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International Journal ofAdolescence and YouthPublication details, including instructions forauthors and subscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rady20

Pentangular Dimensions ofChinese Adolescents' IdolWorshipChau-Kiu Cheung a & Xiao Dong Yue aa City University of Hong Kong, ChinaVersion of record first published: 27 Mar2012.

To cite this article: Chau-Kiu Cheung & Xiao Dong Yue (2011): PentangularDimensions of Chinese Adolescents' Idol Worship, International Journal ofAdolescence and Youth, 16:3, 225-244

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673843.2011.9748058

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International Journal of Adolescence and Youth, 2011, Volume 16, pp. 225-244 © 2011 A B Academic Publishers Printed in Great Britain

Pentangular Dimensions of Chinese Adolescents' Idol Worship

Chau-Kiu Cheung* and Xiao Dong Yue

City University of Hong Kong, China

ABSTRACT

Building on theory and research, a pentangular conceptualization specifies dimensions of idol worship in terms of identification, romanticization, idealization, intimatization, and commodification. Validation of a measurement of idol worship is the endeavor of the present study of 1,641 Chinese secondary school students. In demonstrating the convergent and discriminant validity of the measurement, findings verify a negative relationship between idol worship and attachment to the chum (i.e., best friend). Findings also indicate predictive validity in relation to membership in a fans' club and gender. Accordingly, the member or the girl is generally higher in idol worship than is the nonmember or the boy.

Understanding young people's idol worship as a constellation of individual difference variables is imperative because of the prevalence and ramifications of the worship (Maltby et al., 2004b; Niu and Wang, 2009). An idol, nowadays, refers to someone enjoying admiration, who can be a celebrity, luminary, hero, pop star, athlete, and role model (Fraser and Brown, 2002; He, 2006; Maltby et al., 2004a). Specifically, a celebrity becomes famous due to extraordinariness, media exposure, and image or trademark building (North et al., 2005). A hero earns the fame through achievement and sacrifice for the common good (Fraser and Brown, 2002). A luminary is outstanding due to talent, eminence, and charisma (Collins, 2007; Simonton, 2000). Pop stars are glamorous because of entertaining performance (Argyle, 1994). All these roles tum out to be idols through idolization primarily by the commercial sector, which markets

*Corresponding address: Chau-kiu Cheung, Department of Applied Social Studies, City University of Hong Kong, Tat Chee Avenue, Kowloon Tong, Hong Kong, China. E-mail: ssjacky@cityu.edu-hk

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idols through the mass media (Giles, 2000; McCutcheon et al., 2003). Notably, television programs named and intended for idol creation are prevalent and popular (Fairchild, 2007; Reijnders et al., 2007). Obviously, many idols serve an entertainment function (Giles, 2000; McCutcheon et al., 2003). They are also responsible for advertising and branding (Constable, 2009; Niu and Wang, 2009). Idol worship, moreover, tends to play a role in shaping the youngster's identity and intimacy (Ferris, 2001; Maltby et al., 2006). Hence, idol worship would have a bearing on the young person's socialization and well-being (Giles and Maltby, 2004; Lin and Lin, 2007). Such socialization also has its socially undesirable side in commodification and objectification of the human being (Maltby et al., 2005; Schultze et al., 1991; Swami et al., 2009). Research on Chinese youngsters also shows that idol worship tends to diminish self-efficacy, intellectual interest, and identity achievement (Cheung and Yue, 2000, 2003, 2004; Niu and Wang, 2009). Without doubt, idol worship has become prevalent in Mainland China, as well as Hong Kong (He, 2006; Yue and Cheung, 2000). Given the centrality of idol worship and its diverse consequences, corresponding understanding of its diverse forms is necessary.

THEORETICAL AND RESEARCH BASES OF THE DIMENSIONALITY OF IDOL WORSHIP

A pentangular dimensionality of idol worship in terms of identification, romanticization, idealization, intimatization, and commidifcation is subject to a test in the present study. Such a dimensionality stems from theory and research on idol worship and related concerns in love, religiosity, and news reports about idol worship in the Chinese context. In the first place, idol worship has a bearing on love, especially its romantic form, as a relational extension from physically close people to physically remote or mediated figures (Engle and Kasser, 2005; Lin and Lin, 2007). The popular view of idol worship, like romantic love, tends to be joyful (Brown, 2006; McCutcheon et al., 2003). This popular, idealized view of love, however, is under criticism by social science theories, including existentialist theory, psychoanalytic theory, and feminist theory (Brown, 2006). Idol worship would be antithetical to freedom according to existentialist theory, immature, infantile, and deficient in the exercise of the reality principle according to psychoanalytic theory, and disabling according to feminist theory. Importantly, the theories note

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that idol worship is an individual difference variable that has its causes and consequences at individual level. Psychoanalytic theory, as such, posits that idol worship varies according to one's fear of separation, projection of wishes, and compensation for deficits (Driscoll, 1999; Seiffge-Krenke, 1997). Alternatively, cognitive development theory maintains that idol worship is a result of egocentrism, which overemphasizes individuality, even in an imaginary way (Seiffge-Krenke, 1997). Some deficits and inadequate development then propel the absorption of the youngster in addiction to idol worship (Maltby et al., 2004b; McCutcheon et al. 2003). Such theories thereby endorse the value of tapping individual differences in idol worship.

The present conceptualization of idol worship, to a certain extent, is the extension of the triangular and tetrangular models of love, which specify commitment, intimacy, and passion, both in erotic and romantic forms (Sternberg, 1987; Yela, 2006). These qualities tend to sustain commodification, intimatization, and romanticization in idol worship. Moreover, idol worship has qualities of identification and idealization, which smack of religiosity. Idol worship is therefore an amalgam of love and religiosity in the relation with remote and unauthentic figures (Constable 2009; Schiappa et al., 2005).

Identification in idol worship refers to assimilation, learning, and taking the idol as a stimulus for striving. It has transpired in previous research on idol worship, which maintains that the youngster wishes to be similar to the idol (Greene and Adams­Price, 1990; Konijn et al., 2007). Identification is commonplace and spontaneous, according to existentialist theory, to depict one's reaction in front of a great person (Friedman, 1992). In this regard, the idol becomes a hero or role model for the youth to learn or bask in the idol's glory (Fraser and Brown, 2002).

Romanticization in idol worship refers to wishing the idol as one's lover, thereby manifesting fantasizing and daydreaming. This is a common observation in past research on idol worship, in terms of affiliation and romantic attachment (Argyle, 1994; Greene and Adams-Price, 1990; Yue and Cheung, 2000). News reports abound in telling stories about youngsters infatuated with their idols unilaterally, causing tremendous trouble such as melancholy, stalking, and sexual hassles in the lives of adolescents. Romanticization clearly has its counterpart in romantic or passionate love (Hendrick and Hendrick, 1989; Sternberg, 1997).

Intimatization in idol worship refers to imaginary friendship making, regarding the idol as one's close friend. It corresponds to the dimension of intimacy in love (Sternberg, 1987; Yela, 2006).

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It is prominent in past research on idol worship, in terms of attachment and closeness (Ellison, 1991; Larose and Boivin, 1998). Its importance stems from one's need for security by association with other people, even though the security is just a thought (Berman and Sperling, 1991; de Jong, 1992).

Idealization in idol worship refers to the sacralization of the idol as perfect, impeccable, and omnipotent. This reflects the worship property of idolatry, which has its counterpart in religiosity (Diez-Nicolas, 2002; Turner, 2009). It is justified by the existentialist precept, which emphasizes the individual's quest for meaning and thereby the expression of awe, reverence, humility, surrendering, and ultimately worship figures who provide the meaning (Friedman, 1992). Idealization is prominent in news reports about the creation of stars for the young audience.

Commodification in idol worship refers to the purchase of and spending on merchandises and activities related to the idol. It is the dimension of materialization in past research, dealing with consumption and fabrication of intimacy by possessing the objectified idol (Schultze et al., 1991). News reports and advertisements are abundant in showing the commercialization of idol worship, which creates the youngster's indulgence in the idol's products and services. Moreover, commodification, including purchase and consumption, tends to be a natural concomitant to idolatry (Bush et al., 2005; Swami et al., 2009). Commodification is an integral attribute of idol worship because it is the goal of commercialized idolalization (Fairchild, 2007; Niu and Wang, 2009).

The fivefold conceptualization of idol worship is distinguishable from the threefold conceptualization of celebrity worship, developed alternatively (Maltby et al., 2004b, 2006). While the latter has a basis on empirical data and relies on factor analysis to verify its dimensionality, it leaves something to be desired logically and theoretically. Accordingly, its differentiation of entertainment­social, intense-personal, and borderline-pathological components does not seem to present a coherent and succinct view of idol worship. The original work offers the following definitions. £entertainment-social worship reflects an attraction to a favorite because of one's perceived ability to entertain and social focus. Intense-personal worship reflects intensive and compulsive feelings about the favorite. Borderline-pathological worship is the most extreme expression thought to reflect an individual's social-pathological attitudes and behaviors (Maltby et al., 2006; Sheridan et al., 2007). In the first place, the differentiation taps the intensity and pathology of idol worship based on evaluative

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judgment rather than value-neutral description. The basis for defining an act as pathological is unclear and this definition would fall into a tautological problem when relating idol worship to some pathological criteria. Secondly, the three components are overlapping and incoherent in content. For instance, it is unclear why the item "the celebrity is practically perfect in every way" is an indicator of the entertainment-social component but not the intense-personal component or other. Similarly, it is possible that the item "I am obsessed by details of the celebrity's life" is a reflection of pathological worship rather than personal worship. What is more, the item "I love to talk with others who admire the celebrity" may reflect the social aspect rather than the personal one. It is also puzzling that the item "the celebrity would immediately come to my rescue if I needed help" is an indication of pathological worship. Thirdly, the three components are not elegant because it conflates the intensity of worship and the locus of worship, or it uses two incoherent terms to name a component. In all, what is entertainment, what is pathological, and what is intense are mystical in the conceptualization. Empirically, the 3-factor pattern is unclear in a 4-factor or 5-factor exploratory factor analysis, which presents some ambiguous and mixed factors (Maltby et al., 2006; Sheridan et al., 2007). Because of the doubt about the logical meaning of the dimensionality of celebrity worship, the pentangular dimensionality of the idol worship is the focus of validation instead.

APPROACH TO VALIDATE THE DIMENSIONALITY OF IDOL WORSHIP

Validation of the five dimensions of idol worship aims to demonstrate the convergent validity and discriminant or divergent validity at the item or molecular level, the discriminant validity at the factor or molar level, and predictive validity. To accomplish this task, the analysis involves 15 items measuring five dimensions of idol worship, 4 items measuring attachment to the chum, and eight background characteristics, including membership in a fans' club, gender, acquiescence, and the location, Hong Kong and the mainland of China. Convergent validity at the item level means that the 15 idol worship items and 4 attachment items identity their respective dimensions or trait factors. Discriminant validity at the item level entails that the items identify their respective trait factors better than the method factor of acquiescence (Podsakoff et al., 2003). Moreover,

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discriminant validity at the molar level requires that the factors are not overly related or redundant among themselves.

A particular indication of discriminant validity at the molar level is the differentiation and even contrast between dimensions of idol worship and attachment to the chum. The expectation for discriminant validity is that dimensions of idol worship maintain a negative relationship with attachment to the chum. This expectation stems from psychoanalytic theory, which regards idol worship as compensation for the deficit in attachment to close others, including the chum (Giles, 2000; Seiffge-Krenke, 1997). More generally, exchange theory postulates that attachment to one reduces attachment to another, in a way to sustain the balance in relationship (Bearman, 1997; Enns et al., 2008). This applies to marriage or intimate relationship, which tends to be mutually exclusive. Such mutual exclusion would be prominent enough to warrant a uniformly negative relationship between attachment to chum and different dimensions of idol worship.

Predictive validity hinges on the positive effects of membership in a fans' club and female gender on idol worship. Membership in a fans' club is likely to promote idol worship because of the opportunity and norm for the worship (End et al., 2002; Ferris, 2001). In contrast, fans' club membership would not contribute much to attachment to the chum, as a fans' club would focus on affiliation with an idol rather than with a chum. As such, a fans' club functions to mobilize fans' support for the idol through the purchase and consumption of commodities related to the idol. Fans' club membership therefore most likely encourages the adolescent's commodification of the idol.

Predictive validity would also be evident in gender differentials in idol worship, such as the girl's higher intimatization of and attachment to the idol. Past research has indicated that the girl shows higher attachment to the idol and lower identification with the idol than does the boy (Adams-Price and Greene, 1990; Argyle, 1994; Greene and Adams-Price, 1990). Moreover, attachment or affiliation in general tends to be stronger in the female than in the male (Brown, 2006; Lempers and Clark-Lempers, 1993). The girl is also higher in shopping or consumption than is the boy (Roberts, 1998). Generally, research and theory about gender differences in adolescent pubertal growth and socialization abound (Phares et al., 2004; Simmons and Blyth, 1987). They may warrant differential impacts of gender and fan club membership on different aspects of idol worship, and these differentials are a testimony to the predictive validity of idol worship.

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METHODS

A survey of secondary school students in Hong Kong, Guangzhou, Nanchang, and Nanjing in China turned out 1,641 valid responses for the present study. Such a Chinese context has shown its relevance to research on idol worship (Yue and Cheung, 2000). With the assistance of schoolteachers, the study administered the survey questionnaire in selected classes of schools of the three cities, including three schools in Hong Kong and two schools in each mainland city. These seven schools participated in the study, thanks to some forms of connection between the schools and the researchers. The Hong Kong region consisted of 298 students and the Mainland region included 1,343 students. These students had an average age of 15.1 years and an average number of schooling years of 9.0. Among them, 102 (6.2%) affiliated themselves with some fans' clubs (see Table 1).

TABLE 1

Means and standard deviations (N = 1,641)

Item Scoring M SD

Identification of the idol 0-100 57.7 28.4 Romanticization of the idol 0-100 22.6 27.3 Idealization of the idol 0-100 41.6 30.1 Intimatization of the idol 0-100 60.7 28.4 Commodification of the idol 0-100 37.7 28.5 Attachment to the chum 0-100 68.0 22.0 Acquiescence 0-100 54.5 13.6 Membership in a fans' club 0, 100 6.2 24.2 Education years 9.0 1.5 Age years 15.1 1.7 Female vs. male 0, 100 51.9 50.0 Paternal education 1-6 3.8 1.4 Maternal education 1-6 3.6 1.4 Hong Kong vs. mainland 0, 100 18.2 38.6

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Measurement

Measures of idol worship dimensions evolved from a review of the academic literature and news reports in the Chinese context. The latter depicted and dramatized idol worship by noting its processes of fantasizing and illusory courtship as well as consequences in suicide, insanity, runaway, indulgence, and indebtedness. These measures comprised 15 rating items for five idol worship dimensions, identification, romanticization, idealization, intimatization, and commodification (see Table 2). Each of the items had five steps in the rating scale, with the lowest step returning a score of 0, the second step a score of 25, the third step a score of 50, the fourth step a score of 75, and the highest step a score of 100. The reliability of the three­item composite, based on the structural equation model that differentiated trait and method factors (Bollen, 1989), was .683 for identification, .776 for romantization, .702 for idealization, .644 for intimatization, and .738 for commodification. Each of the composites displayed a continuous distribution approaching a normal distribution (skewness = -0.261 to 1.242; kurtosis = -1.021 to 0.693).

The measure of attachment to the chum or the closest friend was adapted from the Intimate Friendship Scale (Sharabany, 1994). Each of its four items involved a six-point rating scale, which generated scores of 0, 20, 40, 60, 80, and 100 for the six points respectively. The structural equation model manifested a reliability of .685 for the composite measure.

In addition, a method factor of acquiescence referred to the average of all rating items, representing to the response set in rating (McClendon, 1991).

Analytic Procedure

Analysis, dealing with the structural equation model via Mplus (Muthen and Muthen, 2006), was a fusion of a confirmatory factor part and a structural relation part (Bollen, 1989). The confirmatory factor part restricted the 15 items of idol worship to load on their corresponding trait factors and the four items of attachment to the chum to identify the attachment trait factor. In addition, the model maintained that a method or acquiescence factor as the common root of all the 19 rating items. While the model allowed correlations among the six trait factors, it

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TABLE 2

Standardized factor loadings

Item Trait Method

Identification of the idol Becoming the kind of person as the idol .445 .408 Regarding the idol as the model for striving .720 .327 Feeling a force of stimulation from the idol .626 .357

Romanticization of the idol Wishing the idol to be my lover .757 .354 Regarding the idol as the lover in the dream .798 .366 Fantasizing the idol to like me .445 .422

Idealization of the idol Regarding the idol as the most perfect person .546 .428 Regarding the idol as unsubstitutable .620 .423 Regarding the idol as the most capable person .629 .436

Intimatization of the idol Wishing to be my idol's friend .638 .374 Wishing to make friends and chat with

my idol .660 .399 Regarding the idol as intimate as my

siblings .374 .418

Commodification of the idol Buying things related to the idol .699 .422 Having no reservations about spending on

the idol .534 .399 Liking to buy things related to the idol .670 .391

Attachment to the chum Feeling close to the chum .534 .360 Liking the chum .584 .355 Missing the chum .659 .362 Thinking where and what the chum is

doing .475 .332

Note. All factor loadings were significant at the .001 level.

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maintained independence between the trait factors and method factor. Meanwhile, the structural relation part of the model held all the trait factors as outcomes of seven background characteristics, namely, membership in a fans' club, education, age, gender, paternal education, maternal education, and location, Hong Kong versus the mainland of China. The location was an important consideration due to the "one country, two systems" arrangement in China such that Hong Kong continued its capitalist, free-market system and the mainland operated a market system under socialist structure (Lau, 2003). In addition to running the analysis using all data, some split-group analyses were useful to differentiate outcomes for boys and girls, and those from Hong Kong and the mainland (Selig et al., 2008). Such analyses allowed for the assessment of generality of findings across notable groups.

RESULTS

The structural equation model attained a good fit with all the data from the Chinese students, which showed the following goodness-of-fit statistics: U(228) = 3047, SRMR = .033, RMSEA = .050, CFI = .921. The good fit received endorsement from research and argument in view of 27 input variables used in the analysis (Hu and Bentler, 1999; Marsh et al., 2004). Meanwhile, the two-group structural equation model differentiating Hong Kong from the mainland of China attained a similar good fit: U(456) = 3754, SRMR = .038, RMSEA = .054, CFI = .902. The two-group structural equation model differentiating boys and girls also reached a similar good fit: U(456) = 3778, SRMR = .037, RMSEA = .054, CFI = .908. Given these good fits, estimates of factor loadings, residual correlations, and paths would be credible.

Convergent Validity and Discriminant Validity

Convergent validity at the item level was apparent in the substantial and significant loadings of items of their trait factors, including five dimensions of idol worship and attachment to the chum. Notably, two items for measuring romanticization manifested the highest convergence (.X = .798 & .757, see Table 2). The convergence was particularly noteworthy because of the presence of the alternative trait and method factors. Accordingly,

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convergent validity was sustainable together with discriminant validity.

Discriminant validity at the item level was visible in the stronger loadings on the trait factor than on the method factor. Notably, the contrast was clearest in an item measuring the romanticization of the idol (>. = .798 vs. 366, see Table 2). Only an item measuring the intimatization of the idol loaded slightly more strongly on the method factor than on the trait factor (>. = .418 vs. 374). In contrast, 18 of the 19 items displayed stronger loadings on their trait factors than on the method factor.

Discriminant validity at the molar level was sustainable in view of the relatively weak residual correlations among the trait factors, after partialling out common influences of background characteristics. Accordingly, the strongest correlation was only at a modest level (r = .414, see Table 3), which clearly demonstrated that the concerned factors, idealization and identification of the idol, were not identical. More importantly, the correlations between idol worship dimensions and attachment to the chum were consistently negative across different groups according to location and gender. Notably, the strongest negative correlation was that between intimatization of the idol and attachment to the chum in the student from Hong Kong (r = -.350, see Table 4). Correlations between idol worship dimensions and attachment to the chum were generally more negative in the girl and one from Hong Kong than in the boy and one from the mainland of China. Comparing alternative structural equation models showed that the correlations were significantly different between the two sexes (L1U(5) =53, p < .001) and between the two regions (L1U(5) = 52, p < .001). In other words, idol worship and attachment to the chum was more mutually exclusive in Hong Kong and in the girl than in the mainland and the boy.

Predictive validity in terms of prediction by membership in a fans' club was sustainable in four of the five dimensions of idol worship. Accordingly, the membership displayed a significant positive effect on idol worship (/3 = .055-.215, see Table 5), except the dimension of identification, in the analysis of all data. The positive effects generally held across sexes and regions. Notably, the membership exerted a significant positive effect on identification of the idol in the student of Hong Kong and female gender (/3 = .195 and .052), whereas it was not significant in the student of the mainland and male gender. In addition, the membership led a negative effect to attachment to the chum (!3 = -.071), and this effect verified predictive validity for the attachment.

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TABLE 4

Residual correlations with attachment to the chum

Item Hong Main- Boy Girl All Kong land

Identification of the idol -.326*** -.083** -.023 -.213*** -.119***

Romanticization of the idol -.174*** -.140*** -.110*** -.201*** -.151***

Idealization of the idol -.292*** -.109*** -.058 -.244*** -.148***

Intimatization of the idol -.350*** -.098*** -.158*** -.139*** -.144***

Commodification of the idol -.259*** -.073** -.074* -.175*** -.120***

* p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .005.

Predictive validity in terms of gender difference in idol worship was apparent in the significantly higher romanticization, intimatization, and commodification of the idol and attachment to the chum in the girl than in the boy, in the analysis of all data ({3 = .035-.154, see Table 6). Conversely, the girl was significantly lower than was the boy in identification and idealization ({3 = -.077 & -.058). Analysis of data from the mainland largely replicated the findings, except the absence of gender difference in commodification of the idol. These findings thereby largely fitted expectations about gender difference. The only contradictory finding was the lower romanticization in the girl than in the boy in Hong Kong ({3 = -.213).

Given the supportive findings for the validity of measurement of idol worship and attachment to the chum, it appeared that attachment to the chum was highest on average, followed by intimatization of the idol, based on simple mean scores (see Table 1). In contrast, romanticization of the idol and commodification of the idol were least frequent. As such, intimatization, identification, and idealization of the idol were rather substantial worship behaviors among Chinese students.

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TABLE 5

Standardized effects of membership in a fans' club on idol worship

Idol worship as Hong Main- Boy Girl All the outcome Kong land

Identification of the idol .105** .006 -.009 .052* .017

Romanticization of the idol .119* .078** .076* .092** .081***

Idealization of the idol .073 .050* .040 .078** .055**

Intimatization of the idol .112** .109*** .105*** .106*** .104***

Commodification of the idol .304*** .192*** .241*** .187*** .215***

Attachment to the chum .052 -.080*** -.067* -.086*** -.071***

Note: The analysis included age, gender, education, paternal education, maternal education, and region (Hong Kong vs. mainland) as other predictors for controlling. * p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

TABLE 6

Standardized effects of female gender on idol worship

Idol worship as the Hong Main- All outcome Kong land

Identification of the idol .007 -.099*** -.077*** Romanticization of the idol -.213*** .121 *** .063*** Idealization of the idol -.053 -.057** -.058*** Intimatization of the idol .110** .065*** .079*** Commodification of the idol .160*** .017 .035* Attachment to the chum .113** .171*** .154***

Note: The analysis included age, education, paternal education, maternal education, and region (Hong Kong vs. mainland) as other predictors for controlling. * p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

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DISCUSSION

Findings demonstrate the convergent validity, divergent validity, and predictive validity of the pentangular dimensionality of idol worship, based on theory and research and applied to Chinese secondary school students. The dimensions are elegant, each containing just three items, describing different styles of relating without an evaluative bias. They are genuine dimensions in the sense that they are not levels on a hierarchy, across low or social, intermediate or personal, and edtreme or pathological stages (Sheridan et al., 2007). Importantly, the demonstration of divergent validity substantiates the view that idol worship and attachment to the chum are mutually exclusive. Both idol worship and membership in a fans' club maintained a negative relationship with attachment to the chum. These findings are reflective and supportive of psychoanalytic theory and exchange theory about the imbalance of social relationship. Accordingly, one is unlikely to maintain balanced relationships with multiple partners, including closed friends and remote idols simultaneously. Findings about differentials due to gender and fans' club membership are also supportive of the predictive validity of idol worship. In line with expectations drawn from extant research and theory, commodification of the idol was higher in a girl or fans' club member than in a boy or a nonmember, and intimatization was higher in a girl than in a boy. In addition to the clear demonstration of various forms of validity, some emergent gender and regional variations are noteworthy.

Gender differentials are significant in the relationship between idol worship and attachment to the chum. Specifically, the relationship was more negative in the girl than in the boy in identification, romanticization, idealization, and commodification of the idol. Hence, the girl is more mutually exclusive or selective in relating to the idol and chum, and this selectivity reflects the feminine nature (Ovadia, 2001; Pierret, 2001). Informed by evolutionary theory, the female is more selective than is the male in maintaining relationships for the conservation of biological resources (Beaulieu and Bugental, 2007). The concern for resource conservation would thereby prevent the female from relating to multiple partners, thus engendering a negative relationship between idol worship and attachment to the chum. However, the relationship between intimatization of the idol and attachment to the chum was equally negative in the girl and the boy. This finding suggests the female's strong urge for maintaining intimacy with others (Lempers and Clark-Lempers, 1993). The urge

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would thereby neutralize her concern for resource conservation, tempering the negative relationship between intimatization of the idol and attachment to the chum.

The relationship between idol worship and attachment to the chum was more negative in Hong Kong than in the mainland of China. Such a stronger mutual exclusive property in juggling between the idol and chum in Hong Kong may reflect the more competitive social life there (Moneta and Siu, 2002; Salili et al., 2001). Due to the more competitive context and concern, the student in Hong Kong may be more pragmatic (Cheng, 2004), and this may heighten selectivity in relating to other people. Hence, the adolescent in Hong Kong may be complacent with idol worship and thereby detach oneself from friends and vice versa.

A surpising finding in Hong Kong was the girl's lower romanticization. The gender difference may be attributable to strong authoritarian parenting in Hong Kong, which particularly constrains the girl's behavior (Berndt et al., 1993; Lai et al., 2000). Romanticization of the idol is likely to receive parental control in Hong Kong. Parental control arises probably because parents are aware that precocious romantic love precedes many youth problems, including sexual permissiveness, unsafe sex, and violence (Bearman and Bruckner, 2001; Cavanagh, 2007; Dodge and Jaccard, 2002; Pettit et al., 2006).

Limitations and Further Study

Obviously, reliance on a sample of Chinese secondary school students is a limitation of the study. This limitation applies to the development of the measurement of idol worship and findings concerning the validity of the measurement. Probably but uncertain influence due to the Chinese context can introduce a bias in the findings. As such, the apparently Chinese-styled measurement of idol worship certainly requires corroboration in non-Chinese contexts to ascertain its compatibility with or distinction from the alternative contexts.

Another limitation of the study is the lack of external criteria to demonstrate convergent validity and predictive validity by relating self-report measures with alternative measures. Conceivably, objective measures of purchase, consumption, other aspects of idol worship, and involvement in a fans' club can be available from parents and other informants. Health, courtship, and sexual behaviors and conditions, as potential consequences

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of idol worship (Maltby et al., 2005; Moriarty, 1992), can also be objective criteria for examining the predictive validity of the measurement.

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