Performing the Feast: Visual Display and Suprahousehold

Society for American Archaeology

Performing the Feast: Visual Display and Suprahousehold Commensalism in the PuebloanSouthwestAuthor(s): Barbara J. MillsSource: American Antiquity, Vol. 72, No. 2 (Apr., 2007), pp. 210-239Published by: Society for American ArchaeologyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40035812Accessed: 17/11/2010 21:14

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PERFORMING THE FEAST: VISUAL DISPLAY AND SUPRAHOUSEHOLD COMMENSALISM

IN THE PUEBLOAN SOUTHWEST

Barbara J. Mills

Ceramic bowls from the Greater Southwest are used to show how changes in the exterior decoration of serving vessels are associated with the proxemics of ritual performances. Across the northern Southwest the first use of exterior designs and polychrome ceramics is during the Pueblo III period, which corresponds to a shift in settlement aggregation and the use of open plaza spaces. With the transition to the more enclosed plazas of the Early Pueblo IV period, smaller and less visible exterior designs were used. The trend reversed itself with the use of larger plazas at later Pueblo IV period sites, where serving bowls with greater visual impact were used. Panregional trends are bolstered by a case study from the Mogollon Rim region of Arizona to show how changes in the visual performance characteristics of bowls are associated with the spatial and social proxemics of suprahousehold feasting rituals. I use several characteristics of serving bowls including their size, slip colors, paint and slip contrasts, and the size of exterior designs. These are related to the size and diversity of performance spaces, including plazas, and to other evidence for changes in feasting practices, such as roasting features and

faunal remains. I conclude that the changes seen in serving vessels are important for looking at shifts in the scale, visibility, and diversity of public gatherings within Ancestral Pueblo social and ritual trajectories.

Se analizan los cuencos cerdmicos del suroeste norteamericano para demostrar la asociacion entre cambios en la decoracion exterior de las vasijas de servir alimentos y cambios en la organizacion social del espacio durante la ejecucion de ritos reli-

giosos. Primero, se examinan cambios pan-regionales en los cuencos Pueblo de varias areas prehistoricas del suroeste septen- trional. El primer uso de disehos exteriores y de cerdmica policroma correspondio a un periodo de agregacion y al uso de plazas abiertas durante el periodo Pueblo III. Con la transformacion de la plaza en un espacio mas cerrado en el periodo Pueblo IV Temprano, aparecieron los disehos mas pequehos y menos llamativos. Esta tendencia se revirtio durante el uso de plazas grandes en sitios mas tardios del periodo Pueblo IV, cuando se utilizaron cuencos de impacto visual mas pronunciado. Segundo, el andlisis se enfoca en el caso de los asentamientos y cerdmica de la region de Mogollon (Arizona) para argumen- tar que los cambios en las caracteristicas visuales de estos cuencos estdn estrechamente vinculados a la organizacion espa- cial y social de las festividades a nivel de grupo. Se analizan especificamente la variacion en el tamaho de los cuencos de servir, color del engobe, contrastes de engobe y pintura decorativa, y relacion entre ehtamaho de los disehos exteriores y el tamaho de los cuencos. Estas variables se relacionan con el tamaho y diversidad de los espacios sociales, incluyendo plazas, y con otra evidencia de cambios en festividades, asicomo asaderos comunales y restos de fauna. Se concluye que los cambios observados en los cuencos de servir alimentos son importantes indicadores de cambios en la escala, visibilidad, y diversidad de las reuniones publicas dentro de las trajectorias sociales y rituales de los antiguos Pueblo.

its cross-cultural ubiquity, archaeological feasting was only studied sporad- ically before the 1990s. Since then,

however, the topic has been featured in two open- ing sessions at the SAA annual meetings and in many recent publications (e.g., Adams 2004; Blitz 1993; Bray 2003; Bray, ed. 2003; Clark and Blake 1994; Dietler and Hayden, ed. 2001; Gero 1992; Hastorf 2003; Jennings et al. 2005; Junker 1999; Lau 2002; LeCount 2001 ; Mills 2004; Morris 1979;

Pauketat et al. 2002; Potter 2000; Spielmann 2002; Vaughn 2004). This research has added considerable depth to understanding the social and political contexts of feasting food preparation and consumption. As many point out, feasting is important because it is a social event in which religion, politics, and identity are simultaneously expressed, making it an ideal setting for understanding social differences and their change through time. Feast- ing is also important because it provides a context

Barbara J. Mills Department of Anthropology, Haury Building, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ 85721-0030 ([email protected])

American Antiquity, 72(2), 2007, pp. 210-239

Copyright ©2007 by the Society for American Archaeology

210

Mills] PERFORMING THE FEAST 21 1

in which multiple theoretical perspectives can be applied, such as those drawing on ecological (Hay- den 2001), evolutionary (Bird and Smith 2005), and social and political (Dietler 2001) models.

One aspect of feasting that has not been well explored is how feasts are a form of performance, particularly when conducted in the context of suprahousehold commensalism. Although many feasts take place within households, the practice of feasting above the household scale has different social, political, and spatial contexts that make it ideal for looking at its performative attributes. Performance theory is a small but growing area in archaeology (e.g., Inomata and Coben 2006; Pearson and Shanks 2001) that has much potential for looking at how social, political, and economic distinctions are actively constructed through the practice of feasting.

Performance and theatricality are significant parts of many rituals, whether they are more individually choreographed or entail the participation of large groups of people (Beeman 1993; Kaeppler 1997; Schechner 1988). The variables of performances include lighting and visibility, sounds, smells, and taste. Lighting and visibility are strongly correlated with spatial location, such as whether the performance takes place inside or outside a structure, in a plaza, on a mound, or within a compound. Sounds and smells are often produced during ritual performances through singing, play- ing of musical instruments, the burning of different substances, and the consumption of different foods. Food is used in conjunction with rituals of many kinds and feasting is a form of ritual performance that involves important rules for the preparation, presentation, and consumption of food and drink (Dietler and Hayden 2001). Each feast has its own dramaturgical order that includes the choice of particular foods; the sequence of food preparation, presentation, and consumption; who partakes; and who watches. In fact, display has been identified as one of the five characteristics of feasting identified by Weissner (2001), along with aggregation of people, food sharing and distribution, specific feasting purposes, and food abundance.

The size of the audience and their proxemics to the performers are important variables in deter- mining the potential effectiveness of the message(s) being conveyed during performances and its political implications (Inomata and Coben 2006). Edward T. Hall's ( 1 966, 1 968), pioneering work on

proxemics has been a rich source for archaeological interpretations (see also Tringham 1973). Hall noticed that there are different degrees of intimacy within each society, but that cross-culturally these can be divided into personal, social, and public spaces - each of which corresponds to an increasing scale of inclusiveness. Using Hall as a source of inspiration, Moore (1996a, 1996b) argues that an approach based on the proxemics of ritual can provide important insights into the social relationships of performers and observers. He suggests that the relative size of plazas and other ritual spaces can be used to infer differences in ritual participation, from smaller, more restricted groups, to communal gatherings. Beck (2004) has extended this analysis to the Titicaca Basin, pointing out how changes in public architecture decreased the visibility of the performances that took place as public viewing became increasingly more restricted with the incorporation of partitioned spaces within public buildings.

In this article, I take these ideas a step further. I argue that in addition to the way that the relative size and visibility of ritual spaces intersects with the social scale of participation, the proxemics of ritual also affects the way that food preparation and serving is practiced during feasting events. This includes what Schiffer and Skibo (1997; see also Schiffer 1999) refers to as the visual performance characteristics of artifacts. They note that these characteristics "might include an artifact 's abilities to stand out from its surrounding and thus 'catch the eye' of an observer" (Schiffer and Skibo 1997:30). In a similar vein, Carr and Neitzel ( 1 995 : 6) noted that artifact material styles are influ- enced by both the social context and the viewing distance (see also Carr 1995). Based on an archaeological case study, Cook and Glowacki found an association of specific forms, sizes, and expertise in the decoration of vessels used in feasts hosted by Huari imperial leaders and noted that "the presence of large and beautiful non-portable vessels make economic wealth visible" (2003:197).

Here, I focus on bowls made and used by Ances- tral Pueblo people of the Southwest to illustrate how serving vessel performance characteristics changed through time. I relate these changes to the spatial and social properties of settlements in the region from approximately A.D. 1000 to 1400, especially the size, visibility, and diversity of ritual spaces.

21 2 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 72, No. 2, 2007

Serving Containers, Feasting, and Social Proximity

Ethnographic and ethnoarchaeological studies illustrate the importance of serving containers in feasting and how these relate to the spatial and social proxemics of consumption events. For example, Michael Dietler (2001) discusses the importance of beer in Luo feasting, including who sits closest to the large beer fermentation and serving vessel (the oldest men). Older men carry their own drinking straws in special cases, which are indicators of their status within the community. Younger men and women surround these men in both historic murals and contemporary consumption events suggesting some time depth to the practice. Feast- ing practices among the Luo are "empowerment" feasts, in which older men accumulate social capital through their proximity to the feasting vessel - in this case one that contains an alcoholic beverage.

Adrienne Kaeppler (1997) discusses another intoxicating beverage, kava, imbibed by Tongan villagers. She describes kava bowls as "centerpieces" to a ritualized performance that begins with preparation and ends with consumption. The performers are usually men, who sit in a proscribed order related to their position in the hierarchy, surrounding an outdoor area where the kava bowl is placed. Also performing are individuals responsible for mixing and serving the drink. Although mix- ers are usually men, high-ranking women serve the men in their social order from the kava bowl. These bowls are large and have pedestaled legs that raise the bowl above the ground, making them distinctive from other serving vessels and more visible. The audience consists of other members of the community, who watch the preparation and consumption from a greater distance - but close enough to verify that the performance has been carried out appropriately.

Warren DeBoer (2001; DeBoer and Moore 1982) and Brenda Bowser (2002; Bowser and Pat- ton 2004) have looked at decorative style on feasting vessels among Amazonian groups. DeBoer (2001 :229) specifically notes that "decoration was made flamboyant and otherwise visually impres- sive" for serving vessels used in large-scale Conibo- Shipibo ceremonies. In her innovative analysis, Bowser (2002) explicitly uses Hall's (1966, 1968) principles of social and spatial proximity to look

at how the size of decoration on chicha drinking vessels varied in Conambo, Ecuador. She tested whether the scale of exterior bowl designs was related to the viewing distance and size of the group being served. Her analyses demonstrated significant positive relationships between the height of exterior painted designs and the size (length and width) of male social spaces. These exterior designs were scaled much larger than the interior symbols and approached what could be seen at the thresh- old between what Hall identified as "public near" and "public far" distances, or about 10 meters. Designs that were at least three inches (7.6 cm) in

height were considered in Bowser's analysis to be visible at "public far" distances, or greater than 10 meters.

The above brief review indicates that serving bowls used in public feasting often have distinctive size, form, and decorative attributes that make them more visible to larger groups of people. Bowser's study is particularly intriguing because it directly tests the size of exterior bowl designs relative to the scale of public viewing. Like Bowser (2002), I suggest that the visibility of containers for preparing and serving feasting foods can be used to assess how widespread participation in feasting was, the social relationships of hosts and guests, and at what scales social identities were being expressed during feasting activities. It isn't the presence of feasting that I'm concerned with - I think that suprahousehold commensalism was present in most societies at most periods of time. Rather, it is how changes in the performance of feasting may be used to understand scalar changes in social relationships through their spatial interactions. This can then be used to investigate broader changes in identity, ritual, and the relationships between hosts and guests - that is, their commensal politics (Bray 2003; Wills and Crown 2004).

Specifically I ask, how did the performance of feasts change in the Puebloan world and what does this tell us about Pueblo social and ritual trajectories? To do this I focus on the visual performance characteristics of serving bowls to understand the size and exclusivity of feasting groups.1 1 concen- trate on the presence and visibility of the exterior decoration on serving bowls. Building on Nic David and colleagues' (1988) oft-cited paper, my goal is to understand why the exterior of pots are decorated, and why they are decorated in different ways.


Studies in visual perception suggest that object recognition is a matter of discrimination, which has classically been looked at in terms of the properties of brightness, contrast, color, size, and shape (Wade and Swanston 1991). Applying these to the analysis of serving bowls, the specific attributes that enhance the visibility of serving bowls include: (1) surface color, (2) vessel size, (3) presence of exterior designs, (4) size of exterior designs, (5) color of exterior pigments, (6) brightness and reflectance qualities of exterior slips and pigments, and (7) contrast of paints with surface color. I will suggest that these attributes of exterior bowl surfaces, and their variation through time, are related to changes in the spatial and social organization of feasting as a part of ritual performances.2

Pueblo Feasting, Feasting Features, and Serving Containers

As Leslie White ( 1 932: 1 32) wrote about the Pueblo of Acoma: "all important ceremonies are attended with feasting." That remark could be written of any of the Pueblos, and includes the preparation of special foods, the use of special cooking features, and the serving of food before, during, and after, special ceremonies. The only exceptions are periods of fasting, but even these are terminated with a feast.

Historic and contemporary Pueblo feasting features include pits for roasting green corn at the edges of fields, outside ovens for baking wheat breads, and hearths in dedicated cooking structures. The firing of a bread oven indicates who is partic- ipating in an impending feast and the number of people to be served is scaled to the number of ovens in use. At Hopi there are special structures for the preparation of flat breads, called piki houses (Adams 1991), and at Zuni, special structures called "stew houses" were used for the preparation of mutton-based feasting foods (Cushing 1920). When these dedicated structures were in use, they too would be clear indicators of the preparation of feasts to anyone in the pueblo.

Pueblo feasts also involve the use of cooking vessels for the preparation of large amounts of food and the use of large bowls for serving guests. For example, during activities associated with the saints' feast days, the carrying of large bowls by senior women of the household is a form of per-

formance that expresses identity and establishes their participation in the social and ritual activities of different Pueblos (Figure 1). In another example, Bunzel (1932:505) notes that women from many households brought cooked food to the kivas and other ceremonial rooms where men conducted retreats in preparation for nearly all ceremonial occasions. Finally, during feasts associated with ceremonial festivities, such as Shalako at Zuni, several households host large gatherings that entail the preparation and serving of large quantities of food for many visitors, including stews served in special bowls. Although these have been replaced in recent years by metal serving basins, large stew bowls were a distinctive category of vessel during the nineteenth century (Hardin 1983; Hardin and Mills 2000; Stevenson 1883). Matilda Coxe Steven- son (1904:240) describes how these bowls were prominently placed in living rooms during feasts, kept constantly filled, and then as women of other households left, each was given a filled bowl to take home.

The use of bowls for the display of food is also documented throughout the Pueblo IV period (A.D. 1275-1600) murals, such as those from Awatovi, Kawaika-a, Kuaua, and Pottery Mound (e.g., Sekaquaptewa and Washburn 2004: Figs. 5 and 9; Smith 1952: Plate D). Decorated bowls with prominent exterior designs found in these murals present them as icons of participation in Pueblo ceremonialism. These murals do not show bowl interiors, only views from the side, and the vessels are often filled with food. The interior designs were important to the participants consuming the food, but the exterior, which would have been viewed by a wider audience, is the view that is shown most prominently in the murals.

The consumption of feasting foods in public spaces is also documented from late nineteenth- century Zuni. Cushing describes how groups of men returning from communal hoeing of the fields were fed together in visually prominent locations:

At sunset the men file in from the field. The women have spread or rather strung the feast out on the lowest roof. Ten or twelve great bowls in a row, smoking hot with stew, every one as red with chili as its rising vapors are with the touches of sunset. There is a row of breadstuff, thin as paper, flaky as crackers, red, yellow, blue and white, piled up in baskets down


Figure 1. Women carrying food across a plaza at Zuni Pueblo, New Mexico (photograph by T.J. Ferguson).

either side of the meat bowls. Outside these, two other rows, this time of blankets and stool blocks. The first man whose head appears up the ladder is besieged with polite invitations to "Sit and eat, sit and eat," from as many pairs of lips as there are women on the house-top [Cushing 1920:203].

With such clear evidence of suprahousehold feasting in the contemporary and historic record of the Pueblos, it is thus surprising that evidence for feasting in the archaeological record of the northern Southwest has not been as clear cut as we might expect. As Wills and Crown (2004) point out, this may be because Southwestern archaeologists have not used as many different lines of evidence for feasting beyond vessel size - and even size can be ambiguously interpreted (Mills 1999; Potter and Ortman 2004). They suggest that attention to different kinds of feasting foods and to the excavation of extramural contexts where communal cooking

features were located have not kept pace with the collection of data about container sizes and the relative quantities of pots discarded. Nonetheless, archaeologists working in the northern Southwest have used several different approaches to identify the presence of feasting (Table 1).

The results of these studies indicate that feasting can be identified archaeologically, but that only a relatively few very large vessels may have seen more specialized or exclusive use for feasts. Instead, other vessels, especially serving bowls, likely moved back and forth between household and suprahousehold contexts (Crown 1994; Mills 1999; Potter and Ortman 2004; Van Keuren 2004). The relatively recent recognition on the part of Southwestern archaeologists of the movement of large numbers of decorated bowls between domestic consumption and communal feasting contexts has paved the way for many new approaches. These include the use of the metaphor of the ceramic bowl in interpreting kiva architecture (e.g., Ortman


Table 1. Archaeological Evidence of Feasting in the Puebloan Southwest

Materials Attributes Reference Ceramics Cooking Vessel Size Toll 1984, 1985; Blinman 1988, 1989; Mills 1999; Potter 2000

Serving Vessel Size Crown 1994; Graves and Spielmann 2000; Mills 1999; Van Keuren 2004 Relative Amounts Discarded Toll 1985; Blinman 1988, 1989; Graves and Spielmann 2000;

Potter and Oilman 2004 Faunal Remains Relative Amounts of Dean 2001; Potter 1997, 2000

Large Game to Small Game Thermal Features Extramural Pit Ovens Lowell 1999

Piki Ovens Adams 1981

2000a), the symbolism of nonlocal bowls as "pieces of [sacred] places" (Spielmann 2002, 2004), and shifts in the iconographic content of bowl decoration as indicating changing participation in cults or community ideologies (Crown 1994; Potter and Ortman 2004; Spielmann 1998; Toll 2001; Van Keuren 2004).

Some of these studies have noted changes in the use of exterior designs on serving bowls. I build on these studies to show how these designs were used in what Van Keuren (2004) calls the "presenta- tional" rather than "practical" qualitites of ceramic vessels. I take a broad perspective from several areas of the Puebloan Southwest, focusing on the Pueblo III and IV periods. After a review of some of the ceramic trends, I then test the idea that these trends are related to the proxemics and practice of feasting by comparing changes in the performance characteristics of serving bowls of multiple wares to the changing spatial structure of Ancestral Pueblo villages in the Mogollon Rim region.

Ancestral Pueblo Feasting Bowls: Pan-Regional Patterns of Visual

Performance Characteristics

Prior to the Pueblo III period (A.D. 1 100-1275) in the northern Southwest, decorated bowls were consistently painted on their interior surfaces and some exterior surfaces were not even slipped. Thus, when filled with food, little or no decoration would be visible on these vessels. When present, slips were white or red with occasional polishing, such as found on the pre-twelfth-century types of Tusayan White Ware, Cibola White Ware, Mesa Verde White Ware, San Juan Red Ware, Puerco Valley Red Ware, and White Mountain Red Ware (Carlson 1970; Colton 1956; Hays-Gilpin and van Hartesveldt 1998; Toll and McKenna 1997). The symbolic and

social significance of red ware pottery, in contrast to contemporaneous white and gray wares, has been seen as important in understanding differential ceramic production, exchange, and consumption patterns starting as early as the ninth century (Heg- mon et al. 1995). Of all the attributes of visibility, surface color was the prominent visual performance characteristic of serving vessels prior to A.D. 1 100 in Ancestral Pueblo communities across a vast area of the Southwest.3 These surface colors also form the basis for many of the ware distinctions used by archaeologists in the Southwest.

The Pueblo III Period (AD. 1100s-1200s)

During the A.D. 1 100s several important changes in the performance characteristics of ceramics took place. Primary among these is that the exterior surface of bowls became a design field for the first time across the northern Southwest. These changes coin- cide with increased production and use of oxidized red and orange wares (such as Tsegi Orange Ware and White Mountain Red Ware), the first use of polychromatic designs, and the use of bold exterior designs on serving bowls.4

The Kayenta/Tusayan area of northeastern Ari- zona and southeastern Utah is one area that clearly shows these changes. In a previous analysis using whole vessels excavated from multiple sites, decorated serving bowls were found to show several important changes through time, especially with regard to vessel size (Mills 1999). Reanalysis of these data shows that the changes are consistent with an increase in multiple attributes that would enhance the use of these vessels in feasting performances. First, it is evident that Tsegi Orange Ware bowl sizes are significantly larger than contemporaneous Tusayan White Ware bowls (Figure 2). The distributions of rim diameters show that although there is an overlap in the sizes of bowls


Figure 2. Bowl diameters of Tusayan White Ware and Tsegi Orange Ware, based on whole vessel collections.

between these two wares, and the ranges (6 to 32 cm) are the same, the overarching pattern is that red/orange ware bowls were made in larger sizes than white ware bowls (Mann Whitney U statistic = 8516.5, p < .001). Second, the largest of these bowls are polychromes. Tsegi Orange Ware with bichrome designs have a wider range of variation in rim diameters, but their median size is smaller than that of Tsegi Orange Ware polychromes, a dif- ference that is statistically significant (Mann Whit- ney U statistic = 250.5, p = .002). These changes in bowl sizes are part of a trend that started in the A.D. 1000s. Figure 3 contrasts box plots of earlier San Juan Red Ware (pre-A.D. 1000) with later Tsegi Orange Ware bichrome (A.D. 1000-1210) and polychrome types (A.D. 1125-1280/90). There are significant differences in size among all three wares (Kruskal-Wallis statistic = 9.861,/? = .007), with increasing size through the series of wares. Finally, two of the most widespread polychrome types, Tusayan A and B, were decorated with bold exterior designs that covered most of the exterior surface in broad bands (Figure 4).

Thus, the earliest widespread use of exterior decoration on bowls from the Kayenta/Tusayan area was on vessels that are distinguishable in color and size from contemporaneous bowls in the late twelfth through thirteenth centuries. Moreover, the

exterior decoration on these vessels was bold and covered most of the exterior surface making it more easily viewed from a distance and/or a larger group of observers. The changes in vessel size through time are consistent with increased use of these vessels in suprahousehold feasting and in spatial contexts in which visibility was an important attribute. These changes began in the eleventh century but became more pronounced in the thirteenth century when polychrome bowls became more prevalent.

The pattern identified above for the Kayenta/ Tusayan area is one that is seen in several other areas of the Southwest during the same period of time. For example, Cibola or Zuni area ceramics of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries track the Kayenta/Tusayan pattern in several ways, although the designs were executed quite differently. Dur- ing this period bold exterior designs were applied to vessels with black-on-red interiors, producing polychromes. The earliest of these types, Wingate Polychrome, was decorated with large areas of white and red exterior slips very similar to the Tsegi Orange Ware polychromes from the Kayenta/ Tusayan area (Carlson 1970). Partially contemporaneous with these Wingate Polychrome vessels, and outnumbering them significantly by the thirteenth century, is St. Johns Polychrome (Figure 5). St. Johns Polychrome was decorated on its exte-


Figure 3. Box plots of San Juan Red Ware (n = 8), Tsegi Orange Ware bichrome (n = 33), and Tsegi Orange Ware polychrome (n = 28) bowl rim diameters from Tusayan/ Kayenta area. Plots are arranged through relative time, left to right.

rior with broad areas of white kaolin paint, usually in banded designs. Van Keuren's (2001:Figure 5.06) measurements of St. Johns Polychrome rim diameters show two clear size modes, one peaking at 21 cm and the other at 28 cm. These modes par- allel the sizes for Tsegi Orange Ware with the largest size class of St. Johns Polychrome a few cm larger than the orange ware mode.

Vessels of St. Johns Polychrome are ubiquitous at sites throughout the Zuni/Cibola area, and largely replaced white ware serving bowls throughout the region in the 13th century. This pattern is so strong that it was easily observed by the earliest archaeologists at Zuni and is a mainstay of two of the earliest ceramic chronologies in the Southwest (Kroeber 1916; Spier 1917). St. Johns Polychrome vessels have been reported over a large area of the Southwest - even larger than the Salado Poly- chromes in their distribution (cf. Crown 1994) - but were produced in a more restricted area of the southern Colorado Plateau from the Upper Little Colorado area to Acoma (Carlson 1970). They were not made in the Mogollon Rim region at this time, but were probably made as close as 40-60 km to the north and east and exchanged into the Rim area (Mills et al. 1999). In addition, they were traded to, but probably not made in, areas below the Mogol- lon Rim in the Salt and Gila drainages.

Figure 4. Tusayan Polychrome "B" bowl (Tsegi Orange Ware) from Tachini Point, Marsh Pass, Arizona, collections of the Museum of Northern Arizona, catalog number 940/A487, photograph by the author.

The Mesa Verde area mirrors trends in the other two areas: increasing bowl sizes through time and the innovation of exterior designs. The designs were not on red or orange slips, however, but in black- on-white. During the thirteenth century, the dom- inant painted type of Mesa Verde Black-on- white shows distinctive size classes of serving bowls. The largest bowls are much more likely to have exterior black designs than are smaller bowls (Mills 1999:113; Ortman 2002; Ortman and Bradley 2002). The exterior designs are painted in both unit and continuous banded layouts.

Ortman (2000b) tabulated the frequencies of continuous banded layouts for different size classes at a number of sites in the Sand Canyon locality of southwestern Colorado. He found that not only was the trend in exterior decoration and large vessels replicated in the analysis of sherd assemblages, but that the largest sites had the highest proportion of large serving vessels. The same results were found in Oilman's (2002) analyses of the Woods Canyon Pueblo III community, where the bowls from the focal site of Woods Canyon Pueblo were not only larger, but more likely to have exterior decoration. The implications of these analyses are that feasting took place more often in the large sites and that there was a greater concern for the communicative aspects of serving bowls in these settings, particularly when contrasted with smaller sites within their respective communities. The use of outdoor grinding areas at large Pueblo III sites in the same area (Ortman 1998) further supports the idea that feasting was a highly performative aspect of Pueblo


Figure 5. St. Johns Polychrome bowl (White Mountain Red Ware), ca. 1250, catalog number 08872/11, 14.8 x 30.0 cm, Museum of Indian Arts and Culture/Laboratory of Anthropology, Department of Cultural Affairs, www.miaclab.org. Photograph by Blair Clark

public life in the Mesa Verde area during the thirteenth century.

In the Mogollon Rim region of east-central Ari- zona and extending into west-central New Mexico (south of the Zuni/Cibola area), serving bowls were produced that contrast with the above areas in color combinations, but not in the use of bold exterior designs. One of these types, called McDonald Cor- rugated, was also made during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. It has smudged black interiors and finely corrugated exteriors that were then painted with the same bold kaolin white paints as found on contemporaneous St. Johns Polychrome vessels.

McDonald Corrugated was made in bowls of different sizes, some of which were very large, such as the well-known examples excavated from the Point of Pines Pueblo dating to the late thirteenth century (Haury 1989: Figs. 4.11 and 4.12; Figure 6). These vessels are at the upper range of any bowl sizes for the entire Southwest. In the same room as these two McDonald Corrugated vessels was a third large vessel of Reserve White-on-red, also painted with bold white designs, but on a polished brownish-red surface. Reserve White-on-red may have been an intentional copy of St. Johns Poly- chrome exteriors, but produced quite differently

through oxidation of a brown ware vessel, rather than oxidation of a limonitic slip. The surfaces of these vessels are highly polished and often differ- entially fired with some large areas left unoxidized, much like earlier polished brown wares found throughout this part of the Southwest. Even in smaller forms, both McDonald Corrugated and Reserve White-on-red vessels can be picked out at a distance because of the bold, contrasting exterior designs on brown and brownish-red surfaces.

The most salient point about the subareas sum- marized above is that the Pueblo III period represents the first time that exterior painted designs were used. Earlier white ware and red ware vessels in each area were decorated on their interiors, but not their exteriors. In the case of the brown ware, early types were only textured or burnished and oxidized, and not painted on top of their textured or burnished surfaces. Thus, the use of any exterior designs, especially during the mid- to late A.D. 1100s through the 1200s, is a strong pattern in all of these areas of the Southwest. These designs tend to be solid, large, and continuously applied around bowl exteriors. Bowls with exterior designs are also the largest of their respective time periods. For at least the Tusay an/Kay enta, Zuni/Cibola, and Mogollon Rim


Figure 6. Large bowls found in situ on floor of burned room at Point of Pines Pueblo (collection of Arizona State Museum, after Haury 1989:Figure 4.12).

areas, the use of large exterior elements would be visible to "public far" viewers because they use designs that are at least three inches tall. The use of contrasting colors, especially the extensive use of polished red and/or orange slips and paints found in the Tusayan/Kayenta and Zuni/Cibola areas, would have made these vessels stand out. Although the Mesa Verde Black-on- white exterior designs were not as large as the designs found in the other areas, they are found on the largest vessels of this ware. The use of a solid black pigment on a polished white surface provided contrast on vessels of this ware and many of these designs were banded and could thus be seen from all directions.

I interpret the ubiquitous bold designs painted on bowls from the northern Southwest during the thirteenth century as evidence for the priority of artifact visibility during public feasting performances. The absolute sizes of audiences during the thirteenth century were probably quite different between areas, and even within areas. However, the association of these bold designs with a period

known for population aggregation and an increase in site sizes suggests that larger groups of people were being engaged in the performances - whether as hosts, guests, or onlookers.

The Onset of the Pueblo IV Period (AD. 1275-1325) To contrast with the above pattern, I now turn to the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries of the northern Southwest, or to what is referred to as the beginning of the Pueblo IV period (A.D. 1275-1325). With the exception of the Hopi Mesas, most of the Kayenta/Tusayan area was depopu- lated by this time, as was the Mesa Verde area. The Zuni and Mogollon Rim areas continued to be occupied. At least in the Mogollon Rim area and areas to the south, such as Point of Pines, there is well-documented migration by Kayenta/Tusayan people who joined already existing populations producing communities made up of people with diverse social histories (Haury 1958; Lyons 2003; Mills 1998; Zedeno 2002).

220 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 72, No. 2, 2007

Table 2. Summary of Mogollon Rim Sites.

Total Percent Total Ceramics Number Excavated Analyzed/Bowl

Site Date (A.D.) of Rooms by SCARP Rim Assemblage References Pottery Hill 1200-1280 40-50 7 23,916/291 Mills et al. (eds.) 1999

(AZP:12:12ASM) Bryant Ranch 1270-1285 6 80 27,466/197 Cano 2003; Dean 2001; Fenn

Pueblo (AZ et al. 2006; Neuzil 2001 ; P: 1 1 : 1 33 ASU) Scholnick 2003

Bailey Ruin 1275-1325 200-250 3 77,928/1,356 Kaldahl et al. 2004; Mills (AZ P: 1 1 : 1 ASM) 1998; Mills et al. (eds.) 1999 Tundastusa 1275-1400 400-500 0 6,918/0 Hough 1903; Haury 1985;

(AZ P: 16:3ASM) Kaldahl et al. 2004; Sergeyeva et al. 2005 Note: Bowl rim assemblage includes only those that were measurable for rim diameters using protocols established by the Southwest Archaeology Laboratory, University of Arizona. This includes minimum values for rim arc length of 20 mm, the absence of perceptible vessel asymmetry, and the lack of multiple (>3) possible values using the rim arc matching method.

Midpoints were used when possible rim diameter arc matches were across two or three values of 1 cm degree increments. No form or rim diameter measurements were made on the Tundastusa sample, which were all from surface contexts.

During the earliest part of the Pueblo IV period, Zuni area red ware bowls retain white-painted exteriors, but the lines become markedly thinner through time, with the production of two types called Heshotauthla Polychrome and Kwakina Polychrome (Carlson 1970; Smith et al. 1966). Both have red-slipped and well-polished exterior surfaces, but Kwakina Polychrome was white slipped on the interior. Although the exterior was still decorated with white kaolin paint, the paint was applied more sparingly in thin white lines. Interior surfaces were decorated with black (and occasionally green or purple) glaze paints (Huntley 2006; Smith et al. 1966). Occasionally, vessels during this period were painted with both black and white exterior designs.

At the same time in the Mogollon Rim region, White Mountain Red Ware was locally produced for the first time, but with different designs and paint recipes than in the Zuni area. Black glaze paints were applied to bowl interiors, and to bowl exteriors on all polychrome examples and some bichromes. These types, called Pinedale Black-on- red and Pinedale Polychrome, are distinct from Heshotauthla and Kwakina Polychromes from the Zuni area, and from other local red wares (especially Roosevelt Red Ware or Salado Polychromes) in that they usually have exterior unbanded or unit designs. Some of these are naturalistic while others are simple geometries. Both above and below the Mogollon Rim, the brown ware serving bowls with bold exterior white paint, McDonald Corru-

gated, were no longer made.5 The most salient pattern in the shift from the Pueblo in to early Pueblo IV period exterior decoration is the reduction in design size when compared to the earlier bold white designs applied to bowl exteriors. The bold exterior designs were replaced by designs visible only from certain angles or at closer distances than what preceded them.

The shift from the bold highly visible designs of the Pueblo III period to less visible designs in the early Pueblo IV period presents a paradox because it occurs when we have some of our best evidence of suprahousehold feasting from other data sources. In the Mogollon Rim area and the Zuni area, the consumption of large game increased significantly (Dean 2001; Potter 2000). In addition, extramural ovens appear at a number of different sites such as Grasshopper, Fourmile, and Heshotauthla (Fewkes 1904; Lowell 1999). Other attributes of serving bowls from the Early Pueblo IV period also suggest that they continued to be used in feasting. Red ware bowls were made in increasing amounts relative to white ware bowls and in larger sizes compared to white ware bowls, as with the earlier Kayenta/Tusayan pattern. The larger number and size of red ware bowls overall, combined with the increased evidence for large game procurement and consumption, all point to the increasing importance of feasting.

To explain the reduction in the size of exterior designs at the same time as other evidence for feasting increases, I suggest that we look at changes in

Mills] PERFORMING THE FEAST 221

Figure 7. Location of sites discussed in the Mogollon Rim region.

the spatial proxemics of feasting performances. A sequence of sites investigated by the University of Arizona Archaeological Field School through the Silver Creek Archaeological Research Project (SCARP) in the Mogollon Rim region is used to investigate this relationship more closely.

The Proxemics and Practice of Ancestral Pueblo Feasting in the Mogollon Rim Region

Data from three sites mapped and excavated by SCARP span the period between A.D. 1200 and 1325: Pottery Hill, Bryant Ranch Pueblo, and Bailey Ruin (Table 2). These sites are located at the southern edge of the Colorado Plateau on the

Sitgreaves National Forest (Figure 7). Field and laboratory analyses were consistent among the sites, and a small number of ceramic analysts recorded ceramic attributes on the large assemblages recovered from all three sites in the Southwest Laboratory of the University of Ari- zona. Supplementing information from the excavated sites, SCARP collaborated with the White Mountain Apache Tribe to map the fourteenth- century settlement of Tundastusa,. located just south of the Mogollon Rim in the Forestdale Valley. In addition to the mapping component, all areas of the site that were looted were recorded, damage assessed, and backfilled (Sergeyeva et al. 2005).


Pottery Hill

Pottery Hill is the earliest of the SCARP- investigated sites in the Pueblo III to IV period sequence from the Mogollon Rim area. This site dates to the A.D. 1200 to 1275 period and has approximately 40-50 rooms, including a small ceremonial room and a square (6 x 6 m) subterranean kiva with an eastern bench (Mills et al., eds., 1999). The ceramic assemblage is diverse, including several different wares and types. Within the rim sherd assemblage are Mogollon Brown Ware (including the painted types of McDonald Corrugated), Cibola White Ware, Tusayan White Ware, Little Colorado White Ware, Show Low Red Ware, Roosevelt Red Ware (including Salado Polychromes), and White Mountain Red Ware. Locally produced wares for the area at this time are Mogollon Brown Ware, Cibola White Ware, Show Low Red Ware (also called Puerco Valley Red Ware), and Roosevelt Red Ware (including Salado Polychromes). For the analysis, all white ware types were grouped together because consistently they have unpainted exteriors and bichrome interiors. The painted McDonald Corrugated was separated from other Mogollon Brown Ware, which are all unpainted.

Comparison of the box plots of rim diameters (Figure 8) for all of the wares shows that there is significant variation across wares (Kruskal-Wallis test statistic = 30.03, p < .001, with 5 df). As expected from the qualitative discussion presented earlier in this paper, the only two categories that have exterior decorated designs in this assemblage, McDonald Corrugated and White Mountain Red Ware, are the two with the largest median sizes. The small sample of Roosevelt Red Ware (here all Sal- ado Polychromes) has the next largest bowl sizes. Although later Salado Polychromes have exterior decoration (a trend that we will return to below), the small sample of this ware recovered from Pot- tery Hill does not include any such examples. The exteriors of Roosevelt Red Ware vessels are slipped, but are not as highly polished or as bright red as the slips used on White Mountain Red Ware. The red ware with the smallest bowl sizes, Show Low (Puerco Valley) Red Ware, is largely undecorated and never occurs in polychrome. It, too, has a lightly burnished surface that is not as bright as the red or reddish orange found on White Mountain Red Ware. Show Low Red Ware bowls have similar

Figure 8. Boxplots of bowl rim diameters of McDonald Corrugated (n = 27), Mogollon Brown Ware in = 102), Roosevelt Red Ware (Salado Polychromes) in = 6), Show Low (Puerco Valley) Red Ware (#i = 53), White Mountain Red Ware (n = 23), and white wares (#i = 80) from Pottery Hill.

sizes compared to unpainted versions of Mogollon Brown Ware and to all white ware bowls, which are only painted on the interior. Thus, large, exterior painted areas and/or bright red or orange polished surfaces characterize the largest vessels at Pottery Hill, followed by other red ware polychromes, then wares that are mostly bichromes or without any decoration.

Pottery Hill was occupied over a period of about 75 years. Therefore, at least some of the patterning in size and diversity of the assemblage can be related to changes over a period of time that represents multiple generations of potters. Several of the white ware and red ware types have known production dates prior to A.D. 1200, and although they could have been heirloom vessels brought to the site, it is also possible that there was some occupation in the A.D. 1 100s. Nonetheless, the association of ceramic vessel size, the presence of exterior designs, and new color combinations (i.e., polychromes) are clearly present at this site.

Bryant Ranch Pueblo

Bryant Ranch Pueblo is another site excavated by SCARP in the Mogollon Rim region that was occupied for a much shorter period of time (ca. A.D.


1270-1285). It provides further quantification of the trends noted from Pottery Hill. The site contains five masonry rooms in two separate room blocks; a square, subterranean platform kiva; and a small, open plaza area. It was occupied for a much shorter duration than Pottery Hill - probably for only a single generation. Four of the six architectural spaces were excavated at this site and based on the stone robbed walls, lack of floor artifacts, and sparse scatter immediately surrounding it, the three-room room block located on top of the small hill is slightly earlier than the two-room room block and kiva at the foot of the hill. The relatively shal- low midden is associated with the two rooms and kiva at the base of the hill. Also associated with the structures at the base of the hill is a cluster of four thermal features in the open plaza, including a large masonry-lined oven in which the partial remains of a deer had been deposited, probably following a feasting event late in the occupation of the site (Dean 2001).

Tree-ring dates and ceramic cross-dating place the occupation of the site at ca. A.D. 1270 to 1285 (Mills 2002; Scholnick 2003). This was a critical time period in the northern Southwest because of its correlation with massive demographic upheavals, especially the depopulation of the Four Corners. The small size of the site, relatively thin midden deposits, and narrow range of ceramic types present all suggest that the site was short occupied. All rooms at the base of the hill including a storage room (3.5 x 5.3 m), a large living room (5.5 x 7.5 m), and the subterranean kiva were intensively and probably intentionally burned when the resi- dents left. Room 4, the living room, had abundant floor artifacts, including portions of 23 different ceramic vessels. The short occupation allows a bet- ter "snapshot" view of the serving bowl variation during the mid- to late thirteenth century.

The ceramic assemblage from Bryant Ranch Pueblo shows less variety in the wares and types than found at Pottery Hill, consistent with the shorter occupation. Besides occasional sherds from wares that are known to be nonlocal (e.g., Lit- tle Colorado White Ware and Tusayan White Ware), only four wares are present: Cibola White Ware, Roosevelt Red Ware (Salado Polychromes), White Mountain Red Ware, and the undecorated Mogollon Brown Ware. The absence of McDon- ald Corrugated and Show Low (Puerco Valley)

Red Ware is consistent with an occupation in the late 1200s, when these types and wares were no longer produced. What is particularly interesting is the predominance of red ware ceramics, especially in the bowl assemblage. Cibola White Ware (especially Pinedale Black-on- white) occurs as necked jars, but white ware is not as common as red ware in the bowl assemblage. This replacement of white ware bowls with red ware bowls, especially Roosevelt Red Ware, has been noted to be an example of rapid ceramic change at the nearby site of Chodistaas Pueblo, just south of the Mogol- lon Rim in the Grasshopper area (Montgomery and Reid 1990). The Bryant Ranch Pueblo assemblage closely fits with the pattern from Chodistaas, including the absence of white ware serving bowls in the floor assemblage.6 A date for this change around 1285-1290 is consistent with our latest tree-ring date at Bryant Ranch Pueblo of 1280+vv.

Roosevelt Red Ware is more common than White Mountain Red Ware at Bryant Ranch Pueblo, outnumbering the latter by about 4: 1 in the bowl rim assemblage. The predominant type present within the former ware is Pinto Polychrome (the non-Salmon Variety outnumbering the Salmon Variety by about 2:1). This type (in both varieties) is recognized as the earliest of the Salado Poly- chromes (Crown 1994; Stinson 1996). Pinto Poly- chrome has white slipped interior surfaces painted with organic black pigments. Although Crown (1994) notes that some vessels of this type have white painted exterior decoration, none was recovered from Bryant Ranch. The only ware with exterior decoration is White Mountain Red Ware, predominantly St. Johns Polychrome (19 out of the 25 vessels of this ware with rim sherds). One Pinedale Black-on-red bowl with bold exterior black paint executed in the same broad brush strokes as the exterior of St. Johns Polychrome was recovered from the floor of Room 4. This Pinedale Black-on-red vessel was one of the last-used vessels at the site. Only one measurable rim sherd of a Pinedale Polychrome bowl was recovered from the entire site. The A.D. 1280s thus appears to be the beginning of the production of two new types within White Mountain Red Ware: Pinedale Black- on-red and Polychrome (Mills and Herr 1999), cor- responding to the beginning of the use of glaze paints on White Mountain Red Ware made in the Mogollon Rim region (Fenn et al. 2006). Nonethe-


Figure 9. Box plots of bowl rim diameters of Cibola White Ware in = 36), Mogollon Brown Ware (n = 34), Roosevelt Red Ware (Salado Polychromes) (n = 102), and White Mountain Red Ware (n = 25) from Bryant Ranch Pueblo. Note: all rim sherds from reconstructible vessels counted as one rim.

less, Roosevelt Red Ware was the predominant red ware in the region at this time.

Figure 9 plots the sizes of the four wares represented in the bowl rim assemblage from Bryant Ranch Pueblo. Consistent with the results from Pottery Hill, there are significant differences in size among the wares (Kruskal-Wallis test statistic =

39.04,/? < .001, with 3 df). The two red wares have larger median diameters than do unslipped brown ware or white ware vessels. In addition, although both red wares occur principally as polychromes, the ware with exterior decoration on a bright red polished surface, White Mountain Red Ware, has larger median diameters than does Roosevelt Red Ware with its undecorated, less well-polished exteriors. Wares that occur primarily as bichromes (Cibola White Ware) or are completely unpainted (Mogollon Brown Ware) have the smallest sized bowls in the assemblage.

White Mountain Red Ware vessels at Bryant Ranch are not only the largest vessels, the only bowls with exterior decoration, and polychromes, but they also are the first vessels with glaze paints made in the Mogollon Rim area. The transition to glaze paints was a technological solution to making red ware decorated with black paint that could withstand highly oxidized firing atmospheres.

Cibola White Ware vessels at Bryant Ranch were painted with iron oxide-based mineral paints, while Roosevelt Red Ware and Show Low (Puerco Val- ley) Red Ware both were painted with carbon-based paints. White Mountain Red Ware in the Mogol- lon Rim area was produced through the use of limonitic slips (Haury and Hargrave 1931:32-33), which must be well oxidized to turn red. Glaze paints with copper and/or lead fluxes were a solution to producing black pigments that continued to show up well against oxidized red surfaces after firing (Fenn et al. 2006). The iron oxide paints were commonly used on black-on-white vessels that were fired in neutral atmospheres, but did not retain their black color in oxidizing atmospheres, turning reddish brown instead. (Manganese oxides, which remain black in oxidizing atmospheres, are geo- logically rare in the area.) We have attributed the clear experimentation with, and then adoption of, glaze paints to potters' technological solutions to obtaining a dark black paint on their bright red serving bowls without having them turn brown. It was earliest on Pinedale Black-on-red in the A.D. 1280s, followed by Pinedale Polychrome. These glaze paints were also densely applied, producing a strong contrast with the red slips.

Bailey Ruin

An additional site excavated by the Silver Creek Archaeological Research Project, the Bailey Ruin, further illustrates the contrasts among wares in serving bowl sizes, and the increasing use of bright red polished serving bowls. This site dates to A.D. 1275-1325 and has between 200 and 250 rooms arranged around an enclosed plaza and three small courtyards (Mills et al., eds., 1999). Like Bryant Ranch Pueblo, Bailey Ruin shows evidence for increased consumption of large game, relative to earlier sites such as Pottery Hill (Dean 2001), and also has at least one plaza roasting feature.

Comparison of white ware and red ware bowl sizes from Bailey Ruin continues to show the trend for red ware bowls to be larger than their white ware equivalents (Figure 10). As at the earlier site of Bryant Ranch Pueblo, Cibola White Ware bowls are smaller than either Roosevelt Red Ware or White Mountain Red Ware. Also like the pattern at Bryant Ranch, the red ware that has exterior designs, White Mountain Red Ware, is represented in larger sized bowls.


Figure 10. Cibola White Ware, Roosevelt Red Ware, and White Mountain Red Ware bowl rim diameters from Bailey Ruin.

The major White Mountain Red Ware types at Bailey Ruin are Pinedale Black-on-red and Poly- chrome, which replaced the more prevalent St. Johns types found at Bryant Ranch. Pinedale Poly- chrome (Figure 1 1) has black and often black and white unit designs on the exterior, rather than the all over banded exterior designs that are more common on St. Johns Polychrome. Pinedale Black-on- red also has occasional exterior unit designs, but only in black. These designs are rare but present on the exteriors of Pinedale Black-on- white bowls, the first time that exterior designs are employed on white ware bowls in the area, following a trend seen earlier in the Mesa Verde area.

The designs on the Pinedale types are less homo- geneous than the geometric, banded designs executed in white paint on St. Johns Polychrome and include animals, birds (especially parrots), butter- flies, and frets (Haury and Hargrave 1931:Figs. 18, 19). Banded designs do occasionally appear on the exteriors of these vessels, but these vessels, called Cedar Creek Polychrome, are stylistically and chronologically transitional between the Pinedale types and a later type called Fourmile Polychrome. Related to the change from the earlier banded (St. Johns Polychrome) to unit designs (Pinedale Poly- chrome) is that the exterior designs tend to cover a

smaller area relative to the overall exterior surface area.

SCARP Sites in Regional Perspective Like the transition to Heshotauthla and Kwakina Polychromes in the Zuni area, the beginning of Pinedale style White Mountain Red Ware in the Mogollon Rim area suggests a shift to less visible exterior designs in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. In the Mogollon Rim region, the change was from the bold white paints used on the exterior of McDonald Corrugated and St. Johns Polychrome to smaller unit designs on Pinedale Polychrome and occasionally Pinedale bichromes. I attribute a major part of this shift from bold, all- over exterior designs to unit designs in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries to the proxemics of ritual feasting and display. At the same time, during what is called the transition to the early Pueblo IV period, there was a ratcheting up in both the degree of settlement aggregation and the spatial clustering of room blocks. Partially enclosed plazas at sites such as Pottery Hill and Bryant Ranch Pueblo were replaced by enclosed plazas, such as found at sites like Bailey Ruin. The earliest Pueblo IV pueblos in the Mogollon Rim region consistently show the most compact plans


Figure 11. Pinedale Polychrome bowl from Courtyard 1 (FS 5037) at Bailey Ruin, AZ P:11:1(ASM). The exterior design is repeated on the opposite side of the vessel and can only be seen from certain angles. Rim diameter = 29.5 cm.

(Kaldahl et al. 2004; Mills 1998; Munson et al. 2005; Potter 1998).

In analyses of the structure of open space at Pueblo III versus Pueblo IV period villages across the northern Southwest, Potter (1998) and Munson et al. (2005) have found that early Pueblo IV period villages in the Western Pueblo area were highly integrated in spatial terms. That is, they contain high ratios of roomblock space relative to open space. Both of these studies use a consistent method of defining open space, which is based on Hillier and Hanson's (1984) measure of convex space (see also Ferguson 1996). Convex open spaces are defined as polygons of which at least two sides are bounded by architectural features and the other side(s) defined by the smallest area that closes the polygon (see Potter 1998:Figure 8.3 for examples). One of the features of defining spaces in this way is that any point within the polygon can be seen from any other point in the same polygon, thus providing spaces in which people would be intervisible. The size of the convex spaces also can be measured, giv- ing an idea of the absolute scale of open space at a settlement, and looked at in relationship to enclosed architectural spaces (i.e., how integrated they are).

Open space graphs of Pottery Hill, Bryant Ranch Pueblo, and Bailey Ruin clearly show the same differences from the Pueblo III to IV period noted by

Potter (1998) and Munson et al. (2005) (Figure 12). Both of the Pueblo III period sites, Pottery Hill and Bryant Ranch Pueblo, have high amounts of open spaces relative to their roofed architectural spaces. By contrast, the Pueblo IV period site of Bailey Ruin has open spaces that are fully enclosed and smaller in total area relative to the total roofed architectural area. In absolute terms, Pottery Hill has a plaza, defined as the largest convex space in the center of the pueblo, that is larger than the plaza at Bailey Ruin, which is fully enclosed in this case, also in the center of the pueblo. The implications of this compactness for the proxemics of ritual are that activities that occurred within the enclosed plaza at Bailey Ruin would be conducted closer to bystanders within the plaza, in the surrounding rooms, or standing on the edges of the rooftops that surround the plaza than would activities conducted at Pottery Hill, with its larger, and only partially enclosed plaza. Clearly, feasting was important as the increases in red ware bowl proportions and sizes, the frequency of exterior roasting features, and large game consumption indicate. It is the spatial and social proxemics of feasting events that I think is responsible for changes in the performance characteristics of Pueblo serving bowls, especially the use of smaller, unit designs on the exterior of Pinedale bowls.


If changes in the spatial configuration of ritual spaces such as plazas correlate with the visibility of exterior designs from the Pueblo III to early Pueblo IV periods, then we should expect that with an additional shift in spatial integration from the Early to Late Pueblo IV periods there also should be commensurate changes in exterior bowl designs. Potter's (1998) analysis of the spatial integration of later Pueblo IV period communities in the West- ern Pueblo area quantified what archaeologists have noted for several years based on qualitative mea- sures, especially that there is a shift from small, enclosed plazas at the onset of the Pueblo IV period at sites such as Bailey Ruin followed by larger, more open plazas.

In addition, archaeologists working in the Mogollon Rim region have noted that there are more plazas and courtyards per pueblo, and a greater diversity in the types of ceremonial structures (Haury 1985; Mills 1998; Reid and Mont- gomery 1999). For example, the site of Fourmile Pueblo has both open and closed plazas, plaza kivas, and room block kivas (Fewkes 1904; Kaldahl et al. 2004). Another example comes from the site of Tundastusa, where there are open and closed plazas and a plaza associated kiva. Looking again at Figure 12 we can see that Tundastusa has the largest convex space of any of the earlier pueblos, defined on its southeastern side by a low wall. Bai- ley's plaza is approximately 250 m2, while the large central plaza at Tundastusa is roughly ten times that figure at 2500 m2. The number of rooms at each site is not similarly scaled, with Tundastusa having only two or at most three times the number of rooms (based on roomblock areas) than Bailey Ruin (Table 2). Like other later pueblos, Tundastusa shows a definite drop in spatial integration (i.e., more open space within the village) when comparisons of open and closed space are made (Mun- son et al. 2005; Potter 1998).

The implications of the above changes for the proxemics of ritual are twofold. First, the visibility of rituals conducted in the largest of these exterior spaces at Tundastusa drops as the potential distance between viewers and performers increases, making it more important for ceramics used in these contexts to return to the use of bolder exterior designs. And second, the diversity of ritual spaces indicates that there were multiple contexts or oppor- tunities for both performance and display. Thus, we

would expect suprahousehold feasting to include different networks within each village and a diversity of ways in which feasting was practiced, with some of this feasting to include larger groups than at earlier settlements.

Both of these trends are indeed present after A.D. 1325 in the Mogollon Rim region. As with earlier time periods several different wares were made during the fourteenth century in the region: White Mountain Red Ware (and local copies such as Grasshopper Polychrome), and Roosevelt Red Ware (Salado Polychromes). In addition to these wares, a new ware called Kinishba Polychrome was made with yellow slips that added to the diversity of ceramics made in the area. Within White Mountain Red Ware a new style was produced, called Fourmile Polychrome (and its close stylistic antecedent Cedar Creek Polychrome), which returns to the use of exterior banded designs that are bolder than the earlier unit designs of Pinedale Polychrome (Carlson 1970; Van Keuren 2001, 2004). As Table 3 shows, the proportion of White Mountain Red Ware vessels with banded versus unit designs among these later types is closer to their use on earlier Wingate and St. Johns Poly- chrome vessels. These percentages dropped for the intervening types of Pinedale Black-on-red and Polychrome.

In terms of visibility, the result of an increase in the use of exterior banding designs on White Moun- tain Red Ware is that more of the exterior area of the vessel was painted. In addition to more painted area, the use of narrow white lines outlining black solid designs helped to set off the band against the highly burnished red-slipped surface. Finally, the recipe for the matte-glaze paint was improved, with more lead fluxes in the glaze than the glaze recipes used on Pinedale Polychrome, which contained more copper as a fluxing agent (Fenn et al. 2006). The result was a blacker, denser paint that also made the designs more visible.

Haury and Hargrave (1931:37) explicitly men- tion that the banded designs on Fourmile Poly- chrome extend from one and one half to 3 inches (7.6 cm) below the rim. Thus, these designs would seem to fall into the intermediate category of visual perception discussed by Bowser - not public far, but public near. To investigate the changes in exterior designs on White Mountain Red Ware more closely, I measured the size of exterior designs on


Figure 12. Open and Closed (roofed) space at four Pueblo III and IV period Mogollon Rim sites: Pottery Hill (A.D. 1200-1275), Bryant Ranch Pueblo (A.D. 1270-1285), Bailey Ruin (A.D. 1275-1325), and lundastusa (A.D. 1275-1400) (prepared by Jessica Munson).


Table 3. Distribution of Banded vs. Unit Designs on White Mountain Red Ware Types.

Number Number (Percent) with (Percent) with

Type Banded Designs Unit Designs Total Wingate Polychrome 12 (92.3) 1 (7.7) 13 St. Johns Polychrome 45 (83.3) 9 (16.7) 54 Pinedale Black-on-red 0(0) 9(100) 9 Pinedale Polychrome 7 (36.8) 12 (63.2) 19 Cedar Creek Polychrome 37 (87.0) 2 (13.0) 39 Fourmile Polychrome 20(94.9) 3(5.1) 23 Total 121 36 157 Note: Sample of bowls is the same as used for Figures 13 and 14, based on plates published in Carlson (1970:Figures 10-11, 15-21, 25-27, 29-31, 33-37).

all vessels with exterior decoration published in Carlson's (1970) well-illustrated overview. These include Wingate Polychrome, St. Johns Poly- chrome, Pinedale Black-on-red, Pinedale Poly- chrome, Cedar Creek Polychrome, and Fourmile Polychrome vessels.7

Box plots of the measurements of exterior design height quantifies the shift from bold exterior designs in Wingate and St. Johns Polychromes to the smaller designs of Pinedale Black-on-red and Polychrome (Figure 13). Later types, including Cedar Creek Polychrome and Fourmile Poly- chrome have increasingly larger exterior designs. To investigate whether this pattern is the result of differences in vessel size, I looked at the ratio of exterior design height to vessel height (Figure 14). As plotted in Figure 14, the ratio data show even more distinctly the U-shaped distribution through time, one that parallels the use of banded designs and the trend in open space discussed above.

If they were used by more socially restricted groups, what accounts for the bolder, more homo- geneous exterior designs on Fourmile Polychrome when compared to earlier White Mountain Red Ware vessels? Fourmile vessels were clearly produced at several different pueblos across the Mogol- lon Rim region and were widely exchanged (Triadan 1997). Thus, although the content of the imagery on the interior was often more esoteric (Van Keuren 2004), the common use of white outlining of broad black bands was part of a panregional design canon that could be easily recognized when viewed from afar. The exterior designs are the only part of the style that was accu- rately rendered on White Mountain Redware copies, such as Grasshopper Polychrome (Van

Keuren 2001). In many of the large open plazas at pueblos such as Tundastusa, these exterior designs would have been more likely to project into the "public far" range of Hall, or greater than 10 meters, especially those that had designs of more than three inches (7.62 cm). As shown above in Figure 13, more vessels of Fourmile Polychrome had designs in this range than did either of the two Pinedale types. However, none of the later types would have projected as much as the earlier Wingate and St. Johns Polychromes, which show greater exterior decoration height than any of the subsequent types. This is where looking at the other wares used con- temporaneously with White Mountain Red Ware becomes important.

Although some of the Fourmile Polychrome vessels are large, they are not as large as the largest vessels of contemporaneous Gila and Tonto Poly- chromes, the late types within the Salado Poly- chromes of Roosevelt Red Ware, or the contemporaneous type of Kinishba Polychrome. Figure 15 shows Byron Cummings holding a Kin- shiba Polychrome in his hands. To his left is a Gila Polychrome while in front of him is the much smaller Fourmile Polychrome. All three of these wares have bowls that are in the same volumetric range as some of the largest of the Pueblo III vessels (i.e., McDonald Corrugated). Moreover, all three are decorated in bold solid designs on their exteriors. However, there are considerable overall differences in the visual performance characteristics of these types, each of which represents a different ware.

Ware differences in these assemblages are easily discernible because of the use of different color slips, polishing, and even paint types. The late Sal-


Figure 13. Box plots of exterior design height (cm) on White Mountain Red Ware types: Wingate Polychrome (n - 13), St. Johns Polychrome (n = 55), Pinedale Black-on- red (n = 9), Pinedale Polychrome (n = 19), Cedar Creek Polychrome (n = 23), and Fourmile Polychrome (n = 39). Types arranged in relative chronological order, left to right. Measurements taken from illustrations in Carlson (1970). Types are arranged in chronological order.

ado Polychromes use both red and white slips on the exterior of bowls, with designs executed in black nonglazed paints that are executed in bold solid designs. Kinishba Polychrome is a polished buff ware with red and black mineral paints. The color combinations are similar to Jeddito Yellow Ware, made on the Hopi mesas, but in contrast to this ware, Kinishba Polychrome was not coal fired. Based on SCARP's surface assemblage tabulations from Tundastusa, Kinishba Polychrome makes up only about 3 to 4 percent of the slipped and/or decorated assemblage, while Cibola White Ware accounts for 15 percent, White Mountain Red Ware 33 percent, and Roosevelt Red Ware (plain and decorated) nearly 50 percent. Based on these percentages, inhabitants of sites such as Tundastusa would have rarely seen Kinishba Polychrome in use, but when they did, the differences in surface treatment would have contrasted well with both White Mountain Red Ware and Roosevelt Red Ware (Salado Polychromes). In addition, the size range of these vessels is more restricted to larger vessels. For example, the 12 reconstructible vessels of Kinishba Polychrome in the Grasshopper

Figure 14. Box plots of exterior design height/vessel height on White Mountain Red Ware types: Wingate Polychrome (n = 13), St. Johns Polychrome (n = 55), Pinedale Black-on- red (n = 9), Pinedale Polychrome (n = 19), Cedar Creek Polychrome in = 23), and Fourmile Polychrome (n = 39). Types arranged in relative chronological order, left to right. Measurements taken from illustrations in Carlson (1970). Types are arranged in chronological order.

collections range in rim diameter from 17.8 to 29 cm, with a mean of 22.9 cm (dimensions provided by Scott Van Keuren).

Crown (1994) points out that the design imagery used on Salado Polychromes (Roosevelt Red Ware) vessels is ideologically based and traces it to the Southwestern Cult. Unlike the other wares in the Mogollon Rim sites, Salado Polychromes were made and used over a much wider area of the South- west. This lack of spatial restrictedness, she suggests, is evidence "that the imagery was open to all who chose to participate" and that the "openness bespeaks a belief system that was not strictly esoteric in nature" (1994:223). Further evidence of this openness is the fact that so much of the imagery occurs on the exterior of bowls (Figure 16). As Crown (1994:224) also emphasized, the latest of these vessels were either large water jars or communal food bowls used in village feasting. Her analyses show that bowl sizes were much larger for the later types of Gila and Tonto Polychromes than the earlier Pinto Polychrome. They are also larger than contemporaneous Fourmile Polychrome vessels (cf. Crown 1994 with Van Keuren 2001).


Figure 15. Byron Cummings with vessels excavated from Kinishba Pueblo (Cummings 1940), illustrating the diversity of decorated wares from pueblos of the A. D. 1325-1400 period in the Mogollon Rim region. He is holding a Kinishba Polychrome bowl with Fourmile Polychrome (small bowl to left) and Salado Polychrome (large bowl to right) on the table. Photo courtesy of the Arizona State Museum.

Although Crown (1994:Table 7.2) used maximum diameter rather than rim diameter, she noted that the largest mode of Gila and Tonto bowls was over 31.5 cm, with some as large as 40 cm in maximum diameter. Van Keuren (2001:Figure 5.06) measured the orifice diameters of Fourmile Polychrome bowls (the same as rim diameter for these vessels) and found a unimodal distribution with a peak at 23 cm and a small proportion of vessels over 30 cm.

Given their more visually prominent designs, fourteenth-century Salado Polychrome bowls would have been used in very different kinds of feasting events than bowls of other contemporane-

ous wares, such as Fourmile Polychrome. Although Fourmile Polychromes were more visible than their predecessors within the White Mountain Red Ware series, Salado Polychromes had iconographically rich exterior designs, were larger than other contemporaneous wares, and the contrasts in exterior slip and paint colors were more vivid. Thus, the Sal- ado Polychrome vessels fit well with the expectation for some vessels to have greater visibility during feasting events within the later Pueblo IV period villages, over and above the other vessels that served fewer numbers of people. Moreover, these vessels fit with the use of larger, more open


Figure 16. Example of Tonto Polychrome, a late Salado Polychrome type within Roosevelt Red Ware. Vessel from Kinishba Pueblo (AZ V:4:1ASM), collections of Arizona State Museum, catalog number 23705, photograph by T. J. Ferguson.

plazas typical of the fourteenth-century pueblos of the Mogollon Rim region. All spatial contexts associated with ritual practices would have supported f easting-related events, but in the mid- to late- fourteenth-century villages of the Mogollon Rim region, Salado Polychromes were, as Crown (1994) has suggested, the most visible and largest of all. These would have been the best to display in the large, open plazas that are found on these sites.

Conclusions

Recent archaeological research on feasting throughout the world has shown that suprahousehold commensalism involved a variety of containers used for preparing and serving food. Ceramics play heavily in many of these interpretations and several archaeologists have even argued that the earliest ceramics were produced to enhance consumption in feasting contexts (Clark and Gosser 1995; Hayden 1998; Rice 1999). This has also been suggested for some of the earliest ceramics in the Southwest, now dated to the first millennium B.C. and in the form of small drinking cups (Heidke 1999). Later Southwestern ceramics, however, show little formal specificity when it comes to dif- ferentiating vessels used for feasting over those used in daily consumption events. How, then, do we begin to understand the changing role of feasting in societies like the prehispanic Pueblos?

Decorated bowls from the thirteenth and fourteenth century northern southwest were food bowls that moved between contexts of household and suprahousehold feasting. Although most previous analyses of feasting have focused on the size and color of these bowls alone, in this article, I have attempted to make a link between another sensory variable - the visibility of designs - and its relationship to the proxemics of feasting. As ethnographic and ethnoarchaeological work demonstrate, the visibility of bowls used in feasting affects the way that performances of feasting would have been perceived (Bowser 2002; Cook and Glowacki 2003; DeBoer 2001; DeBoer and Moore 1982; Kaeppler 1997). This visibility includes vessel size, color, reflectance qualities of pigments against slips, and the boldness and size of exterior designs. One or more of these qualities was used in the production of painted bowls in the Southwest, especially associated with the aggregation of populations into larger villages in the Pueblo III and IV periods. By looking at the spatial proxemics of ritual (Moore 1996a, 1996b), it is possible to relate changes in the ways that feasting performances were practiced, and as I argue in this article, the ways in which feasting bowls were decorated.

The earliest use of exterior designs on serving bowls corresponds with significant population aggregation in the thirteenth century in multiple


areas of the northern Southwest, including the Kayenta/Tusayan, Zuni/Cibola, Mogollon Rim, and Mesa Verde regions. Bold exterior designs cou- pled with bowl size and highly polished surfaces contributed to the increasing visual impact of these bowls. In all areas, except for the Mesa Verde area, the use of red or orange surfaces and the earliest use of polychrome designs further highlighted the distinctiveness of the large bowls. This shift is much earlier than that noted for the Eastern Pueblos of the Rio Grande area (Spielmann 1998), where the production and use of larger red and yellow bowls used in suprahousehold feasting did not occur until the early fourteenth century. Spielmann (1998) attributes this shift to the introduction of the Kachina Cult into the Rio Grande area. The analyses here suggest that the use of large serving bowls with distinct colors is a more pervasive Ancestral Pueblo pattern with greater time depth, at least in the Western Pueblo area. Nonetheless, there are changes in the diversity and visibility of slip colors, exterior design sizes, and other visible attributes that span the entire Puebloan area of the northern Southwest.

Changes in the visibility of bowls across the Pueblo III and IV periods are closely associated with the proxemics of ritual, as measured by the spatial arrangement of outdoor performance spaces. The analysis of exterior designs on White Mountain Red Ware fits with the expectation that as these spaces became more restricted during and immediately following the Pueblo III to IV period transition of the late thirteenth century, the visual cues of identity painted on bowl exteriors became smaller, and less prominent. Correlatively, when larger plaza spaces were used at the large, later Pueblo IV sites of the mid- to late fourteenth century, larger designs, more contrastive paint and slip combinations, and more all over banded designs were painted. In addition, there was greater diversity in decorated wares at sites in the Mogol- lon Rim region, with at least one ware containing vivid exterior designs with high iconographic content (especially the late Salado Polychromes), while others (especially White Mountain Red Ware) had highly homogenous exterior designs. As Van Keuren (2001, 2004) has noted, it is the interiors of White Mountain Red Ware bowls where designs were more diverse and more symbolically charged - much like most other Pueblo IV poly-

chromes of the Southwest with the exception of Salado Polychromes. The bold and iconographically rich exterior designs on late Salado vessels occurred at the same time as there was a diversification of ritual spaces and the diversification of wares.

Although I have primarily placed the shift in vessel visibility within the perspective of feasting proxemics, it is important to note the wider social changes that are related to these changes. Both of the shifts in settlement patterns - in the late thirteenth and the mid- to late fourteenth centuries - are changes in aggregation associated with migration and the coalescence of populations in fewer, but larger sites. The shift to highly enclosed sites, such as Bailey Ruin, has long been associated with the depopulation of the Four Corners region in what can reasonably be argued to have been one of the greatest population movements ever to have taken place in the Southwest. The out- comes of this diaspora were varied, but in many areas of the Southwest, including the Mogollon Rim region, the result was a ratcheting up of ritual diversity, marked changes in the producer specialization of multiple crafts, and increases in the consumption and discard of highly visible edible and nonedible resources such as large mammals and ceramics (Dean 2001 ; Mills 2006). All of these are interrelated results of social interactions, including feasting, that were prevalent in the mul- tiethnic communities of the early Pueblo IV period. Around A.D. 1325 there was yet another "hinge- point" (Cordell and Gumerman 1989) as the population coalesced into fewer and larger villages (Duff 2002; Kaldahl et al. 2004). The number of possible social networks in these villages was increased and so did the diversity of their resi- dents. It is only at this time that recognizable attributes of the Kachina (or Katsina) religion become evident at sites in the Mogollon Rim region (Adams 1991). Arguably, this was also a time of ritual intensification and even revivalism, which included pan-village ceremonialism at the same time as participation in earlier ritual societies was maintained.

The varied contexts of use for bowls during the Pueblo IV period are evidence for a diverse "feasting landscape" (sensu Dietler 2001 :93). Not all serving bowls were used in the same social networks for the same kinds of feasts. Each household within


the community was engaged in multiple social and ritual networks, all of which would have required different kinds of obligations for preparing and serving food. Some of the bowls were clearly made and used to feed larger groups of people, but size alone cannot explain the wide variety of slips, pigments, and exterior bowl designs that were incorporated into the ceramics of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in many of the Pueblo areas, especially those of the Mogollon Rim, Upper Little Colorado, and Zuni areas. The co-occurrence of this diversification with changes in the spatial proxemics of ritual provides mutual support for Van Keuren's (2001) thesis that different kinds of serving bowls were used in different social networks, especially within fourteenth-century villages.

Cumulatively, these changes indicate that Pueblo potters in the northern Southwest manipu- lated the designs on the exterior of their bowls to communicate to different audiences during the performance of ritual feasting. These performances were conducted at different social and spatial scales through time and, most likely, at different points in time within the ritual calendar of each village. The specific contexts of the use of these bowls are not well known, but I agree with Ortman (2002) that they were used to carry food for consumption in different social settings, some of which may have been outdoors, but others of which were probably indoors. Indoor consumption may have taken place within the households of those responsible for feed- ing the members of specific ritual societies or within ceremonial rooms before and after ritual performances. The different scales of ritual architecture that are present during the Pueblo IV period, from ceremonial rooms to room block kivas to plaza kivas to plazas, all underscore this diversity.

In sum, this study suggests that we can learn much about the proxemics of suprahousehold commensalism by understanding how containers were used during feasting performances. Decorated bowls were not the only class of containers used in the preparation and serving of feasting foods, but they were focal points for the staging of consumption events. The visual performance characteristics of these bowls provide a window into how these consumption events were staged and how diverse the social scales of these events may have been in different areas within the historical trajectory of Southwestern societies.

Acknowledgments. Research conducted by the Silver Creek

Archaeological Research Project/University of Arizona

Archaeological Field School has been supported by the National Science Foundation (NSF) Archaeology Program (SBR-9507660), the NSF Research Experiences for

Undergraduates Site Program (0138995), the National

Geographic Society (6463-99), the Barbara Doyel Foundation, the U.S. Forest Service, the Wenner-Grent Foundation for Anthropological Research, and the White Mountain Apache Tribe. Over the past 12 years, ceramic lab-

oratory analysts of the SCARP excavated sites reported on here included Jenny Cano, Kristen Hagenbuckle, Sarah Herr, Susan Stinson, and Scott Van Keuren. Jessica Munson drafted the open space maps based on field maps produced by Douglas Gann (Pottery Hill and Bailey Ruins), The Hopi Tribe (Bryant Ranch Pueblo), and Charles Riggs (Tundastusa). Nieves Zedefio translated the abstract into

Spanish. My thanks to Elizabeth Klarich for an invitation to

participate in a SAA symposium that provided the germ for this article; Brenda Bowser, Patricia Crown, Brian Hayden, Scott Ortman, Scott Van Keuren, and three American

Antiquity anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on an earlier draft; and to the Departments of Anthropology at Southern Methodist University and UC Santa Barbara for lecture invitations that allowed me to hone my arguments.

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Notes

1 . For a recent study of the how distance affects the visual

perception of another artifact class see MacGregor (1999). 2. Other attributes that would enhance visibility and the

performance characteristics of serving bowls include how

they were carried and displayed. Bowls carried on top of the head of servers would be more visible than those carried in front. Bowls placed in the center of a room or plaza or on a raised bench or pedestal would also increase the visibility of the containers. These specific placements of vessels during the performance are only known for Southwestern groups after A.D. 1300 from kiva murals and from ethnographic doc- umentation, but might be reconstructed in other regions where feasting events are depicted on pottery or in murals

(e.g., Hastorf 2003; LeCount 2001). 3. The only exception is the presence of "owners" or

"makers" marks that occur on Cibola White Ware from Chaco Canyon. These are found on the outsides of bowls, the interior necks of jars, and the bases of both vessel types (Windes 1984:Figure 6.3).

4. This analysis could also be extended to much of the rest of the Southwest. For example, during the Mimbres Classic period (A.D. 1000-1150), a polychrome was made, but all decoration was on the interior. Hohokam bowls also were fre- quently decorated on their exteriors, during both the Preclassic and Classic periods.

5. A slipped and painted corrugated brown ware continued to be made, but these are unusually small bowls. Hagenbuckle (2000) has convincingly argued that these were probably individually used and owned bowls, probably given to young Pueblo children upon initiation.

6. It also parallels Chodistaas in that the rooms were well burned, apparently intentionally, at the end of the occupation of the site.

7. I did not include Springerville, Showlow, or Point of Pines Polychromes because of their small sample sizes and issues of chronology and classification.

Received August 9, 2005; Revised July 28, 2006; Accepted July 28, 2006.

Documents

Performing the Feast: Visual Display and Suprahousehold