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    Pakistani Workers in the Middle East: Volume, Trends and ConsequencesAuthor(s): Nasra M. ShahSource: International Migration Review, Vol. 17, No. 3 (Autumn, 1983), pp. 410-424Published by: The Center for Migration Studies of New York, Inc.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2545795 .

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    Pakistani Workersin the Middle East:Volume, Trends and Consequences

    Nasra M. ShahEast-West Population InstituteHonolulu, Hawaii, East-West Center

    Temporary international migration for employment is not a newphenomenon and much has been written about 'guest workers' toEuropean countries. Labor migration to the oil producing Middle Eastcountries is, however, a relatively recent occupation?one that is likelyto have far reaching impacts on both labor importing and exportingcountries. Serageldin et al. (1983) have estimated that from about 1.6million migrant workers in 1975 the number would increase to about4.3 million in 1985 in the major capital rich labor importing countries.1In some oil producing countries, such as Qatar, Kuwait and the UnitedArab Emirates, non-national workers comprise over seventy percent ofthe total labor force. In recent years, the relative proportion of non-Arabmigrant labor has increased, proportionately more South and SouthEast Asian and East Asian workers are now employed in the MiddleEast than in the mid-seventies.

    Pakistan has become one of the major labor exporters as a result of the shift inlabor importation preferences. While there is some disagreement about theprecise number of Pakistanis who are currently employed in the MiddleEast, the various estimates suggest that somewhat more than one million is aplausible number. Research based on the 1981 Census and household surveysduring the late 1970s indicates that the number ofworkers in the Middle Eastranges somewhere between 1 to 2 million. A minimum estimate based on thetotal number of workers who went for employment through the Bureau of

    1These figuresrelikely obe an underestimates discussed ater.410 IMR Volume 17, No. 3

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    Pakistani Workers in the Middle East 411Emigration and Overseas Employment and were registered with it during1971-81 is given as (776,174) (Table 1). Over 95 percent of these registeredworkers were employed in the Middle East. These figures approximate thestock of migrants since the Bureau estimates that only about 5 percent ofthose who leftreturned to Pakistan permanently during this period (Akbar,1981). The Bureau figures, however are likely to be an underestimate sincethe Manpower Division (which is the source for the data) did not collectinformation on "direct" emigrants (i.e., those who obtained visas throughtheir friends or relatives) prior to 1977. Furthermore, the Table does notinclude illegal emigrants who may have emigrated without any clearancethrough the Bureau of Emigration and Overseas Employment, the agencywhich is responsible for processing all such migrant workers. Finally, theTable does not include persons who emigrate for reasons other than em?ployment, but later take up jobs. While the above factors are likely to resultin an underestimation of the stock of workers, it is not clear whether anemigrant is counted by the Bureau each time he goes abroad on a newcontract. If this is the case, the Bureau figures should probably not be used toestimate the stock of migrants since they may overestimate it. In general,data collection in Pakistan suffers from several weaknesses; emigration datais unlikely to be an exception.

    Other estimates of the total number (stock) of migrants range between1.12 and 179 million (Gilani et al, 1981a), about 70 percent of whom wereworking in the Middle East. The 1981 Census also provides a figure closeto Gilani et aVs estimate of 1. 7 million (Kahn and Karim, 1983). The 1981Census asked whether any members of the respondent's household leftPakistan during the previous ten years and were still abroad. The totalnumber of persons thus reported was 1. 7 million.

    Note that all the estimates discussed so far are based on data collectedwithin Pakistan itself. Another estimate made by Serageldin et al, (1983) aspart of a World Bank project offers a much more conservative figure. Theybelieve that the stock of Pakistani workers in the nine major oil exportingcountries2 was 205,700 in 1975. They project this number to increase to555,100 by 1985 under a high economic growth assumption and only 446,000under a low economic growth assumption. It is not clear whether thesecalculations were based on data available within the importing countries oron estimates provided by the labor exporting countries. Their base figuresfor 1975, however, seem to be a clear underestimate when compared toestimates provided by various researchers within the country. The Pakistangovernment also estimates a much larger magnitude to have taken place.The government has estimated that there are about 1.4 million Pakistanis

    2 Algeria,Bahrain, Iran, Kuwait,Libya, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and UnitedArabEmirates.

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    412 International Migration Reviewcurrently working and living abroad, a large majority in the Middle East.It is expected that the number of Pakistani workers abroad would have risenby an additional 0.4 million during the current Five Year Plan period, 1977-78 to 1982-83 (Finance Division, 1982:8). The government has an activepolicy of encouraging labor emigration and has instituted a crash programfor training skilled and semi-skilled workers for overseas employment.

    TABLE 1Annual Flow of Emigrant Workers from Pakistan,

    1971-81 by Channel

    YearPrivate(overseasemploymentpromoters) Public" Direct Total

    19711972197319741975197619771978197919801981Total NumberPercent

    3,3403,3597,654

    14,65221,76638,51677,66478,68580,61591,482119,711

    537,44469.3

    1941,1714,6461,6761,3113,1742,6063,2463,058

    17,11482139,0175.0

    60,17547,60234,58624,80132,549

    199,71325.7

    3,5344,530

    12,30016,32823,07741,690

    140,445129,533118,259133,397153,081776,174100.0

    Source:FinanceDivision1982,p. 8.Notes:a About400overseas mployment romoters avebeen licensedbythegovernmentorecruitworkers n behalf fforeignmployers. he work f thesepromoterss regulated ndcontrolled ytheregionalprotectoratesfemigrants hichworkunder the DirectorGeneral,BureauofEmigrationndOverseasEmployment."Emigrantswhoaresupplied bythegovernmentpontherequest fa foreign overnment.c This includes ndividualwork isasobtained hrough elatives nd friends.Fordetailsoftheprocess femigration,ee,Akbar,1981:25-35.

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    Pakistani Workers in the Middle East 413CHARACTERISTICS OF MIGRANTSWhile the debate on the actual number of Pakistani workers in the MiddleEast is not yet over, it seems safe to conclude that more than one millionworkers are currently employed in the Middle East. The migrants constituteabout 6-8 percent of the total labor force of Pakistan and consist largely ofmales aged 25 to 40 years (Akbar, 1981). It has been estimated by Gilani et al,(1981) that about 70 percent of the migrants are married, but only 4 percentare accompanied by their families.In terms of destination of migrants, Gilani et al, found that about 70percent of all emigrants they interviewed were destined for the Middle East.They estimated that 34 percent of all emigrants were going to Saudi Arabiaand 20 percent to the United Arab Emirates. Comparable data from theBureau of Emigration indicates that between 1971 and 1980, 38 percent ofthose who emigrated through the Bureau went to Saudi Arabia, a figurequite close to Gilani's (Akbar, 1981:33-35).

    Of all the Middle East emigrants in Gilani's study, two-thirds came fromrural areas. At least some of these rural migrants are likely to have come tourban areas to land a job in the international market, thus contributing to therural-urban internal migration within the country. Furthermore, at leastsome of the emigrants are likely to settle in urban areas once they return toPakistan after having experienced an urban way of life and with higheraspirations for their children's education (Shah and Karim, 1982).With regard to the occupational structure ofmigrants, Gilani etal. foundthat 83 percent of the migrants in their sample were production workers?43percent unskilled laborers and 40 percent skilled workers. The skilled workersconsisted of drivers (8%), carpenters (6%), masons (6%), tailors (4%), etc. Ofthe 17 percent non-production workers, 4 percent were professional (e.g.,engineers, teachers and nurses), 6 percent were businessmen and 2 percentwere service workers (Gilani et al, 1981a:28-30). Compared to the figuresfrom Gilani etal's study the Bureau of Emigration data show the share ofpro?duction workers among those who emigrated to the Middle East through theBureau during 1971-77 to be 71 percent, about 12 percent less than Gilani'sfigures. Regardless of the source, however, production workers do comprisea large majority of all migrants to the Middle East. The impact of such heavyout-migration of these workers is discussed later.The Gilani et al analysis further indicates that the proportion of unskilledlabor has gone up over time compared to the proportion of skilled labor(Table 2). The percentage of unskilled migrants had increased from 30percent six years ago to 51 percent during the year of survey (i. e., 1979). Thispattern is contrary to that in other countries, and to the general trend towardincreased importation of skilled (rather than unskilled) workers by the host

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    414 International Migration Reviewcountries. The increasing proportion of unskilled workers has been viewedas a cause for concern by some researchers (e.g., Ahmad, 1982). The increasein unskilled workers implies that the training facilities within the countryhave not been able to produce the desired amount and quality of skilledworkers which could fulfill the demand in the Middle East; such demand is,therefore, being met from countries other than Pakistan.

    TABLE 2Intertemporal Composition of the Migrant Occupations

    Occupation Withina year

    The Date ofMigrationBetweenlastland2years

    Betweenlast3and4years

    Betweenlast5and6years Above6 yearsUnskilled aborAgriculture

    Non-Agriculture

    50.63.047.646.48.138.3

    39.33.735.639.60.039.6

    30.23.926.5Skilled LaborCarpenters/MasonsTechnicians/MechanicsTailorsDrivers

    38.211.617.94.64.1

    44.614.619.54.06.5

    48.616.120.83.97.8

    45.311.815.27.510.8

    47.011.717.49.38.6ClericalWorkers 0.6 0.7 2.7 3.8 3.5

    Professional/ManagerialWorkers 4.4 2.6 2.7 2.8 3.1BusinessWorkersServiceWorkersTotal

    4.41.8

    100.0

    4.61.1

    100.0

    5.82.9

    100.0

    6.61.9

    100.0

    10.95.1

    100.0Source: Gilani etal.,1981:33.

    POLICIES AND THE PR OCESS OF EMIGRA TION

    As mentioned above, the government has an active policy to encourage labor

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    Pakistani Workers in the Middle East 415migration to the Middle East. It has set up several training institutions todevelop a skilled manpower which would cater to the needs of labor,importers. A crash training program was started in 1975-76 by the ManpowerDivision which aimed at producing about 50,000 skilled and semi-skilledworkers annually. The program was, however, able to train only 11,100workers during the first hree years of itsoperation. Another training programwas started in January, 1980 by the Overseas Pakistanis Foundation (OPF),an autonomous body which was set up by the government in 1979. The OPFimparts training through 44 institutions and had trained close to 10, 000persons during the first21 months of its operation (Ahmad, 1982:26).While several facilities are in existence, this training capacity is not beingfullyutilized at present. At the three major institutes set up by the government,there is a 12 percent enrollment deficiency; furthermore, 37 percent of allenrolled do not complete the training (Ahmad, 1982:27). Some of the reasonsfor the underutilization of such facilities are the shortage of adequatelytrained instructors, the long duration of courses, and inappropriateness ofthe training, etc. The inadequacy of training facilities requires immediateattention and concerted effort to remedy the situation.Skill development as a general policy is a desired goal. It is nowherespecified what the desirable characteristics of the trainees in terms of age andsex are. Cultural values (in Pakistan as well as host countries), however,restrict most of the jobs to men. One category of female workers where thePakistan government has put a restriction in terms of age is that of maidser?vants. The Emigration Ordinance, 1979, states that "the minimum age foremployment of women as maid-servants shall be forty-five years...". Whilethe intent of the law is to discourage the exploitation of young femaledomestic servants, it is not clear whether this restriction has discouraged theexport of workers in this category.The process of emigration has been quite tightly regulated during the lastfewyears. The Emigration Ordinance, 1979, has provided an administrativestructure as well as rules and penalties designed to regulate emigration. Anoverview of the administrative structure is given in Figure I. An agency,known as the Bureau of Emigration and Overseas Employment, had been setup as early as 1972. The Emigration Ordinance, 1979, (Government ofPakistan, 1979) regularized the positions in the Bureau and established thepositions of Director General of the Bureau, protectors of emigrants andLabour Attaches in host countries. There are at present five Protectorates ofEmigrants which work under the Bureau. The Protectorates oversee andregulate the work under the Bureau. They oversee and regulate the work of400 Employment Promoters?private individuals who have been grantedlicenses to recruit workers.There are three channels which may provide overseas workers as indicatedin Table 1 earlier?private, public and direct. Private migration takes place

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    416 International Migration Reviewthrough the employment promoters; public migration is handled by theOverseas Employment Corporation; direct migration results from issuanceof a visa directly to the employee, arranged usually through a friend orrelative. The private channel provides close to 70 percent of all workersregistered by the government. The figures in Table 1, are however, anunderestimate of all workers, as discussed above; the actual proportion ofworkers supplied through promoters is in fact probably not as high. In thestudy by Gilani et al (1981), only about one-fourth of the respondents saidthey had obtained their jobs through recruiting agents (i.e., promoters); therest had managed to find jobs through friends or relatives or through theirown efforts (Gilani et al, 1981). The discrepancy in the findings of the tworeports could have resulted from factors such as the inclusion of illegalmigrants in the Gilani study or a nonrepresentative sample for that study.No conclusions about this are possible, however.The Emigration Ordinance, 1979, laid down various rules to ensure thewelfare of the migrants. Severe penalties (such as imprisonment up to 14years) for forgery of documents, false representation of government au?thority, charging fees in addition to the prescribed amounts, have been laiddown. Labor attaches who are stationed in the host countries are responsiblefor safeguarding the interests of emigrants and promoting overseas em?ployment. Finally, certain agencies such as the OPF have been set up withthe objectives of promoting the welfare of overseas Pakistanis and their de?pendents and to deal with various problems arising from emigration. Thegovernment has also established a Welfare Fund and all emigrants arerequired to make a small contribution to this fund.

    CONSEQUENCES OF MIGRATION

    In a very broad sense, the consequences of labor migration may be classifiedinto economic and noneconomic ones. Reseachers and policymakers withinPakistan have begun to pay attention to both of these consequences, butparticularly the economic ones. On the positive side, perhaps the majorreason why international labor migration has become so significant is theincreased amount of remittances associated with such migration. From aninsignificant level of about $15.5 billion in 1972-73, the volume of remit?tances rose to 1.7 billion in 1979-80. During the period 1977-78. Duringthe period 1977-78 to 1980-81, remittances grew at a rate of 22.5 percent peryear and exceeded $2.1 billion during 1980-81 (Pakistan Embassy, 1981b).Gilani et al (1981:72) have estimated that "valued at current market prices,remittances now comprise 8 percent of the GNP and 40 percent of the totalforeign exchange earnings and finance 86 percent of the trace deficit". The

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    Figure IAdministrative Structure which Regulates Labor Migration to the

    MinistryfLabor,Manpower, nd OverseasPakistanis

    OverseasEmploymentCorporationManpowerDivision

    LaborAttacheninHostCountries BureauofEmigrationndOverseasEmploymentsetup in 1972)

    ProtectorateofEmigrants,FederalCapital,IslamabadProtectorateofEmigrants,Baluchistan

    ProtectorateofEmigrantsN.W.F.P.ProtectofEmigrPunja

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    418 International Migration Reviewsignificance of remittances for the economy of Pakistan is highlighted by thefact that a slow down in the inflow of home remittances during the fiscal year1981-82 is considered as one of the major factors which has negativelyaffected the international trade and balance of payments situation in thecountry during this period (Finance Division, 1982:99). The Finance Divisionhas not provided any data on the amount of remittances received during1981-82. One factor which could have negatively affected the inflow of remit?tances received during 1981-82 is the deduction of zakat' (obligatory charity,equivalent to 2V2%on the savings as required by Islamic laws) from privatebank accounts; this possibility needs to be studied. While remittancescurrently form an extremely significant factor in the Pakistan economy, theyare not necessarily being used in the most economically efficient manner atthe present time. It was found by Gilani et al (1981) that a large proportion(62%) of remittances received by the families ofmigrant workers was spent onconsumption of food, clothing and accommodations, etc. rather than ondirect investment (Table 3). Another 22 percent was spent on real estateincluding housing, real estate for commercial purposes and agriculturalland. Finally, only 13 percent of remittances was spent on direct investmentsuch as agricultural machinery or other industrial or commercial investment.While the increased expenditure on food is likely to raise nutritional levelsof the family, thereby reducing morbidity and increasing productivity, it isdesirable that a larger proportion of the remittances should be used forproductive investments in the future. Furthermore, policies which wouldreduce the inflationary impact of remittances need to be instituted.Among the possible negative economic consequences, the one that has beenmost thoroughly discussed relates to the skill loss and the concommittantshortages of labor in certain skill categories (ILO-ARTEP, 1983; Gilani et al,1981; Ahmad, 1982). By comparing the local demand forcertain occupationswithin Pakistan with the number of migrants in that occupation, Gilani et al(1981) concluded that certain occupations such as carpenters, electriciansand plumbers were suffering from a labor shortage within the country. Inanother study commissioned by the Pakistan government, large shortagesamong certain categories of workers were reported. For example, there was adomestic shortage of 33,000 carpenters, 26,000 bricklayers and masons, 23,000welders and 22,000 plumbers and pipe fitters Pakistan Government, 1981).Such large shortages are bound to affectthe domestic productivity negatively.Another point that has been repeatedly emphasized concerns theapparently better quality of emigrants compared to workers who are leftbehind Domestic productivity is likely to suffer because the most qualifiedand experienced workers have emigrated. A serious consequence of theemigration of the more experienced workers consists of the loss of the bestteachers or ustads who have traditionally taught many skills to theirstudents or shagird in the informal sector. In a survey of informal living

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    Pakistani Workers in the Middle East 4i9TABLE 3

    Uses of Remittances in Pakistan

    Expenditure Amount(000 Rs.) PercentConsumptionRecurring onsumptionMarriagesConsumer urables

    18,01216,51268082062.1957.002.352.84

    Real EstateConstruction/Purchasefresidential ouseImprovementnhouseCommercial ealestateAgriculturaland

    Investment^avingsAgriculturalnvestmentIndustrial/commercialnvestmentFinancialinvestment/saving

    ResidualTotal

    6,2803,516

    6581,658448

    3,7529572,378417922

    28,966

    21.6812.142.275.721.55

    12.953.308.211.443.18

    100.00Source:Gilani etal, 1981:144.

    arrangements in Islamabad and surrounding areas, Ahmad (1982) foundthat the quality of workmen who are now employed in constructionprojects is very low. A steep drop, quantitatively as well as quali?tatively, has occurred in the output of skilled workers from theinformal sector. The absence of qualified and experienced trainershas significantly reduced the trainerArainee ratio. Thus, thepresent state of "the blind leading the blind" is likely to incur aserious deterioration of skill standards in construction trades. Basedon his research, Ahmad (1982) concludes that at present "Pakistanfaces a quality crisis in the manpower at its disposal". It is essential toimprove the quality of the manpower in order to meet the specializeddemand for foreign emigration as well as prevent a negative impact on thegrowth of the non agricultural sector within Pakistan.Among the noneconomic consequences, the likely impact on the status ofwomen and children has drawn some attention. As mentioned above, the

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    420 International Migration Reviewmajority of workers to the Middle East are males who move without theirfamilies. Policies of the host countries discourage migration of dependentsby placing certain restrictions; only college educated workers can bringdependents to Saudi Arabia, while in Kuwait a minimum salary is necessarybefore dependents are allowed to join the worker (Addleton, forthcomingand 1981). Thus, more than a million households in the country have to copewith the absence of one or more male members. Data on social impacts ofsuch male absence are being collected by a team of researchers including IjazGilani (the author of the firstcomprehensive study on the phenomenon) atIslamabad, with funding from the Overseas Pakistanis Foundation. Thestudy is being conducted in the five districts which have experiencedunusually high emigration, namely Kohat, Gujrat, Larkana, Turbat andMirpur. Detailed information on migrants, their families and return-migrants is being collected.

    Findings from two small case studies of villages are as follows. Bilqueesand Hamid (1981) concluded from their study in a village in Gujar Khan thatin terms of nutritional levels, the standard of living of emigrant householdshas certainly improved. The absence of male members has, however, hadan adverse impact on agricultural production. Increased incomes in themigrant households has not led to any positive change in attitudes towardsgirls' education and about 16 percent of women still do not want to educatetheir daughters. One other aspect which is viewed negatively by the authorsis the relative laxity in sexual morality (what they term corruption) amongwomen resulting from their husbands' long absence and a knowledge ofcontraception. Needless to say, the findings from this one village may or maynot be generalizable to the country as a whole and the question of suchimpacts must await additional research.Shaheed (1981), in her study of three villages, made an attempt to studythe impact of the absence of men, and of remittances on women in terms ofthe amount of work done, decision making power and changes in the statusof women, if any. She found that the standard of living for most womenimproved in terms of food and clothing. Male absence, however, meantadded responsibilities and in the case of poorer households, it impliedheavier workloads for the women. There was minimal gain in actual de?cision making power since women rarely had direct and personal controlover remittances. Women seldom had bank accounts in their own nameswhere they could receive money from their husbands/sons, etc. Some malerelative usually acted as an intermediary between the bank and the woman;thus, in some cases, she was the de facto but unrecognized household head.Female members of the family gained in terms of the social status which afamily unit as a whole acquired through its increased consumption, but mostfamilies were not able to improve their economic status enough to maintain

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    Pakistani Workers in the Middle East 421their women in purdah (seclusion). The majority of rural women continuedto engage in farm activities as they had done prior to the male member'smigration.Other noneconomic consequences such as changes in the social andpolitical structures of communities, regional variations in the gains frommigration, long term aspirations for self and children, etc. have not beenadequately studied so far. The study by Islamabac researchers mentionedabove will answer some of the institutional level questions. Also, data from astudy currently under way at the Pakistan Institute of Development Eco?nomics should add to existing information (for scope, See, Irfan, 1981). Yetanother study is planned by the Statistics Division, in collaboration with theU.N.'s Economic and Social Commission forAsia and the Pacific. Thus, overthe next few years, satisfactory information on various aspects of labormigration is likely to become available.

    CONCLUSIONS

    The phenomenal increase in labor migration from Pakistan to the MiddleEast has positive as well a negative aspects. Remittances provide 40 percentof the foreign exchange earnings in the country. Remittances have apparentlyled to improvements in the nutritional levels of migrant households andprobably fulfill many of the basic needs of such households. A high levelof consumption expenditure has, however, contributed to a high rate of in?flation estimated to be over 20 percent per year (ILO/ARTEP, 1983), thusdampening the gains from increased household incomes. Emigration haslessened the problem of unemployment and underemployment within thecountry, but has resulted in shortages of certain skills. In fact, skill short?ages in certain industries are beginning to affectthe quality of work and pro?ductivity within Pakistan. The quality of the labor force is likely to suffer along term impact due to the inadequacy and shortage of trainers in theinformal sector.The human cost resulting from the process is also considerable, as reportedby the Director General, Bureau of Emigration and Overseas Employment,Pakistan. In spite of all the measures taken by the government to eradicatemalpractice and exploitation of workers, the expatriate labor is treated withprejudice in the host countries. The emigrants are offered substandardwages and living conditions and are compelled to work overtime withoutextra payment. Sometimes the employers unilaterally deport emigrants inbreach of contract. In cases of injuries and death, the workers or theirdependents are not paid due compensation. In short, "emigrants are treated

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    422 International Migration Reviewlike slaves and even worse than that" (Akbar, 1981). With the promulgationof the 1979 Emigration Ordinance and stricter controls, these conditionsshould improve.The social and political costs of migration are not yet well understood.The process of labor migration has certainly resulted in a revolution ofrising expectations. The continued high import of consumer goods is a cleardemonstration ofthe society's changing tastes; a certain amount ofcompetitionto acquire the latest in terms of televisions/VCRs and other goods existamong those who can afford it.The impact of increased wealth on corruptionand bribery are also not fully understood or quantified; they, however, seemto have increased over the last few years. The traditional 'fatalism' andcomplacency with one's lot has been corroded and emigration is probablyone of the significant elements in such corrosion.Labor migration has helped the country by easing the foreign exchangeproblem. It has been beneficial to the migrant and his family and has led toan improved standard of living for them. It is likely to have positive impactson the future investment in human resources if aspirations for children'seducation can be realized more easily. Several other social and demographicimpacts are likely to occur. Together with the positive consequences, it is alsoimportant to be aware of the possible negative ones so that the process canbe regulated in a manner which minimizes the cost and maximizes thebenefits to both the sending and receiving countries.

    REFERENCES

    Addleton,J.Forthcoming. "The Impact of InternationalMigration on Economic Development inPakistan", sian urvey.1981 "The Role ofMigrationn Development:Pakistan nd theGulf. TheFletcher orum.4(2).Ahmad,M.1982 "EmigrationfScarceSkills nPakistan,LO InternationalMigration or mployment,Working aperNo. 5,Geneva. Mimeo.Akbar,M.1981 Country aper: Pakistan: migrationor mployment.eport n ARPLA Symposiumon overseasrecruitmentrocedures or eniorofficialsfSouthAsianCountries. LO,Islamabad,May, 1981.

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    Pakistani Workers in the Middle East 423Bilquees,F. and S. Hamid1981 "Impact f nternationalMigration nWomen ndChildrenLeftBehind:A casestudy fa Punjabi Village".ResearchReportSeries,No. 115. slamabad: Pakistan nstitute f

    DevelopmentEconomics.Finance Division1982 PakistanEconomicSurvey1981-82. slamabad: Governmentof Pakistan, EconomicAdvisor'sWing.Gilani, ., M. Khan and I. Munawar1981 LabourMigrationrom akistan o theMiddle ast nd ts mpact n theDomestic conomy.Twoparts.ResearchReport eries,Nos. 126 nd127, slamabad:Pakistan nstitutefDe?

    velopment conomics.Government f Pakistan1978 "The Gazetteof PakistanExtraordinary", rdinanceNo. XVIII of 1979 EmigrationOrdinance,1979), slamabad: Law Division.ILO-ARTEP1983 Employmentnd Structuralhange nPakistan?Issues ortheEighties: Report orthePakistan lanning ommissionorthe ixth ive YearPlan (1983-88). angkok:The Asian

    Employmentrogram PreparedbyRashidAmjadandothers).Irfan,M.1981 An ntroductionoStudiesnPopulation,abourForce ndMigration: PIDE IL O-UNFPAProject.ResearchReportSeries,No. 118. slamabad:Pakistan nstitute fDevelopmentEconomics.Khan,A. H. and M.S.Karim1983 "MigrationPatternsn Pakistanduring1970s: Evidencefrom he1981Census Data".PaperpresentedttheConferencen "RecentPopulationTrends nSouthAsia" heldinNewDelhi, February -8,1983.Pakistan mbassy1981 Pakistan ffairs.ol. 34(18),Washington, .C.PakistanGovernmentManpowerDivision)1981 Occupationalnd EducationalManpower equirementsnd Supply ftheFifthYearPlan(1978-83),slamabad.Serageldin,. etal1983 Manpowernd nternationalaborMigrationntheMiddle ast ndNorth frica. ewYork:OxfordUniversityress.

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    424 International Migration ReviewShah,N.M. andM.S. Karim1981 "Migration, rbanGrowthndDevelopment:Pakistan's xperience", sian ndPacificCensus orum, (2).Shaheed,Farida1981 Migrationnd t'sEffectsnWomenntheVillage fProvenance.aperpresentedt theTri?partiteAsian Regional Seminar,Rural Development nd Women" held at Mahabal-eshwar, ndia,April6-11.