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HSC Course core study: World War I 1914–1919:
a source-based study
PRINCIPAL FOCUS
Students use different types of sources and acquired knowledge
to investigate key features, issues, individuals, groups and events
in the study of World War I.
11 War on the Western Front 211
12 The home fronts in Britain and Germany 250
13 Turning points 288
14 Allied victory 310
part 4
Retrospective210
Working with the HSC core
In Stage 5 Australian History, you investigated ‘Australia and World War I’, focusing
especially on the reasons for, and nature of, Australians’ involvement in the war,
the experiences of Australians at Gallipoli and the creation of the Anzac legend.
You also looked at key aspects of war on the home front in relation to both the
conscription debates and the experiences of one group within Australian society.
The four chapters that follow in this book deal with aspects of the war that you
have not previously studied. They introduce you to the main components of the
compulsory HSC core study for the Stage 6 Modern History course — World War I
1914–1919. The war itself lasted from August 1914 until November 1918. This
topic goes one year further, into 1919, so that you can understand the peace
process that followed.
This topic allows you to look more broadly at the war by investigating the
experiences of people of different nationalities who fought in the war in Europe,
on the Western Front. You will also investigate the impact of the war on two home
fronts; important turning points in the war; and the nature of the victory that
emerged from war’s end in 1918.
Like the Preliminary Course core, this is a source-based study so it is an
opportunity and a requirement that you further develop your knowledge and skills
in using and critically assessing a variety of sources. At the same time, you should
keep in mind the historiographical issues that emerge from different parts
of this study.
In further developing your skills as a historian, you will be mainly developing
your skills in critical analysis — the essential skill in the age of ‘information
overload’. You can improve your skills in critical analysis by keeping in mind the
following main points when examining and using sources:
Be clear about the difference between a source and the evidence that might
come from it. A source provides information that might or might not be useful
to what you are studying. Some or all of the source may provide answers to
your questions. If it does, it becomes evidence that can support or contradict a
viewpoint on a particular topic.
Use the sources provided — both here and from your own research — in a
critical way. Don’t just take them at face value. Think about:
— who created the source and what was her/his perspective?
— what was the motive, that is, what feelings, experiences, attitudes or
obligations incited the ‘author’ to create the source?
— what was the purpose of the source, that is, what was the creator’s
intended outcome?
— who was its audience and how might this have affected the information the
source did/did not provide?
— what is the nature of the source and the information it provides — is it
complete? incomplete? accurate? inaccurate? biased? subjective?
emotional? objective?
— how useful and reliable is the source in improving our understanding of
particular aspects of our study of World War I?
Some sources in this chapter are labelled to prompt you to think about these
questions. Think about and address them and you will be doing the work of a
historian. You will also be engaging in and strengthening the skills that will make
you a good HSC Modern History student.
Z
Z
historiographical issues Z� issues related to the ways historians have constructed and presented history over time and to the critical analysis and evaluation of sources for their usefulness and reliability
historiographical issues Z� issues related to the ways historians have constructed and presented history over time and to the critical analysis and evaluation of sources for their usefulness and reliability
War on the Western Front
Source 11.1
A French postcard c. 1915
depicting attitudes towards war.
The French caption translates as:
‘You won’t make tatters of our
glorious and much loved fl ags’.
Whose viewpoint does this
postcard represent? What is
the evidence for this?
KEY DATES
1914
August
Outbreak of World War I
Stalemate on
Western Front; trench
warfare established
1915
April First large-scale
use of poison gas
in conflict
1916
February–December
Battle of Verdun
May Diphosgene gas
introduced
July–November
Battle of the Somme
September Tank
introduced as new
weapon
1917
April–May
Nivelle Offensive
July–November
Battle of Passchendaele
1918
11 November
Ceasefire and armistice
— Allied victory
W
W
W
W
W
W
W
W
W
W
In this chapter, you will learn about the following aspects of
World War I:
Z� The reasons for the stalemate on the Western Front
Z� The nature of trench warfare and life in the trenches dealing with
experiences of Allied and German soldiers
Z� Overview of strategies and tactics to break the stalemate including
key battles: Verdun, the Somme, Passchendaele
Z� Changing attitudes of Allied and German soldiers to the war over time
Retrospective212
Introduction
In the early twentieth century, many people saw war as a heroic endeavour.
Soldiers (on all sides) going to war in August 1914 thought that it would be
over by Christmas, when they would return home triumphant at their nation’s
victory. Civilians also thought proudly of their country’s involvement in war
and little of the changes it would make to their daily lives.
Both views were unrealistic. First, only one side could win. Second, after
the initial German advances, the war developed into a stalemate that would
see war continue for years, not months. Civilians would face the loss of
loved ones. Their governments, through the imposition of total war, would
demand that they make significant sacrifices to support their troops on the
battlefront.
The reasons for the stalemate on the Western Front
Once Russia began mobilising its troops, five German armies advanced
quickly, in keeping with the Schlieffen Plan (see page 202), aiming to capture
France in six weeks and avoid fighting a war on two fronts. The stalemate
emerged largely from the failure of the Schlieffen Plan.
The German commander, Helmuth von Moltke (1848–1916), was worried
that strict implementation of the Schlieffen Plan would leave German armies
vulnerable in battle against Russia on the Eastern Front and also on Ger-
many’s border with Alsace and Lorraine. He deviated from the plan by
ordering additional troops to Russia and the Alsace–Lorraine area. Their
absence weakened the impact of the German armies in France and created
communication difficulties between the armies that remained.
When war broke out, the French implemented Plan 17 and advanced into
their former territory in Alsace and Lorraine. By 20 August 1914, German
artillery and machine gun fire from Germany’s sixth and seventh armies had
the French in retreat and preparing to defend Paris against German troops
advancing from the east.
stalemate Z�a deadlock from which neither side can progress
total war Z�a government’s mobilisation of all its resources to support the efforts of its own troops and undermine those of its opponents
stalemate Z�a deadlock from which neither side can progress
total war Z�a government’s mobilisation of all its resources to support the efforts of its own troops and undermine those of its opponents
Source 11.2
A photograph of French
infantrymen in action in
Alsace during early assaults
in August 1914
Source 11.2
A photograph of French
infantrymen in action in
Alsace during early assaults
in August 1914
Von Moltke succeeded von
Schlieffen as the German
Army Chief of Staff in 1906.
Chapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 213
Changes to the implementation of the Schlieffen Plan (see source 10.26,
page 202) undermined its effectiveness. The Plan called for five German armies
to advance through Belgium and Luxembourg to attack France from the north.
The first German army, the troops to the far right of the German advance,
would move as far west as possible and then move east to encircle Paris.
General Alexander Von Kluck (1846–1934), leader of the first army, became
concerned at the long distance separating his army from the other German
armies. He sent his soldiers to the east instead of the west of Paris. This meant
that they would not be able to encircle the city as originally intended. It also
left the Germans vulnerable to attack from the French army retreating from
eastern France and from the soldiers of the British Expeditionary Force (BEF)
who had come to assist in the defence of France and Belgium (see source 11.3).
Belgian, French and British responses also prevented the fulfilment of the
Schlieffen Plan. Belgian troops provided stronger resistance than expected
and delayed the Germans at Liège for nearly a week. The British troops
arrived much sooner than the Germans had expected and surprised the
Germans with the speed and accuracy of their rifle fire at the Battle of Mons.
From 4 September 1914 onwards, the British and French fought the Germans
in the Battle of the Marne. By this time, the German troops were exhausted.
They had suffered in the stifling August heat; they were malnourished because
their food supplies had not kept pace with their initially rapid advance; and
the troops were weary because of the long distances they were required to
walk each day. The German retreat from the River Marne in mid September
cost Germany the quick victory over France it had expected.
Source 11.3
Map showing information related to the German advance into France in 1914 and responses to it
N
1
2
34
56
Belgian resistance and British
intervention slow down the
German advance, preventing
Germany achieving a six-week
victory over France.
Some German troops are
diverted to Russia and
Alsace–Lorraine.
Distance creates
communication difficulties
between invading armies.
Von Kluck deviates from the
Schlieffen Plan and sends troops
east instead of west of Paris.
German troops become
vulnerable to attack from both
French and British forces.
Exhausted and malnourished,
German troops retreat from
the Battle of the Marne and
begin to build trenches from
which to defend the territory
they have gained.
1�
2�
3�
4�
5�
6�
Belgian resistance and British
intervention slow down the
German advance, preventing
Germany achieving a six-week
victory over France.
Some German troops are
diverted to Russia and
Alsace–Lorraine.
Distance creates
communication difficulties
between invading armies.
Von Kluck deviates from the
Schlieffen Plan and sends troops
east instead of west of Paris.
German troops become
vulnerable to attack from both
French and British forces.
Exhausted and malnourished,
German troops retreat from
the Battle of the Marne and
begin to build trenches from
which to defend the territory
they have gained.
1�
2�
3�
4�
5�
6�
SOURCE QUESTION
Explain whether source 11.3 is more useful as an explanation of (a) the reasons for the failure of the Schlieffen Plan or (b) the reasons for the development of the stalemate.
SOURCE QUESTION
Explain whether source 11.3 is more useful as an explanation of (a) the reasons for the failure of the Schlieffen Plan or (b) the reasons for the development of the stalemate.
Retrospective214
Britain and France went on the offensive, trying to outflank German forces in a race to secure territory on the way to the English Channel. The Germans by this time had begun to build trenches to protect their men and serve as bases from which they would defend the territory they had already gained. In doing so, they relinquished their involvement in a war of movement through which, at that time, they might still have been able to defeat the seriously depleted French and British forces.
The British and French built trenches to protect their men during what they saw as a temporary situation, while they fought to try and force the Germans to retreat. They expected to be able to resume a war of movement in the summer months.
The development of trench warfare ended the war of movement and saw war move into a pattern of action and reaction that spread from Belgium across northern France to the Swiss border (see source 11.4). By late 1914, war
on the Western Front had developed into a stalemate.
Seine
Aisn
e
Somme
Marne
River
River
River
River
Central Powers
Allied Powers
Western Front
Paris
LUXEMBOURG
F R A N C E
G E R M A N Y
SWITZERLAND
NETHERLANDS
GREAT
BRITAIN
0 100 200 km
B E L G I U M
North Sea
Strait
of
Dov
er
N
Calais
Dunkirk
Brussels
AmiensSt Quentin
YpresPasschendaele
Neuve Chapelle
Verdun
St Mihiel
Cambrai
ArrasLoos
Reasons for the continuation of the stalemateThe Allied and Central powers all attempted to break the stalemate in 1915: the French attempted this through an unsuccessful campaign in Champagne; the British in March at Neuve Chapelle, where they had heavy losses for only a short-term gain; the Germans unsuccessfully at Ypres in April, where they used poison gas for the first time; and the British at Loos in September.
In 1916, the Germans attempted to destroy the French at the Battle of Verdun (see page 227) and the British responded at the Battle of the Somme (page 233). These battles once again focused more on attrition (wearing down) than on achieving a breakthrough and the resumption of a war of movement.
Western Front Z�the area of fighting in western Europe during World War I. It stretched from the English Channel to the Swiss border and encompassed territory in Belgium and northern France.
Western Front Z�the area of fighting in western Europe during World War I. It stretched from the English Channel to the Swiss border and encompassed territory in Belgium and northern France.
Source 11.4
Map showing the extent of the
area of conflict known as the
Western Front
SOURCE QUESTION
Use source 11.4 to write
your own definition of the
Western Front.
Source 11.4
Map showing the extent of the
area of conflict known as the
Western Front
SOURCE QUESTION
Use source 11.4 to write
your own definition of the
Western Front.
Chapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 215
The stalemate continued until 1918 because:the mechanisms of trench warfare — barbed wire, artillery and machine gun fire — were more suited to defence and a war of attrition than to offencethe continuation of trench warfare made the cavalry charges of previous eras impracticalthe reconnaissance of enemy positions was pooropposing armies had equivalent access to reinforcements and supplies through railway networksneither side developed either a method or weapon of warfare that would force the resumption of a war of movement.
The nature of trench warfareTrench warfare was the main form of warfare used during World War I. It was defensive and, as such, dramatically different from the war of offensives and cavalry charges that the generals had expected and which had been the
main form of warfare in the nineteenth century.
The trench systemThe trench system generally comprised three parallel lines of trenches:
the front line for attack and defencethe support line to which front line soldiers could (if possible) retreat during bombardmentthe reserve line where troops waited for their leader’s call to battle.The rear wall of the support line also contained dugouts. Communication
trenches, dug at right angles, linked the three lines of trenches.The distance between each of the trench lines differed from army to army
and varied from about 60–90 metres between front line and support trenches and 300–500 metres between support and reserve trenches. Armies often also had partially constructed trench systems several kilometres further back to be ready if their enemy forced them to retreat.
The distance between Allied and German trenches was generally from about 100 to 300 metres. Soldiers called the area that separated them no man’s land.
Trenches formed a kind of zigzag or square-toothed line. This layout was a defensive measure. It minimised the impact of a shell landing in the trench and it prevented attackers from having a clear line of fire down the whole length of the trench. Sometimes a trench line formed a salient, meaning that it ‘bulged’ forward into territory held by the enemy. This was dangerous as it meant that opponents could attack that part of the trench from three directions — frontally and from both sides.
Z
Z
Z
Z
Z
Z
Z
Z
war of attrition Z�a war in which competing sides attempt to achieve victory through the tactic of wearing down their opponents’ armies, fighting power, morale and economies to the point of collapse
war of attrition Z�a war in which competing sides attempt to achieve victory through the tactic of wearing down their opponents’ armies, fighting power, morale and economies to the point of collapse
trench warfare Z�a form of military conflict in which opposing sides fight one another from trenches facing one another
trench warfare Z�a form of military conflict in which opposing sides fight one another from trenches facing one another
dugouts Z�shelters dug into the sides of the trenchesdugouts Z�shelters dug into the sides of the trenches
no man’s land Z�the area separating opposing armies in trench warfare
no man’s land Z�the area separating opposing armies in trench warfare
salient Z�a military position that bulges forward into enemy-held territory and, as a result, could be vulnerable to attack from three sides
salient Z�a military position that bulges forward into enemy-held territory and, as a result, could be vulnerable to attack from three sides
Source 11.5
An aerial photograph taken in
1917 showing the nature of the
trench system between Loos and
Hulluch
Source 11.5
An aerial photograph taken in
1917 showing the nature of the
trench system between Loos and
Hulluch
SOURCE QUESTION
What features of a trench
system can you identify from
this aerial photograph?
SOURCE QUESTION
What features of a trench
system can you identify from
this aerial photograph?
Retrospective216
Duckboards
Firestep
Drainage
No man’s land
Barbed wire
Shellholes
Enemytrenches
Parapet:earth/sandbags
Supporttrenches
Bolthole
Ammunitionshelf
Artillerypositions
Reservetrench
Communicationtrench
Supporttrench
Front linetrench
Sap
Barbedwire
No man’sland
Enemytrenches
The condition of any trench system depended on:
how long and how quickly it had been established
whether the generals viewed it as temporary or permanent
the nature of the ground where it was located
local weather conditions
specific military goals at different times
the extent to which enemy bombardment had affected the trenches.
German trenches were generally stronger, more complex and better
equipped than the Allied ones. This was because the German army,
unlike the British, viewed trenches as a long-term rather than a short-term
proposition. German dugouts, made of reinforced concrete, ranged from about
3.6 metres to as much as three storeys in depth (although this was rare).
British dugouts ranged from about 2.4 to 4.8 metres in depth.
Z
Z
Z
Z
Z
Z
Source 11.6
(a) An artist’s drawing, created in 2007, showing a cross-section of the key features of a front line trench; (b) Diagram, created in 2007, depicting the typical plan of a trench system
Source 11.6
(a) An artist’s drawing, created in 2007, showing a cross-section of the key features of a front line trench; (b) Diagram, created in 2007, depicting the typical plan of a trench system
SOURCE QUESTION
Evaluate the extent to which
source 11.6 provides accurate
information on the key
features of a trench and the
plan of a trench system.
SOURCE QUESTION
Evaluate the extent to which
source 11.6 provides accurate
information on the key
features of a trench and the
plan of a trench system.
(a)
(b)
(a)
(b)
Chapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 217
Individual nations manned their trenches differently. British commanders
put most of their men in the front line trenches. In theory, this had the advan-
tage of ensuring that they could be well defended against enemy advances.
The disadvantage was that many men could be injured or killed in the initial
bombardment that preceded an enemy attempt to capture the trench.
French commanders heavily manned some sections of the front line. They
left other sections with small numbers of soldiers and reinforced the barbed
wire in front of them. If the enemy attacked one of these weaker sections, the
barbed wire slowed the advance and gave time to send in troops from the
more heavily defended sections.
In 1916, the German commanders, General Paul von Hindenburg and
Erich Ludendorff, began development of the Hindenburg Line, a trench
system that they believed would be impregnable. Implemented in 1917, it had
between five and seven lines of trenches and kept two-thirds of the troops
behind the front line.
Source 11.7
Australian soldiers in a front line
trench near Armentieres, France,
in May 1916
Source 11.7
Australian soldiers in a front line
trench near Armentieres, France,
in May 1916
Source 11.8
British soldiers clean a Lewis gun
while others stand to in a front
line trench near Messines,
Belgium, in January 1917
Source 11.8
British soldiers clean a Lewis gun
while others stand to in a front
line trench near Messines,
Belgium, in January 1917
SOURCE QUESTION
What features of a front line
trench can you identify in
sources 11.7 and 11.8?
SOURCE QUESTION
What features of a front line
trench can you identify in
sources 11.7 and 11.8?
Hindenburg Line Z� the German trench system, devised by Generals Paul von Hindenburg and Erich Ludendorff and constructed in northern France between 1916 and 1917. The system shortened the front line and enabled the Germans to transfer men to reserve trenches. It incorporated concrete pillboxes armed with machine guns. The goal was to maximise the effectiveness of men and munitions at a time when both were in short supply.
Hindenburg Line Z� the German trench system, devised by Generals Paul von Hindenburg and Erich Ludendorff and constructed in northern France between 1916 and 1917. The system shortened the front line and enabled the Germans to transfer men to reserve trenches. It incorporated concrete pillboxes armed with machine guns. The goal was to maximise the effectiveness of men and munitions at a time when both were in short supply.
Retrospective218
Methods of trench warfare
War on the Western Front evolved into a war of attrition rather than break-
through. It took approximately ten times as many men to mount an attack on
an enemy trench as it did to defend it. New weapons of warfare — machine
guns, poison gas, tanks — were either more effective for defence than attack
or, at least initially, not used effectively.
This situation continued until late in the war. Technological improvements
to tanks and improved use of them in 1918 enabled armies to break through
trench lines, engage in offensive tactics and reinstate a war of movement.
For most of the war, commanders continued to rely on:
massive artillery bombardments of enemy positions
use of infantry to defend existing entrenched positions
infantry advances ‘over the top’ (see source 11.9), armed mainly with
rifles, bayonets and grenades, against their entrenched opponents.
These resulted in massive casualties and failed to achieve a significant
breakthrough.
W Soldiers continue towards original objective amid the general chaos and confusion
W Some are wounded or killed as a result of enemy fire
W Attack succeeds in achieving its aim or
W Enemy succeeds in defending its territory or
W Attack is abandoned because of changed conditions
W Soldiers return to trenches
W Roll call to see who is missing
W Wounded taken to obtain medical care
W Soldiers wait until dark to retrieve bodies or additional wounded from no man’s land
W Soldiers attempt to advance towards enemy trenches but it is the enemy who has the advantage
W No man’s land by this time is full of smoke, shell holes and the sound of artillery fire
W Visibility is poor as soldiers try to remain with their group and avoid isolation
W Officer signals men to go ‘over the top’ of the trench and out into ‘no man’s land’
W Soldiers begin to move forward as their enemies race to set up their machine guns
W Some are wounded or killed as a result of enemy fire
10 minutes before the scheduled attack time:
W Officers clarify goals, convey final orders, check equipment and offer encouragement (British troops received a rum ration)
W Soldiers fix bayonets to their rifles
W Barrage of artillery fire to weaken the defences of the enemy’s front line trenches (men, barbed wire, the trenches themselves)
W Soldiers wait until just before sunrise for the order to advance
Z
Z
Z
infantry Z�soldiers that fight on foot, generally with bayonets, machine guns and mortars
bayonets Z�a knife blade which soldiers attached to their rifles and used in close combat with the enemy
infantry Z�soldiers that fight on foot, generally with bayonets, machine guns and mortars
bayonets Z�a knife blade which soldiers attached to their rifles and used in close combat with the enemy
Source 11.9
Flow chart outlining the key
elements of the experience of
going ‘over the top’
Source 11.9
Flow chart outlining the key
elements of the experience of
going ‘over the top’
SOURCE QUESTION
Use the information provided
in source 11.9 to write a
paragraph describing the
experience of going ‘over the
top’ in World War I.
SOURCE QUESTION
Use the information provided
in source 11.9 to write a
paragraph describing the
experience of going ‘over the
top’ in World War I.
Chapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 219
Source 11.10
Table showing the main weapons of trench warfare, their uses and effectiveness
Weapon Use Effectiveness
artillery Both armies used artillery bombardments for both attack and defence. Gunners fired shells from behind their own lines, both before an attack and over the heads of advancing troops.
Artillery bombardments caused 60 per cent of all casualties on the Western Front. Initially some of these were from the perpetrators’ own army. Bombardments preceded a major attack and therefore gave warning of it. They often failed to achieve their goal of destroying barbed wire and enemy trench positions and severely damaged the area of no man’s land over which their own soldiers had to advance. The enemy’s counter barrage made this problem worse. By 1918, artillery fire was more accurate.
bayonets Designers intended the bayonet for use in offensive warfare. While used by both sides for the entire period of the war, opportunities for their use were limited by the defensive nature of the war.
Bayonets were of little use to soldiers facing machine gun fire. In close combat, the bayonet was safer to use than a bullet that might move through the enemy’s body to hit one of the shooter’s fellow soldiers. Soldiers feared bayonet wounds so the bayonet did have psychological impact.
flame throwers (Flammenwerfer)
The Germans initiated the first of 650 uses of its flame throwers in October 1914. The British and French subsequently used similar weapons.
The burning fuel produced by the flame thrower terrified its victims. It was effective as a short-range weapon but the possibility of its cylinder exploding accidentally meant that it could also endanger its user.
grenades All armies had grenadiers formed into bombing groups that would let off grenades along enemy trenches in advance of occupying them. By the end of the war, grenades were being used in combination with infantry attacks. The Germans had large quantities of grenades from the very beginning of the war. The British introduced the famous ‘Mills bomb’ grenade in 1915. A famous use of grenades was during over 12 hours of continual fighting between the Australians and Germans at Pozières in July 1916.
For obvious reasons, grenadiers preferred grenades with timed fuses to percussion grenades which detonated when they hit something. These had to be handled very carefully to prevent premature explosion. Initially unsafe and unreliable, by 1917 the Mills bomb grenade had become a popular and effective means of destroying enemy pillboxes. It was a ‘fragmentation’ bomb, meaning that it exploded into many small, sharp pieces. In 1917, the British ‘No 36M’ reduced the number of non-exploding grenades. Grenade supplies were difficult to carry around and this limited their practicality.
machine guns The Belgians began using these (in the form of the Lewis gun) in 1914 and the Germans followed with the Bergmann gun soon after. From 1915, the British began producing large numbers of Lewis guns, which could be regulated to fire as many as 500–600 rounds/minute, and became very skilled in their use. The British used them as an offensive weapon, whereas the Germans used them for defensive purposes. Both sides established separate machine gun corps in 1915.
Very effective against an infantry attack with firing power of eight bullets per second and able to inflict casualties very quickly. At the same time, the sheer weight of machine guns (30–60 kg), limited their portability. Early machine guns were often dependent on the availability of water to cool them down. Machine guns often jammed. Despite these problems, on average, fire from a single machine gun was as effective as 80 rifles. Machine guns were used most effectively as a defensive weapon with gunners positioned to fire at an attack of enemy infantry.
poison gas, including chlorine gas, mustard gas and diphosgene
The French used tear gas grenades in August 1914 and, after some use of chemicals in shrapnel shells in late 1914, the Germans used chlorine gas in cylinders in 1915 at the second Battle of Ypres. All the Allied armies subsequently adopted gas weaponry, the Germans using 68 000 tonnes by 1918; the French using 36 000 tonnes; and the British 25 000 tonnes.
Men soon learnt to fear blindness or the slow and painful death that this weapon could ultimately cause. While they failed to have a significant impact on battle outcomes, gas attacks did impinge on troop morale. They also initially had the problem that if the wind changed the gas might blow back to injure those who had fired it (see the warning devices in source 11.8). The development of gas shells to be used with artillery helped to overcome this problem. Gas attacks became less effective with the development of improved protective devices.
(continued)(continued)
Retrospective220
Weapon Use Effectiveness
rifles The main weapon used by infantrymen of all armies throughout the war. It was also the main weapon used by snipers. The British preferred the Lee Enfield rifle; the French, the Lebel rifle, with its slow and dangerous loading mechanism; and the Germans, the Mauser.
One of the most important weapons of the war, rifles were much easier to transport than most weapons. Effectiveness depended on the skills of the user. British rifle fire at Mons in 1915 was so fast (15 rounds per minute) that the Germans thought they were using machine guns. Armies could not maintain this level of skill and accuracy as they became reliant on non-professional soldiers. While rifle fire was suited to targets at up to 1400 metres away, the gunner’s accuracy declined at distances greater than 600 metres. The Lee Enfield Rifle was the most effective rifle. Soldiers valued its sturdy design and its rapid fire. The Mauser was more suited to use by snipers than to situations requiring rapid fire.
tanks First used by the British at the Somme in 1916 and subsequently by the French from April 1917. It wasn’t until the whole British Tank Corps took them into operation at the Battle of Cambrai, in November 1917, that their value really became obvious. The Germans began using them effectively from April 1918.
Initially of limited value as they were very slow, liable to break down, had poor maneouvrability (they could only move in a forwards direction) and were extremely uncomfortable for their occupants. By early 1917, tanks were being used more effectively in crashing through enemy lines, although infantry support lagged far behind. By 1918, German field guns were able to fire at them. Australian General Sir John Monash made very effective use of tanks in early July 1918 in coordination with artillery and aircraft to destroy enemy positions ahead of an infantry advance at Le Hamel. As a result, it took his forces only 93 minutes to attain their objective.
trench mortars This was a tubular weapon from which soldiers could fire a projectile at angles above 45 degrees. The projectile then fell straight to the ground (if effective, into the enemy trench). The Germans used the minewerfer and the British used the Stokes 3-inch mortar.
While effective when fired from one trench to another against enemy machine gun or sniper positions in a time of static warfare, the trench mortar was of little use after the resumption of a war of movement in 1918.
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. From the information provided in source 11.10, which weapons were
most/least effective in fighting on the Western Front?
2. Research some other weapons that could have been included in this table.
How would you rank them in comparison with those that have been included?
Life in the trenches: experiences of Allied and German soldiers
The stalemate resulted in soldiers spending years living in trenches. This
meant years living largely outdoors — although in a confined space — in
all weather conditions. It meant years of poor health, inadequate sanitary
conditions, poor washing facilities and often unreliable access to food and
drinking water. Experiences of trench life differed according to nationality,
rank, role and the nature of the fighting at any given time. What follows here
refers mainly to general experiences of trench life.
Source 11.10Source 11.10
Chapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 221
The routine of trench lifeTrench life combined feelings of boredom, comradeship, extreme discomfort,
endurance and fear. It also incorporated experiences of waiting for action,
hard and often dangerous physical labour, hunger, thirst, disease, poor sani-
tary conditions, mental breakdown and incidences of extraordinary self-
sacrifice and heroism.
Evening sets in wet as we march up to the line . . . today is Sunday because Snow
who still keeps a diary told us.
We’re a strange-looking crowd. Each man wears a wet greatcoat over which
is buckled his equipment. Most of us have the breech and the muzzle of our rifle
swathed in strips of bagging or blanket to guard against the mud and rain. We
don’t wear puttees as the weight of the mud pulls them down around our boots,
but strips of sandbag instead. Some of the men wear rubber knee-boots, but they
are not of much use in the forward trenches as they either get pulled off in the
mud or fill with mud and water.
Onto our equipment hangs a water bottle, bayonet, entrenching tool and handle,
whilst on our chests we wear our gas respirator bulged out over one hundred and
twenty rounds of ammunition. On our backs, our haversacks contain iron rations and
odds and ends. Six sandbags are rolled and strapped above the haversack, whilst
under it hangs a wet blanket neatly rolled into a heavy ball of dead weight. We are
lucky we aren’t carrying bags of bombs and picks and spades as well. A few miles of
lumping all this stuff along and we realise the truth of Darky’s saying, ‘A man wants to
be strong in the back and weak in the head to make a good infantryman.’
On through the mud. Away in front, enemy flares sweep up, burst, scribe a circular
luminous sweep and drop to earth . . . The flares are on three sides of us. We always
seem to be approaching the centre of a horseshoe of fireworks. As we near the line,
the flares mount higher above the horizon which is marked by the belching sheet
flames of firing guns or the quick stabbing flame flowers from bursting shells . . .
Source: E. P. F. Lynch, Somme Mud: the War Experiences of an Australian Infantryman in France 1916–1919, Will Davies (ed.), Random House Australia, Sydney, 2006, p. 27.
Source 11.11
A photograph of French troops
manning a listening post in
a snow-covered trench on
the Western Front, in the
winter of 1917
Source 11.11
A photograph of French troops
manning a listening post in
a snow-covered trench on
the Western Front, in the
winter of 1917
SOURCE QUESTION
Describe the conditions
in the trench shown in
this photograph.
SOURCE QUESTION
Describe the conditions
in the trench shown in
this photograph.
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. What is the main content of
source 11.12 and what do
you think was the author’s
purpose in recording it?
2. What does source 11.12
indicate about the attitudes
of these infantrymen?
3. Explain whether this is a
primary or a secondary
source on trench life.
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. What is the main content of
source 11.12 and what do
you think was the author’s
purpose in recording it?
2. What does source 11.12
indicate about the attitudes
of these infantrymen?
3. Explain whether this is a
primary or a secondary
source on trench life.
Source 11.12
An extract from E. P. F. Lynch’s
Somme Mud describing his advance
to the front line. Lynch handwrote
the memoirs of his war experiences
in 1921. He typed them in the early
1930s in the hope of having them
published. Finally, one of his
grandson’s friends edited and
published the material in 2006.
Consider impact on reliability
author
Source 11.12
An extract from E. P. F. Lynch’s
Somme Mud describing his advance
to the front line. Lynch handwrote
the memoirs of his war experiences
in 1921. He typed them in the early
1930s in the hope of having them
published. Finally, one of his
grandson’s friends edited and
published the material in 2006.
Consider impact on reliability
author
Retrospective222
Soldiers spent differing amounts of time in each of the different sections
of the trench system. A common pattern across the entire period of the war
was 15 per cent of time in the front line trench, 20 per cent of time in the
support trench, 30 per cent of time in the reserve trench and 20 per cent of
time in a rest area. Activities such as training, travel, leave and hospitalisation
accounted for the remaining 15 per cent of time. All this changed in response
to particular events and circumstances, for example, whether or not the trench
system was fully established; whether a major attack was underway.
Boredom was a common complaint and waiting or preparing for action
was a common experience. Soldiers took turns at the various tasks needed
to maintain trench security — repairing barbed wire or duckboards, rein-
forcing sandbags, being on guard duty, carrying out reconnaissance of enemy
positions and activity, obtaining new supplies — and also tasks such as the
retrieval of bodies or of the wounded from no man’s land. Soldiers with
specialist skills acted as snipers or in constructing new trenches. Sometimes
the tedious nature of trench routine resulted in distracted soldiers being
wounded, perhaps fatally, by enemy sniper fire.
DangersLife in the trenches was always potentially dangerous. At dawn and dusk
each day, the times when poor visibility gave the enemy an advantage, British
soldiers followed the order to ‘stand to’. That meant they had to spend up to
an hour, armed, equipped and on the alert for an enemy attack.
From January to June 1916, before it even began the massive Somme offen-
sive (see pages 233–8), the British army sustained over 100 000 casualties. The
noise of shellfire was deafening and sniperfire an ongoing threat. Soldiers
sometimes tried to cop a blighty so that they could (at least temporarily)
escape the dangers and stress of front line action.
Soldiers suffered shell shock from the very early months of the war. It
represented the huge psychological impact of constant exposure to shellfire
and the fears associated with it. While doctors began to search for effective
treatments, military commanders often viewed shell shock as an attempt by
the cowardly to avoid or escape from military service. Shell-shocked soldiers
who wouldn’t or couldn’t obey orders sometimes deserted and even suicided.
Many received unsympathetic punishments including increased front line
duty, court martial and even execution.
I knew a simple soldier boy
Who grinned at life in empty joy,
Slept soundly through the lonesome dark,
And whistled early with the lark.
In winter trenches, cowed and glum,
With crumps and lice and lack of rum,
He put a bullet through his brain.
No one spoke of him again.
You smug-faced crowds with kindling eye
Who cheer when soldier lads march by,
Sneak home and pray you’ll never know
The hell where youth and laughter go.
snipers Z�marksmen who waited in hiding for opportunities to shoot soldiers in the opposing trenches
snipers Z�marksmen who waited in hiding for opportunities to shoot soldiers in the opposing trenches
cop a blighty Z�obtain a wound which was serious enough to require the victim to be sent back to England
shell shock Z�a psychological disorder with physical symptoms ranging from irritability and poor concentration to inability to move in a coordinated manner
cop a blighty Z�obtain a wound which was serious enough to require the victim to be sent back to England
shell shock Z�a psychological disorder with physical symptoms ranging from irritability and poor concentration to inability to move in a coordinated manner
Source 11.13
The poem Suicide in the Trenches by British war poet Siegfried Sassoon. Sassoon (1886–1967) served as an officer and was a patient at Edinburgh’s Craiglockhart Hospital, famed for its treatment of shell shock victims.
perspective
content/message
Source 11.13
The poem Suicide in the Trenches by British war poet Siegfried Sassoon. Sassoon (1886–1967) served as an officer and was a patient at Edinburgh’s Craiglockhart Hospital, famed for its treatment of shell shock victims.
perspective
content/message
Chapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 223
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. What experiences do you think might have motivated Sassoon to write this poem?
2. What is the poem’s message and what was Sassoon’s purpose in writing it?
3. List the emotive language Sassoon uses.
4. Evaluate the source’s reliability for someone investigating the impact of trench
warfare on soldiers’ attitudes.
5. How could a historian use this poem?
Gas warfare was another source of danger and fear. After some early French
and German uses of gas warfare in 1914, the German army began firing cylin-
ders of chlorine gas in 1915. Of greater concern were phosgene, which caused
death within 48 hours, and mustard gas. Victims of mustard gas didn’t feel
any effects until hours later when they developed blisters and began feeling
the excruciating pain caused by damage to the lungs and eyes.
Over time, more sophisticated gas masks came into use. Despite this, by
the end of the war, 91 000 soldiers had died as a result of gas warfare and
1.2 million had suffered its effects.
It was Thursday evening, April 22nd, 1915 . . . We had just fought our first big
action in the fight for Hill 60.
We had had a gruelling time, and had left many of our comrades on its slopes.
We survivors were utterly spent and weary; but we felt in good heart, for only an
hour ago we had been personally congratulated by Sir John French . . .
As we gazed in the direction of the bombardment, where our line joined the
French, six miles away, we could see in the failing light the flash of shrapnel with
here and there the light of a rocket. But more curious than anything was a low
cloud of yellow-grey smoke or vapour, and, underlying everything, a dull confused
murmuring.
Suddenly down the road from the Yser Canal came a galloping team of horses,
the riders goading on their mounts in a frenzied way; then another and another,
till the road became a seething mass with a pall of dust over all.
Plainly something terrible was happening. What was it? . . . in the northerly
breeze there came a pungent nauseating smell that tickled the throat and made
our eyes smart . . .
One man came stumbling through our lines. An officer of ours held him up with
levelled revolver, ‘What’s the matter, you bloody lot of cowards?’ says he. The
Zouave was frothing at the mouth, his eyes started from their sockets, and he fell
writhing at the officer’s feet. ‘Fall in!’ . . . The battalion is formed into line, and we
dig ourselves in.
It is quite dark now, and water is being brought round, and we hear how the
Germans have, by the use of poison gas, driven a French army corps out of the
line, creating a huge gap which the Canadians have closed pro tem . . .
About midnight we withdrew from our temporary trenches and marched about
for the rest of the night, till at dawn, we were permitted to snatch what sleep we
could under a hedge . . .
We were now in the area of the ill-fated French Colonial Corps. Ambulances
were everywhere, and the village of Brielen, through which we passed, was
choked with wounded and gassed men. We were very mystified about this gas,
and had no protection whatever against it . . .
First published in C. B. Purdom (ed.) Everyman at War (1930).
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. What is the perspective of
the author of source 11.14?
2. What information does
he provide about the first
gas attack and in what
ways is it useful?
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. What is the perspective of
the author of source 11.14?
2. What information does
he provide about the first
gas attack and in what
ways is it useful?
Source 11.14
Extract from the memoirs of
Anthony R. Hossack, describing
the first gas attack . Hossack
served on the Western Front
from 1914 until July 1917 and
then again in early 1918.
content
perspective
nature
content
Source 11.14
Extract from the memoirs of
Anthony R. Hossack, describing
the first gas attack . Hossack
served on the Western Front
from 1914 until July 1917 and
then again in early 1918.
content
perspective
nature
content
Retrospective224
Gas! GAS! Quick, boys! — An ecstasy of fumbling
Fitting the clumsy helmets just in time,
But someone still was yelling out and stumbling
And flound’ring like a man in fire or lime.
Dim through the misty panes and thick green light
As under a green sea, I saw him drowning.
In all my dreams, before my helpless sight,
He plunges at me, guttering, choking, drowning.
If in some smothering dreams you too could pace
Behind the wagon that we flung him in,
And watch the white eyes writhing in his face,
His hanging face, like a devil’s sick of sin,
If you could hear, at every jolt, the blood
Come gargling from the froth-corrupted lungs
Obscene as cancer, bitter as the cud
Of vile, incurable sores on innocent tongues,
My friend, you would not tell with such high zest
To children ardent for some desperate glory,
The old Lie: Dulce et Decorum est
Pro patria mori.
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. What are the similarities and differences between sources 11.14 and 11.16?
2. Which words convey the feelings of the writer?
3. Evaluate the usefulness and reliability of these sources for a historian studying
gas warfare on the Western Front.
4. The Latin phrase in the poem means ‘It is sweet and right to die for your
country’. Why does the poet call this ‘the old Lie’?
Source 11.15
A 1918 photograph of a line of British soldiers waiting for treatment after being blinded by mustard gas in a German attack at Bethune, France
Source 11.15
A 1918 photograph of a line of British soldiers waiting for treatment after being blinded by mustard gas in a German attack at Bethune, France
SOURCE QUESTION
What can you infer from
source 11.15 about the
military advantages of the
use of mustard gas?
SOURCE QUESTION
What can you infer from
source 11.15 about the
military advantages of the
use of mustard gas?
perspective
content
purpose is to convey
this message
Source 11.16
An extract from Dulce et
Decorum est by the British war poet Wilfred Owen (1893–1918). The poem describes the experiences of soldiers walking towards a rest area. Owen wrote the poem between late 1917 and early 1918. He died on the Western Front seven days before the war ended.
perspective
content
purpose is to convey
this message
Source 11.16
An extract from Dulce et
Decorum est by the British war poet Wilfred Owen (1893–1918). The poem describes the experiences of soldiers walking towards a rest area. Owen wrote the poem between late 1917 and early 1918. He died on the Western Front seven days before the war ended.
Chapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 225
Trench rationsSoldiers often joked about the quality of the food they received. By 1916, the
impact of blockades meant that both Allied and German commanders strug-
gled to provide soldiers with good diets in terms of both meat and calorie
intake. British soldiers survived on daily rations of corned beef (bully beef),
days-old bread and stale biscuits. By 1917, cooks were making bread from
ground turnips and pea soup had become the staple food item. Hot food trans-
ported from the field kitchens arrived cold or at best lukewarm. Soldiers also
complained that the officers seemed to be dining very well by comparison.
I was Captain Morrison’s servant . He was a multi-millionaire and he used to pay
for a lot of the stuff that came to the Officers’ Mess. Before we went to France
in 1915 I had to go to Fortnum and Mason’s and arrange for what you might call
tuck boxes to be sent out to the Battalion regularly. Then I had to go to Berry’s,
the wine merchants, and place an order with them — a bottle of 1900 port to be
sent to us every three days and cases of whisky and brandy. They used to arrive
marked with a red cross. Medical comforts! . . .
It used to arrive in batches . . . boxes of tinned stuff, mostly, like galantine
of chicken, soups, puddings, tins of fruit, tins of grouse and pheasant, ham
— everything you could think of for the Officers’ Mess. We used to have that much
stuff that we couldn’t cart it about with us, so we had to make dumps here and
there. Often we didn’t go back to the same place, so there must have been some
farmhouses who did very well out of us! . . .
Quoted in Lyn Macdonald, Somme, Penguin Books, UK, 1993 p. 274.
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. What does source 11.17 indicate about the author’s perspective?
2. What do you think was his purpose in writing this account?
Source 11.18
A photograph showing a mobile field kitchen preparing food for German troops on the
Western Front in 1918
Source 11.17
A comment from
William Jackman,
who was a private in
the Grenadier Guards
perspective
attitude
content
Source 11.17
A comment from
William Jackman,
who was a private in
the Grenadier Guards
perspective
attitude
content
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. In what way does source
11.17 support soldiers’
complaints about officers’
rations? How is it not useful
in this regard?
2. What information does
source 11.18 provide
about food facilities on the
Western Front?
3. Find two or three sources
providing comparisons
between soldiers’ and
officers’ food on the Western
Front. Giving consideration
to the usefulness and
reliability of these sources,
what are your conclusions?
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. In what way does source
11.17 support soldiers’
complaints about officers’
rations? How is it not useful
in this regard?
2. What information does
source 11.18 provide
about food facilities on the
Western Front?
3. Find two or three sources
providing comparisons
between soldiers’ and
officers’ food on the Western
Front. Giving consideration
to the usefulness and
reliability of these sources,
what are your conclusions?
Retrospective226
Health and sanitation issuesRats, feeding off decomposing bodies, became as big as cats. With one pair of
rats able to produce 800 additional rats a year, they were a constant problem
and their attacks on bodies horrified those who saw the results.
In the first winter of the war, the British army had to deal with 20 000
cases of trench foot. The problem arose from the long periods of time
men spent with their feet, sock and boots all underwater and in unsanitary
conditions. Unless they dried their feet and changed their socks frequently,
soldiers might not realise they had a problem until it was too late to treat it.
Their feet would go numb, the skin turn blue and, once gangrene had set
in, amputation would become necessary. Supplying soldiers with multiple
pairs of socks and a protective cream made of whale oil — and making them
use them — became essential to maintaining their health.
Source 11.19
A photograph showing the damage caused by trench foot if not treated
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. What do you think were the photographer’s motive and purpose in creating
source 11.19?
2. Who would have been its likely audience at the time it was created? Give
reasons for your answer.
Soldiers suffered continual infestations of body lice and often spent their
spare time discussing and implementing de-lousing strategies for getting rid
of ‘chats’. The army regularly put uniforms in delousing machines while men
went (two or three times a month) to communal washing facilities. The men,
who had already waged a battle to remove the lice from the seams of their
clothing, didn’t get their own uniform back.
Female lice produced about twelve eggs a day. Lice eggs were hard to
destroy and hatched within a month. Soldiers were constantly scratching to
relieve the terrible itching that resulted. Lice also caused the intense pain and
high temperatures associated with trench fever.
trench foot Z�a problem caused by long-term exposure to conditions where feet could not be kept dry. Untreated, it would result in amputation.
trench foot Z�a problem caused by long-term exposure to conditions where feet could not be kept dry. Untreated, it would result in amputation.
trench fever Z�a disease, caused by lice, affecting up to 15 per cent of any army. It kept men out of battle but wasn’t fatal.
trench fever Z�a disease, caused by lice, affecting up to 15 per cent of any army. It kept men out of battle but wasn’t fatal.
Chapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 227
Source 11.20
An extract from the German novel All Quiet on the Western Front by Erich Maria Remarque (1899–1970), first published in Berlin in 1929. Remarque’s novel was based on his experiences on the Western Front from mid 1917 until early 1918.
It’s a nuisance trying to kill every single louse when you’ve got hundreds of them.
The beasts are hard, and it gets to be a bore when you are forever pinching them
between your nails. So Tjaden has rigged up a boot-polish lid hanging on a piece of
wire over a burning candle-end. You just have to toss the lice into this little frying
pan — there is a sharp crack, and that’s it.
We’re sitting around, shirts on our knees, stripped to the waist in the warm air,
our fingers working on the lice . . .
Erich Maria Remarque, All Quiet on the Western Front, translated from the German by Brian Murdoch, Vintage, London, 1996, p. 54.
SOURCE QUESTION
What is the tone of source 11.20? In what ways might this source be useful to
historians?
Dysentery was another experience common to trench life. It resulted from
the poor sanitation of the latrines (communal toilet pits). The demands of
fighting often didn’t leave time for new ones to be dug and soldiers made do
by using shell holes instead. When water supplies were inadequate, soldiers
drank the often contaminated water from shell holes. The danger of dysen-
tery was that soldiers could die as a result of becoming dehydrated.
Tactics and strategies to break the stalemateWar on the Western Front was largely a war of attrition. The static nature of
trench warfare made it difficult for any nation to achieve victory. The Allies
and the Germans used a variety of tactics — including artillery barrages
followed by infantry assaults, ‘bite and hold’, ‘leapfrogging’ and infiltration
— in their attempts to break the stalemate. They also used new technology
such as machine guns, gas and tanks.
In 1916, British, French and German soldiers engaged in two of the worst
battles of the war — the Battle of Verdun and the Battle of the Somme. The
high costs of both battles increased the enmity between the opposing sides,
led soldiers to question their own leaders and remained etched in their
nations’ memories for generations to come.
The Battle of Passchendaele, in the second half of 1917, also resulted in
high numbers of casualties and was the battle that became the symbol of the
futility of the tactics used to break the stalemate.
Verdun 1916: the attempt to ‘bleed the French white’The Battle of Verdun lasted from 21 February to 18 December 1916. It was the
longest battle of the war and was engineered in response to the goal of the
German commander, General Erich Falkenhayn, to ‘bleed the French white’.
He believed that he would be able to use this attrition tactic so successfully
that the battle would break the stalemate and allow Germany to win the war
or at least be able to begin peace negotiations.
dysentery Z�an illness related to the inflammation of the lining of the large intestine. Symptoms include stomach pains and diarrhoea and perhaps also vomiting.
dysentery Z�an illness related to the inflammation of the lining of the large intestine. Symptoms include stomach pains and diarrhoea and perhaps also vomiting.
tactics Z�actions taken to deal with specific problems and achieve the goal of a particular military strategy
tactics Z�actions taken to deal with specific problems and achieve the goal of a particular military strategy
The ongoing impact of these battles was evident on their ninetieth anniversaries in 2006 and 2007. Nations and individuals commemorated the battles with official ceremonies, the production of documentaries, the publication of new books on their nature and significance and special exhibitions in war museums.
The ongoing impact of these battles was evident on their ninetieth anniversaries in 2006 and 2007. Nations and individuals commemorated the battles with official ceremonies, the production of documentaries, the publication of new books on their nature and significance and special exhibitions in war museums.
Retrospective228
Goals and tactics
The fortified French garrison at Verdun, 200 kilometres north-east of Paris,
was a source of French national pride even though French commanders
had decided early in the war that it provided little of military value for
them. To the French people themselves, Verdun was a fortress site that had
existed since Roman times and the last town that Prussia defeated in the
Franco-Prussian war. Given this, and the improvements made to Verdun’s
fortifications in the 1880s (see source 11.22), it would have been a huge blow
to French morale to have Verdun fall into German hands.
Verdun
Douaumont
VauxSouville
River
Meu
se
0 5 10 km
Verdun salient
Fort
N
SOURCE QUESTION
In what ways do sources 11.21 and 11.22 indicate Verdun’s significance for France?
Falkenhayn was determined to exploit Verdun’s huge symbolic value for
the French and force them to fight a lengthy battle there which, through a
campaign of attrition, would destroy France’s ability to continue fighting.
Verdun’s location, on a French salient into German lines, gave the Germans
the advantage of being able to approach Verdun from three sides.
Source 11.21
Photograph showing the
medieval city gate at Verdun
Source 11.21
Photograph showing the
medieval city gate at Verdun
Source 11.22
A diagram showing the
fortifications around Verdun
by 1916
Source 11.22
A diagram showing the
fortifications around Verdun
by 1916
Some historians believe
that Falkenhayn only came
up with this rationale in
his post-war memoirs, in
order to justify his actions
there. Others, notably
Robert T. Foley, argue that
Falkenhayn consciously
pursued this strategy in the
knowledge that Germany
could not withstand a
protracted war.
Some historians believe
that Falkenhayn only came
up with this rationale in
his post-war memoirs, in
order to justify his actions
there. Others, notably
Robert T. Foley, argue that
Falkenhayn consciously
pursued this strategy in the
knowledge that Germany
could not withstand a
protracted war.
Chapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 229
The nature of fighting
The French, acting on intelligence reports that an attack on Verdun was
imminent, called in two additional divisions and began reinforcement of the
trench system. In February 1916, the Verdun garrison contained only 30 000
soldiers. When Crown Prince Wilhelm, commander of the Fifth Army and
son of Kaiser Wilhelm II, directed the German attack there on 21 February,
he had as many as one million troops at his disposal.
The attack began on 21 February 1916 with a massive German artillery
bombardment. Then came flame throwers and attacks from three army corps.
By the end of the third day of fighting, the French had retreated to within
eight kilometres of Verdun itself, although they still controlled the forts at
Douaumont and Vaux.
Source 11.23
A photograph of French troops in the line of heavy shellfire during the Battle of Verdun, February 1916
SOURCE QUESTION
How might a historian use source 11.23?
In response to General Joffre’s orders, General Henri-Philippe Pétain (1856–
1951) assumed command of Verdun on 24 February. He reversed the policy
of withdrawal and ordered reinforcements to come from all over the Western
Front. Ultimately, 78 per cent of French infantry regiments served at Verdun,
which became known as the ‘mincing machine’ of the French army.
Pétain organised work teams to keep open and maintain La Voie Sacrée (the
‘Sacred Way’), the only link between Verdun and its supply depot at Bar-le-
Duc. Trucks carrying men, munitions and supplies became crucial to France’s
ability to hold Verdun.
By the end of February 1916, French troops had halted the German advance
— although they had lost Fort Douaumont on 25 February. German troops
were advancing faster than the artillery that they needed to protect them and
consequently suffered high casualties for any gains they made.
Visit the website for this book and click on the Verdun weblinks for this chapter (see ‘Weblinks’ page viii) for additional information on the Battle of Verdun.
Visit the website for this book and click on the Verdun weblinks for this chapter (see ‘Weblinks’ page viii) for additional information on the Battle of Verdun.
Retrospective230
Source 11.24
A 1916 cartoon by Dutch cartoonist Louis Raemaekers commenting on the German
campaign at Verdun
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. Who are the people shown in source 11.24?
2. What is the cartoonist’s message in source 11.24?
3. What techniques does he use to convey this message?
Despite major German offensives in April and May, the French continued
to hold out against them. Pétain gained a promotion and on, 1 May, General
Robert Nivelle (1856–1924) took his place. The Verdun motto Ils ne passeront
pas (‘They shall not pass’) became an inspirational catchcry in propaganda
campaigns designed to boost French morale.
Chapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 231
Source 11.25
A 1916 French postcard praising the efforts of the French troops in standing fi rm at Verdun
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. Who was the audience for this postcard?
2. What motivated the production of this postcard and what was its purpose?
3. What attitudes does it express and who would have supported these views?
In May 1916, the Germans introduced diphosgene gas, a new weapon of
chemical warfare. After a three-month siege, they gained control of Fort Vaux
on 7 June and, over the next month, continued on to try and break through
French lines.
The Verdun campaign was becoming as much of a drain on German
resources as on French resources. The French, despite their successes, were
near breaking point and greatly in need of the hoped-for diversion of German
troops to the Somme (see pages 233–8).
From July 1916 onwards, Germany faced more diffi culties at Verdun. These
resulted from the need to send 15 German divisions to counter a Russian
offensive on the Eastern Front and additional troops to counter the British-
led offensive on the Somme. In August, General Paul von Hindenburg (1847–
1934) and his co-commander, General Erich Ludendorff (1865–1937) replaced
General Falkenhayn.
French General Nivelle favoured offensive tactics and this suited General
Charles Mangin (1866–1925), the commander of France’s Third Army at
Verdun. From October onwards, with new guns at their disposal, the French
moved on to the counter offensive. Mangin recaptured Fort Douaumont and
Fort Vaux and, by mid December 1916, had recaptured most of the land the
Germans had captured in the previous 10 months.
diphosgene gas Z�used in artillery shells, its vapours could penetrate gas masks
diphosgene gas Z�used in artillery shells, its vapours could penetrate gas masks
Retrospective232
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. Who would be the likely and unlikely audiences for source 11.26 in 1916?
2. What significance would source 11.26 have for the French at Verdun in 1916?
Significance
The battle ended on 18 December 1916 with neither side having made any mil-
itary gains and both having sustained a very high cost in casualties. French
casualties totalled 378 000 (of whom nearly 32 per cent died) and German
casualties 337 000 (of whom over 29 per cent died).
Source 11.27
French historian Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau comments on his view of the significance of the Battle of Verdun
Verdun . . . is a place of identity of France, of France-ness . . . There was no
battle before, and no battle after, which was so important in the French
memory . . .
The French troops were unprepared in Verdun . . . [The Germans had] a huge
advantage in artillery, especialy in heavy guns . . .
French soldiers or German soldiers the same — felt completely lost,
completely abandoned . . . There are no trenches anymore because of the
heavy bombardments . . . and soldiers are alone or in small groups everywhere
with no officers . . . no stretcher-bearers. No food. No letters.
In [French soldiers’] eyes, the battle was a defense of their women, their
wives, the children . . .
Quoted in interview for the 1996 TV series The Great War and the Shaping of the 20th Century,
www.pbs.org/greatwar.
Source 11.26
A photograph from 1916 showing German prisoners captured by the French at Verdun
Source 11.26
A photograph from 1916 showing German prisoners captured by the French at Verdun
purpose — to convey
the significance of the
Battle of Verdun for France
content
purpose
purpose — to convey
the significance of the
Battle of Verdun for France
content
purpose
Chapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 233
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. What does Audoin-Rouzeau identify as the problems facing the French at Verdun?
2. What, in his view, gave the battle meaning for French soldiers at the time?
3. In what way does this support the general view of the reasons for the Germans initiating the battle?
4. Film source. Watch Stanley Kubrick’s 1957 film Paths of Glory inspired by events related to the struggle for control of Fort Douaumont. Discuss as a class your answers to the following questions.
(a) Outline the main story of this film. Why do you think it was banned in France for nearly twenty years?
(b) What does it reveal of Stanley Kubrick’s attitudes and of his purpose and motivation in making the film?
(c) Identify aspects of the film that you think do/do not accurately depict the experiences of soldiers in World War I.
(d) Evaluate its usefulness and reliability for a historian studying the Battle of Verdun.
The Somme 1916: the issue of leadershipThe Battle of the Somme, fought between July and November 1916, was
the British-led attempt to break through German defences, partly as attri-
tion, partly in the quest of a decisive victory. The offensive spread along a
40-kilometre front from both sides of the River Somme north of Paris. People
remember it for the huge numbers of dead and wounded that resulted from
it and also for controversy surrounding the role of the general who planned it
— General Sir Douglas Haig (1861–1928), Commander-in-Chief of the British
Expeditionary Force.
Goals and tactics
The French Commander-in-Chief, General Joseph Joffre (1852–1931), nick-
named ‘Papa’ Joffre, had initially planned an attack in the Somme area as a
French offensive with British support. It was to be part of the strategy that the
Allies agreed to at a conference at Chantilly in December 1915 — the strategy
of engaging the Central Powers in virtually simultaneous battles on all fronts
in mid 1916.
The demands on the French at Verdun changed this. General Haig and his
deputy, General Henry Rawlinson (1864–1925), took over the planning and
manning of the battle, with French troops in a comparatively minor role. In
addition to British forces, the Allied forces at the Somme included French
troops and troops from Australia, Canada, Newfoundland, New Zealand and
South Africa. One of the main aims of the campaign became creating a reason
to force the Germans to withdraw troops from Verdun. Its tactics were a
mixture of frontal assaults aimed at achieving a breakthrough and attrition.
The nature and consequences of fighting
German aerial reconnaissance noted the beginnings of Allied preparations
on 7 April 1916. These were not taken seriously, due to the Germans’ poor
opinion of British fighting ability. In the weeks that followed, further fore-
warnings, in the form of overheard telephone messages and the movements
of British reconnaissance aircraft, led the Germans to take defensive action.
Newfoundland became part
of Canada in 1949.
Newfoundland became part
of Canada in 1949.
Retrospective234
By 2 June, German reconnaissance advised the need for additional troops
at the Somme to reinforce the troops already there. Falkenhayn sent four
divisions and some heavy artillery to reinforce the German position. This
gave them up to 16 divisions divided between front line and reserve line
trenches. The German troops were well positioned. They had located their
trenches on high ground and built their concrete-lined dug-outs up to nine
metres below ground level.
On 24 June 1916, prior to sending troops over the top, Allied troops began
what was to be a five-day massive artillery bombardment of German barbed
wire and dugouts. Due to bad weather, the bombardment went on across a
seven-day period. When the attack began, troops would also explode 10 mines
that they had installed under the German trenches.
The infantry had in front of them a triple line of German defences which went back from the front line for six or eight kilometres — three lines of defence, each defended by a chain of concrete pill-boxes, which were machine-gun posts, surrounded by acres of barbed-wire entanglements. The whole thing depended on our artillery being able first of all to locate and then smash up the concrete machine-gun posts and then with the field guns to sweep away the wire entanglements. This was the primary essential. Well, bombardments started with 1,500 British guns — 450 of them were heavies — but, unfortunately, the weather broke. For five days of the six of the bombardment there was low cloud and drizzle. Air observation was impossible and artillery observation was very hampered. The fact was that neither did they pinpoint the machine-gun posts opposite them, they also failed to cut the wire and the failure of the cutting of the wire was most disastrous.
Our procedure at that time was to use a shrapnel shell which burst about twenty feet above the ground and the hail of bullets going forward when the shell burst in the air swept away the wire entanglements. But it all depended on the accurate setting of the time fuze which ignited the shrapnel shells and our munition factories were only just getting into full swing. There were a lot of manufacturing faults in the fuzes. They didn’t all burn the right length and, I’m afraid, a lot of the half-trained gunners of the New Army Divisions didn’t set the fuzes exactly accurate. The fact was that many of the shells burst too high and the bullets dropped into the ground,
and the fuze didn’t work and it buried itself into the ground so the wire was left.
Quoted in Lyn Macdonald, Somme, Penguin, London, 1993, (First published by Michael Joseph Ltd, 1983) pp. 48–9.
Source 11.28
A photograph (c. August 1916) showing 8-inch howitzers being fired as part of a British artillery bombardment of German trenches on the Somme
Source 11.28
A photograph (c. August 1916) showing 8-inch howitzers being fired as part of a British artillery bombardment of German trenches on the Somme
SOURCE QUESTION
Of what feature of the Somme
campaign does source 11.28
provide evidence?
SOURCE QUESTION
Of what feature of the Somme
campaign does source 11.28
provide evidence?
Source 11.29
Major J. Marshall-Cornwall’s account of the implementation of British tactics at the Somme
Source 11.29
Major J. Marshall-Cornwall’s account of the implementation of British tactics at the Somme
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. What is the main subject
matter of source 11.29?
2. Who wrote the source and
from what perspective was
he writing?
3. What did he consider to be
the ‘primary essential’?
4. What problems does he
identify and what did he
conclude were the results
of these?
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. What is the main subject
matter of source 11.29?
2. Who wrote the source and
from what perspective was
he writing?
3. What did he consider to be
the ‘primary essential’?
4. What problems does he
identify and what did he
conclude were the results
of these?
Chapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 235
At 7.30 am on 1 July 1916, 13 British infantry divisions and 11 divisions of
French infantry went over the top on the first day of the Battle of the Somme.
Many soldiers carried packs weighing between 32 and 40 kilograms laden
with the trench repair equipment. This would enable them to successfully
defend the German trenches they captured and hold off German attempts to
regain lost territory.
General Haig ordered the soldiers to advance at walking pace in wave
formations along a 40-kilometre front towards the supposedly destroyed
German trenches. Commanders were free to develop their own individual
responses within this general framework and could order cavalry regiments
to move in as required to take up gaps in the German lines.
A British mine exploded 10 minutes early and alerted the Germans that
the attack was due to start. Geoffrey Malins, an official film cameraman
making the film The Battle of the Somme, later recorded his recollections of
this (source 11.30).
Source 11.30
Official film cameraman Geoffrey Malins’ description of the detonation of the mine at
Hawthorn Redoubt at 7.28 a.m. on 1 July 1916
The ground where I stood gave a mighty convulsion. It rocked and swayed. I
gripped hold of my tripod to steady myself. Then for all the world like a gigantic
sponge, the earth rose high in the air to the height of hundreds of feet. Higher and
higher it rose, and with a horrible grinding roar the earth settles back upon itself,
leaving in its place a mountain of smoke.
I swung my camera round onto our own parapets. Then another signal rang out,
and from the trenches in front of me, our wonderful troops went over the top. What
a picture it was.
G. H. Malins, How I Filmed the War (first published 1920), Imperial War Museum/Battery Press, 1993, pp. 162–3.
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. What was the perspective of the author of source 11.30?
2. How did this differ from the perspective of the author of source 11.29? Support
your answer with evidence from the sources.
Artillery bombardment failed to achieve its goal. While it had launched
1.5 million shells at the German lines, these were dispersed across a
40-kilometre front and the bombardment failed to destroy the barbed wire
protecting the German trenches. With many poor quality shells failing to
explode, the German defences remained unaffected in many places. The
Germans’ heavily fortified dugouts protected their soldiers during the
artillery bombardment. German artillery remained intact and ready to fire
on advancing Allied troops.
When Allied soldiers advanced into the churned-up ground of no man’s
land, they advanced into a non-stop barrage of German fire. They became
easy targets as their attempts to pass through the German barbed wire
only made them become more entangled in it. The Allied troops did not
have the machine gun power needed to respond effectively. Battlefield
communications were poor and it was hours before leaders learned of
the scale of the disaster they had unleashed.
Retrospective236
SOURCE QUESTION
How useful and reliable is source 11.31 for a historian studying British soldiers’
experiences of going ‘over the top’ on 1 July 1916?
The first of July 1916 came to be remembered as the worst day in the history
of the British-led forces. Nearly 20 000 Allied troops died on the first day and
40 000 were wounded. The attack failed to achieve a large-scale breakthrough,
although French divisions had some success.
That was a stupid action, because we had to make a frontal attack on bristling
German guns and there was no shelter at all. We were at the back, but C Company
really got wiped out. We had a lot of casualties but they lost all their officers,
all the NCOs, the lot — all cleaned out! We knew it was pointless, even before
we went over — crossing open ground like that. But, you had to go. You were
between the devil and the deep blue sea. If you go forward, you’ll likely be shot.
If you go back, you’ll be court-martialled and shot. So what the hell do you do? . . .
You just go forward, because the only bloke you can get your knife into is
the bloke you’re facing.
There were dead bodies all over the place . . . [from] previous attacks.
What a bashing we got. There were heaps of men, everywhere — not one or two
men, but heaps of men, all dead. Even before we went over, we knew this was
death. We just couldn’t take High Wood against machine guns. It was ridiculous.
There was no need for it. It was just absolute slaughter . . .
Quoted in Lyn Macdonald, Somme, Penguin, London, 1993, p. 162.
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. What military tactic is Hay describing in source 11.32?
2. Which words and phrases describe his attitude towards it?
3. What information does he provide about the results and which weapon does he
link to them?
4. Explain whether or not the experience Sergeant Hay describes was typical or
atypical of what soldiers encountered at the Somme.
Source 11.31
A still from Geoffrey Malins’ film, Battle of the Somme, showing a group of British soldiers going over the top and through barbed wire at the start of the infantry assault on 1 July 1916. Malins staged recreations of some battle scenes.
Source 11.31
A still from Geoffrey Malins’ film, Battle of the Somme, showing a group of British soldiers going over the top and through barbed wire at the start of the infantry assault on 1 July 1916. Malins staged recreations of some battle scenes.
Source 11.32
An extract from the account of British Sergeant Bill Hay of the Royal Scots 51st Division, commenting on his experiences of the Battle of the Somme in mid July 1916
perspective
motive for source
purpose — to convey
this message
Source 11.32
An extract from the account of British Sergeant Bill Hay of the Royal Scots 51st Division, commenting on his experiences of the Battle of the Somme in mid July 1916
perspective
motive for source
purpose — to convey
this message
Chapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 237
Haig insisted that the campaign continue and sanctioned the use of new
tactics, including, in August 1916, that of creeping barrage. This tactic
aimed to achieve a breakthrough by utilising the dust clouds from artil-
lery bombardment to provide greater protection for infantry advancing in
a frontal assault. Unlike artillery barrages in advance of an attack, it did not
alert the enemy that an attack was imminent. In theory, the infantry could
take an enemy trench before the enemy had time to react to the cessation of
the artillery bombardment.
The weakness in the tactic was that it had to be precisely timed and coordi-
nated and did not allow for flexibility in response to changing circumstances.
Soldiers needed to advance at a pace of 50 metres a minute. Soldiers who
moved too fast might become victims of their own army’s artillery fire. At the
Somme in 1916, the infantry couldn’t keep pace with the artillery and so gave
time for the Germans to resume their positions and be ready for its arrival.
This was an important beginning that showed the potential advantages
in the simultaneous use of attack tactics. The Somme showed that creeping
barrage would be a tactic best suited to use on small targets and one that
would play a part in a strategy to break the stalemate of trench warfare.
The introduction of the tank
In August and September 1916, the battle became largely one of attrition,
although the British introduction of a new weapon of warfare — the tank
— on 15 September did maintain hopes of progress. Tanks could pass over
barbed wire and withstand machine gun fire but, at this early stage in their
development, they were too slow and unreliable to make any significant dif-
ference to the outcome of the campaign. Fewer than two-thirds of the 49
tanks available that day reached the start point; of these, only two-thirds
actually went into action; and, once in action, many became bogged in the
mud of no man’s land.
In late November 1916, with the onset of winter weather conditions,
including heavy snowfalls, General Haig decided to call a halt to the Somme
campaign. By this time, one million Allied and German soldiers were dead
and the Allies had gained, at most, only 12 kilometres of territory.
creeping barrage Z�the use of a wall of artillery fire immediately in front of the advancing infantry. As the artillery gunners moved forward to destroy enemy trenches, the infantry, following behind, was ready to take control of a trench once the artillery fire had ceased.
creeping barrage Z�the use of a wall of artillery fire immediately in front of the advancing infantry. As the artillery gunners moved forward to destroy enemy trenches, the infantry, following behind, was ready to take control of a trench once the artillery fire had ceased.
Canadian troops used
creeping barrage
successfully at the Battle of
Vimy Ridge in 1917.
Canadian troops used
creeping barrage
successfully at the Battle of
Vimy Ridge in 1917.
Source 11.33
A photograph of a British Mark I
tank that broke down while
crossing trenches on route to
Thiepval in September 1916
Source 11.33
A photograph of a British Mark I
tank that broke down while
crossing trenches on route to
Thiepval in September 1916
SOURCE QUESTION
To what extent is source 11.33
representative of the
performance of tanks during
the Somme campaign in 1916?
SOURCE QUESTION
To what extent is source 11.33
representative of the
performance of tanks during
the Somme campaign in 1916?
Retrospective238
Significance: historiographical issues
Captain von Hentig, of the German Guard Reserve Division, described the
Battle of the Somme as the ‘muddy grave of the German field army’. Military
historian, Gary Sheffield, argued in his 2003 book, The Somme, that the battle
actually cost the German army the war: ‘without it the entente would not have
emerged victorious in 1918’. Clearly one historiographical issue is the extent
to which this is true. Further study and reading will help you to make up
your own mind.
The other historiographical issue relates to Haig’s leadership. Critics of
General Haig see him as a foolhardy commander who was slow to utilise
new ideas, especially in relation to new battle tactics. They claim that he
had a poor understanding of the nature of trench warfare and little respect
for the lives of his men, who, at the Somme, he effectively used as ‘cannon
fodder’. Other historians praise Haig’s success in building up the strength of
the British forces and his willingness to employ new methods of fighting that
eventually helped the Allies win the war.
Lyn Macdonald (source 11.34) warns us of stereotypes that fail to take account
of the complexity of the factors leading to a certain decision or result.
Source 11.34
An extract from historian Lyn Macdonald’s ‘Foreword’ to her book, Somme
With the benefit of hindsight and the cultivation of the habit of criticism, it is
tempting to condemn those whose duty it was to conduct the war and even to
marvel at the attitude of those who saw it as their duty to fight it. The very horror
of their experience has given birth to a widely held emotional view of the war in
which every Tommy wears a halo and every officer above the rank of captain
a pair of horns . . .
Lyn Macdonald, Somme, Penguin, London, 1993, p. xiii.
Source 11.35
Historian Peter Simkins of London’s Imperial War Museum commenting on the Battle of the Somme
[B]y the middle of the Battle . . . the weapon system . . . isn’t yet properly
balanced . . . There is not enough heavy artillery.
The gunners do not know how to apply all their techniques to maximum
benefit. The machine gun corps . . . has not yet worked out its tactics properly.
This is the first appearance of tanks . . . Cooperation with aircraft is not yet fully
developed; and even the poor bloody infantry on the ground — the balance of
their weapons isn’t yet right.
. . . you can get brave men to advance at any time. But it’s sustaining the
impetus of the advance once they’ve gone over the top that’s important. If they’ve
got the wrong weapons with which to fight, if they’re carrying rifles and bayonets
and they’re up against machine guns, the formula is wrong . . .
Quoted in interview for the 1996 TV series The Great War and the Shaping of the 20th Century, www.pbs.org/greatwar.
SOURCE QUESTION
What is the author’s message
in source 11.34 in relation to
our interpretation of the Battle
of the Somme?
SOURCE QUESTION
What is the author’s message
in source 11.34 in relation to
our interpretation of the Battle
of the Somme?
SOURCE QUESTION
What does Peter Simkins
suggest in source 11.35 are
the lessons that the Allies
could take from the Somme?
SOURCE QUESTION
What does Peter Simkins
suggest in source 11.35 are
the lessons that the Allies
could take from the Somme?
Chapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 239
Passchendaele 1917: the war of mudGoal and tactics
In 1917, British, Australian, New Zealander and South African soldiers
attempted to break through German lines in Belgium and gain control of the
important German railway junction at Roulers. If successful, the plan was to
then move on to capture the German naval bases at Ostende and Zeebrugge.
This followed concern about the ongoing threats to Allied shipping from
German U-boats and torpedo boats.
Engaging the Germans here would also help to draw pressure off the
French army. Since the Nivelle Offensive earlier in 1917, the French army
had been trying to address problems of desertions, mutinies and general dis-
obedience that severely threatened its ability to continue fighting.
General Haig, who commanded the campaign, believed the scheme pro-
vided an opportunity to defeat Germany. He believed that the German
army, after losses of 350 000 men in April and May, was suffering from low
morale and on the verge of collapse. While he believed a breakthrough, using
leap frog tactics, was possible, the leaders who condoned the operation
effectively only gave permission for a continuation of attrition tactics.
Nature and consequences
To gain their objective, the Allies had to gain control of the village of
Passchendaele (Passendale), near Ypres. German artillery gunners held the
high ground above the Ypres salient on the Messines Ridge.
A preliminary attack began on 7 June 1917 with massive and carefully
targeted artillery bombardment. The Allies gained a foothold on the
German-controlled Messines Ridge and control of territory from which to
launch the main offensive on 31 July.
On 18 July, the Allies resumed artillery shelling of German defences in
advance of the attack scheduled for 31 July. This alerted the Germans to
the likelihood of an attack. They also had the advantage of higher ground
and a wide view of their attackers’ movements. Allied casualties reached
32 000 on the first day.
The land around the village of Passchendaele was reclaimed swamp which,
after heavy artillery bombardment, became waist-high liquid mud. August
rain made the problem worse. Deep shell craters filled with water and joined
to form lakes of slimy water. Aerial reconnaissance was impossible. Soldiers
had to transport shells via mules walking on duckboards. They then had to
clean the shells before usage. Tanks would not work.
Over a 14-week period, Allied troops made 10 attempts to break through
to Passchendaele. By late August, despite huge numbers of casualties, there
was little gain.
Men, equipment and animals became bogged down in mud and flooded
fields. After only a short break, General Haig insisted that the attack proceed.
Advancing across no man’s land meant walking, with full kit, on duck-
boards laid on top of the muddied and shell-holed fields. Some troops drowned
because no-one could rescue them if they missed their footing and fell into the
mud. When Haig’s chief of staff visited the battlefield, he reportedly had tears
in his eyes as he said, ‘Good God, did we really send men to fight in that?’
Nivelle Offensive Z�General Nivelle’s massive French attack on German lines between Royle and Reims in 1917. It began on 16 April and ended on 9 May. The battle gained no territory and resulted in 187 000 French casualties and troops no longer willing to support their leaders.
Nivelle Offensive Z�General Nivelle’s massive French attack on German lines between Royle and Reims in 1917. It began on 16 April and ended on 9 May. The battle gained no territory and resulted in 187 000 French casualties and troops no longer willing to support their leaders.
leap frog Z�the tactic of moving by stages, from one objective to another, with new troops moving forward to take on each successive stage
leap frog Z�the tactic of moving by stages, from one objective to another, with new troops moving forward to take on each successive stage
Retrospective240
In September 1917, General Plumer implemented the new tactic of
bite and hold — proceeding through small gains and moving from shell
hole to shell hole to take territory. By mid October, casualties had reached
100 000 and Allied forces were exhausted. With troop reinforcements
from the Eastern Front and the use of mustard gas, it seemed that the
German army had the upper hand.
Fighting continued until 6 November 1917, when the Canadians took
Passchendaele. When the Canadians began their advance in this area in late
October, they incurred 12 000 casualties for the gain of only a few hundred
metres. By early November, they had lost 80 per cent of two divisions.
Significance
The Battle of Passchendaele, also known as the third battle of Ypres (Ieper),
was the last major campaign of attrition tactics in World War I. It came to
symbolise the futility of much of the fighting on the Western Front. The Allied
forces suffered over 300 000 casualties and the Germans suffered 260 000.
Military analysts then and since have criticised Haig for having continued
the offensive — regardless of its costs in casualties — and for not having been
more flexible in the choice of tactics. Others say that Haig had to continue
trying to win the war or at least improve the Allied position (both on land
and at sea) before American troops arrived and undermined Britain’s poten-
tial to take the leading role in any subsequent peacemaking process.
The Battle of Passchendaele cost the Allies the opportunity to send reserves
in to exploit the success that the Allied Tank Corps had achieved in a break-
through at the Battle of Cambrai. The heavy losses there meant that the Allies
could not keep hold of their gains. From early April 1918, German troops
began to re-take the land they had lost.
The stalemate continued at the end of 1917. In 1918, the German army
launched an offensive which broke the stalemate. The Allied forces used this
situation to implement improved tactics of bite and hold and infiltration
(see chapter 13), and made more effective use of weaponry, especially the tank,
to gain victory.
Source 11.36
A 1917 photograph showing
Australian troops walking across
the battlefield of Ypres in 1917
Source 11.36
A 1917 photograph showing
Australian troops walking across
the battlefield of Ypres in 1917
SOURCE QUESTION
What is the significance of
source 11.36 for our
understanding of the Battle of
Passchendaele?
SOURCE QUESTION
What is the significance of
source 11.36 for our
understanding of the Battle of
Passchendaele?
Australian War Memorial
Negative No. E01220
Australian War Memorial
Negative No. E01220
bite and hold Z�a tactic requiring soldiers to use speed and surprise to occupy a small section of the enemy’s front line and then to defeat counterattacks
bite and hold Z�a tactic requiring soldiers to use speed and surprise to occupy a small section of the enemy’s front line and then to defeat counterattacks
The USA declared war on
Germany on 6 April 1917.
The USA declared war on
Germany on 6 April 1917.
infiltration Z�small-scale assault platoon attacks on poorly defended areas in the enemy front line
infiltration Z�small-scale assault platoon attacks on poorly defended areas in the enemy front line
Chapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 241
Change over time: Allied and German soldiers’ attitudes to the war
This section focuses on the nature of changing attitudes over the period of the
war and its aftermath up to 1919. The headings used try to capture something
of key themes and experiences that shaped attitudes at particular times.
August 1914: Enthusiasm at war’s outbreakLooking back from the perspective of Australian attitudes in the early
twenty-first century, it is surprising to observe that, for the most part, young
men marched willingly towards war in 1914. Many believed themselves and
their nations to be superior to their enemies and that ‘might’ and ‘right’ were
on their sides. For some, the motivation to become involved arose from peer
pressure, a sense of adventure, the need to gain employment and/or the
desire to escape family problems.
Only a minority in any country actively opposed the war. This group
included socialists, opposed to the idea of fighting other workers, and consci-
entious objectors who opposed the war itself and/or whose religious values
questioned the justification for killing or wounding other human beings.
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. How do you think a young man might have reacted to these photographs in 1914?
2. What do you think motivated the photographers to take these photographs?
3. What purposes could the photographs have been used for at the time?
4. Evaluate the usefulness and reliability of these photographs for a historian
studying responses to the outbreak of war in 1914.
1914: the Christmas truceJust over four and a half months later, the experiences of warfare seemed
to have modified these nationalistic, pro-war attitudes and created a shared
sense of empathy among soldiers. They sought refuge from the horrors and
discomforts of the trenches and longed to experience the comforts, goodwill
and camaraderie traditionally associated with the Christmas season.
(a) (b)
Source 11.37
Photographs showing responses to the outbreak of war in Berlin and London: (a) A group of young men in Berlin express their enthusiasm at the announcement of the general mobilisation of German troops in 1914; (b) Photograph outside a London recruitment office in 1914
(a) (b)
Source 11.37
Photographs showing responses to the outbreak of war in Berlin and London: (a) A group of young men in Berlin express their enthusiasm at the announcement of the general mobilisation of German troops in 1914; (b) Photograph outside a London recruitment office in 1914
Retrospective242
In the third week in December 1914, military personnel from opposing sides
on the Western Front began negotiations for a Christmas ceasefire that would
last up to five days. At the same time, many leaders feared that meeting and
mixing with the enemy could make it hard to maintain discipline.
On Christmas Day 1914, the sound of German soldiers singing familiar
Christmas carols like ‘Silent Night’ (Stille Nacht) encouraged Allied soldiers
to respond. They met with their enemies in no man’s land to exchange gifts
of cigarettes, show photos of the families and loved ones they had left behind
and communicate through song and where possible, with words. This was
made easier by the fact that a significant number of Germans spoke good
English as a result of having worked in Britain in the pre-war period.
Source 11.38
A contemporary artist’s
depiction of the beginning of the
December 1914 Christmas truce,
from The Illustrated London News,
9 January 1915
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. What information does
source 11.38 provide about
the Christmas truce?
2. What was the artist’s motive
and purpose?
3. What aspects of the source
might affect its reliability and
what conclusions would you
draw about this?
Reports of such meetings
concerned leaders on both sides.
Sir John French, Commander
of the British Expeditionary
Force, ordered his officers to
prevent such occurrences.
British commanders tried to
maintain military discipline by
ordering regular artillery and
mortar bombardments by day,
and trench raids at night, to
keep the men focused on war.
Soldiers themselves did not
always support a truce. Men on
both sides of the conflict found
it hard to share ‘good times’
with people with whom they
were still currently at war. One
German officer gave a very
bitter response to a British
attempt to initiate a truce.
Chapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 243
Gentlemen — You asked us yesterday temporarily to suspend hostilities and to become friends during Christmas . . . we refuse to make any such agreement. Although we do not doubt that you are men of honour, every feeling of ours revolts against any friendly intercourse towards the subjects of a nation which for years has, in underhanded ways, sought the friendship of all other nations [but our own], so that with their help they might annihilate us; a nation . . . professing Christianity . . . whose greatest pleasure would be to see the political disappearance and social eclipse of Germany.
Gentlemen, you are not, it is true, the responsible leaders of English politics, and so you are not directly responsible for their baseness; but you are Englishmen, whose annihilation we consider to be our duty. We therefore request that you take such action as will prevent your mercenaries, whom you call
‘soldiers’, from approaching our trenches in the future.
Quoted in Stanley Weintraub, Silent Night: the Remarkable Christmas Truce of 1914, Pocket Books/Simon & Schuster, London, 2002, pp. 148–9.
SOURCE QUESTION
In what ways is the content of source 11.39 supported and/or contradicted by your knowledge of the events of the Christmas truce and to what extent is it representative of events at that time?
SOURCE QUESTION
In what ways is the content of source 11.39 supported and/or contradicted by your knowledge of the events of the Christmas truce and to what extent is it representative of events at that time?
motive for source
purpose — to convey anti-British feeling and reject the attempted Christmas truce
Source 11.39
An extract from the response that a German officer gave in reply to a British attempt to initiate a Christmas truce in 1914
motive for source
purpose — to convey anti-British feeling and reject the attempted Christmas truce
Source 11.39
An extract from the response that a German officer gave in reply to a British attempt to initiate a Christmas truce in 1914
Source 11.40
A poster advertising Christian Carion’s 2005 film Joyeux Noël (‘Merry Christmas’), depicting experiences related to the 1914 Christmas truce. The words at the top of the poster mean ‘December 1914. A true story that history has forgotten’.
SOURCE QUESTIONS
Watch the movie Joyeux Noël
then answer the following
questions.
1. What do you think
motivated the director/
producer to make this film?
2. What do you think were its
purpose and message?
3. Who was its likely
audience?
4. What information does
the film provide on
attitudes and experiences
on the Western Front in late
1914? Do some additional
research to judge the
extent of its accuracy.
5. Evaluate the usefulness
and reliability of Joyeux
Noël for a historian
studying soldiers’
attitudes in late 1914.
Source 11.40
A poster advertising Christian Carion’s 2005 film Joyeux Noël (‘Merry Christmas’), depicting experiences related to the 1914 Christmas truce. The words at the top of the poster mean ‘December 1914. A true story that history has forgotten’.
SOURCE QUESTIONS
Watch the movie Joyeux Noël
then answer the following
questions.
1. What do you think
motivated the director/
producer to make this film?
2. What do you think were its
purpose and message?
3. Who was its likely
audience?
4. What information does
the film provide on
attitudes and experiences
on the Western Front in late
1914? Do some additional
research to judge the
extent of its accuracy.
5. Evaluate the usefulness
and reliability of Joyeux
Noël for a historian
studying soldiers’
attitudes in late 1914.
Retrospective244
1915: still there and growing disillusionedBy 1915, experienced soldiers and newly arrived volunteers could no longer
automatically associate participation in war with ideas of ‘glory’ and national
‘greatness’. Soldiers focused on coping with the harsh realities of trench
warfare and doing what they could to find humour in difficult circumstances.
It was often easier to make fun of the hardships of war than to focus on its
grim reality and soldiers expressed these attitudes in cartoons, newspapers
and comedy skits. While most obeyed orders to go ‘over the top’, it was with
a realistic awareness of the risks and the costs.
1916: ‘Lions led by donkeys’?Attempts to achieve a breakthrough in 1916 called into question the skills of
the commanders. In the post-war decades, English speakers began to refer
to the relationship between soldiers and their commanding officers as ‘lions
led by donkeys’. Contemporary journalists had voiced similar thoughts, often
characterising officers (making war plans from the comfort of a French château)
as largely privileged, incompetent and uncaring of how many lives they lost.
Novels like Erich Maria Remarque’s All Quiet on the Western Front, and
memoirs like Robert Graves’ Goodbye to All That and George Coppard’s With
a Machine Gun to Cambrai, reinforced this view.
The battles of 1916 were a turning point in relation to soldiers’ attitudes.
From questioning leadership many turned to questioning why they were
there and who indeed was the real enemy — the generals of your own army
or soldiers themselves from opposing armies.
Source 11.41
An extract from George Coppard’s memoir With a Machine Gun to Cambrai. Coppard was a
volunteer who served on the Western Front from June 1915 onwards. He sent his memoirs
to the Archives of the Imperial War Museum. The Museum’s Director, impressed with the
work, helped organise its publication.
Hundreds of dead were strung out like wreckage washed up to a high-water
mark. They hung there in grotesque postures. From the way the dead were
equally spread out . . . it was clear there were no gaps in the wire at the time of
the attack.
Concentrated machine gun fire from sufficient guns to command every inch
of the wire had done its terrible work. The Germans must have been reinforcing
the wire for months. . . .
How did our planners imagine that Tommies, having survived all other
hazards . . . would get through the German wire? Had they studied the black
density of it through their powerful binoculars? Who told them that artillery
fire would pound such wire to pieces, making it possible to get through? Any
Tommy could have told them that shell fire lifts wire up and drops it down,
often in a worse tangle than before.
Quoted in Ben Walsh, Modern World History, Second edition, Hodder Murray, London, 2001, p. 35.
perspective
motive for source
note indications of purpose
and perspective
perspective
motive for source
note indications of purpose
and perspective
Chapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 245
Source 11.42
Lord Douglas of Kirtleside, then a pilot in the Royal Flying Corps, describes the impact
of the Somme
In the minds of the men of my generation the year 1916 stands for only one thing:
the battles that were waged on the Somme during the summer and the autumn.
In those battles died the last shreds of that blithe spirit with which we had set
off to the war nearly two years before, and in its place came the disillusionment
that was to enter into the hearts and the minds of so many of my generation.
The war had become a bitter test of endurance. The Battles that were waged no
longer lasted just a few days; they stretched out, in some cases over periods of
weeks, and they were all fought in highly congested areas and under the most
gruesome conditions . . . It was in that year of 1916 that the world which we had
been brought up to believe in finally seemed to fly to pieces, and the bare mention
of the Somme will never fail to give us cause to ponder for a moment and to recall,
each in his own way, what it meant to us.
From Sholto Douglas, Combat and Command, Simon & Schuster, New York, 1963, p. 102.
1917: Mud and mutinyThe failure and high costs of the 1917 Nivelle Offensive had a devastating
and lasting impact on the morale of the French army. French morale was at
an all-time low. Troops mutinied, refusing to continue suicidal frontal attacks.
The military failure and loss of life of the Nivelle Offensive also increased
the hostility towards the autocratic and inflexible discipline exerted within
the French military. Nearly 500 French soldiers received the death penalty
after being tried for offences related to their failure to obey military orders.
Approximately 10 per cent of these sentences were carried out.
The French military eventually responded to this crisis by sacking Nivelle.
It also improved food supplies and provided longer leave entitlements.
However, the French military could no longer rely on its infantry to perform
in battle and had to abandon thoughts of further offensives for some time.
Casualties had become so vast by mid April in 1917 that mutinous poilu [name
given to French soldiers in World War I] in division strength, refused to return to
the trenches on one French front at Aisne. What officialdom later down-played as
‘collective indiscipline’ would be suppressed and lead to 3,427 court martials and
554 death sentences unreported in censored French newspapers. (Only forty-nine
soldiers — fifty-three by other accounts — were actually shot.) Germans too, in
regimental numbers, refused to return to the front.
Stanley Weintraub, Silent Night: the Remarkable Christmas Truce of 1914, Pocket Books/Simon & Schuster, London, 2002, p. 198.
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. Who is the author of source 11.43?
2. What problem is he describing and what two pieces of evidence does he provide
in support of this view?
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. Who are the authors of
sources 11.41 and 11.42
and from what perspective
is each of them writing?
2. What evidence do these
sources provide of soldiers’
attitudes in 1916 and what
experiences have led to
these attitudes?
3. What do the two sources
have in common?
4. Explain which of the
two authors you think
appears more bitter
about his situation.
perspective
content/message
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. Who are the authors of
sources 11.41 and 11.42
and from what perspective
is each of them writing?
2. What evidence do these
sources provide of soldiers’
attitudes in 1916 and what
experiences have led to
these attitudes?
3. What do the two sources
have in common?
4. Explain which of the
two authors you think
appears more bitter
about his situation.
perspective
content/message
Source 11.43
An extract describing the impact of the Nivelle Offensive on the French army, from Stanley Weintraub, Silent Night. Weintraub is Professor Emeritus of Arts and Humanities at Pennsylvania State University and the author of a number of biographies on leading literary figures, as well as cultural and military histories.
Source 11.43
An extract describing the impact of the Nivelle Offensive on the French army, from Stanley Weintraub, Silent Night. Weintraub is Professor Emeritus of Arts and Humanities at Pennsylvania State University and the author of a number of biographies on leading literary figures, as well as cultural and military histories.
Retrospective246
At the beginning of the war, military law allowed the death sentence for
offences including sleeping or being drunk on guard duty; self-inflicted
wounds; disobeying orders; assaulting an officer; desertion; mutiny and com-
munication with the enemy. The British army imposed the death penalty on
304 soldiers between 1914 and 1918, mostly for offences committed on the
Western Front. Fifty-three per cent of those who received the death penalty
had been found guilty of desertion in the years 1916 and 1917.
Soldiers themselves were often sympathetic towards the plight of those
condemned to death both because of their youth and because they were often
victims of shell shock. Soldiers who participated in firing squads recorded
their own reluctance to carry out such duties and the fact that it was often
left to an officer to ‘finish off’ the execution because the shots fired had either
missed the prisoner or failed to kill him.
I believe that an important modification of the death sentence also took
place in 1917. It appeared that the military authorities were compelled to take
heed of the clamour against the death sentences imposed by courts martial.
There had been too many of them. As a result, a man who would otherwise
have been executed was instead . . . purposely placed in the first wave to cross
No Man’s Land and it was left to the Almighty to decide his fate. This was the
situation as we Tommies understood it, but nothing official reached our ears . . .
Shylock, in demanding his pound of flesh, had got nothing on the military
bigwigs in 1917.
Quoted at www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk.
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. What information does Coppard provide in source 11.44?
2. What does it suggest about the attitudes of both soldiers and their leaders in 1917?
3. What does it indicate about Coppard’s own attitude and what evidence does the
source provide to support this?
1918: Victory and defeatWar weariness affected soldiers of all armies in 1918. It resulted from:
the long period of time that nations had been engaged in war
the apparent futility of many of the tactics used
increased difficulties in maintaining supplies to the battlefront as the
home fronts of various nations were at or near collapse.
French commanders could no longer rely on troops to go ‘over the top’
on order. Increasingly, soldiers engaged in mutinous behaviour or chose to
desert. Officials responded desperately by meting out harsher punishments
and threatening violence towards those who refused to obey orders.
By 1918, the German home front was no longer either able or willing to
support the war effort. Soldier morale was hard to maintain in an atmosphere
where many had come to question what they were fighting for and why their
leaders had not yet made peace. Soldiers home on leave joined anti-war pro-
tests in cities all over the nation. By late 1918, it was clear that Germany was
facing defeat and that the nation was on the brink of a revolution.
Z
Z
Z
motive for source
message
note attitude and
subjective language
Source 11.44
An extract from George Coppard’s
With a Machine Gun to Cambrai,
published in 1969. In October
1916, Coppard was wrongly
accused of having a self-inflicted
wound. He was later exonerated.
motive for source
message
note attitude and
subjective language
Source 11.44
An extract from George Coppard’s
With a Machine Gun to Cambrai,
published in 1969. In October
1916, Coppard was wrongly
accused of having a self-inflicted
wound. He was later exonerated.
Chapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 247
Source 11.45
An extract from German soldier Erich Maria Remarque’s novel All Quiet on the Western Front,
which was based on his experiences on the Western Front from mid 1917 until early 1918
Everyone is talking about peace or an armistice. Everyone is waiting. If there is
another disappointment, they will collapse, the hopes are too strong, they can
no longer be pushed aside without exploding. If there is no peace, then there will
be a revolution . . .
If we had come back in 1916, we could have unleashed a storm out of the pain
and intensity of our experiences. If we go back now we shall be weary, broken-
down, burnt-out, rootless and devoid of hope. We shall no longer be able to cope.
No one will understand us — because in front of us there is a generation of
men who did, it is true, share the years out here with us, but who already had
a bed and a job and who are going back to their old positions, where they will
forget all about the war — and behind us, a new generation is growing up, one
like we used to be, and that generation will be strangers to us and will push
us aside. We are superfluous even to ourselves, we shall grow older, a few will
adapt, others will make adjustments, and many of us will not know what to do
— the years will trickle away, and eventually we shall perish . . .
I am very calm. Let the months come, and the years, they’ll take nothing more
from me, they can take nothing more from me. I am so alone and so devoid of
any hope that I can confront them without fear. Life, which carried me through
these years, is still there in my hands and in my eyes. Whether or not I have
mastered it, I do not know. But as long as life is there it will make its own way,
whether my conscious self likes it or not.
Erich Maria Remarque, All Quiet on the Western Front (translated from the German by Brian Murdoch), Vintage, London, 1996, pp. 206–7
(first published Berlin, 1929).
‘A land fit for heroes?’In the aftermath of the war, soldiers felt angry at the slowness of attempts to
repatriate them. Once home, they often found it difficult to adjust to everyday
life and many felt their efforts were not sufficiently recognised or rewarded.
Shared wartime experiences, which had created a sense of camaraderie among
one another, had isolated some from the societies and loved ones from which
they had come.
Governments failed to live up to soldiers’ expectations that they create
what the British termed a ‘land fit for heroes’. Defeated nations, soon to be
burdened by the economic demands of peace treaties and reconstruction,
struggled to address the peacetime needs of those whose sacrifices resulted
in defeat. Many felt betrayed. In Germany, this became a factor that assisted
the growth of right-wing parties like the Nazi Party under the leadership of
Adolph Hitler.
The victors struggled to address working-class ex-soldiers’ expectations
that their governments provide them with improved quality of life and
opportunities. The Bolshevik Revolution inspired many working-class
ex-soldiers to become more politically active in the post-war years. Most had
no desire to be called to military service again.
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. What is Remarque’s message in source 11.45 and what do you think was his motivation and purpose?
2. Create your own file of sources that provide evidence of Allied and German attitudes in each of the years 1914 to 1919. Try to find sources from a wide range of the Allies who fought on the Western Front. Analyse your sources and try to identify:
(a) differences in attitudes according to rank, nationality, class and religious affiliation
(b) similarities in attitudes across nationalities
(c) attitudes expressed in response to a particular battle
(d) what the sources emphasise, ignore and do/do not provide evidence of
(d) change over time and indicators of turning points in relation to attitudes.
Use this as the basis for writing up your conclusions under the heading ‘Allied and German soldiers’ attitudes to war’.
perspective
nature of source
note significance of this comment in relation to changed attitudes over time
motive for source
date
SOURCE QUESTIONS
1. What is Remarque’s message in source 11.45 and what do you think was his motivation and purpose?
2. Create your own file of sources that provide evidence of Allied and German attitudes in each of the years 1914 to 1919. Try to find sources from a wide range of the Allies who fought on the Western Front. Analyse your sources and try to identify:
(a) differences in attitudes according to rank, nationality, class and religious affiliation
(b) similarities in attitudes across nationalities
(c) attitudes expressed in response to a particular battle
(d) what the sources emphasise, ignore and do/do not provide evidence of
(d) change over time and indicators of turning points in relation to attitudes.
Use this as the basis for writing up your conclusions under the heading ‘Allied and German soldiers’ attitudes to war’.
perspective
nature of source
note significance of this comment in relation to changed attitudes over time
motive for source
date
Bolshevik Revolution Z� Russian revolution of 1917, which brought to power a government proclaiming to recreate society for the benefit of its workers
Bolshevik Revolution Z� Russian revolution of 1917, which brought to power a government proclaiming to recreate society for the benefit of its workers
Retrospective248 Retrospective248
HSC exam practice
Source-based questions: War on the Western Front 25 marks
Attempt Questions 1–3.
Allow about 45 minutes for this section.
Question 1 (5 marks) Marks
(a) What, according to Source A, did trench defences provide? 2
(b) List two features of war on the Western Front that you can identify in Source B. 2
(c) From the information provided in Source B, name one benefi t that the tank
could potentially provide. 1
Question 2 (10 marks)
Explain why attempts to break the stalemate failed in the period 1914–1918.
Use Sources A and B and your own knowledge to answer this question. 10
Question 3 (10 marks)
Assess how useful Sources C and D would be for an historian studying the changing
attitudes of Allied and German soldiers over the period 1914–1918.
In your answer, consider the perspectives provided by the TWO sources and the
reliability of each one. 10
Source A
An extract from The First World War (1999, p. 57) by military historians Robin Prior and Trevor Marshall
As late as 25 December [1914] . . . Joffre sent his forces forward against strongly entrenched
opponents in conditions of blinding snow, low cloud, fog and mud. Their endeavours availed
nothing. Like First Ypres, they simply reinforced the grim message that had proclaimed itself
in the west since the Aisne in September: that trench defences serviced by ample manpower
and suffi cient weaponry possess a terrible capacity to repel attack.
Source B
Photograph from
1917 showing a
British Mark III tank
crossing a trench on
the Western Front
249Chapter 3 Z Yankees and Confederates in the American states in the mid nineteenth centuryChapter 11 Z War on the Western Front 249
Source C
An extract from Siegfried Sassoon’s ‘Finished with the War: A Soldier’s Declaration’. He wrote
this to his commanding offi cer in July 1917, not long after his friend, David Cuthbert Thomas,
died on the Western Front. It was subsequently published in the British press and read
in Parliament.
I am making this statement as an act of wilful defi ance of military authority, because
I believe that the war is being deliberately prolonged by those who have the power to end
it. I am a soldier, convinced that I am acting on behalf of soldiers. I believe that this war,
on which I entered as a war of defence and liberation, has now become a war of aggression
and conquest . . .
I have seen and endured the sufferings of the troops, and I can no longer be a party to
prolong these sufferings for ends which I believe to be evil and unjust.
I am not protesting against the conduct of the war, but against the political errors and
insincerities for which the fi ghting men are being sacrifi ced . . .
On behalf of those who are suffering now I make this protest against the deception
which is being practiced on them; also I believe that I may help to destroy the callous
complacency with which the majority of those at home regard the continuance of agonies
which they do not share, and which they have not suffi cient imagination to realise.
S. Sassoon, July 1917
Source D
An extract from Stanley Weintraub, Silent Night (2002, pp. 197–8), in relation to the Christmas truce
of 1914
Although the unchanged reality of war is that the shots ordered by increasingly remote
presences are absorbed by ordinary humans, Christmas 1914 reopened imaginations to the
unsettling truth that at each end of a rifl e, men were indeed the same.
Only a few failed attempts at truce occurred in 1916 and 1917. But as New Year’s Day
came in 1918 the commanding offi cer of the 1st Hampshires noted in his diary, ‘Enemy
attempted to fraternize on our left, but were shot at by us, otherwise a quiet day’.