'musclemen' Dr tbugs who [errorne city dwellers anJ collecr protection money from business centrts. bus rerminals, construction work sires and slums. In addition, drug addlcaon, the torture of women and female hnman trafficking are on the nse Ul Dhaka City. ;\lcohol and drugs such as hashish, herOin. Phensidyl and pethidine are now sold at 5,000 different lac-deions around thc ciry (Siddigui er a1. 20(0). Many women and children get trapped into human trafticking anJ prostitution because of their pover[)' and SOCial vulnerability. PoLttical violence generally takes the form of clashes between the police and opposition political groups or between supporters of the government and oppositjOll political parties. This is particnlarly noted during hrlrtdlj- (strikes by political parties), processions, demonstmtions and polincal meetings. Other political crimes are secret killings. looling and the destruction of property, arson and rioting (SiddlqUi ef at. 20(0). _-\.ccording te> the World Bank (2007) crime and vi(Jlenee In Dhaka poses significant costs to the city in terms of the )Ildlclal systems, health care. foregone earnings, costs 011 private secunry, Joss of competitiveness, loss of jobs and productivll;'.

Dhaka City is one of the mosr 'rurali;-ed· megacjties in the 'WOrld in tcrms of both physical appearance and soclo-cultural

20 URIHI' I'l)\I,R'l'Y I" H.~~GL\DESlj

characreristics. Rrligiosity, folk music and drama, rural accents and expressions, country food aml dress are an integral part of lts culture. In addition, 'civic sense' .is generally lackmg among a large segment of the population. [\ccording to Siddi'jui et aJ. (2000) a lack of C1\'lC seuse is clearly reflected by mdisccinunate honking. jaywalking, violation of traffic signaJs, defecation and disposing of garb-age in public places. With a disproportionarely large concentration uf administrative, industrial, euucational and cuI rural activities, Dhaka Gty is not only me permanent destination of rural migrants bur also attracts thousands of daily commuters and 'circular' migrants from neighbouring rural distrins, giving the social environment of metropolitan Dhaka a peculiar IIlU of rucal-urban traltS (Islam 1996a; Hossain and Hnmphrey 2002; Hossain 2006a).

Unlike some Dther megaClties, Dhaka City faces the extreme problem of inefficiency and corruption in urban government, with authorities failing ro play their role in me planning. implementation, admimstration and management of die various types of urban development activiues and Infrastructure $ervlces of the city mainly because of their lack of coordination (Khan 1997). Multiplicity of iasti!Htions and the oveclapping tlature of th~ir jurisdictions have created major problems in [erms of coordination. The extetlsive and rigid control of the central government over the elected urban COUtlciis has to some extent made themmefficient. Khan (1997) shows thatduc to madequate funds of their OI.vn the urbau uevelopment aumorities are absolutely dependent on government grams and hence have to work WIthin limits ser by the terms of such grants. Meanwhile, lhe inefficient personnel of the urban development authorities au appoin[ed through political connections, with nepotism atld bribery creating furrher inefficiency All mechanisms of the urban gm'ernment are more or less corrupt, and Islam (1996a) shO\vs thar the absence of real democratic representation and participacion of the people makes the city corporatiotl and other rdared bodies

cDrrupt.

0\ I:K\'II:\\- lJl' DJ tH.__ ' err,' 21

Narional urban growth and Dhaka City's predominance The Inmd of urbanizaJlOn and uman.f,rowth

The growth of the urban population in Bangladesh prior tD thc twentierh century cannot be termed urbanization in !he truest sense because the change in rnrallife eoncomitant with urbanizarion was not evident (CU~ 1976). The growth of the urban population in Bangladesh smce 19011$ depicted through the following periods: in 1901 only 2.43 per cent of the coumry's populacion lived in urban centres (BBS 1977); during thl' next TWO decades the urban population remained almost static; between 1911 ami 1921 there was only an 8.B per cent Increase In the urban popularion (BB:-i 1(77). Plagues causeu large scale depopulation In many urban centres during thIS period. ~ince 1921 thcre has heen slow but steady growth, except when thousands left the cities oul of fear during W'orld \Var II. However, the ensuing famine sQOn pushed millions from rural areas back into urban areas (CUS 1976).

Iu Rangladesh the first significan t phase of urbamzation starteu in 1947 (CUS 1976). During the 19S1-6l decade there was a 45.11 per cent increase in the urban population, more than hl.'ice the previous decade's lK4 per cen\. The factors Cluslng this werc many, some policical, other~ soClO-eC01l0mie (BBS 1977). Large-scale migra(ion of Muslims from India in 1947 anu afterwards was a major factor. The cffilgration of a large Hindu populatiotl from Bangladcsh to India was mosdy from rural areas, while the immigrants from India mosuy concentrated in {he urban areas of Rangladesh, thus outnumbering the emigraurs from the urban areas. Moreover, there was substantial ul've!opment of new ceU1res of trade, commerce, industry anu admlOlstration in Bangladesh aftn it attained a new political status in 1947 (.-\hmed 1968).

Despitc thc growul iIl the urban population, rhe nature and characteristics of urbamzation have remained similar to the partern during the Dnnsh period (CUS 1(76). The West Pakistatli rulers treated Easr Pakistan (Batlgladesh) as [heir colony. There was no significant iIldustri:1.~acion in this part during the first h;tlf of Pakistani rule. During the 1960$ there was Lnsignificant imlustrial developmcnt (CUS 1(76). The greatest urban popuhtion growth In

wi

23 22 U~fV,t'- PO\,ER'I) I!'. !:l'V><CI..IOI·>1I

Bangladesh occurred during the 1961-74 mter-census period; over 6 million people wert' hYing in urban arcas. constituting roughly 8.0 per ceotoE the total population (BBS 1987). Thus the percentage increase of the urban population during a I3-year period was striking. That accele-rated growth 15 to a great extent the result of the very recent influx from rural villages. The growth rdte of the urban population was SA per cent during the 1981-91 inter-census period (BB~ 1997). The toral urban population increased to 28.6 million by 2001 (EllS 20(3). In his study Khan (2008) shows thaI the number of urban dwellers will increase consistently and by 2030 It will be 40 per cellt

of the total populatiun. In Bangladesh there were no urban centres 'With populations of

Q\'er 100,000 unril1891. In 1901 there were only two, with nD change up to 1951. There were no other urban centres in the range 25,000­49,999 (population) up tD 1911, but by 1921 there were five. ;\Iost urban centre~ fell in thl.: range of 1{),000--24,999 pDpulatiDn, with 14 in, increasing to 21 in 1911; thIS decreased tD 20 and remained so unci! 1951 (Eusnf 1(96). Urban centres Wlthin the range of 5,000-9,999 pDpulanon size increased from five in 1872 to 19 in

Table 1.1: Urban population growth in Bangladesh (1901-2001)

SOUKC CU~ 1'-)7(,; BB~ 1')77, 1')87, 1997, 200 IJ: 2003, Ho..ain 20(}6a; 2008a

c...~ National popuJatioo , UrblUl population I Number GnJM:I,. NUDlber ",... ID......J...I IGrnwdo (million) nit<: (% of (millioa) (% oftntaJ In~c of nte ("lit of

....nwd) pop.) um.... pop• ....nwd) (%)

I'-)Ot 18.1 0.70 2.43 -1911 31.65 0.94 0,80 254 14.96 1.39

1911 33.25 0.60 0.87 2.61 885 0,84

1931 3560 0,74 1,(17 3.01 2220 2.00

1941 41.')') 1.6(, J.54 3.67 43.20 3.71 __

1951 44.17 051 I,S} 4.14 18.38 \.74

1961 55.22 2li; 2.64 4.7t1 45.11 :'1.7 oj

1974 76.37 2.53 6,00 7,86 l37.57 6..?_~_

1'-)81 89.91 2.56 13.56 )5,08 I W,68 10.97

1991 I J J.45 2.17 22.45 20 t5 69.7~ 5.43

2001 12')25 I. 54 28,60 HI .37.05 -1,15

...

(hF.I\VIJ',W ()I" 1)11\1,:\ (:1'11

1941. The total number of urban centres increased from 22 10 1872 tD 59 in 1941. an increase of 16H per cem during a span of nearly 70 years. Thus urban growth was rather slow throughont the period of 1872-1947 (Eusuf 19%).

.-\fter the partition of India in 1947 Dhaka City became the provillcial capital of Easr Pakistan and the growth of [he urban popillation began to increase substantially (CUS 1976). In 1951, Dhaka City had a population of 411,279 wluch increased to 71B,766 in 1961. ] 'hen there was a rapid growth of urban centres followed by an explosive groWlh of big cities after the liberation of Bangladesh in 1971 (Eusuf 1996). '1be number of urban centres \\-1.th populations of 100,000 donbled from [\VO in 195 t to four in 1961. Urban centres with populauons of 50,000-99,999 increased from two to five dunng the same period while mban centres of all Gilegoriei> increased from 63 in 19S1 to 78 in 1961 (Eusuf. 1(96). How~er, me overall increase in the urban population and newly emergmg urban centres has to SDme exrent been counter-balanced by the declining number of small-sized towns. In faer, rowns of 5,000-9,999 decreasl.:d from 19 in 1941 [U 12 in 1974, while towns with population lcss than 5,OUO rem:lined more or less steady frDm thrce in 1941 co foor in 1971 (Eusuf 1(96).

.-\fter the !Jberatlon of Bangladesh, there ""'as an explOSive growth of big cities (Islam 19(401). Cities with a population of 100,000 increased from four in 1961 to six in 1974, 13 in 1981 to 23 in 1991 (Eusnf 1996). This shDws an increase of about 383 per ccnt during 1961-91. .-\nd thc toral number of mban centres mcreased from 78 in 1961 to 492 in 1981,.an increase of ove[ (.47 pcr cent during a span Df 30 years (Eusuf 1996). 'l'he growth of urban centres by sue/class indicates that (here is a strong hsociation be[\Veen city size and city growth rates, that is, [he large and medinm-sized cities are mcreasing more rapiJly simply because of the graduation of ciUl:s occurring in that class (Eusuf 19(6). Cities with a population bc£ween 25,000 and 49,999 Increased from 15 m 1961 to 45 in 19B1,:I1l increase of 300 per cent. Dnring the same penod cities wi[h ;I popnlation of 5,000 tD 9,999 increased from 21 in 1961 to 129 in 1981 and [hose with a popnlatlOn less than 5,000 increased from to to 168 (Eusuf 19%). In summary, the urhan population of Bangladesh grew at:I much fa:>\cr

URf;,~." ['(WI,KI)" 1:'>< HAN(;J.,\Pr'SII24

rate from 1961-74 (8.8 per cent) and reached its peak during Ihe period 1974-81 (10.97 per cem). And about 30 per cent of the total incrc:m: during 1974----R1 can be explained by the extended defirucion of urban areas in 1981 (DDS 1984).

The 1991 Census shows data ill relation to only 110 municipalities (BBS 1991; 1993). It does not give a complete picture of the total number of urban centres of different SJze categories (Eusuf 19%). The population census report gives the figure of the urban mUJllupal

population as 12,255.307 and the population of four Statistical Metropolitan Areas (.SI\L\S) as 10,406,079, which comtitures 84.91 per cent of the total municipal populatIOn. Out of the existing t 10 mUrllClpalities, 21:1 are in the Rajshahi rlivislun where there is an

urban population of 16.09 per cent; 33 in Khulna where there is an urban population of 14.98 per cent, 7,.7 in Dhaka Division with an urban population of 45.83 per cent and 22 in Chiuagong Division, having 2"2.95 per cent of the urban population (Eusuf 1996). Dhaka, Chittagong, Khulna and Rajshllhi municipalities constitute 50.26 per cent of the totll\ municipal population. There are 2Ll municipalities with a populauon of 50,000-99,999, which consritut~ 10.70 per cent of the population. The number of murriopalities with a population of 25,CH.10 to 49,999 is 41, with an urban popuL1tion of 12.29 per cent. There are 17 municipalities \\nth populal1on ot- 10,000-24,999 constituting 3.77 per cent of the municLpal population, And the number of municipalities with populations less than 5,000 is one, which consnmtcs 0.07 per cent of the municiplll population (Eusuf

1996). There has been considerable movement, up and down. of the

relative and political llllportancc of rhe major urban centres over the years. Dhaka and Chittagong have remained in first and second position respectively sincc atlaining city Starus at the beginning of rhe ccnrury (BBS 1977; 1984). Khulna. the third largest city gained its ranking just before independence in 1971 through industrialization (BBS 1997). The fOUrth largest city, Rajshahi, held the same ranking in the early decades of the last century bu t lost its position for socio­political reasons and thcn regained it (RBS 1997). Other cities like

Z'eraJganj and Barisal have had a history of ups and downs during the

(h'l ',~\ lUX OF Dt I.\k\ ern 25

last century. Thc city of ~ylhet has recently eruerged as an Important city, gro'lJ,1.Ilg very rapidly immediately after lIS estahlishmt.:nt as a divisional head'luarters (BBS 20U t a; 2003; 2UU7) , and no\\.' occupying fi fth posmon.

The historical process of urban ut:vdoprnent in B:mgladesh present!' different trend~ based on the political development uf the country (Khan 1996)..r\lthough rhe history of Bangladesh III the early periods is obscure due to a bck of sufficlent mformation, it is evident that Bangladesh acted as a passive periphery of Bengal and Intful.. Though the rulers of Bengal often revoltt.:d against the central authority, The~e were sporadic efforls and did not have any marhd impression on the spatial development of the regron (Khan t 9%). During the British rule, Bengal at1.r'.l.cted many colonial Interests. As Calcutta was the primary Cify of BengaL Bangladesh (Then East BenWll) became a passive neighbour. During Pakistani mle, hostile relations developed when Banglaucsh attempted to become an actJve periphery of the country (Khan 1996: Khan and Hossain 2001).

Hmoncally, then, the political-spatial development process of Bangladesh has passed through passive and active stages followed by cooperation and accommouanon as well as hosule situations. However, the legacy of spatial development in Banglade.'>h has led ro the development of a number of cities - particularly the capital city of Dhaka.

The c~rowth of Dhilka Ci!y The majesty and peculiarity of Dhaka City has developed over a long span of time. Under the suzerainty of its various rulers, the city underwent periods of growth and stagnation {Dani 1962; Halder \966; Chowdhury and Faruqui 1991; .\saduzzaman and Rob 1997; Hossain 2Ll08a).Tht.: history of Pre-J\fughal Dhaka is very vague. This period ranges from the thirteemh century to the beginniog of early seventeenth century and Dhaka's importance as a ruarket ccntre origlllates dunng this time (Haider 1966; Chowdhur)' and Faruqui 1991). Tne city began to Homish as a conunercial and political centre, expanding in the west up to Chandi Ghat during 1602---{)4 (Haider 1966). Af[er the sultan,." the i\fughals took over the city and

......

--

--

--

l.JRlJ,\~ PO\'ERTI II' H"J'['l."DF:ill26

started to atmbute more importance to it, expanding the city m a north-westerly direction, D'oyly (1824) shows that the greatest urban growth took place under Subadar Sai~ta Khan (1662--67 and 1679­89). At that time, the city extended from the Buriganga river in the south to Tongi Bridge in the north, a distanee of about 25 km and from [afrabad (Sarai Jafrnbad) in the west to Postagola in the east, a distance of about 15 (D'nyly 1824). Of course, this huge Mughal city Illcorporated many villages amI suburbs within its urban area and at that time the elC)' had a population of over a million (rravemnier

1925). Under the control of the East India Company, after the deCIsive

batde of Plassey in 1757, Dhaka CiC)' became a declining urban centre and between 1757 and 1864 it had a tremendous decrease in population and area (Taylor 1840; Hunter 11)76). 'Ine population, which was estimated to be nearly 200,000 in 1800, dropped to 51,000 in 1873 (Hunter 1976). The energetic controUer of Dhaka, ;vIr. Walten, founded the Dhaka Committee 111 1830 and under his chairmanship began the developmenr of Dhaka town. 'lne total urban area during that time rose to a total of 14.5 sq. \un and the total population was 51,635 in 1867 (Hunter 1976)_

Dhaka CiC)' began to rise from a declining and stagnant condition after the transfer of p0u--er to the Crown in 1858 by the British East India Company, The first local administr~ tion, the Dhaka Municipality, was established in 1864 by Mr. Skinner (faifoor 1956). ,'\fter 1864, the lowland areas in the north of Islampur, Tantibazar, Karruangi.r Char, Goalnagar were gradually filed forurbaluzauon and at the same time Wari, Gtndaria, Old Cantonment (purana Paltan) Narinda, Hazaribagh, Nawabganj, SaraiJafarbad, Race Course Green Pastures and Rayar Bazaar were also brought under the to\1,n'5 jurisdiction (Geddes 1917). In order to protect the river bank of Buriganga from flooding and erosion and [0 add a face lift to the river side, the Buckland Embankment was completed, Thus the area of Dhaka GC)' expanded to 17.0 sq. km. and the ciC)' started to flourish again, its population increasing to a total of some 90,000 111 1901 and reaching over 100,000 III the subsequent ten years (.-\saJuzzaman and Rob 1997). In 1941, the popuianon of Dhaka was more than 200,000 anu

(h'I,:R\'JI\\ 01 1)11,\1(,\ eln 27

Table 1.2: Poplliation and area sh.e of Dhaka Ciry (1701J--2001)

P~riods

I're- Illul:ld

Mugh~1 perio"

ilri,i.h f"'riod

Btiti,h period

Briti.h period

l)of~atioD Ana (sq.Jun)

230,000 -~

9(10,000 40

-u200,000

51.636 <0 -

2069,212

80,35/l 20

20

20

83.J58

104,385 -

161,922 20

n9J:?~ 25

"'41U7') ~

718.766 l!i

336

510

US]

L5.l0

2.068,353

3.440,147

6,887.459

10,712.206

-

British period

Rri",h f"'riod

Btiti.h periud

British reli,>J

Brid,h period

Pill,tan pen"d

Pdki,tan period

Bangladesh p,,,,,J

-~

~-1608

1700

ll800

1867

1872

1881

~_., 190L

1931

1941

1951

1961

1974

1981

1<)<)1

2001

­ilangJ~d<~h. period

B:illgbdc,h period

I fhnglade'h period

SoUIC'" Taylor 1840, FIBS 1977: L984; \997; 200 La; Hr."Olin 2()08a

in 1947, it passed 250,000. BUL Wltrun a decade, after the annulment of [he division of BengaL urban gwwrh again declmed and Dhab remained a mere district unw the independence of Pakistan in 1947

(Asaduzzaman and Rob 1997),

The growth of Dhaka City gained momcnrum again after 1947.

The Influx of people from India on the one hand and the onrush of peoph.: to the ne\vly established adminisuarive, commercial anu educarional centre on the other comrihmed Lo an unpreced~med

growth of the city (:-iiJJlqui et a1. 2(00). 'The need fur office space for administrative and commercial purposes as well as residenti:tl needs resulting from the increase m populanon led to growth on several levels. Dunng this period, the Dhaka Improvement Trust (DIT) was created Jll t956 (later tr~nsformed into R..--\.JUK in 1987)

for supervision of the overall planning and dt.'vdopment of rhe city_ Besides differem urban development projects, DIT developed

29 28 URIl\N l'OVI'RTY Ir- B",r-;GJ..'lul:.S1 [

a number of residential areas \0 meet the housing needs of the emergmg elite class (Khan 1996; Khan and Hossain 20(1) . .-\ central Business Distrin (CED) was also developed to meet the demand for space required for Increasing commercial and government administr:Hive 'Jctivities (Khan and Hossain 200 1). Inirially, the needs

for official, educational, residential and adminisrrational spaces were fulfilled by the expansion of the city in Purana Pal,an to Naya Pa!tall; Eskation m Moghbazar, "';iddihes\\I3.n, Kakkrail to Kamlapur through Raz3r Bagh and Shantinagar. the Segun Bagtcha, AzimpuI, 11irpur, 1Iohanunadpur, Shre-e-Bangla Nagar, 'fejgaon, Gulshall Model Town and other areas were encroached on between 1950 to 196f). The Banalli and Gulshan areas \Vere acquircd in the early sixtie~ under the 1959-1hster Plan of Dhaka City and by 1961, the city population grew to 718,766 and the area at that time was abOUT

125 'g. km (BBS 1997). The urbaruzation process achieved tremendons growth for

The nerds of the newly indepcnJent country's capitaL The city's population suddenly increased [Q 2,068,353 in 1974 (BBS (977), anJ it began to expand in all directions including the low-lpng areas of [he east, such as Jurain, Goran, Badda, Khilgaon, Rampura, and to the west, including the areas of Kanuanguchar, Shyamoli, 'W'estern ;\lohammadpur and Kallyanpur {Chowdhury and raruqui 1991)0 :\s very rapid urban growth (along with a fast inerease in population and sU"ucrural development) sta-ned to take place a new sU"uctural plan was needed. The population leapt [Q 3 million within a decade of IndepenJence and the city covered an area of about 510 sq. km. by 1981 (SiJJ.iqw et al. 2000). Dunng this period the swampb and wetlands within the city started to disappear and new areas of residential., administrative, business and commercial importance began to Jevelop. In addition, slum and squatter senlemcnts also sprang up (SiJJ.iqui et al. 20(0). Keeping pace with the magnitude of the urban growth, the new urbanized areas began encroaching on rhe low-lying areas within the city l.imics and even on some adjacem outlymg areas (Siddiqui et al. 2000; Hossain 2006b; 2008a).

Dhaka City faced its highest rate of physical and population growth during 1981-91, ",..ith the population doubling during that

OVI.K\ Ih\\ 1'[ [)I [,KA en'\'

decade and the city expandrng from 510 sq. km [0 1,353 sq. km. The city now includes the snrrounding areas of Gazirpur, Savi\r, Narayanganj, Bandar lbtJfI(Jj° and the enme ,hdl1d of Kernniganj (BBS 1997). In 1995, a ncw master plan was prepar~J for [he further development of Dhaka City and according to SiJdiqui e[ al. (2000) the recent comU"uction of a bridge over tlu~ Bunganga river has encouraged the expanSion of Dhaka City in a southerly di.rection to the other side of the river.

However, the expansion of Dhaka City IS constrained by phplcal barriers such as the low-lying flood prone areas around the city..-\150, valuable agnculturnl and forested land will have to be sacrificed if [he built-up area is w increase. But, a~ mentioned, the population of the city is increasing very rapidly dne mainly to rur;\l-urban migration, reaching 10.7 million in 2001, with a very bigh popUlation grO\llrh­rate of 56.5 per cent m the last decade (DBS 2003). Understandably, these adUiuonal people have created U"emendous pressure on the urban utility services and other amenities. This has resulted in an adverse effecr on the urban environrnem whcre a large nnmber of people have sellJed In slums and squatter settlements where they live below the poverty line (Hossain 2008·a).

Urban povcrty and Dhaka City's predominance

The (rend ql JlrbtJl1PfI/>ert!' In Bangladesh the rapid growth of urbaruzatioLl is not commensurate with the It'vel of economic development. Rapid urbanization causcs massive poverty in urban arcas since adequate Job opportunities aIe not created (Darkat and AkhteI 2001; I lossain 2006a; 2008a; ()sman, 2(09). Bangladesh Household Expcnditure Surveys (liES) constitute the main source nf information for most of the :lvmable studies on urban poverty. These sun'eys have limi[;Iuons due [0 Uiversity in the method of imputatlOn, lack of data at the household le\'el, uniform methods of recording the data flow and of time samphng, faulty memory recall and thc prOblems of missing cases (Khundker et al. 1994). Despite the limitannm of data of HES these are nonctheless ~lied on for measunng the extent of urban poverty. In fact, these' surveys are rhe only existing source of macro-level data on poverty In

Wi

UIill.\t" PO\l;RT't Jr>: fhM;].\[)I'~'ilj30

Table 1.3: Urban populadon in Bangladnh below (he poveny line (ocr me[hod)

Sour~e, BBS 1998; 2002; 2l}l15b: Ho..ain 2006a; 200&1

Sllrvey Powny line-I Abaohue .,.-.rty Powny Line-2 Hankore .-ny ,.., (2,122 k. cal per day per pc......n) (1,805 k. cal per day per person)

Nacional u..~ Nat;..nal U~

Number %01" Number %d Numb<:r % of Number %of (million) pop, (million) pop. (milli"n) pop. (million) pop

1989-g9 49.7 {:'.8 63 47.6 29.5 2804 3.5 2604 I

\991-92 51.6 47.~ 6.' 46.7 3004 280 5,B 2ld

1995 96 ~S.3 475 9.6 49.7 29.1 2S,1 5.2 27.3

2000 55.11 40 13.2 52.5 24.9 20.0 6.0 25.0

Bangladesh. Besides these, the Centre for Urban Sludies (CUS) has conducted a number of micro-level studies on the urbau poor. These studies explain the partial scenano of urban poverty in Bangladesh. Two methods - the Direct Calorie Intake (DCI) and the CoS[ of Basic Nccd (CBN) - are currendy used tor mcasuring urban poverty by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS 2002; 2005a).2

The DlCect Calorie Intake (DC I) method is traditionally used by the Bangladesb Bureau of Smtistics for determining the poverty line. :\ccording to (his method the urban poor are categomed as 'absolute poor' and 'bardcorc poor' based on their daily calone intake. TIle poor who lake 2,122k,cal per day per person fall below Poverty Line-l (and are known as the absolute poor) whereas the poor who take 1,805k..cal per day per person fall below Poverty Line--2 (these are (errned the hardcore poor). A.t the national level the percentage of population in Poverty Line-l decreascd from the 47.8 per cent to

44.3 per cent in the survey year of 198&-89 to 2000. But in nrban areas the percentage of population below Poverty IJne-l increased from 47,6 per cent to S2.S per cent in [he survey period of t9g8----g9 to 2000, due to the migration of the rural poor to urban areas. In the case of Poverty rine-2 the sltuatiou is [0 some extent differcU(. The perceutage of hardcore poor has decreased over the years at both the nattonal and urban contexts. But the rate of decrease is wmparative1y lower in urban areas (BBS JlJlJA; 20U1).

(hl.l\\II:W Of- [)II \f"\ (:1'1 ..... \J

Table 1.4: Rccc:m (rc:nd~ ill urhan poverty ill Ballglade~h (eBN mCdl(,d)

Sour",: 1:11:15 2001 b: 2005b; Hossain 1006a: 200lla

Upper po""ny line CIun", Lo"",r po""rry line (%) (upper (%)

lind

1995-96 2000 1995-96 1995-96 2000 102000

Nacional 51.0 49.8 -1.2 34.4 )).7-_.

~a" 29.4 36.6 .7.2 1-'-7 19.1 -

Cbllllgc (lower line)

1995-96 102000

·.7 ----- ­• SA

Table 1.5: Incidence of povc:ny ill selc:ac:d urban area.> in BaJl~adcsh

(CBN mClLocl)

Url>:on HU.t Upper pnveny IiDe (%) Lowotr po~etf)" line (%)

1995-96 - 2000 1995-96 2000

NacionaJ 51.0 49.8 34.4 J3?

D"""" 40.2 ~~.~ a,s 32.0

Chirtagong 52.4 477 28.6 25.0

Khulna 55.0 51.4 36.4 35.4

Raj.haJ,i 61.8 6l.0 46.') 46.7

Source: BBS 2001b; Ho'sain 200(,:<; ~(Jmh

Due to Ihl~ problems of the calorie intake method, the Bangladesh Bureau of Stati~tics has uscd the Costof BaSH:: Needs (CBN) method. Unlike the traditionally used DCI me (hod, (he eRN method considcrs other baSK needs (along with food) for measuring poverty. The poor are caregonzed by an 'upper poverty line' and a 'lower poverty line'. This esumanon reveals ,he alarming situaunn of urban poverty in Bangladesh despitc thc ovcrall improvement of the poverty Sltuauon at the narionallevel. .\ccordmg to this method, from 1995-96 to 2000 the percentages of the urban population below both the upper poverty line and lower poverty line have increased by 7.2 per cent and 5.4 per cent respectively (BilS 2001 b). Poverty is mainly concenLrated in urban Dhaka due III rhe prcdommancc of poor migranrs in Dh"ka City.l In urban Dhaka the percentages of thc population below both

WI..

UtUHN PI JVERT'I 1'1 l:J .. r-:<.:I,,"l)!-_'H32

the upper poverty line and the lower poverty line have increased by 4.6 per cenr anJ 4.2 per cent respecrivdy during 1995--96 to 2000

(BBS 2001 b). Although Bangladesh has achieved some success in reducing

poverty narionu.ide, urban poverty has rerru.ined a major challenge. In particular, enclaves of poverty in slum areas raise serious questions of capabilities deprivations and of the need for identifying and implementing the right se[ of capabilitics-enhancmg policies for poverty reduction in Bangladesh (Khan 2008). Even basic functioning in areas such as life expectancy, nutrition and food intake, and literacy fall short of the requirements for a decent human life in the urban

areas (Khan 2006; 2008; Davis 2007).

PovertY and ilJ/mJ ill Dhaka CiD' The phenomenon of slums and squatters in Dhaka is as old as the city itself (Taylor 1880; Geddes 1917; Abrams 1964).~ But the city has experienced a prolific growth of slums and squatters smce

Independence in 1971 (Qadir 1975). ;\t the end of 1976 ooly HJ slums existed, with a population of 10,000. The number increased to 2,156 settlements with a population of 718,143 in 1993, and 3,007 settlements with a population of 1.1 million in 1996 (CUS 1993; 1996).' About 90 per cent of slums and squatter settlements ha....e de....eloped in the last three decades but the highest concentration of growth (45 per cent) took place between 1981-90. Only 18 per cent of these dusters were established since 1991 (CLlS 1996). 1be number of informal settlements has significantly increased in the last decade due to rapId mass urbanization. Ahmed (2007) shows that 10

Dhaka, an estimated 2.84 million, that LS, nearly 30 per cent of the popUlation lives In more than 4,000 of these informal settlements.

Slums and squatter settlements are not distributed uniformly throughout the Dhaka Metropolitan area but arc concentrated mostly on rhe fnnges of the city. Due to an acme demand for land and high land pnces, espeCLally in the central zones and in upper class residential areas, the slums and squauer corrununities ha....e moved or are mO.... lng towards [he city's peripheries in the search for cheap shelter (i"-fahbub and Islam 1991; CUS 1993). According to

Wl.

(hl'RVII',\l. (ll' DII \f.,.\ el'r', .:n

CUS (1996) an ovef\,\lhelming majority of these poor communities are located Oil land owned by prI....ate indJ.....iduals (1,270 clusters, or 42.2 per cent). or under multiple private ownership (l,047 dusters or 34.8 per ceOl). Only 644 cluster.; (21.4 per cenl) are located Oil

government and semi-go....ernment land, while a few settlements (ooly 35 in number, 1.2 per cent) are found on land beionRing [0

non-go....ernment organizations. The \vorld Bank (20U7) shows that nearly 80 percent of slums are located on pn....ately owned land wruch poses significant challenges for the pro....lSlon of basIC servICes. Slum and squatter setrlements did nor de....e1op m the central part of [he city of Dhaka, hke Mothgijhecl, Kotoali. ~lItrnpur or r..:.tlhagh thclnclJ'

in the last decade. They mostly de....eloped in the penpheral tham1J" of Mirpur. 1iohammadpur and Demar (BBS 1999). Hoss:u.n (2008a) shows Ih:H a number of slum dusters were evicted by [he urban development authonties 10 Dhaka City and the poor were forced to move to a resettlement slum in the peripheral thana of Mirpur in recent Ilmes.

The slum populanon in Dhaka Ciry faces extreme po....erty due to ils low level of earnings, and the majority are li....ing below the po....erty line m rerms of both calorie intake and cost of basic needs. The slum dwellers are mostly in....ol....ed in low-paId jobs in informal sectors of the urban economy. To be precise there is a predominance of day labounng and rickshaw pulling among this poor group of city dwellers (.\nun 1991; CUS 1996; 2006; Ilossain 2006a; 2007). Moreo....er. (here are occupational ....ariations between males and females in slum and squatter settlements. There are eighty different types of occupations held by males, whereas females are found to belong only to occupations such as maidservants and housewi....es (CUS t 9H3). The urban poor Involved in formal urban sectors of [he economy ha....e better economic conditions than the poor in informal sectors. According to SiddiqUI et al. (1993) there is a significant difference in [he \l:age rate between the formlll sector poor and informal sector poor JO Dhaka City. The formal sector poor receive various benefits, whICh means that they are better off compared with their informal sector counterparts. There is also a ....ariation in po....erty among [he poor employed in informal occupa tions based on

34 URH.''lN POVERn" 1'-' H'\"'(;L~[)ESI!

rheir level of skills. Skill differentials were found to be an unportant factor in determining differences within the informal manufacturing

activities in Dhaka City (Khundker et al. 1994). Slum populations in Dhaka City are 'vulnerable'in terms of their

access to urban land (CUS 1996; BOS 1999; Hossain 2006b). Slum dwellers have mostly settled temporarily on public or private land and

[hey arc often evicted from their settlements. In the overwhelming majority of house construcnon the roof is of tin and the wall beams are of bamboo. Mahbub (1996) found that only a small proportion of poor seruements (9 per cent) were made of brick, cement and tin.•-\hOllt 68 per cent of slum families in Dhaka City have a single room unit, 20 per cent have two small rooms and at least 5 per cent have to share a room ",,;th other families (CU:-; 1979). The average Hoor spaces of poor urban households are only 125 5q. fr, with only 100 sq. ft in Dhaka City (Islam el at 1997), Very often slum and squatter setdements are prone to anoual Rooding, and mey are environmentally unsuitable for housing as they are located in low­lying areas and along risky canal.> and railway uacts (lslarn 1996b;

Hossain 2003a; Rashid et a!. 2I.Xl7). Slum dwellers in the city are disadvantaged in terms of their

access to urban services like safe \Vater, elecuicity, ~as supply, toilet facilities and garbage disposal. The quality of these services has been found to be poor and me supply remains highly irregular and madequate (Islam 1991; CUS 1993; fiBS 1999; Hoss:Un 2001; World Bank 2007). ;\fost slum dwellers have access to safe \Volter for drinking purposes only, using unsafe water for washing, bathing and other purposes. CUS (1996) shows that only a small proportion of the urban poor (20 per cent) u~e sanitary laumes, 'With the maJority still usmg a variety of non-hygienic latrines. It shows that 67 per cent use clecuicity while another 33 per cem still have no access to elecuicity. The study also found mat 72 per cem of me urban poor use traditional fuel for cooking, wirh only 22 per cent having access to gas facilities. 110re man m per cent of the poor just dump their garbage on the road or on the ground (Ahsan and Ahmed 1996). And a very small proportion (12-4 per cent) of mese poor households has access to (he underground dramage system (Siddiqui et al. 1993).

...

O\l.R\'IL\\ 01 DJI'\l-:-\ eny 35

Slum populations also have hmHed access to heath and cducarion though theoretically the urban poor have equal access to the public heahh facilities in the City, m reality very hule is available m them (Fariduddin and Khan 1996; Arnold 1997; Hossain 2001; World Bank 2007). They are the most deprived groups in the dty as they have very limited access to the eXisting educational opportunines. lbis is true [or borh pnmary education and general and technical educatiun for aduhs, It has been evident from official statistics rhat although enrolment in pr.Lmary school in urban areas is higher than thar for rural areas, the enrolment of the ~Ium population is very low (GOB 1991).

In summary, Dhaka City has emerged as a fast groWing megacity in recenr times. Tt is a city of extreme meLJuahty 'W1th a stark contrast between the rich and poor. The- city faces serinus prohlems in housiug and in almost all areas of its infrnstructure like electricity, gas and fuel supply, \VolIn wpply, ~ewerage and excreta management, solid waste management and so on. There is little proviSion of access to social services for health, education and recreanon for the urban poor. The frequency and severity of flnods and of drainage problems pose serious challenges to city dwellers, more particularly to the urban poor living in slums and s(luatter seulements. Crime and violence have also developed as serious problems. Culturally the city has emerged as a 'rnralized' megacitr ;\nd overnll, the city government of Dhaka has failed to play an effective role in its planning, implementarinn, admittistrati(m attd management.

The hismrical process of urban development in Bangladesh presents different trends based on Ihe polidcal development of the country. Urban centres g:uned and lost Ihelt rankiug wirh changes in polirical regimes. Dhaka de"eloped as a politico-administrative city and suhsequently CCOnl>ClUC and commercial activines have also concentrated in the City, making it the rrominellt city of the country. Urbanization activiaes mDhaka City ha"e been achieving tremendous growth for the needs of the newly 1ndependent country's capital. Ovemll, Dhaka Ciry has experienced its highest rate of physical and populaaon growth in recent decades.

UJW:\J' PO\T.Rn" II" 1l,,-,,,GL\J)L.,11 36

.\5 Bangladesh'~ urban growth is not commensurate with the economic and soc.ul development of the country, significant portions of the urban population are living below the poverty hne. Accoerling to the DCI and CBN mernad;; the percenrage of the urban population in Bangladesh below the poverty hne has been increasing over the years. 1fo.rcover, the percentage of the urban population living below the poverty line is comparatively higher in Dhaka City. This city has had a masSIVe growth in slums and squatter setdcments in recent decades. The slum popuJation of the cit)' faces extreme poverty as its level of mcorne in the informal sectors of me urban economy is very low. Ano it IS vulnerable in terms of ItS access [Q land, urban infrastructures and SOCIal services. To sum up, the socio-political and economic structures of me country are generally responsible for urban poverty and the emergence of slums in Dhaka

City.

2

MIGRATION, POVERTY AND MARGINALITY IN URBAN

CONTEXTS

The issue of wral-u.rban migration is closely linked with urban poverty as rhe urban poor m developing cities are mustly rurJ.I migrants. I Until me 1I11letecnm cellrury, the rural population operated subsistence ecunomies maintainmg only limited external contacts. The expansions oi capitalist systems, how{'\"er, under w~>'

for a half a millennium and accelerated by the Indusmal Revolution, incorporJ.ted even more outlying regions into the emergmg world economy (WallemelIl 1989). Existing nties were integra red into the new system, their furlCcions transformetl. New cities were establishe.d to exercise political control and to channel resources to the metropohtan centres, amI rural populations all o\"cr the world have been drawn into the urban nexus. This process of illcurporation into the world sptem has spread across the entire globe. Ihe self­reli.ant society that had only limited contan with the outside world has vitrually disappeared. Runl populations have become subject to political control exerted from urban centres (;\bu-Lughod 1971; 2004; Gugler 1992a; 2U(3).

According to the substantial body of migration litenHure available, people move to cities for economic reasons (l\lajumder 1978;Siddiqw el al. 1993; _"tsar 2000; O\\-'Uor ~()07). \Vllen people are ~sked why they moved, they usually cite 'betTer prospects' in the urban economy as their chief rcason. The sigh[ of severe and widespread poverty in the cities in the devel0plllj.'; world easilY leads to the a%lInlption that

,

WI.

LIBRARY OF DEVELOPMENT URBAN POVERTY STUDIES IN

Series ISDN: 978 1 84885 238 9

Sec www.ibtauris.com/LDS for a full list of titles BANGLADESH 1. Irldia's W1Jife RflJ[IJ",l1on.: Opera/ion f'/ood, Food /lid and De''I:/opI/'lUlI Bruce A. Scholten 9711 I 11411115 17(,4

2. Religion alld Gender ill the Dfl'fl/oping WlJfU- Faith·Based OlJl,olli1.0lioflJ and FeminiJI'I1 in

II/dl'l Tam:-in Br:l.dley

'oI7H I 11481\.'; 427 7

3. Urbtlfl PI"''''f) in Bongladesh: S1I/I'I{ COI/'/!'I'Ilfllitiu, Migration alld SMa'integralioll Slum Communities, Migration and Shahadal II"sSa.ill 9711111411115470 l Social Integration 4. R"'I'I;ltoll''!'J; Gi'rIder (Illd De''l:lopmen/: Albonia',. jonely and Emflo,,?y in Tmllsilion Julie Vullllerari and Russtll Kin~

';17111 Mllll.'i41l7 I SIL\IL-\D:\T HOSS.-\IN

~ UNMIlilTY LwaAJ,Y

~RTY Of MOI:TH CAlItOU/IIA AT QW'E&. HILL