StanfordUniversityPressStanford,California©2015bytheBoardofTrusteesoftheLelandStanfordJuniorUniversity.Allrightsreserved.

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PrintedintheUnitedStatesofAmericaonacid-free,archival-qualitypaperLibraryofCongressCataloging-in-PublicationDataRoss,Kerry,author.

Photographyforeveryone:theculturallivesofcamerasandconsumersinearlytwentieth-centuryJapan/KerryRoss.

pagescmIncludesbibliographicalreferencesandindex.ISBN978-0-8047-9423-7(cloth:alk.paper)—ISBN978-0-8047-9564-7(pbk.:alk.paper)1.

Photography—Socialaspects—Japan—History—20thcentury.2.Japan—Sociallifeandcustoms—1912–1945.I.Title.TR105.R672015770.952—dc23

2015007262ISBN978-0-8047-9563-0(electronic)TypesetbyBruceLundquistin10/14.5Sabon

KerryRoss

PHOTOGRAPHYFOREVERYONE

TheCulturalLivesofCamerasandConsumersinEarlyTwentieth-CenturyJapan

StanfordUniversityPressStanford,California

ForCarol,who,thoughshedidn’tmakeittoseethisbookinprint,wasmymostenthusiasticcheerleaderfromthebeginning

AndforAsher,whoeverydayinspiresmetobeinquisitiveandremindsmetoplay

TABLEOFCONTENTS

ListofIllustrationsPrefaceIntroduction1.ARetailRevolution:MaleShoppersandtheCreationoftheModernShop2.PhotographyforEveryone:Women,Hobbyists,andMarketingPhotography3.InstructionsforLife:How-toLiteratureandHobbyPhotography4.DemocratizingLeisure:CameraClubsandthePopularizationofPhotography5.MakingMiddlebrowPhotography:TheAestheticsandCraftofAmateurPhotographyEpilogueAppendix:MasaokaPhotographyClubBylawsNotesBibliographyIndex

ILLUSTRATIONS

FIGURE1.1.MeijiperiodSakuratrademarksFIGURE1.2.AdvertisementforSakuraproductsFIGURE1.3.KonishiRoku’sshopinthe1880sFIGURE1.4.KonishiRoku’sshopandheadquarters,Nihonbashi,1916FIGURE1.5.KonishiRoku’sshopwindowdisplay,1924FIGURE1.6.KonishiRoku’sglassdisplaycases,1916FIGURE1.7.KonishiRoku’sbarrack-styletemporaryshop,late1923FIGURE1.8.KonishiRoku’snewheadquartersandshop,1932FIGURE1.9.KonishiRoku’sshopemployeeswearingWesternsuits,1928FIGURE1.10.San’eidōused-camerashopshowwindow,1936FIGURE1.11.AdforKōeidōused-camerashop,1937FIGURE2.1.OutdoorPhotographyCompetition,11November1925FIGURE2.2.AdvertisementforthePearlettecamera,1925FIGURE2.3.AdvertisementfortheSakuraKamera,1937FIGURE2.4.AdvertisementfortheMinoltaVestandBabyMinoltacameras,1937FIGURE2.5.Typicalfemalephotographer,1930FIGURE2.6.CoverofHyakumanninnoshashinjutsuFIGURE2.7.AdvertisementforHaufuReonaruphotographicgoodsshop,1930FIGURE2.8.AdvertisementfortheSunStereocamera,1937FIGURE2.9.AdvertisementfortheRolleicordandRolleiflexcameras,1938FIGURE2.10.“GrandfatherandGrandchildMeetingafteraLongTime”FIGURE2.11.“BadBaby”FIGURE2.12.HowtousetheviewfinderTABLE3.1.Selectedlistofhow-tobooktitles,1926–1933FIGURE3.1.“VictimoftheHomemadeCamera”FIGURE3.2.“PhotographicTechnique,ThenandNow”FIGURE3.3.“WhattoCallEachPartoftheCamera”FIGURE3.4.Illustrationofasimpledarkroom

FIGURE3.5.“ToolsYouMustHavetoDevelopFilm”FIGURE3.6.Diagramofawell-organizeddarkroomFIGURE3.7.“ThePriestLearnsaLessonfromtheCamera”FIGURE3.8.“AdvantagesofEnlarging”FIGURE3.9.UsingadodgingdeviceduringtheenlargingprocessFIGURE3.10.“Viewfinder,Magnifier”FIGURE3.11.AdvertisementforSakuraphotographicproductsFIGURE3.12.“HowtoUseaVestPocketKodak”FIGURE3.13.“PreparingaFlashBulb”FIGURE3.14.“ThreeStepsinDeveloping,UsingaTray”FIGURE4.1.AdvertisementforKonishiRoku’sMinimumIdeacamera,1913FIGURE4.2.PrepackagedmembershipcardforthePearlettePhotographyLeagueFIGURE4.3.PearlettecameraandboxFIGURE4.4.CaseoptionsforthePearlettecameraFIGURE4.5.“ExhibitiontoPopularizeKnowledgeofJapanesePhotography,”1934FIGURE4.6.“ExhibitiontoPopularizeKnowledgeofJapanesePhotography,”1934FIGURE4.7.“ExhibitiontoPopularizeKnowledgeofJapanesePhotography,”1934FIGURE5.1.Readers’winningsubmissionsforAsahikameraMonthlyPhotoCompetition,DivisionOne,April1928FIGURE5.2.Readers’winningsubmissionsforAsahikameraMonthlyPhotoCompetition,DivisionsTwoandThree,September1938FIGURE5.3.WinnersofKamerakurabu’sSixthMonthlyPhotoCompetitionandof“SelectedbySuzukiHachirō,”July1936FIGURE5.4.AdvertisementforArusufinegraindeveloper,ca.1938FIGURE5.5.AnnouncementforYamaguchiShōkaiPhotoEnlargementContest,November1925FIGURE5.6.AnnouncementfortheThirdDomesticProductsCompetitioninPhotography,November1935FIGURE5.7.AnnouncementforMisuzuShōkaiPhotoContest,November1925FIGURE5.8.CelebrityjudgeslistedprominentlyinannouncementforAsahi

kamera’sPhotosofUrbanBeautyContest,September1936FIGURE5.9.Celebrityjudgessupportthenationalpolicyofbolsteringdomesticproduction,September1938FIGURE5.10.AnnouncementfortheMitsukoshiVestCameraClubFirstCompetitioninPhotography,December1921FIGURE5.11.“ExhibitionofWinningVestPhotographs,”February1922FIGURE5.12.“Prize-WinningVestPhotographs”February1922FIGURE5.13.Announcementofcontestforcommercialphotographyadvertisingcigarettes,April1936FIGURE5.14.“Untitled,”FuchigamiHakuyō,Bromoil,1930sFIGURE5.15.“ATrainRushing,”FuchigamiHakuyō,Bromoil,1930FIGURE5.16.“TheConductor’sSpeech,”KimuraKiyoshi,December1936FIGURE5.17.“ArtisticConscience,”SugiuraYukio,1936FIGURE5.18.“Tower,”AsanoYōichi,1940FIGURE5.19.“DoubleExposure,”HiraiFusando,1933FIGURE5.20.“WhatIsMontage?,”HiraiFusando,1933

PREFACE

TheideaforthisbookbeganwhenIstartedresearchonthehistoryofmodernistphotographyinJapan.Oncein thearchives,contrary tomyexpectationsbasedonallearnest,andIthought,thorough,preparations,Ifoundthatmostmaterialsconcerningphotographyduringtheearlytwentiethcenturyweredirectedtowardamateur photographers. Instructional writing, amateur photographs, andadvertisementsfillpageafterpageofhow-tobooksandphotographymagazinesfromthetime.Indeed,postwarscholarshavemademodernistphotographystandinfornearlyallphotographicactivityofthattime.Todate,mostscholarlyworkonthesubjecthasfocusedontheoriginsanddevelopmentofasinglestrandofartphotography,withparticularattention to thecreativeeffortsofaselect fewindividualartistsandtheorists.Rarelyhavehistorianspaidattentionto theroleofthetypicalmiddle-classconsumerinphotographicpractices,yetitwastheseordinary photographers to whom the majority of products, publications, andidealsofphotographyweremarketed.Thisinattentiontothewiderphotographicarchivehascreatedaskewedhistoricalunderstandingofthesocialandculturalmeaning of photography. What I show in the following pages is thatphotographic practice can be more accurately understood as the product of acomplex relationship between middle-class consumer behavior, profit-drivencameracompanies,andmovements topopularizephotographicart.Theaimofthis study is to resituate thehistoricaldiscussionofphotography in Japan,onethat has beendominated by concernswith aesthetic representation, in order torevealtheeverydaymeaningofphotographyforordinaryJapanesepeopleintheearlytwentiethcentury.At Columbia University, Henry Smith, Carol Cluck, and Andreas Huyssen

wereinstrumentaltomythinkingabouttheprojectand,inparticular,abouthowtouse imagesassourcesforhistoricalanalysis.KimBrandtandEugeniaLeanenteredthefoldabitlaterbuthavecontinuedtosupporttheprojectwithmuch-appreciated enthusiasm.My cohort at Columbia, especially LeilaWice, SarahKovner,LoriWatt,KenOshima,andJonathonZwicker,alwayschallengedmetopushmyideasfurther.Later, a Fulbright IIE Dissertation Research Fellowship provided the

opportunity to conduct thebulkof the research for thisproject inTokyo from1999 to 2001. Columbia generously funded the writing of this project by theJuniorJapanFellowship,theDepartmentofEastAsianLanguagesandCultures,

and the Committee on Asia and the Middle East. At DePaul, the UniversityResearch Council Paid Leave program generously supportedme as I finishedsome crucial revisions to the book in 2011–2012. The University ResearchCouncilalsohelpedfundpublicationoftheimagesfoundinthisbook.DePaul’sCollege of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences supported me in 2012 with aSummer Research Grant. The Japan Foundation Short-Term Research GrantmadeitpossibleformetoreturntoJapan(andto liveinNihonbashi!)for twomonthstocompletetheresearch.SomanyyoungscholarsstartingoutinthearchivesinJapan,myselfincluded,

have been patiently and unstintingly supported by Yoshimi Shun’ya of theGraduate School of Interdisciplinary Studies at the University of Tokyo.Likewise,SatōKenjiintheDepartmentofSociologyattheUniversityofTokyocheerfully advisedme at an early stage in the project.KanekoRyūichi kindlymadetimeformeandthoughtfullyansweredeveryquestionthatIhadaboutthehistoryofJapanesephotography.OkatsukaAkikoandthestaffat theResearchLibrary of the Tokyo Metropolitan Museum of Photography gave me openaccess to theirwonderful archives. The staff at JCII Library connected to theJapanCamera andOptical Instruments Inspection andTesting Institute helpedmelocatesomeveryrarecopiesofkeysources.Many people have taken time to read parts of the manuscript, and their

criticism along theway has helpedmake this a better book. I am particularlygrateful toPaizeKeulemans,GregPflugfelder, andChuckWoolridge for theirthoughtfulcommentsatanearlystage.PaulBarclay,JuliaThomas,andGenniferWeisenfeld, all of whose work has been inspirational to me, generouslyansweredmanyofmyquestionsalongtheway.TheHistoryDepartmentatDePaulUniversityhasbeenawonderfulplacefor

metogrowasateacherandhistorian.IamparticularlyindebtedtoTomFoster,whose wise, unadulterated advice on all matters intellectual and professionalhelpsme stay sane. Gene Beiriger, Brian Boeck, Lisa Sigel, andAmy Tysonhavebeennothingbut supportive andhavehelpedmeat various stages in thefinal preparation of the book. I am also grateful for the intellectual and socialcamaraderie of Scott Bucking, Tom Krainz, Rajit Mazumder, Brent Nunn,Otunnu, Ana Schaposchnik, Margaret Storey, Roshanna Sylvester, ValentinaTikoff, Julia Woesthoff, and everyone else in the History Department. IanPetchenik assistedmewith the images found in this book and entertainedmewithhiswrysenseofhumor.NobukoChikamatsuintheDepartmentofModernLanguages, Yuki Miyamoto in the Department of Religious Studies, andElizabethLillehojintheDepartmentoftheHistoryofArtandArchitecturearewonderful colleagues in the Japanese Studies Program, my second home at

DePaul.The editors at Stanford University Press, KateWahl, Jenny Gavacs, James

Holt,EricBrandt,andFriederikeSundaram,haveenthusiasticallysupportedthisproject from the beginning. I thank them for their crucial role inmaking thisbookpossible.EmilySmith,productioneditor,andCynthiaLindlof,copyeditor,wereextremelyhelpfulandgraciouslypatientduringtheproductionstage.Iamalsogratefultothetwoanonymousreadersfortheirinvaluablecommentsonthemanuscript.MydeepestgratitudegoestomyfamilyinMinneapolis,theThacher-Rosses,

whohavetakensuchgoodcareofme—feeding,sustaining,andlovingme,evenat some ofmyworstmoments.MartaDrew’s encouragement, friendship, andwisdom have been vital during some of themost tryingmoments in the pastcouple of years. This book is dedicated to Carol Thacher (1939–2014),stepmotherextraordinaire,whowouldhavelovedtocelebratethecompletionofthis book but, unfortunately, did not quite make it to see that happen. AvivaRohde, in everywaymy surrogatemother, has never stoppedbelieving inmeand in thisproject. InL.A.,Tokyo,NewYork, andChicago, JasonCremeriushas carefully read every draft. His steadfast friendship, support, and editorialacumen havemade it possible forme to finish this book. I especiallywish tothankAsherCremerius,whowasbornjustasIwasfinishingthedissertation.Heisthebestthingthathaseverhappenedtome,andIlovinglydedicatethisbooktohim.Throughout this book, Japanese names follow Japanese naming practice:

family name first. Unless otherwise noted, all translations from Japanese aremine.

INTRODUCTION

During a three-week visit to Japan in 1920, George Eastman, the founder ofEastmanKodak,remarkedthattheJapanesepeoplewere“almostasaddictedtotheKodakhabitasourselves.”1Eastman’svisit toJapanwasplannedandpaidforbysomeofJapan’sleadingeconomicexpertsandproponentsofinternationalcooperation, including Shibusawa Eiichi and Megata Tanetomo. It was anunofficialtriptohelpsecuremorefriendlytiesbetweenthetwocountries.Alongwith Eastman, ten othermenwere invited, including bankers, journalists, andLymanGage,formersecretaryoftheTreasury.2EastmanwasaguestofBaronMitsui,whohostedEastmanathisTakanawaestate,3and treatedEastmantoaride through the imperial palace gardens in a Cunningham car, coincidentallyproducedinRochester,NewYork,fortheJapaneseemperor,“withtheimperialchrysanthemumsymbolhavingbeenwovenintotheupholstery.”4Accordingtohis biographer,ElizabethBrayer,GeorgeEastmanHonoraryScholar,EastmanwasimpressedwiththeJapanesepeoplebecausethey,likehim,“hadtheabilitytoassimilatetheideasofothers‘tothepointofgenius’andwonderedifthatwaswhat‘hasmadeherthepowerfulnationsheistoday.’”5During his trip, Eastman paid special attention to the thriving commercial

world of photography. His handlers, most notably Shibusawa, had planned apacked itinerary, but as often as he could, Eastman wandered about thecommercial districts of Tokyo visiting photographers’ studios and dealers’shops, which one reporter noted numbered between six hundred and sevenhundred in the city.6 Among the shops that he visited formally was KonishiRoku, today’sKonicaMinolta, located inTokyo’sbustlingfinancialdistrictofNihonbashi.On26April1920,EastmantouredKonishiRoku’sdepartmentstoreforphotography;wasgreetedbythecompany’sfounder,KonishiRokuzaemon;andwasphotographedoncealoneandoncealongsideRokuzaemoninthestore’sstate-of-the-artportraitstudio.7AlthoughKonishiRokuhadbeensellingKodakproductsfordecades,thiswasthefounder’sfirstvisittotheshop.WhatastonishedEastmanduringhisvisit toJapanwas thesheerquantityof

photographic goods available to ordinary consumers. While he certainly hadaccess to sales reports from the various distributors of Kodak products, it isunlikely that he would have had detailed prior knowledge of the enormous

variety of retail options for photographic products available throughout Japananditscolonies,includingTaiwanandKorea.By1920,Tokyo’smapwasdottedwithagreatnumberofshopssellingnewproducts,butthecityalsowashometoavast used-cameramarket,whichcertainlymadeupagoodpercentageof the“hundredsofshops”thatEastmandidnothavetimetosee.Infact,bythetimeofEastman’svisit, thebusinessof sellingphotographicproducts in Japanwasalreadyfivedecadesold.Thisbook recounts theuntold storyofhowordinary Japanesepeople in the

earlytwentiethcenturymadephotographyapartofeverydaylife,usingproductsproduced by Kodak or, even more likely, by Japan’s then thriving domesticphotography industry. Such an endeavor necessitates looking at the quotidianactivitiesthatwentintotheentirepicture-makingprocess,activitiesnottypicallyunderstood as photographic in nature, such as shopping for a camera, readingphotography magazines and how-to books, participating in camera clubs andcontests, and even preserving one’s pictures in albums. These very activities,promotedandsponsoredbytheindustry,embeddedthecameraineverydaylifeas both consumer object and documentation device, linking photographictechnology to the practical understanding of modernity and making it theirresistibleenterprisethatEastmanencounteredin1920.

HistoriographyofEarlyTwentieth-CenturyJapanesePhotographyThe overwhelming focus of historical scholarship on early twentieth-centuryJapanese photography has concerned the development of art photography.ArtisticphotographyinJapantookoffattheturnofthetwentiethcentury,inpartspurred by a vigorous debate among photographers over the best uses ofphotography.Onone sidewere thosewho advocated photography’s utilitarianandpracticalpotential,whileontheotherwerethosewhopromoteditsaestheticpossibilities.8 Those looking to establish photography as an artistic practicestruggledto“divorcephotographyfromtherealmoftechnologyandestablishitasalegitimateartformequalinstatustopainting.”9Writerstookupthethemeof the aesthetic potential of photography in a growing number of journalsdedicatedtotheartandtechniqueofphotography.Thesejournalsalsopublishedthe artistic work of amateur photographers, making concrete examples of artphotography available to a wider audience and thus legitimating thetechniques.10 But, asMikiko Hirayama reminds us, proponents of the artisticrelevanceofphotographyalsohadtostruggleagainstthepredominantaesthetic

normsofstagedandstaidstudiophotography,which“wasstillconsideredasaformofbusiness,andphotographersasartisans.”11Pictorialism,thefirstmajoraestheticmovementinJapanesephotography,was

adoptedby the leadingpractitionersofartphotography.Classicpictorialism inphotographyusedtechniquessuchaspaintingonthenegativeorpositive,soft-focus lenses, and textured papers to create a romantic image.12 In pictorialistphotography, artistsused themedium to experimentwithnewaesthetic forms,muchlikewriterswerebeginningtoexperimentwithexpressionisminliteratureandpainting: “This [photographic]workno longer imitatedpaintings, rather itdemonstrated that photography could address the same kinds of themes aspaintingsyetretainanindividualexpressionthatreflectedtheinnerdimensionsoftheartist.”13Theartisticexplorationofnewphotographicaesthetics,especiallyformsthat

could speak to the experience of disjuncture and alienation of urban lifefollowing theGreat Kantō Earthquake of 1 September 1923,marked the turntowardmodernisminartphotography.Formanyphotographers,theromanticismofpictorialismcouldnolongerappropriatelycapturethekineticandsometimesdestructiveforceofthemetropolis.Fromthisperspective,pictorialismpossessedan “old-fashioned aesthetic consciousness” that could not keep pace withcontemporarychangesineverydaylife.14Modernistphotographyofthisperiodwas heavily influenced by the work of Bauhaus and European avant-gardephotographers like Lazslo Moholy-Nagy and Man Ray and new forms ofphotography like the photogram and photo-montage. The images of Japan’sleading modernist photographers, such as those by Nakayama Iwata (1895–1949) and Koishi Kiyoshi (1908–1957), appeared in new photojournals likeAsahi kamera and Fuototaimusu. Kimura Sen’ichi, editor of the monthlyFuototaimusu,wascommittedtointroducingreaderstoshinkōshashin,or“newphotography,” the term used to differentiate modernist photography frompictorialism.15Perhaps themost influential publication of the period, and one of themost

importantcontributionstomodernisminJapanesephotography,wasKōga.16InMay 1932, Nakayama Iwata, Nojima Yasuzō, and Kimura Ihei (1901–1974)producedthefirst issueof thesmall-circulationjournal thatpublishedarguablysomeofJapan’smostcanonicalimagesandessaysofthe1930s.17InaNobuo’soft-cited article “Return to Photography”was the lead essay in the first issue.Thisarticle,inwhichInapressesphotographerstoembracetheaestheticsofthemachineandbreakfreefrompictorialism—the“humbleslaveofpainting[kaigano‘kensonnaru’dorei]”—becamethemanifestoofnewphotographicaesthetics

inthe1930s.18The late 1920s and early 1930s also marked the emergence of mass

consumerismandtheriseofamiddleclassmadeupofsalariedemployeeswhohadunprecedentedtimeandmoneytospendonnewproductsandpastimes.Inthis context, photography influenced how products were marketed andconsumed.Thenewprofessionalfieldofcommercialphotographyhelpedbringthe modernist aesthetic beyond small-circulation magazines and galleries andinto thehomesofmiddle-classconsumers throughnewpackagingdesignsandadvertising campaigns.19 The modernist aesthetics that informed art andcommercial advertising photography also set the tone for propagandaphotography,whichhadbecometheessentialmeansofcommunicatingJapan’swartime activities to audiences on the home front. From the mid-1930s,commercial photography studios like Nihon Kōbō (Japan Atelier, known asKokusai Hōdō Kōgei from 1939) were increasingly subject to governmentcontrol. The large-formatmagazineNippon was inaugurated in the autumn of1934byNatoriYōnosuke(1910–1961)asa“culturalpropagandaorganaimedatforeignaudiencesinordertostrengthendiplomaticpolicy.”20Perhapsthemoststunninguseofmodernistaesthetics for thepurposeofpropagandaculminatedin the large-format graphicmagazineFRONT launched in 1942 soon after thebeginning of the PacificWar.Among themagazine’s staffwere photographerKimuraIheiandgraphicdesignerHaraHiromu(1903–1986),who,likemanyofthe cohorts from the commercial photography studios, “quickly revealed theconservativeusestowhichthe‘modern’or‘avant-garde’couldbeput.”21In the immediatepostwarperiod, photographic realismwas takenupby the

prewar veterans and a new generation of photographers. Certainly forphotographerswhohadparticipatedinprewarpropagandaprojects likeNipponandFRONT,realismintheformofunadulterated,objectiveimageswasseenasanecessaryaestheticantidotetocombattheunderstandingofphotographyasaninstrumentofwar:“Inessence,thegoalwastograspthesubjectdirectlywithoutsubjective interpretation, a concept that can be considered a reconfirmation ofthefunctionofthephotographasdocumentation.”22Debatesontheexactnatureof photographic realism, however, appeared in the photographic press, whichreemerged rapidlywith prewarmagazines such asKamera andAsahi kamerarelaunchingintheimmediatepostwaryears.23

...

While the development of Japanese artistic photography has received an

enormous amount of scholarly and critical attention, that body of workrepresentsamerefractionofthephotographicarchive.Ittakesonlyonevisittoausedbookstore,thelibraryshelvesofamajoruniversity,orthecollectionsofacamera-related organization to see that the majority of photographic productsandpublications in the firsthalfof the twentiethcenturyweremarketed to theordinaryphotographerasessentialpossessionsofmoderneverydaylife.Infact,“photography” as it was understood by most Japanese people was anamalgamation of disparate practices shaped as profoundly by retailing andconsumptionasbyaestheticmovementsandgalleryexhibitions.Yethistoriansof photography rarely pay attention to the role of the typical middle-classconsumerinphotographicpractice,andscholarsaccountingforthehistoryofthecamera industry have routinely ignored the significant role companies such asKonishi Roku andAsanuma Shōkai played as arbiters ofmiddle-class taste.24Butitistheinteractionbetweentheseveryparties—ordinaryphotographersandthe leading camera brands—that is critical to an understanding of thepopularizationofphotography in theearly twentiethcentury,necessitating thatwe take intoaccount thebroader fieldofphotographicactivities, including theproduction and sales of cameras and film, the circulation of knowledge andinformationaboutphotography,andtheuseofthoseproductsineverydaylife.

Retailing,Consumption,andGenderAnother key aimof this study is towrite retailing back intomodern Japanesehistoryfromasocial-culturalperspectiveandtoconsidertheactivitiesthattookplace “beyond the shop counter” as integral to understanding the consumerrevolutionofearlytwentieth-centuryJapan.25Byfocusingonretailingaswellasconsumption in photographic practice, this book seeks to reveal the varioussocial and cultural factors that contributed to the rapid rise and success ofJapan’scameraindustry.CameracompanieslikeKonishiRokudeployedstate-of-the-art marketing, management, and retailing strategies that, alongsideleading department stores like Mitsukoshi and Shirokiya, revolutionized thetwentieth-century shopping experience for Japanese consumers. By looking atthe“processesandspacesconnectedtoconsumptionbeforeandafterpurchase,”this studyexplores the space inwhichpurchasing tookplace, thecamera shopfloor.26The focus of scholarship on twentieth-century Japanese retail practices has

been on the rise of the department store as the nexus of public consumeractivity.27Someofthesestudieshavetakenintoaccountthematerialsettingof

thestore,butveryfewhavelookedbeyondthedepartmentstoretoaddressthevariety of contexts in which purchasing took place, including small shops,secondhand stores, outdoor flea markets, traveling sales, temporary stalls,festivalbooths,andsubscriptionsales—manyofwhichwereremnantsofearlierformsofretailactivity.Onewaytogetatthisdiversityofpracticesistofollowthepathofasingleproductfromitsproductioninfactoriestoitssaleinshopsandusebyconsumers.Bylookingcloselyatthemovementofcamerasthroughsociety,thisbookdocumentsindetailthesocial,cultural,andmaterialaspectsofthedistributionofproductsandknowledgerelatedtooneconsumeritemand,intheprocess,expandsourunderstandingofeverydayeconomicexchangeinthisperiod.WhilehistoricalstudiesofJapaneseretailingtendtobenarrowlyconfinedtoa

business-historical approach,28 scholars have made important contributions toour understanding of the role of the consumer in the Japanese consumerrevolution.Onestrainof this scholarship focuseson thenewpublic space thatmodernconsumersocietyopened forwomen in theearly twentiethcentury. Inparticular,scholarshavelookedatthenatureoftheconsumptivebehavior,realor imagined,of themoderngirl.29Studiesof theemergenceof thedepartmentstorehavealsocontributed toourunderstandingofconsumptionandgender inthisperiod.30Unintentionally, thesestudies in theaggregatehavenaturalizedaconstructionofgenderthatassociateswomenwithshoppingandtheimpulsive,acquisitive desires related to modern consumption.31 However, men’sconsuminghabitsareoftenneglectedaltogetherorassumedtobedefinedbyarational,practicalmotivation.Fewhaveyettoexploretheoriginsofthesemythsabout men’s shopping behaviors. Indeed, as Christopher Breward has pointedout, historians ofWesternEuropean andAmerican consumption until recentlyhave tried to “explain the social roles taken by men and women during thenineteenth century through recourse to the idea of ‘separate spheres,’ definingthebroadprocessofproductionandconsumptionasrespectivelymasculineandfeminine.”32 In accepting this binary myth, many scholars have consequentlyignoredlookingatmen’sconsumingbehaviors.Because the consumers of photography as a serious pastimewere primarily

men, this study engages critically with men’s shopping habits as well as thegendered divide that retailers constructed in marketing their products. Toeffectively sell their products to different kinds of photographic consumers,companies deployedovertly genderedmarketing strategies.Menwere targetedasdedicatedamateursandhobbyistswhosawtheentirepicture-makingprocessthrough frombeginning to end.Advertisements for cameras addressedwomen

(andsometimeschildren)ascasualphotographers,thosewhotookphotographsonlyoccasionallyandhadtheirfilmandplatesdevelopedforthembyacamerashop.Formen,theentireproductiveenterpriseofphotographywasmarketedasaseriouspastime,one intended tomatchmiddle-classmasculineaspirationsoftechnicalmastery and productive use of free time away fromwork.33 How-toliterature, which was inherently geared toward male photographers, typicallybegan with a detailed description of how to shop for a camera, an activitycharacterized as essential to proper photographic technique. Shopping isaffordedthesamemethodicaltreatmentasisdevelopinganegativeorusinganenlarger, perhaps betraying the fact that men, too, needed to curb theiracquisitiveimpulsesbeforeheadingouttoshop.Showinghowmenparticipatedin the economy as shoppers as well as producers and users of products, thisstudy seeks to expand our understanding of how the camera and photographywerepopularizedinthecontextoftheriseofmodernconsumercultureinJapan.

MiddlebrowPhotographyandMiddle-ClassPhotographersAnother goal of this book is to explore the ways that photographic practicedefinedmiddle-classmasculineidentity.Inaddressingtheconsumerandleisure-timeactivitiesofmiddle-classmen,thisstudycomplementsthegrowingbodyofscholarshipontheemergenceofmiddle-classcultureinearlytwentieth-centuryJapan.34Thepopularizationofphotographywasfueledinmanyconcreteways,but among the most important was the domestic production of affordablecamerasandlight-sensitivematerials.JapanesecameracompanieslikeAsanumaShōkaiandKonishiRoku’sproductioncompany,Rokuōsha,madegreatstridesinproducingdependable,inexpensivephotographicproducts,includingcameras.Productionofaffordablecamerasmadephotographyeconomicallyaccessibletoawide range of consumers, but themajority of photographic consumersweremen who came from the new middle classes—typically urban, white-collarworkers with the requisite income and leisure time to engage in the seriouspastimeofphotography.However,itwasnotonlytheeconomicaccessibilityofphotographic commodities that helped popularize photography amongmiddle-classmen.Thespreadofphotographicpractice,especiallyasaserious leisure-timeandclubactivity,wasalsofueledbythepopularizationoffinearts.Theincreasedpublicvisibilityoffineartsinmuseums,galleries,expositions,

and,perhapsmostimportantintermsofaccess,artexhibitsindepartmentstores,as well as the incorporation of art education into the school system from the

Meiji period (1868–1912), brought fine arts into the lives of an increasingnumber of ordinary Japanese people.35 Such institutional and commercialsupport helpeddisseminate the idea that being an educatedmemberof societyalsomeantthatoneneededtohaveatleastsomebasicfamiliaritywiththefinearts. In thisenvironment, thephotographicmediumuniquelygaveusersaccesstoameansofartisticself-expressionandasetoftoolstorepresenttheworldasthey saw it. By helping spread the idioms and practices of artistic expressionamongawideraudience,photographywasacritical force inpopularizing fineartsanddisseminatingthevocabularyofaestheticvalueinmodernJapan.This book is one of the first serious studies of the aesthetics employed by

amateur artists of any kind in twentieth-century Japan. Just as the bulk of thephotographicarchivefaroutweighs thecanonofJapaneseartphotography, thebulk of photographs published in photographic journals and bookswere thosemadebyordinaryphotographers.Theterm“middlebrow”referstotheaestheticpracticesofordinaryphotographers,andwhilethetermoftencarriesapejorativetone, I am following JoanRubin’s usage in herwork onmiddle-class readinghabitsinearlytwentieth-centuryAmerica.36Rubinapplies“middlebrow”totheroleofcriticsandpublishersinhelpingcreateliterarystandardsthatinfluencedwhatmiddle-classconsumerschosetoread.InthecaseofphotographyinJapan,Iuse“middlebrow”torefertothestandardsofamateurphotographicaestheticsas they were established by the arbiters of photographic taste—the editors ofphotographic journals, contest judges, and exhibition organizers. It was thisgroupofexpertswhoselectedexemplaryimagesforpublicationandexhibitionand to whom amateurs looked for advice in making their photographs. Myintention is to take seriously theaestheticpracticesofmiddle-class (would-be)artists, not only because they influenced such a large part of the photographicarchivebutalsobecausethesepracticeshelpusunderstandtheneglectedartandaestheticsofordinarypeoplelivingatthetime.Middlebrowaesthetics,insomesenses,canbeseenasderivativeversionsof

elite, modernist understandings of artistic value or, conversely, as slightlyelevatedversionsofmass-cultural notionsof beauty.But to judge thepicturesthat amateur photographers made according to the standards of high-and/orlowbrow aesthetics ismisguided. In fact, amateur images not only interpretedthe highbrow aesthetics promoted inmodernist journals and exclusive galleryshows but also, critically, advanced a distinctiveway ofmaking photographs.Photographic aesthetics were produced in the darkroom, using specifictechnologies, products, and skills. Like the literary critics in Rubin’s work,popular photographic experts, critics, columnists, how-to writers, and contest

judges functioned as cultural mediators who collectively helped create acommondefinitionofaestheticallysuperiorphotographic images.37Companiesfostered artistic photographic production by publishing how-to books andsponsoring contests that rewarded exemplary photographic aesthetics. Inaddition, camera clubs, a primary avenue for amateurs to participate inphotography, servedas akindof classroom for thepeoplewhere theworldoffineartswasintroducedthroughthephotographicmedium.Inthecontextoftheclub,memberslearnednotonlyhowtomakeartisticphotographsbutalsohowto evaluate those images in light of prevailing aesthetic standards. High-artexhibitions often included select work of amateur and club photographers,granting these humble practitioners, at least temporarily, the status of an“exhibitedartist.”Whattheexpertsandjudgessawassuperlative,however,wasnot necessarily the sharp, gleaming angles ofmodernist images but rather thesoft, romantic visions of pictorialism, an aesthetic achieved most commonlythroughmanipulationoftheimageindarkroomprocedures.

StructureoftheBookThenarrativeof this book follows a thematicorganization to explore indepthparallel developments that contributed to the popularization of photography inthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury.Chapter1arguesthatthecameraindustrywasattheforefrontofaretailrevolutionfromtheturnofthetwentiethcenturyand places camera selling in a cultural history of urban retail practices. Byfocusingonretailingandconsumptioninphotographicpractice,thefirstchapterseeks to unearth the various social and cultural factors that contributed to therapid rise and success of Japan’s prewar camera industry. Camera companieslikeKonishiRokudeployedthelatestmarketingandretailingstrategiesaswellas created a multitude of innovative ways for consumers to participate inphotography, including product-based clubs and remote consumer networks.And camera emporiums like Konishi Roku and Asanuma Shōkai, Japan’sleading camera companies in the early twentieth century, contributed to thetransformation of the urban shopping experience associated most commonlywiththeriseofthemoderndepartmentstore.In1916,KonishiRokuopeneditsdepartment store for photography, a four-story edifice in Nihonbashi, Tokyo,thatwelcomedshopperswithhugeplateglasswindows,glassdisplaycasesfilledwithattractivelyarrangedproducts,andanescalator,allofwhichspoketonewretailmethodsaimedatdemocratizingtheshoppingexperience.38Chapter 2 follows the retail revolution in photographic products to explore

how the cameramarketwas segmented into twodistinctlygendered consumermarkets—thecasualphotographymarketandtheamateurphotographymarket—andtheinnovativewaysthatthecameraindustrymarketeditsproductstothesetwo very different consumer groups. Companies promoted the idea thatphotographywasforeveryone;yetnotallcamerasweremeanttobeusedbyjustanyone. In marketing their products, companies deployed overtly genderedmarketing strategies to sell their products to different kinds of photographicconsumers.39 These marketing campaigns drew on very specific assumptionsabout how women and men participated differently in leisure activities.Companies advanced the viewofwomen as passive consumers,whose leisuretimewasfilledwithsuchactivitiesasGinbura(windowshoppinginGinza)andmarketed the cameraas theperfect accessory for the stylishwoman.Formen,photography was marketed as a serious pastime, one that encompassed theeducationalandworkplaceaspirationsofmiddle-classmasculinity.In Chapter 3, I follow themale consumer to investigate the role of how-to

books in democratizing photography, in terms of both their explicit, statedpurposetoteachphotographershowtotakeandmakephotographsandthewaysinwhichtheysuggestedtoreaderstheappropriateplaceofphotographyintheirleisure time and in their homes. During the period from 1912 until 1940,publishing houses and camera companies produced more than five hundredbooksandnearlythirtymonthlyjournalsaimedattheamateurphotographer.Anoverwhelming number of these publications were how-to books geared tovariouslevelsofphotographers,fromrankbeginnerstoskilledhobbyists.How-toliteratureonphotographyinthisperiodcanbeplacedmoregenerallyintotheoverall trend in the commercialization and distribution of knowledgewherebyinformationaboutcommodities,justlikeproductsthemselvesinadvertisements,was marketed to consumers. How-to books on such diverse topics as homecooking,tennis,andmodelairplanebuildingnotonlytaughtconsumershowtocook, play, and build but also how to construct a middle-class lifestyle thatincorporated certain products and activities. How-to books on photographyprovided technical knowledge on all aspects of photographic activity—frombuying and getting to know your camera to proper storage of plates andchemicals to outfitting a darkroom, making negatives, and printing outphotographs. From one perspective, how-to literature privatized the learningprocess, offering readers away to continue their education and use their timeproductivelyoutsidetherealmofwork.Inthecaseofphotography,however,italsotaughtreaderswhatweretheappropriatekindsofphotographstotakeandhowphotographyfitbestintoamiddle-classlifestyle.Amongthemostimportantvenuesforthespreadofphotographicliteracywas

theamateurcameraclub, thesubjectofChapter4.Theavailabilityofcheaper,domestically produced cameras and developing materials fueled thepopularizationofphotography.Alongwithaffordableproducts,therapidgrowthinpopularcameraclubsfromtheturnofthecenturyhelpedspreadphotographicknow-how.Cameraclubsweresharedsocial spaceswheremembers,primarilymen, explored photographic art and technique. By spreading the idioms andpractices of artistic expression among a wider audience, camera clubs, alongwithmuseums,galleries,andexhibitions,were theprimary institutionalsettingforthedemocratizationofthefineartsinmodernJapan.Atthesametime,clubswere voluntary associations and operated in accordance with democraticproceduralprinciplesthatprovidedmemberswiththeopportunitytoparticipateindemocraticallyrunorganizationswheretheycouldexercise individualrightsnotgrantedtotheminthewiderpoliticalsystem.Chapter 5 considers the actual pictures that amateurs took with the aim of

understandingthepopularaestheticsandrelatedtechniquesoftheperiod.Mostamateursworkedwithin theaestheticstandardsandvocabularyofpictorialism,which,whenproperlyexecuted,yieldedpainterlyimagessuffusedwithmoody,nostalgic, even romantic imagery. Such photographs relied heavily onmanipulation and handwork in the image-making process—the part ofphotographythattakesplaceinthedarkroomwheretheimageisactuallymade.Techniques such as bromoil transfers and enlargement allowed hobbyists notonly toexpress themselvescreativelybut,more important, todisplay technicalmastery over a complex apparatus. The focus on process—sometimes to theneglectoftheresultantimage—becameacentralcomponentoftheaestheticsofpictorialism.Inthefaceofanincreasinglymechanizedmiddle-classlifestyle,thecreation of pictorial photographs allowed the exercise of handwork and acraftsman’ssensibility.Andbecausesuchprocessestypicallyinvolvedtheuseofexpensive chemicals, equipment, and papers, the camera industry activelypromotedthesetechniquesinadsfortheirproductsandthroughtheconteststheysponsored. Pictorial photography, as both a final product and a total process,provided hobbyistswith an aesthetic language thatmatched theirmiddle-classideals: an active place in the world of consumerism befitting their newfoundincomesandanabsorbingactivitythatplacedvalueoncraftsmanship.TheEpiloguebriefly takesup the fateofpopularphotographicconsumption

during and immediately following the PacificWar.While ordinary consumerswere diverted from photography as a pastime in the early 1940s, severalJapanese camera companies continued to produce strategically significantphotographicproductsforthemilitary,settingthestagefortheirrapidrecoveryinthepostwarperiod.Fromthelate1930s,camerasweredeemedluxuriesthat

were objects of anticonsumption campaigns. Imported cameraswere burdenedwithextraordinary taxes,much to thedismayofcamera sellersallover Japan.Light-sensitivematerials,becauseofthechemicalsusedtomakethem,becamealmost impossible to acquire.Allof these restrictionsonconsumptionbroughtpopularphotographytoanearstandstillfrom1940totheendof1945.Despitethis wartime gap in the ordinary photographic market, camera companiesreboundedquickly toprewar levelsofproductionandsalesbyresurrecting thehighly effective strategies and tactics that had marked the popularization ofphotographyduringtheprecedingdecades.

1

ARETAILREVOLUTION

MaleShoppersandtheCreationoftheModernShop

Sourcesfromthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcenturyrelatedtotheconsumptionofphotographyrevealthatmenwereavidconsumersofphotographiccommoditiesand that theyactivelyparticipated in theworldof shopping, though theyoftenwerepositionedasneedingguidance in their shopping.Photographymonthliesandhow-to literatureofferedmenextensiveadviceonprocuringallmannerofphotographiccommodities.Shoppingasamasculineactivity,however,hadtobea rationalpractice,grounded inadispassionateattitudeandbasedon research.Thus, consumption formendid not happenwilly-nilly butwas definedwithinparticular parameters of masculine identity—rationality, knowledge, anddisassociation.On the other side of the shop counter, camera sellers like Konishi Roku

createdaretailenvironment,whatretailstrategiststodaymightcallthe“in-storecustomer experience,” that matched male shoppers’ expectations. Everythingfrom the material experience of the shop, its architecture and layout, to itsmanagementstyle,drewonrational,dispassionateretailstrategies.Glassdisplaycasescreatedvisualaccesstogoods,whichaconsumercouldnowcomparesideby side in an unbiasedmanner. A salaried workforce, wearingWestern suits,providedknowledgeableandreliableservice.Forthehigh-endcamerashopper,this retailing experience dovetailed seamlessly with the way marketers andcommentatorspositionedphotographyand thecameraas themostmodernandrationalofconsumertechnologies.

TheMaleConsumerShopsforaCameraEventhoughscholarshaveoftenseenshoppingasanactivityinwhichtheactof“acquiringthegoodsforconsumption...wassociallyperceivedasafemininetask,”atleastaccordingtoshopowners,mendidindeedshop.1Infact,itwasthemaleofficeworker, sooften represented in literatureand filmof the timeasa

symbolofJapan’smodernizationofthemetropolis,whouniquelyhadsufficientexpendableincomeandfreetimetofrequentTokyo’snumerouscamerashops.2The upper levels of salaried workers were the very men who shopped at thecamera counter atMitsukoshi or atKonishiRoku’smain shop inNihonbashi.Office clerks and shop hands, also salarymen but existing on the periphery ofmiddle-class prosperity, window-shopped at Mitsukoshi but probably boughttheircamerasatoneofthemanyused-camerashopsdottingTokyo’seastside.Ifmenhadthetimeandmoneytoshop,theystillrequiredmuchguidancein

the proper approach to consumption. Suzuki Hachirō offered one of themostextensive and detailed guides to shopping for a camera in his how-to book,Knowledgeof theCameraandHowtoChooseOne (1937), thefirstvolumeinhis series The Arusu Course in Popular Photography.3 Foremost among the“Five Principles for Choosing a Camera” is “money,” especially for the first-time buyer.4 In Suzuki’s account, men are just as susceptible to the buyingimpulse aswomen,but the risk in the caseof a camera is especiallyhigh andrequiresarationalandreasonableapproach:Youheadouttobuyanecktieonsaleforayen,buteventhoughyouendupsplurgingbecausetherearenoneless thansixyen,andeventhoughyouwillhavetorefrainfromgettinganythingnewfor twoorthreemonths, still it’sdone.But in thecaseofacamera, thiskindof recklessnesswouldbea seriousmatter.Therefore,itisnecessarytoclearlydecideonabudget.5

Second, the consumer should choose a camera that suits his purposes. Suzukireminds readers that the camera is a tool and an appropriate camera exists foreveryapproach tophotography—just asdifferentkindsofvehicles functionastools for different forms of transport. For example, a truck transports goodswhile a bus transports people, and so on.6 Accordingly, Suzuki advises thatconsideration be given to the uses the camera will be put—travel, work, orleisure—beforemakinganydecisions.Oncethebuyerisclearaboutthewayhewillusethecamera,thechoicewillbecomethatmucheasier.Suzukithengoeson to describe how different camera models fulfill different photographicobjectives:thesingle-lensreflexcameraworkswellforartisticphotography;theLeica is best to capturemotion andmechanistic beauty; and for the nostalgiclook, nothing is better than the vest pocket camera.7 Suzuki’s third piece ofadvice to his readers is to choose a camera from as reputable a company aspossible:“Thisisnotlimitedtocamerasbutappliestoallroutineshopping.”Thebestway for a novice to judge a product, according toSuzuki, is by itsmāku(brand). If you need light bulbs, then you can’t go wrong with the Matsudabrand; for smallmotors, trustShibaura.8 It is exactly the samewhenshoppingforacamera.Onemustlookbeyondwhattheadssayandseewhichbrandshave

been trusted by the most people over the years. The fourth step is to pick acamera that is easy to use rather than one that is overly complicated. Finally,Suzukirecommendsthat,justaswhendecidingonanautomobile,itisimportanttoconsiderqualityoverdecoration.9Togetherthesefivefactorsaremeanttohelpaconsumernewtotheworldof

camerashoppingchoosehis“oneandonlycamera.”10Oncetheconsumersettlesonacamerabrandandtype,thenextstepistopreparefortheshopexperience.In “Instructions for Buying a Camera,” Suzuki advises, “First, you must doresearch.”11 After deciding on a budget, the knowledgeable shopper usescatalogues to decide on the propermodel of camera and necessary equipmentand accessories. Photographs and descriptions of “absolutely necessaryaccessories”filltwopagesandincludethefollowing:asokushacase(acameracasewithastrapwornover theshoulder thatallowseasyaccess to thecameraforquickorevenimpulsivephotographing),atripod,alenscover,alightmeter,and a range finder.12 The next step is to “consult with a more experiencedcolleague.”13Andifyouhavenocolleagueswhocanhelpyou,gotoacamerashopandspeaktoaknowledgeableclerk.“Onceyou’vemadeadecision,don’tturnback.”14Andbyallmeans,donotletaneagerclerktrytochangeyourmindor sell you thedisplaymodel. “Inspect the camera” tomake sure that you aregetting your money’s worth.15 Suzuki recommends a cursory check beforeleavingtheshoptobesurethatthebodyisintactandthatalltheaccessoriesareincluded.Still,afullerexaminationathomeisnecessary,andheoffersdetailedtipsonhowtogoaboutathoroughcheckofthecameraandallitsparts.Finally,“takeatest[roll].”16Usingalltheequipment,theownerofanewcamerashouldkeeponerolloffilm,orseveralplatesdependingonthemodel,totesttheinnermechanics.Withthesepracticaltipsinmind,buyingacameracanbearelativelypainlessprocess,thoughperhapsnotaspainlessasbuyinganecktie.Suzuki’s tips are typical of how-to books aimed at the newcomer to hobby

photography.17Mostauthors,infact,listbuyingacameraasthefirststepintheprocessoftakingandmakingpictures.18Bytakingseriouslythebuyingprocess,how-towriterstransformedtheactofshopping,whichwascommonlyassociatedinthepopularimaginationwiththeirrationalimpulsesoffemaleconsumers,intoa disciplined, even scientific, practice.19 In the case of a camera, therecommended customer journey requires research, consultation, anddeterminationtomaketheproperpurchase,theonethatenablestheamateurtopractice photography according to his well-thought-out plans. As Suzukidescribes it, purchasing a new camera can be an overwhelming experience,

especially for the first-timecameraowner.Even thoughhedescribes at lengththefivebasicmodelsofcameras,Suzukireadilyadmitsthattherearehundredsof kinds of cameras and for every camera there are even more accessories.Choosingtheperfectcameraandaccessoriesissoconfoundingthat“really,youcan’tlaughatwomenbuyingclothesinadepartmentstore.”20

YomiuriNewspaper’sGuidetoMerchandiseGuides to shopping for products were not unique to the camera market.Throughoutthemid-1930s,theYomiuriNewspaperpublished“HandyNews,”aregularcolumnwithconsumertipsonshoppingforeverydayproducts.Articlesthat ran throughout 1936 were collected and published in a single volume in1937 under the titleAGuide toMerchandise. The book jacket promotes thisvolumeasanecessaryhomereferencework:“Everyhouseholdneedsonecopy!Before you go shopping, take a look at this book first!” In the preface, theeditorsofferthefollowingreasonsforthepublication:

Aswewerepublishing thearticles [weheard that]department storesandshopswereusing themasmaterials to include as part of a clerk’s education and that girls’ schools and finishing schools wereclippingthearticlesinordertomakeasinglereferencebookoneverydayproducts.Also, we wanted to help increase the proper awareness of everyday products among the general

populace[ippannohitobito],andwethoughtitcouldbeusedasareferencewhenbuyingandchoosingtheproductsthatwehaveincludedinthisvolume.21

A Guide to Merchandise is filled with small articles on over 280 differentproductsarrangedaccordingtoseveralcategories.Under“Foodstuffs”aresuchtopicsasrice,noodles,cannedgoods,eel,beef,biscuits,fishcakes,soba,butter,beans, konbu, bonito flakes, sake, tofu, peaches, edamame, and tomatoes.Theeditors offer details on fountainpens, ink,watercolors, and school bags in the“Stationery” section. Dress shirts, shoes, umbrellas, neckties, sweaters,raincoats,andsocksaresomeoftheproductstreatedin“AccessoriesandMen’sFurnishings.” In“Miscellaneous,”wefind tipsoneverythingfromtents, irons,andcutglasstoshojipaper,charcoal,andBuddhistaltars.Theindividualarticles,rangingfromonetothreepages,typicallydescribethe

productindetailandthenadviseshopperswhattolookforwhenchoosingthatproduct in thestore.Whenbuyingsesameoil, forexample,youshouldchooseoil that is amber in color and clear.22Did youknow that originallymosquito-repellent incense (katori senkō) was made from the petals of the Dalmatianpyrethrum, a vermifuge chrysanthemum? Because it is too expensive anddifficult to make into its typical coil shape, these days producers make theincenseusingamixtureofchrysanthemumpetals(50percent),chrysanthemum

stalks (30percent),andapaste (20percent).23Andwhenbuyinganecktie,donotbetemptedbythepatternof individual ties;rather,youmustkeepinmindthekindofclothingthatyoualreadyown.24Tucked between a rather full treatise on fishing gut and a piece on reading

lamps is an article on cameras: “A camera is the one thing you want tocommemorate scenes and people thatwillmake up yourmemories of the funtimes.”25According to theeditors,youcan findagooddomesticallyproducedcameraforabouttwenty-fiveyenoradecentimportforaroundsixtytoseventyyen.Theyadvisepotential consumersonwhat to look forwhenbuyinganewcamera,recommendingthatshoppersbeespeciallycarefulabout inspectingthelensandshutterbeforemakingapurchase.Anamateurisnotreallyqualifiedtojudge thequalityof a lens,but ifhebuysone for at least fiftyyen,hecanbecertain that it has passed a rigorous inspection.26 Just as Suzuki suggests, theeditors recommend going to a trustworthy shop and taking a test roll of filmbeforemakingafinalpurchase.

TheKonishiRokuBrandWhenGeorgeEastmanvisitedJapaninthespringof1920,heacceptedonlytwoinvitationstoreceptionsinhishonoramongthemanythathewasoffered.27OneofthemwashostedbyKonishiRokuzaemon,thefounderofKonishiRoku,whohosted a banquet at a hall in Ryōgoku on the evening of 28April.28 KonishiRoku was Japan’s leading producer and retailer of camera and light-sensitivematerials in the first half of the twentieth century. Rokuzaemon invitedmorethan 120 people—photographic industry leaders, famous photographers, andmost important, the press—to welcome Eastman to Japan. The guests hailedEastman,whowasmost pleased,with the enthusiastic ring of three shouts of“Banzai.”29Asmentioned in the Introduction, despite his very busy schedule,Eastmanvisitedasmanycamerashopsandphotostudiosastimewouldallow.30One of those visits was to the headquarters andmain retail outlet of KonishiRokuon26April.There,EastmanissaidtohavecloselyinspectedandpraisedKonishi’sproducts,especiallyaprojectionprinterandaLilycamera.31Healsohad a portrait taken by Ōno Takatarō in Konishi Roku’s newly outfittedphotographystudiothatwaspublishedasthefirstgravureintheMay1920issueof Shashin geppō.32 Eastman’s visit to Japan was highly publicized in thephotographicpress.Andhisbrand,Kodak,waswellknownamongevencasualphotographers. While it may not have sparked the same level of public

excitement that Charlie Chaplin’s visit did several years later in 1932,33Eastman’s tour gave the top camera makers, especially Konishi Roku, theopportunitytopublicizetheirnamesalongsideEastman’sandtogarnersomeofthatinternationalacclaimandreputationfortheirowncause.Long before Eastman’s visit in 1920, however, Konishi Roku was already

heldinhighregard,atleastwithinJapanandtheJapanesecolonies,andwaswellknownforitssuccessatproducingcamerasandphotographicmaterialsthatwerebothreliableandrelativelyaffordable.Inaddition,KonishiRokuwasoneoftheearliest examples of a Japanese company embracing modern marketing andretailingstrategiestopromotenotonlyitsownproductsbutalsoamoregeneralawarenessof itsbrandand toactivelypromotea strongassociationofabrandwith an entire product category and field of consumption.34 Rokuzaemon hadseizedearlyuponaneasilyrecognizable,iconictrademark—thecherryblossom(Figure1.1).Laterthedesignwassimplifiedintoanelegantflowerpatternwiththecharacter for thenumber6 (roku) in themiddleof thepetals.35Thecherryblossom was also the inspiration behind the name of Konishi’s productioncompany, Rokuōsha, established in 1898. The name “Rokuōsha” was acombination of the “Roku” of “Rokuzaemon,” the adopted trade name ofKonishiRoku’sfounder,KonishiRokuzaemon(néSugiuraRokusaburō),andaplayon theChinesereadingof thecharacter forcherry tree (sakura).ThenewproductionfacilitywaslocatedinYodobashi-chō,insuburbanTokyo,whereitissaid thatRokuzaemon had seenmany lovely cherry trees in full bloom at thetime he purchased the land.36 Sakura was also the brand-name for KonishiRoku’s line of film products and developing materials. An advertisement forSakuraFilmandPaperProductsfrom1936,showninFigure1.2,showsthewaythatKonishiRoku’sdesignersincorporatedboththecompanytrademarkandthethemeofcherryblossomsintoproductpackaging.37

FIGURE1.1MeijiperiodSakuratrademarks.KonishiRokuzaemonhadseizedearlyuponaneasilyrecognizable,iconictrademark—thecherryblossom.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.

Source:KonishiRoku,Shashintotomonihyakunen,39.

AModernDepartmentStoreforPhotographyKonishiRoku’seffortstopromoteitsnameandreputationextendedwellbeyondtrademarks and packaging. The brand’s Nihonbashi shop and headquarterstransformedatypicalMeiji-erashop(Figure1.3)intoaglassandgranitegoliathin 1916 and stood as a monument both to photography and to the modernshoppingexperience,repletewithhugeplateglasswindowsanddressedwithanescalator,welcomingstaff,andmahoganywaitingarea(Figure1.4).38ThescaleofKonishiRoku’snewshopanditsconnectingannex,itsincrediblediversityofgoods related to photography and lithography, and the attention to attractivedisplay contributed to the image of the newly built shop as a “photographydepartment store.”39 It is worth noting that this particular department storeexperiencewascreated formaleconsumers.Despite theattention that scholarshave given to the department store as the sphere for women’s publicparticipationintheeconomy,retailerslikeKonishiRokuwereacutelyawarethatthe majority of their customers were men and created a suitably masculineatmosphere for theirclientele,befitting, in thiscase, the store’s location in thebustlingcommercialandofficedistrictofNihonbashi.

FIGURE1.2AdvertisementforSakuraproducts.KonishiRoku’sdesignersincorporatedboththecompanytrademarkandthethemeofcherryblossomsintoproductpackaging.Source:Asahikamera21,no.4(April1936):n.p.

FIGURE1.3KonishiRoku’sshopinthe1880s.Meiji-eradōzō-zukuri-styleshop.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:KonishiRoku,Shashintotomonihyakunen,23.

FIGURE1.4KonishiRoku’sshopandheadquarters,Nihonbashi,1916.Theglassandgranitegoliathbuiltin1916stoodasamonumentbothtophotographyandtothemodernshoppingexperience.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:Shashingeppō21,no.6(June1916):n.p.

Twolargeplateglassshowwindowsframedthecentralentrancetothestore.The window on the right displayed goods for photographic printing, and thewindow on the left displayed cameras (Figure 1.5).40 Though glass had beenusedattheentranceofsomeshopsfromthemid-Meijiperiod,plateglassshowwindowswerepartandparceloftheretailrevolutiontakingplaceinurbanJapanfromthe latenineteenthcentury.Guides tonewretailpracticeshighlighted theimportance ofwell-appointed showwindows in attracting passersby: “Artfullydecoratingthe insideofashowwindowisonemethodtomakepassersbystopand draw customers in both indirectly and directly.”41 The first retail

establishment to incorporate the plate glass show window was the venerableMitsukoshiDepartmentStorein1903.42Thatsameyear,anOsakamanufacturerhadsuccessfullyproduced thinplateglass suitable for showwindows.Prior tothat,allplateglasswasimported.43

FIGURE1.5KonishiRoku’sshopwindowdisplay,1924.Plateglassshowwindowsattractivelydisplayedgoodsforsaleintheshop.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:KonishiRoku,Shashintotomonihyakunen,313.

Upon enteringKonishi Roku, customers could see an escalator to their leftthatbeckonedthemtothesecondandthirdfloors.Thoughtheescalatorhadbeenintroduced to Tokyo commuters as early as 1902 at theManseibashi railwaystation,Mitsukoshiagainwasthefirstretailestablishment to includeonein its

newly rebuilt shop in Nihonbashi in 1914.44 While escalators “possessed thesamemagneticappealanddrewcrowdstothedepartmentstoreforthechancetorideupanddownthemovingstairs,”themotivationbehindincorporatingthemhadasmuch,ifnotmore,todowithmanagingcrowdflow.45Thoughitisabitdifficult to imagine that the designers of the new Konishi Roku headquartersincludedanescalatorforthepurposeofcrowdmanagement,theycertainlysawthedrawsuchadevicecouldhaveforshoppersorthesimplycurious.The showwindowswere not the only area of the shop devoted to display.

Throughout the shop, merchandise was arranged attractively in glass cases(Figure 1.6). All kinds of products were on display, including a variety ofEastmanKodakcamerasandmagiclanterns, lenses, tripods,albums,enlargers,and numerous other photography-related commodities.46 Example photographsexhibitedexpertlyfilledallofthewallspaceoftheshop’sinterior.47Innovationinproductdisplaywas integrally tied toemerging retail salesmethods.48Soonafter theoriginal shopopened itsdoors in1873, it hadadoptedanewkindof“free-entry”systemofshoppinginwhichproductsweredisplayedincasesandcustomers could enter the store to look at products at their own leisure.49Theincorporationofglassshowcases,aradicalchangeinmerchandisedisplay,hadbegun in the lateMeiji period when the top retail operations likeMitsukoshibegan to replace the traditional “sitting-sales” styleof retailwith the“display-sales”method.50TakahashiYoshioofMitsuiGofuku(whatbecameMitsukoshiDepartment Store), the man who is credited with bringing modern retailpracticestoJapan,describedthesystemofsittingsalesinthefollowingway:Around [the shop] hang deep blue noren with the character etsu in a circle.51 There are elevendepartmentswithheadclerks[bantōukemochi].Thecustomerlooksforthefamiliarbantō,andwhenheplacesanorder,withthecustomerstandingthere,thebantōcallsoutinaboomingvoice,“Boy,bringmethesuch-and-such.”Uponhearingthisvoice, theshopboybringsthemerchandisefromthewarehouseand places it on a flat square board. The bantō takes themerchandise and shows it to the customer.Because the inside of the shop is veiled in a thin layer of darkness due to the deep bluenoren, [it isimportant]todisplaythegoodswell.Furthermore,itisbesttobringasfewgoodsoutaspossibleinordertosatisfythecustomer.52

Glassshowcasesandwell-organizedshelving,theheartofdisplaysalesandthefree-entrysystem,allowedthepresentationofmanyitemsatonceandcutouttheneedforshopboysrunningtoandfromthewarehouse,optimizingfloorspace,andsavingtimeandemploymentcosts.

FIGURE1.6KonishiRoku’sglassdisplaycases,1916.Merchandisewasarrangedattractivelyinglasscasesthroughouttheshop.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:Shashingeppō21,no.6(June1916):n.p.

AstairwaylocatedtotherightoftheKonishiRokuentrancetookcustomersto the second floor and deposited them in front of a hanging ink scroll byTokugawaKeiki (1837–1913), the final shogun of theTokugawa reign.53 Thesecondfloorwasthemaindisplayandsalesareaforcameras.Onthatsamefloorwas an elegantwaiting areawith a largeChinese table surroundedby twenty-three color prints and carbon portraits as well as the painting The Bath byVictorian painter and sculptor Lord Frederic Leighton (1830–1896). The thirdfloorwasdevotedtoKonishiRoku’slithographicmachinesbusiness,binoculars,and various kinds of lenses. It also housed a small office space for Shashingeppō,themonthlyphotographymagazinepublishedbyKonishiRoku.Asmallobservation toweron the roofwas accessible from the third floor and allowedguests to look over the eastern part of Tokyo. Viewers could see as far asYasukuni Shrine, Nikolai Cathedral, and Ueno Park. The tower also affordedcustomersaplacetotestouttelescopesandbinocularsonsaleintheshop.Theannex, a three-story wooden structure that connected to the main shop via apassagewayonthesecondfloor,wasthedisplayareaforlargerproductssuchaslithographypressesandstudiofurniture.Theannexalsoboastedafullyequippeddarkroomonthethirdfloor.Inbothbuildings,all theavailablewallspacewascovered with more than two hundred example photographs using Konishi

Roku’smost popular products. Finally, the third floor of the annexwasmadeintoaphotographystudio,withalargedarkroomandslopedceilingwindowstoallowfornaturallight,wheresuchluminariesasGeorgeEastmanandtheTaishōemperorhadtheirportraitstaken.This department store for photography did not survive the Great Kantō

Earthquakeof1September1923.LikemostNihonbashiretailers,KonishiRokulostallofitsmerchandiseinthesubsequentfires.Onemonthlater,Rokuzaemonopened a small temporary shop on the grounds of his production facility,Rokuōsha, on the outskirts of Tokyo (Figure 1.7).54 The flagship shop wasreopenedinitsoriginalNihonbashilocationon26Marchofthefollowingyear.Although the shop and offices operated out of a much smaller barrack-stylebuilding for nine years, planning had already begun by early 1928, inconjunction with the reconstruction of Tokyo, for building a more permanentpresence. One thousand people were invited to the grand opening of KonishiRoku’s new five-story shop on 15March 1932, but the new structure lookedmorelikeanofficebuildingthanapalacetoshopping(Figure1.8).IthadnoneofthegrandeurthattheTaishōbuildingoffereditscustomers.Inthenewshop,white-collaremployeeswhoworkedintheneighborhoodcouldleavetheirstaidofficebuildingstobrowseinKonishiRoku’sratherlackluster,ifefficientshop.

FIGURE1.7KonishiRoku’sbarrack-styletemporaryshop,late1923.KonishiRoku’ssmalltemporaryshoponthegroundsofitsproductionfacility,Rokuōsha,ontheoutskirtsofTokyo,openedaftertheGreatKantōEarthquakein1923.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:KonishiRoku,Shashintotomonihyakunen,311.

FIGURE1.8KonishiRoku’snewheadquartersandshop,1932.Openedon15March1932,thenewshoplookedlesslikeadepartmentstoreforphotographyandmorelikeanofficebuilding.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:KonishiRoku,Shashintotomonihyakunen,374.

RationalizingRetailIn1911,anadvertisementonthefirstpageoftheAprilissueofShashingeppōannounced the addition of several new telephone numbers by which to reachKonishiRoku:“Weapologizeforthefactthatwehavehadonlythreetelephonelinesupuntilthispointandthatithascontinuallybeenaninconvenienceforourcustomers,” especially when arranging for the “delivery of carefully selectedmerchandise.”55Tosupplementthethreeexistingtelephonelines,KonishiRokuaddedsevenmore:fourtothemainshop,onetothePrintingMaterialsSection,

and two to Rokuōsha’s offices. Though perhaps an incremental change,increased telephone access to the shop was entirely consistent with KonishiRoku’s larger mission to bring photography to an ever-greater number ofconsumers by catering to customer expectations of high-quality goods andservices.Indeed,alloftheearlytwentieth-centurytransformationsoftheshop—itsarchitecture,salestechniques,anddisplaymethods—wereaimedatachievingthat goal. Increased accessibility and efficiency—and the resultant increasedprofitmargin—weredrivingforcesbehindKonishiRoku’seffortstomodernizeitsday-to-daybusinessoperations, and thecompanyadoptedoneafter anotherforward-lookingadministrativestrategiesandnewmanagementtechniques.Therestructuringof theheadquarterson theoutsideparalleledefforts to reorganizeitsmanagementstyleandworkforceontheinside.Among the many administrative changes, double-entry bookkeeping

rationalized Konishi Roku’s fiscal record keeping, an increasingly complexprocedure as the company evolved from an importer to amajor producer andretailer.KonishiRokuabandonedtraditionalmethodsofbookkeepinginfavorofWestern-style double-entry bookkeeping in the late Meiji period.56 Thoughmajor merchant houses of the Tokugawa period used a “quite sophisticated‘double-classification’systemofaccounting,”57therewasnouniformpracticeofbookkeepingandthemanagementofaccountsdiffereddependingonthetypeofbusiness.58 Generally speaking, pre-Meiji forms of accounting wereidiosyncratic and complicated. Most businesses maintained several separateaccount books—general accounts, stock, sales, earnings, receipts, orders,goods/freight—into which day-to-day pecuniary matters were recorded.59Double-entry bookkeeping, however, rationalized accounting and simplifiedfinancial record keeping even for complicated businesses.60 This same rigorcharacterizedKonishiRoku’sanalysisofsalesstatisticstoplaceoverseasordersmoreefficiently:Duringthoseyears[the lateMeijiandearlyTaishōperiods], Iworkedin the importsofficeatKonishiRokuforSugiuraSennosuke,whoinstitutedmodernstatisticalrecord-keepingpractices.ThoughitwasdifficulttomakeorderswithIlfordandEastman,bymakingdetailedstatisticsonthevolumeofimportsandsalesovertheyearsandbytakingintoconsiderationtheexpectedarrivaltimeofgoodsonorderandthemarket at that time, aswell asbycarefully investigatingwhat sortsof changesmightoccur in themarket,wedeterminedwhen theorderedgoodswouldarriveandwhatquantities toorder. It’squiteadifficultthingforanyonetopredictthebusinessconditionsofthreemonthsfromnowortounderstandthosefromhalfayearago,sobyhavingyearsofexperienceanddetailedstatistics,youcanhaveagoodindicationhowtohandleorders.61

In 1902, Konishi Roku completely restructured themain shop’s workforce,adding to the growing list ofmajor administrativemodifications. Abandoning

the“feudalemployeenamingsystemthatwasoutofplace”foracompanyofitskind,KonishiRokuadoptedmore suitable appellations for the employeesof amodern enterprise.62 There were no more kozō (shop boys), tedai (shopassistants),orbantō(headclerks)—alltermsconnotingabygoneera.Nowtherewere torishimari-yaku (directors), jūshokunin (managers), hokuin (staff), andminarai (apprentices).63 The renaming of Konishi Roku’s employees was asmallbuthighlysymbolicpartofanoverallrestructuringofthebusiness.64Priortothistime,KonishiRokuzaemon,thefounderandstillveryactivepresidentofthecompany,lookeduponhisworkersasfamily.Butbytheturnofthecenturythe main shop had more than fifty workers (not including branch shops orproduction facilities), and his “family members” were fast becoming“employees.”In1908,theshoprevisedits“ShopRules,”andmuchofthenewdocument projected a rationalized, impersonal stance toward employees andtheir role in the company. In addition to defining the business lines, the rulesexplained salaries, job titles, and descriptions, as well as working hours,vacations, and benefits.65 Interestingly, the president of the companywas stillofficially referred to as tenshu (head of the shop). Tenshu suggests a morepaternalistic appellation, harkening back to the nineteenth century, whenRokuzaemonsetupshopin1873.Inthe1908rules,severalarticlesdescribejobtitlesandresponsibilitieswithin

eachdivisionandtherelationshipsbetweendifferent levelsofstaffandamongthe divisions.66 The main shop had three divisions—Inventory, Sales, andGeneralAffairs—andeachdivisionhadseveraloperatingsections.Eachdivisionhadabuchō (chief),whoworkedcloselywith thepresident.All sectionsweredirected by the kachō (section head). Straightforward and impersonal, thesearticles take on a managerial tone, one that connoted a modern corporateinstitution. In addition to the regular posts just described, the company hadseveral committees that oversaw different aspects of company operations.67Each committee was mandated to hold regular meetings and to share anypertinent information with the relevant divisions and sections. These articlesevokethetenorofacorporationandmarkthetransitionofasuccessfulbusinessintoamajorcorporation.Onearticleinthesectiononwagesstates,“Commuters[tsūkinsha,asopposed

toapprentices,ornaikinsha]receivetheirsalariesonceamonthonthelastdayof the month. However, if the employee so desires, he can be paid twice amonth,onceonthefourteenthandonceonthelastdayofthemonth.”68Receiptof a monthly pay envelope, no matter how much or little that envelopecontained, was the defining characteristic of modern white-collar work.69

Though no information remains on the specific salaries of Konishi Roku’semployees over the years, articles throughout the document indicate thatworking hours were long, 7:00 a.m. to 6:00 p.m. from 1 April until 30Septemberand8:00a.m. to6:00p.m.from1Octoberuntil31March.70Thesehourspresumablydidnot includepreparation timebeforeopeningandcleanuptimeafterclosing.AccordingtoInoueSadatoshi,acivilservantwhoconductedsurveys of white-collar workers during the early Shōwa period for thegovernment, “The actual working time for department-store workers is aboutonehourlongerthanthehoursofoperationbecauseittakesagooddealoftimebeforetheshopopensandafter theshopclosestocleanthesalesfloorsandtoarrangethemerchandise.”71Infact,amongallwhite-collarworkersintheearlytwentieth century, surveys revealed that shop clerksworked the longest hoursand were among the lowest-paid salarymen. According to Inoue’s analysis,unlike upper-level white-collar workers—civil servants, bank and companyexecutives,professors,lawyers,andjudges—whowerefoundtoworkeight-hourdays, clerks at retail establishments, depending on their status and the type ofshop,workedanywherefromeighttofourteenhoursperday.72Konishi Roku workers, like most other retail workers, had only two

successive days off eachmonth.73 Again, these stipulations correspond to theresultsofsurveysthatshowretailworkers,amongallwhite-collarworkers,hadthefewestdaysoffeachmonth.74Whilethegovernmentbureaucracyandlargeprivate-sector companies offered half days off on Saturdays and Sundays,retailers kept longer hours of operation on weekdays, weekends, and nationalholidays to cater to higher-level salaried employees during their time off. In1932, participating members of the Association of Department Stores(HyakkatenKyōkai),mostly large urban department stores, closed down theiroperations on each day in a month that had the number 8 in the date (forexample,the8th,18th,and28thofeachmonth),inadditiontotheirregulartwodaysoffpermonth.75At the same time Konishi Roku workers were becoming “employees” and

“salarymen,” remnants of a more paternalistic working environment lived onwell into the twentiethcentury.76This iswell illustrated in theenumerationofarticles under the “Wages” section that pertain to employee welfare and toapprentices, young boys who lived on the premises of the shop and receivedtraining to become regular employees upon turning twenty years of age. Thetreatment of apprentices77—the provision of accommodations, clothing,allowances, and emergency funds—was a holdover from older forms of

apprenticedlabor.78Onceapprenticesreachedtheageoftwenty,theyreceivedasalary.Prior to that, their salarywas called an “allowance,” and they receivedonlyone-thirdof it for expenses; the remainderwasput into a reserve fund.79Despite the continuation of these earlier forms of apprenticeship, by 1925 thestaff had been cut in half and all clerks and office workers at Konishi’sheadquarters,exceptthetenshu,wererequiredtowearWesternsuitsandshoesto“renew theatmosphere” (kibunwa isshin shi) in theaftermathof theKantōearthquake (Figure 1.9).80 With this policy of rejuvenation by Western suit,KonishiRokuworkersbecametrue“suitedpaupers”(yōfukusaimin).

WheretoShopforaCameraKonishiRoku’sflagshipshopinNihonbashiwas,ofcourse,not theonlyplacewheremenshoppedforcamerasandphotographiccommodities, though itwascertainly touted in how-to books and photography magazines as the mostreputable. There were so many options, in fact, that first-time camera buyerswereurged togo toa“trustworthyshop, [because]youwillbeable to test thecamera” beforemaking the final purchase.81 In the eighth edition of his best-sellinghow-tobook,TechniquesofHobbyPhotography (1919),MiyakeKokkisupplements the detailed instructional text with a highly selective list of“Tokyo’sMostRespectedCameraandPhotographicSuppliesShops,”includingthe names, addresses, features, and phone numbers of twenty-seven camerashops in Tokyo. Similar but much slimmer lists follow for Osaka (thirteenshops),Nagoya(one),Kobe(three),andKyoto(three).82AccordingtotheArusuPhotography Annual for 1926, there were 113 camera shops in the relativelysmall,butextremelydenseareanortheastoftheImperialPalace,fromAsakusa,Nihonbashi,Kanda,Kyōbashi, toGinza and then finallywrapping around thepalacetothesouthwestthroughHibiyaParkintoKōjimachi.83WelloverhalfofallofTokyo’snumerouscamerashopswerelocatedinthisarea.NihonbashiandKandawerehometooverforty-fiveshops(andthisfiguredoesnotincludethephotographystudiosandused-camerashopsthatalsopervadedtheseareas).Thiswill come as no surprise to students of the business districts of Edo (Tokyo)duringtheTokugawaperiod(1600–1868).NihonbashiwastheprincipalareaforEdo’s pharmaceutical businesses and licensed wholesale dealers. Thesepharmaceutical merchants were the most obvious dealers to take up the newbusiness of the photographic trade in the nineteenth century since thephotographicprocessofthetimesrequirednotonlyopticalinstrumentsbutalsochemical products.84 Early Meiji photography suppliers, such as Konishi

Rokuzaemon himself, were often trained as apprentices in merchant housesconnectedtothelicensedpharmaceuticaldealers.

FIGURE1.9KonishiRoku’sshopemployeeswearingWesternsuits,1928.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:KonishiRoku,Shashintotomonihyakunen,313.

THECAMERACOUNTERATMITSUKOSHIDEPARTMENTSTOREDepartment stores, especially upscale emporia like Nihonbashi’s Mitsukoshi,alsodealtinthecameratrade.85Mitsukoshi’scommitmenttothemoderncultureof retail has been well documented.86 In that regard, the department storeembracedphotographyasoneofthekeyelementsofafashionablemiddle-classlifestyle. Mitsukoshi’s middle-class and highbrow customers were invited notonly to have their photographs taken in Mitsukoshi’s photography studio butalso to buy their cameras atMitsukoshi’s camera counter and have their filmdeveloped there as well. Indeed, Mitsukoshi was home to one of the mostexclusive camera shops in Japan. In his selective list of Tokyo camera shops,MiyakestatesdefinitivelythatMitsukoshi’scameracounter“hasallthesuppliesand an abundance of superior cameras and lenses.”87 Mitsukoshi presentedphotography as an essential accompaniment to what were touted as the idealmiddle-class leisure-time activities, such as travel, bird-watching, and Sunday

picnics. The April 1920 issue ofMitsukoshi, the department store’s publicitymagazine-cum-catalogue, featured five high-end Kodak cameras along with alunch basket filledwith canned fruits and ham, chocolate bars, and taffy.Thecopy reads, “A camera is your best friend to take on a spring walk in thesuburbs.”88 Following the discussion of cameras is a description of the lunchbasket: “Imagineyou are out on a small trip”—say, for awalk in the suburbswith your camera—“[how about] a small, snack-filled basket valued for itsconvenienceandquality?”89IntheMay1922issue,camerasweregroupedalongwithportablesilverwaresets,cosmeticcases,travelguides,andbinocularsunderthe heading “Travel Goods.”90 An eight-page spread later that summer in theAugust1922issueadvertisedtwoGermancamerasaspartofasalescampaign,“PreparingforVacationandTravel.”91Otherfashionable importedgoodswereoffered to ease the burdens of travel—compact parasols, folding chairs,backpacks—aswellastomakethejourneymorepleasurable—aportablerecordplayer, sunglasses, a banjo, watercolors, and a folding easel. Together theseproductsmade up the essential summertime ensemble for the tasteful traveler.The cameras were the latest models from Germany and were ideal forcommemorating one’s journeys.92 While most issues featured cameras as anauxiliary to leisure-time activities, as the tool that would capture thesememorableleisuremoments,anotherlayoutpresentedcamerasinthecontextofhobby photography, aworthy leisure-time activity in itself. Several expensiveKodakcameras(rangingfrom90to545yen)appearwithdevelopingchemicals,photographicpaper,anddarkroombulbs.93Inadditiontothecamerasalescounter,beginninginAugust1911,Mitsukoshi

launched its one-hour photography service as part of its Photography Studio,which first opened for business in 1907.94 An advertisement for the one-hourserviceinMitsukoshimagazineexplained:Withourinstantphotoservice,ifyougetyourportraittakenat9:00a.m.,itwillbereadyat10:00a.m.Usingthelatestdevelopingmethodscurrentlypopular in theWest,youhaveyourpicturetakeninonesecond;thenyoucanshopforfiftyminutesandspendtenminutesinthecafeteriaandthenreturntothePhotographyStudio topickupyourportrait.Oneset includes threepostcard-sizedphotographsso thatyoucansendthemtofarawayrelativesasamemento.Buythestampsinourstore;weevenhaveapostbox[foryourconvenience].Youcanwriteashortmessageontheback.95

The price of the service in 1911was one yen fifty sen.A promotional articledetailing the service praises its convenience: “It’s practically as if you werehaving an automatic commemorative photograph taken.”96 Beginning inDecember 1922, Mitsukoshi’s camera counter offered a drop-off developingservice that processed prints in twenty-four hours.97 Through these integrated

consumer services, Mitsukoshi and other department stores helped bringphotographyintothefoldofeverydaymiddle-classlife.

USED-CAMERASHOPS

Not listed in how-to books or enumerated in photographic annuals were thenumerous used-camera shops dotting Tokyo’s commercial districts, most ofwhichofferedtrade-insandspecialexchangeprograms.98Basedonthenumberof ads appearing in photography magazines beginning in the mid-1920s, theused-cameratradewasrobustandconstitutedanimportantretailsettinginwhichcameraswereboughtandsold.How-towriters,however,wereespeciallywaryof recommending these shops. Suzuki Hachirō’s warning was particularlystrong.Inhishow-tobookconcentratingonchoosingandpurchasingacamera,KnowledgeoftheCameraandHowtoChooseOne,Suzukiclearlywarnsfirst-time camera buyers against entering the used-cameramarket. For experiencedphotographers,usedproductsmadeagreatdealofsense.Butfortheuninitiated,the utter plethora of goods available made choosing the right product almostimpossible:“Ifyoulookathowthemodelsaremixedinwithoneanother[ataused-camera shop], you will understand why I cannot recommend [a usedcamera] to a first-timer who has no knowledge to distinguish among thedifferences.”99Suzukicounselshis readersagainst thedangersofexcesswhenshoppingforeitheraneworausedcamera. In thecaseofsecondhand-camerashops,inparticular,gettinglostintheallureofabundancecaneasilyleadtoanill-consideredpurchase.Used-camera shops fill their showwindows and caseswith so many and so many different kinds of goods that an inexperiencedshoppermighteasilygetconfused(Figure1.10).Toavoidsuchafate,planninganddeterminationarethebestdefenseevenforthecameraaficionado.Adsforsecondhand-camerashopsfromthetimeweresimilarlychock-fullof

amesmerizingamountofdata.MinusculetextfillsthepageforanadforKōeidō(Figure1.11).The legendon the lower right-handcornerexplains themarkingsystem used throughout the list of products: “ ‘S’ indicates the camera is thesameasanewproduct,‘A’indicatesgoodcondition,and‘B’indicatesaproductusedtothenormaldegree.”100AlmostasifrespondingtoSuzuki’swarnings,theadstatesrepeatedlythatKōeidōisatrustworthybusiness:“Sellingorbuyingacamera?Head to Shinbashi’s trustworthyKōeidō!” “Kōeidō, the camera shopthatyoucantrust!”“Themosttrustworthysecondhand-camerashopinJapan!”And the ad takes one more step to convince skeptical readers by offering a“Guarantee of Responsibility” on all cameras whether new or used. In yet

another double full-page ad, Osaka’s Kawahara Shashinki-Ten promises thatcustomerswillnothavetohaggle,sincetherealpriceofeachproductisclearlymarked.101

FIGURE1.10San’eidōused-camerashopshowwindow,1936.Source:Kamerakurabu2,no.5(May1936):n.p.

Mostsecondhandshopssoldbothnewandusedcameras,andtheyalsotooktrade-insandboughtsecondhandproducts.Inafullpageofadsforused-camerashopsthatappearedinthe1933issueofKameramagazine,Kanda’sMaruyamaclaims that itwillbuy secondhandcameras for theabsolutehighestpricesandespecially welcomes trade-ins. On the same page of ads, Nihonbashi’s KatōShashinki-Ten deals in the used-camera trade but also serves as a studio,developsandprintsfilm,anddoestouch-ups.AndYotsuya’sKameraTenchindōhas a warehouse filled with new and used cameras. Osaka’s Kawahara,mentioned previously, opened its shop weekly on Sundays and holidaysespecially for the “Amateur Camera Exchange Club. “We welcome theexhibition of ordinary people’s used products. Display your goods with theactualpriceforon-the-spotsales(wetakea10percentsalescommission)orjustcometoshop.”102

FIGURE1.11AdforKōeidōused-camerashop,1937.Source:Kamerakurabu2,no.7(July1937):n.p.

Given that thepriceofanew low-endcameraequippedwitha lens in1926was25yen(or34.5percentoftheaveragewhite-collarworker’smonthlysalaryofapproximately138yen),thevibrancyoftheused-cameratradeinthisperiodis hardly surprising. In this context, secondhand shops marketed themselvesliberally to readers of photographymagazines.Of the eighteen advertisementsfor camera shops published in the June 1925 issue ofKamera magazine, forexample,twelvewereforsecondhandshops.Alittleoveradecadelater,theonlyads for camera shops in the March 1938 issue of Asahi kamera were forsecondhandshops.Theproliferationofused-camerashopsandadsforthoseshopsindicatesboth

the rapid popularization of photography and the emergence of a hierarchy in

camerasellinginwhichamateurpracticeconstitutedanichemarketandcasualphotographydrovecameraandfilmsales.

2

PHOTOGRAPHYFOREVERYONE

Women,Hobbyists,andMarketingPhotography

Thepopularizationofphotographysignificantlyexpandedwhencompanieswereabletoproduceaffordableconsumerproductsthattheymarketedspecificallytocasualphotographers.Fromthemid-1920s,companiesfosteredadivisioninthecamera market between two different kinds of photography consumers.Hobbyists and amateurs, mostly men, would-be expert photographers,constituted one side of this division: a lucrative but relatively stable market.Casual photographers, understood by the industry as mostly women andchildren,who tookpicturesbut didnotdevelop filmon their own, constitutedthemassphotographymarketthathadenormouspotentialforgrowth,especiallyin sales of film and accessories. Hobbyists and commentators were quick todismiss consumers in the mass market for photography as unskilled andunknowledgeable, traits taken as virtues by the industry who marketedphotography’s simplicity. However, the industry understood hobbyists asmenand as serious and knowledgeable practitioners. Who these male and femaleconsumers were and how commentators and the industry addressed them inmarketingtheirproductsarediscussedinthischapter.

CelebratingtheInventionofPhotographyThe year 1925 marked a watershed moment in the popularization ofphotography.NotonlydidKonishiRokurelease thePearlettecamera, thefirstJapaneseproducttobeabletocompetewiththeVestPocketKodakcamera,butit also marked the one hundredth anniversary of invention of photography in1825. Though the “discovery” of photography is conventionally attributed toLouis-Jacques-Mandé Daguerre in 1839, the Asahi Newspaper Company, aswell as Japan’s leading camera and light-sensitivematerialsmakers and otherinterested parties, planned the Photographic Centenary Commemoration(Shashin Hyakunen-sai Kinen) of the birth of modern photography,1 which

commemorated the year French chemist Joseph Nicéphore Niepce hadsuccessfully “obtained light impressions on bitumen spread upon plates ofmetal” in 1825.2 Organized by Asahi gurafu magazine, the PhotographicResearch Society of Japan, the Photographic Research Society of Tokyo, thePhotographic Goods’ Suppliers Association of Tokyo, and the TokyoProfessional Photographer’s Association of Tokyo, the centenary celebrationsspanned a week of events from 8 to 14 November 1925, including a radioprogram,photographyexhibitions,photocontests,andlectures.Theopening-dayceremonies, which included speeches by the mayor of Tokyo and the Frenchambassador to Japan and various musical performances, were held in HibiyaPark with an audience of more than ten thousand people. Branches of thephotographicsocietiesandtheAsahiNewspaperCompanyinOsakaandNagoyasimilarlyorganizedaweekofeventstocommemorateNiepce’sdiscovery.Among the events was a radio lecture, “A Talk on the Discovery of

Photography,”byNarusawaReisenforTokyoBroadcastingCompanyinwhichthefuturefoundingeditorofAsahikameradiscussedthedetailsoftheinventionof photography from the cameraobscura to thewet-plate collodionprocess ofthe late nineteenth century.3 The lecture described in narrative form theexhibition ofmaterials related to the history of photography being held at theHibiyaLibraryforthedurationofthecelebration.Othertalksincludedalecture,“Regarding Art Photography,” by Fukuhara Shinzō, well-known artphotographerandheirtotheShiseidōcosmeticsfortune,attheCommemorationLecture Series, an event that brought over nine hundred audience memberstogether for two evenings of lectures on photography.4 Exhibitions ofphotographic works were held throughout Tokyo, including one on art andportrait photography at Mitsukoshi Department Store and another on appliedphotography—x-ray photography, microscopic and astronomical photography,aerialandsurveyphotography,andsoon—heldattheTakashimayaDepartmentStoreinKyōbashi.TheOutdoorPhotographyCompetition,alsoheldonthefirstdayofthecelebration,wasperhapsthemostspectacularoftheplannedevents.Thecompetitionrequiredcontestantstotakepictureswithinfourpresetthemes:the Saigō estate, the centenary opening ceremony, scenes of Marunouchi, orsketchesofGinza.Competitorscould submitonephotographper theme.Fromfiveo’clockinthemorning,overthreethousandphotographersconvergedonthe330,000square-meterSaigōestateinMeguro.Thegatesopenedatnineo’clock,and photographers spent the day snapping their shutters of the various scenes(Figure2.1).ThewinningphotographswerepublishedinaspecialeditionoftheAsahigurafumagazine.

Inadditiontotheorganizationoftheeventsthemselves,enormousenergyandresources were spent advertising the celebration and then publishing specialeditions, articles, and photographs featured in the events.Asahi gurafu,AsahiShinbun, and Shashin geppō were among the publications that covered theevents. Asahi Newspaper Company published two separate volumes incommemorationoftheevent:“Asahigurafu,”SpecialIssue:ThePhotographicCentenary Commemoration included all of the exhibition photographs anddescriptions of the events; The Collected Lectures from the PhotographicCentenary Commemoration included transcriptions of all of the lectures,includingNarusawa’sradioaddress.While the events were certainly newsworthy, especially within the

photographic world, the sponsors—media outlets, camera companies, andprofessionalphotographers—deployedcreativemarketingtechniquestosellnotonly photographic products but also the pastime of photography,whether thatpastime was taking and making photographs or simply looking at them. Theresults of their efforts, at least as portrayed by the media, were stunning.Participation incontestsandattendanceat theexhibitionsandlectureswerebyall accounts remarkably high. Event organizers saturated all media outlets,including radio and newspapers, with news and advertisements of theproceedings.

EvenaThree-Year-OldGirlCanDoIt:GenderandtheDivisionoftheCameraMarketThe year 1925 was also noteworthy in the history of Japanese photographybecauseitwastheyearwhenKonishiRokuproducedthefirstall-pressedmetalcameramanufacturedentirelywithinJapan.5Released inJuneof thatyear, thePearlettewasavailable forpurchaseatallKonishiRokuoutlets inconjunctionwith the Photographic Centenary Commemoration.6 Marketed as the perfectcamera forbeginners, thisvest-stylecamerawas represented inadvertisementsin the hands of youngwomen and described as “easy to use for anyone.”7 Inanother ad (Figure 2.2), a young woman presses the shutter, and the copyproclaims that the quality and price of the Pearlette cannot be beaten byimports.8 Here, the use of a specifically female photographer as the modelassurestheviewerthatthecameraissimpletouse.Simplicityandareasonableprice—thesehadbecomethe industry’s luresforanemerginggroupofcameraconsumers.Attwenty-fiveyen,abouttwicethecostofatennisracket(betweeneleven and fifteen yen in 1925) and quite a bit less than that of a bicycle

(between forty-five and seventy-five yen in 1925), almost any white-collarworker, even a lowly clerk, could afford thePearlette.9But could just anyoneuseit?Accordingtothecameracompanies,notjustanyonebuteveryonecoulduse their new products, even women and children. Konishi Roku places theSakura camera, a “new, streamlined, handheld camera” made of “beautifulBakelite,”inthehandsofayoungboy(Figure2.3).Simplicityandaffordabilitywerebuzzwords for“made in Japan,”and from1925Japanesecameramakersvigorously competed for consumers who wanted to take, but not make,photographs. In a 1937 ad for the Minolta Vest and Baby Minolta cameras(Figure 2.4), a young child points her camera toward the viewer. Otheradvertisementsproclaimedasimplepressofthebuttonwasallthatwasneeded;andsomecameraswereindeedthatsimple,especiallyifprocessingwaslefttoaphotoshop.10

FIGURE2.1OutdoorPhotographyCompetition,11November1925.ThiscompetitionwasheldaspartoftheopeningdayofthePhotographicCentenaryCommemoration.HerephotographersconvergeontheSaigōestateinMeguro,Tokyo,tosnaptheirshutters.ReprintedwiththepermissionofAsahiShinbunsha.Source:Narusawa,“Asahigurafu”shashinhyakunen-saikinen-gō,148.

Though their motives were entirely different, photography critics were inagreement with the companies. For example, Itō Hidetoshi, a frequentcontributortoShashingeppō,arguedinashortpieceaboutthedemocratizationof photography (shashinminshūka) that “a photograph comes to life with thesmallest of mechanical actions and just a bit of scientific knowledge.”11 Itōargued,however,thattheeasewithwhichonecouldtakeapicturethreatenedtodegradethequalityofartphotography.AsFukuharaShinzō,heirtotheShiseidōcosmetics’ company and passionate photographer and critic, put it in 1926,

photographywassosimplethatevenathree-yearoldgirlcoulddoit(just likethegirl in theMinoltaad shown inFigure2.4).12A three-year-oldgirl clearlyrepresented the lowestcommondenominator.ThoughtechnologyforFukuharawas an essential element and the very characteristic that distinguishedphotographyfromtheotherfinearts,itwasultimatelyonlyatooltoachievethemore important work of artistic expression, to project one’s inner psyche.Takakuwa Katsuo, a how-to writer, editor, and ardent promoter of hobbyphotography, heralded this simplicity as the gateway to a people’s art form(minshū geijutsu): “Hobby photography is quick, and anyone can do it, andeveryonecanenjoylookingatthepictures.”13Bothpromotersanddetractorsofpopular photography, then, agreed with the industry’s claims about thesimplicityofnewproductsandtechniques.

FIGURE2.2AdvertisementforthePearlettecamera,1925.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:Shashingeppō30,no.6(June1925):n.p.

FIGURE2.3AdvertisementfortheSakuraKamera,1937.“It’seasytouseandtakesgreatpicturesnomatterwhousesit!”Source:Sakai,Kōkokunimirukokusankameranorekishi,73.

FIGURE2.4AdvertisementfortheMinoltaVestandBabyMinoltacameras,1937.“Evenachildcantakemagnificentpictureswithoutmistakes.”Source:Sakai,Kōkokunimirukokusankameranorekishi,73.

Yet it is precisely during the mid-1920s that the easiest of mechanicaloperations (specifically photography) became a favored subject of how-towriting, which by its very nature is meant to demystify a complicated set ofpractices.Ontheonehand,photographicartistssawsimplicityasathreattothestatusof theirworkasartand, thus,quicklydismisseditasunimportant to thecreation of a good picture. On the other hand, camera companies toutedsimplicity in advertisements for their products. These same companies, alongwith publishers, also positioned photography as a form of complicatedknowledgethatcouldbemarketed,andmastered,alongwithcamerasandfilm.Thus, photography in the 1920s and 1930s had not only reached new

practitioners via more affordable goods—cameras, film, lenses, cases,chemicals,andpapers—butwasincreasinglycommodifiedasknowledgeitself,most prolifically in the form of how-to books targeted atmiddle-classmen.14How-to literature glorified complex technique and new technologies whileestablishingthelegitimatetechnicalboundariesofhobbypractice.In literature aimed at the hobbyist, photographywas positioned as anything

but simple. Part of the appeal of hobby photographywas its association withrationality, modern industry, and advanced technological systems. Indeed,intellectualswritingonphotographictechnologiesoftenfiguredphotographyasthechildofmachinecivilization(kikaibunmei).15How-towritersalsoclaimedauniquestatusforphotographyinmodern,rationalsocieties.YasukōchiJi’ichirōasserted, “Civilized people [bunmeijin] and the camera can no longer beseparated.”16 Yoshioka Kenkichi maintained that being a modern person(kindaijin) is tantamount to understanding the photographic process.17Writersand publishers of how-to books promised to demystify photography withouttaking themystery out of it and thereby cultivated a sense of distinction fromcasual photographers, such as the women and children in the ads for thePearlette.Thisdistinctionofhobbyistsfromcasualphotographers,whomPierreBourdieu refers to as “dedicated” and “occasional” photographers,respectively,18 undergirded sales to consumers in a niche market eager toparticipate in the consumption of modern technological products. Writerspositioned the process of taking and making pictures as a highly ordered,rational set of steps that, if carefully followed, would yield positive results.Aboveallelse,hobbyphotographyrequiredattentiontoorderanddetail,agooddealofeffortandtraining,andsufficienttimeandmoney.Volumeaftervolumedetailed each step of the photographic process: purchasing an appropriatecamera, setting up the shot, snapping the shutter, exposing the film or plate,processing the negative, and finally printing out the positive. How-to writersunanimously agreed that every one of these steps demanded significantconcentrationandskill.What seems to be a contradiction—specifically the positioning of

photography as both simplicity itself and as a complex set of procedures—isactually a by-product of the split in the camera market and photographicpractices. Photography positioned as simplicity was a draw for the first-timephotographer, who was likely to pick up a camera to take occasionalphotographs. By promoting photography as both fashionable and effortless,industryappealedtopotentialnewconsumersofphotography,suchastheyoungmenandwomenwhowerefastbecomingkeyconsumersofandparticipantsin

the ever-expandingworld of photography. Though the Kodak system of “justpress the button and we do the rest” was not repeated by Japan’s domesticcamera industry at that time,19 shops offered developing services so that all acameraownerneeded todowas loadherplatesor film, take thepictures, andbring them to the camera shop for development, leaving themessy, technicalaspects to the experts. It was not until the 1910s that camera shops offeredcustomers standardized developing services like those atMitsukoshi’s cameracounter.IizawaKōtarō,theleadinghistorianofJapanesephotography,describestheexpansionofthephotographymarketimmediatelyfollowingWorldWarIasgrowthfoundedonofferingdevelopingservices,aswellassellingcamerasandrelated goods, to typical users from the “new middle classes,” not only toadvancedamateursandprofessionals.“Themajorityofthesephotographersdidnothaveadarkroomathomebut ratherentrusteddevelopmentandprintingoftheirfilmandplates toretailersof thephotographicmaterials industry. . . .By1920, therewereover fifty suchestablishments inTokyoalone.”20Shops soldcameras,cases,andeventripods(photography’shardware)tomeettheneedsofmiddle-class customers,PierreBourdieu’soccasionalphotographers,whousedphotography almost solely to document important moments in their families’lives and leisure-time activities. But most important, shops sold film anddevelopingservices to thoseoccasionalphotographerswhoseengagementwiththecameraandthephotographicprocesscouldnowbelimitedtotakingpicturesdue to innovations in film and camera technologies. The major cameracompaniespeddled theirwares to agroupof inexpert userswhoopted to takerather thanmake pictures. Here, profitability relied on a dependent consumerwholookedtoshopstoprocessexposedfilmsandplates.While the industry profited from consumers uneducated about the product

theyownedandused,cameracompanieswerehoninginonanequallylucrativeenclave market of would-be photographic experts, Bourdieu’s dedicatedphotographers. These companies marketed the equipment, chemicals, andtechnicalknow-hownecessaryfortheentirephotographicprocesstoindividualhobbyistsaswellasclubandartphotographers,whoembracedtheend-to-end,“do-it-yourself”natureofdedicatedpractice.21Andbysituatingphotographyasa complex technological procedure, as anything but effortless, how-to booksluredthemorededicatedbreedofhobbyist,butperhapsnotyetskillfulexpert,with appeals tomaking artwith a rational attitude, hands-on production usingadvanced technology, and laboratory-like workspaces filled with chemicals,vials,andbasins.22

WhatMadeHerDoWhatSheDid?TheFemaleConsumerintheCameraMarketSometimeseventhesimplestofactionsweredepictedastoodifficulttobeleftin the hands of awoman, as in the cartoon in Figure 2.5.A group of young,fashionablepeopleareoutforadayoffunatthebeach.Whatbetteroccasiontophotograph?Theyoungladywithhercurlylockstakesoutacamera;herfriendsposefortheshot.She’sdoneafinejobsettingupthepose.Butwhensheseesthephotoshetook,loandbehold—amassofcurlylocks!Someofushavetakenpicturesofourfingers,soweunderstandherembarrassment.Sheholdsherheadindisbelief.Neverputawomanbehindacamera.23Thoughitmaystriketoday’sviewer as a minor detail, the fact that the final picture surprises our femmephotographerindicatesthatsheherselfprobablydidnotdevelopthepicture.Bylooking at this cartoon in the broader context inwhich it was published, in apopularphotographymagazine, anot-so-subtlecommentary surfaces regardingthe diversification of the amateur photography market. That is, for club andhobbyphotographers,whowere thepredominant readersofAsahikamera, thehumor of the cartoon derives from the way that the female photographer isportrayed as an ignorant consumer.Andwhat betterway to portray a passiveconsumer thanas ayoung, frivolous female,whocanneithermakenor take apicture.

FIGURE2.5Typicalfemalephotographer,1930.Notonlycanshenotmakeapicture;shecannoteventakeapicture.Source:Asahikamera10,no.2(August1930):216.

“TALKINGABOUTAMATEURS”:RETAILERSANDFEMALESHOPPERSThe 1936 roundtable discussion “Talking about Amateurs” provides a rareglimpse into the emic perspective of the camera retailer. The rather candidconversation, published in the April 1936 issue ofAsahi kamera, convened aselect group of owners and managers of Tokyo’s best-known new-and used-camerashopstodiscussallsidesoftheirbusiness,fromtheamateurmarketandbest-sellingproductstothecustomersthemselves.Mostrevealinghere,however,

is the way that the retailers characterized the female and male shoppers whofrequented their establishments.The following, rather lengthy, quotedmaterialprovides a unique and intimate view into retailers’ attitudes toward theircustomers. In response to the interviewer’s opening question regarding thecustomers who shop at their stores, the respondents discuss that the kinds ofcustomerstheyseemostoftenare(male)studentsandsalarymen:KagataKōichi(KaneshiroShōkairepresentative):Comparativelyspeaking,wegetalotofwhite-collarworkersandstudents.Interviewer:Aboutwhatpercentage?Kagata:White-collarworkersareaboutseventypercentandstudentsareaboutthirtypercent.Interviewer:HowisitinNihonbashi?HosonoyaRikichi(KonishiRokurepresentative):Byfar,mostofourcustomersarewhite-collarworkers,butofthose,mostareolder[nenpainokata].Recentlywehaveseenquiteafewyoungerpeople,buttheyarenotwhatyouwouldreallycallregularcustomers.Theymostlycomeforentertainment.24Mostofourcustomersarethecomparativelyolderset.Interviewer:It’sthesameforyouoveratAsanuma,isn’tit?YagiKatsunosuke(AsanumaShōkairepresentative):Forourpart,wedon’tdealmuchinretail.SoIthinkthatmostcustomersheadtoaretailshop.Wedohavemanyretailproductsondisplay,butwedon’thearthevoicesofmanyrealcustomers.Interviewer:ArethecustomersoverinKandamostlystudents?IdaShigeru(Miedōrepresentative):That’sright.Aboutthirtypercentofourcustomersarestudents.Seventypercentarewhite-collarworkers.Andofthose,themostcommon,abouthalf,areshopkeepers.Interviewer:Ofthewhite-collarworkerswhoshopatKaneshiroShōkai,whichgroupisthemostcommon?Bankers?Companyemployees?Kagata:Mostlyit’speoplewhostopbyontheirwayoutforlunchinGinzaorthosewhostopbyontheirwayhomefromwork.Interviewer:IguessforMarubiru’sAsanumamostofyourcustomersarepeoplewhoworkinMarubiru?IshiiYūzō(MarubiruAsanumarepresentative):That’sthesituation.Peoplefromtheimmediateneighborhoodarethemosttypical.25

Theownersofthesecamerashopsattesttothefactthatmostoftheircustomersweremen,eitherofficeworkersorstudentswhostoppedbyontheirwayhomefrom work or during a lunch break. Prime camera shop locations likeNihonbashi,Marunouchi, andKandawere centrally located in the capital andserved as hubs for business, government offices, and elite universities andsecondaryschools.Particularly revealing for our purposes here, however, is how retailers

characterizedtheirfemaleandmaleshoppers.Justascommentatorsdidnottakefemale photographers seriously, neither did the retailers participating in theroundtable discussion.When the discussionmoves into the specific terrain offemale shoppers for cameras, the retailers’ conversation reveals, if onlyanecdotally, the relatively small number of female customers who actually

shoppedatTokyo’sleadingcamerashops.Thetoneofthisparticularexchangebetrays the lack of seriousness with which the participants thought of femalephotographers:Interviewer:Whichofyou[camerashopowners]seealotoffemalecustomers?MiyoshiYūzō(TamuraNishindōrepresentative):[Wedo]inGinza,ofcourse.Ida:Wehardlygetany[femalecustomers],butwe’reinKanda....”Kagata:Whenwedogetfemalecustomers,mostoftentheyarefemalestudents.Interviewer:Well,girlsreallyaren’tout-and-outstudents,arethey?Kagata:That’sright.Infact,mydaughterisjustabouttograduatefromawomen’sschool.She’sarealyounglady[o-jōsan].26

Later, thediscussants return to the topicof female consumersof photographiccommodities, and in response to a question about the relationship betweenwomenandcameras,thepatronizingtoneisamplified:Interviewer:Whatdoyouthinkofwomenwhopossesscameras?Hosonoya:Well,ifit’sforthesakeofvanity,Icannotunderstandhowitcouldbeagoodthing.Interviewer:ButwhatifKonishididsomeresearchonthekindsofcamerasfemalestudentsorladieswouldpossess,suchasonthestyleorcolor?Hosonoya:Untilrecently,wehadreleasedcamerasinspecialcolors,buttheydidn’tsellatall.Interviewer:Attheriskofbeingtedious,istherenothingthatcanbedone?Hosonoya:Well,mostofourproductsareontheplainside—darkbrownsandgreens.Interviewer:Ifyouthinkabouthandbags,manyhavenocoloratall;instead,theydosomethinglikeputalittlemarkorsomethingonit.MurakamiTadao(MurakamiShōkairepresentative):It’sbestwhenthecolorisstylish[sumāto].Yagi:Itseemsthatthecolorshouldalsohaveabitofnationalcharacter[kokuminsei].Butitisanextremelyvexingproblem.InAmerica,Kodaksarewhatsellwellfor[thesakeof]vanity.Interviewer:Overthere,isn’tittruethattherearemanyveryprettyandshowycameras?Murakami:Thosemodelshaven’treceivedveryfavorablereviewsinJapan.

Yagi:Intheend,Japanesewomenjustdon’ttakephotographs.27

Apparently, Japanese women were not interested in cameras either for theirexpressed purpose of taking photographs or even as fashion accessories.Evenwhen pressed, rather ardently by the interviewer, the retailers cannot seem toimagine women behind cameras actually taking pictures. Nevertheless,advertisements and illustrations from the time frequently display women“wearing”camerasasanaccoutrementtoafashionablewardrobe.InFigure2.6,thecoverofapopularhow-toguide,thevoluptuouswomanhandlesthecamerasoawkwardlythattheideaofheractuallysnappingaphotoislaughable.And,inthe advertisement featured in Figure 2.7, the young lady casually holds hercameraalmostasifitwereapurse.When asked why women are not interested in photography, however, the

participants’ repliesmovebeyondstatementsabout thesuperficialityof femaleconsumers.“Let’sfaceit;Japanisstillfeudal.Photographydoesnotfallintotherealmofwomen’sactivities.”28Theinterviewercontinuestopressthispanelofexperts, asking them why they have not effectively marketed photography towomen.Thoughtherespondentsadmitthatthereispotentialcameramarketforfemaleconsumers, the interviewerseemsmore interested in this issue than theintervieweesdo:Interviewer:Isn’ttheregreatroomforexpansion,say,amongfemalestudents,especiallywithheavyadvertising?Murakami:Aren’tfemalestudentsultimatelygoingtobemoreorlessMrs.So-and-So?Interviewer:Whatifyouadvertisedinexpensivecamerastohousewivesasawaytotakepicturesoftheirchildren?Housewiveshaven’treallyenteredtheclassofpeoplewhotakephotographstothesamedegreeaschildrenhave....Interviewer:Thatistosay,ifwomenaregoingtotakephotographs,itwouldbegoodiftheydidsowhentheyareonatripwiththeirhusband,oroftheirfriendsandclassmates,oriftheyarebroughtupinhomeswherephotographyispracticed.Therearequiteafewfemalegolfers,sothereshouldalsobeapromisingfutureforamateurfemalephotographersiftheyhavesomeguidance.29

The retailers remain unconvinced. And it remains for the interviewer to offerpotentialmarketingideastosellphotographytofemaleconsumers.

FIGURE2.6CoverofHyakumanninnoshashinjutsu(PhotographicTechniqueforOneMillionPeople).Source:Kitano,Hyakumanninnoshashinjutsu.

FIGURE2.7AdvertisementforHaufuReonaruphotographicgoodsshop,1930.Ayoungwomansportshercameraasapurse.Source:Asahikamera10,no.6(December1930):A8.

“THEMARCHOFTHEFEMALEPHOTOGRAPHER”:REALWOMENTAKEPICTURESDespite their overrepresentation as consumers of film and theirunderrepresentation asmasters of the photographic process, however, amateurfemalephotographerswere,ofcourse,productiveandwellinformedevenintheadvanced techniques of photography. The extent of their activity is even lessdocumented than for themale hobbyist, but there are references to and small

clippings about camera clubs for women, female prize winners of majorcontests, and contributions by female writers on photography to the majorjournals.Forexample,aspecialarticleforAsahikamerain1935onthestateofwomenandphotography,“TheMarchof theFemalePhotographer,”highlightsthe novelty of women behind the camera.30 One of the more creativecontributions, nine short verses called “A Poem about Photography” byTsurudono Teruko, describes taking and making pictures—from focusing thelens topressing the shutter, standingunder the red lampof thedarkroom, andprintingoutherphotoongumpaper:ThelensconnectswiththeblackpupilsshiningfromthemidstofthesoftsilverfoxFromthenapeofhernecktohershouldersthelinesflowbeautifullyinawoman’sposeShesmilesjustwhenyoufocusyourlensandthenyouseeabeautifulrowofteethArethosecosmosflutteringinthewindjustasyoureleasetheshutter?Thecloudsfloatingabovethemountainswithwispsofpurplehazearerefractedthroughthepenta-prismLookingintothesky,sheputsdownhercameraandstretchesherlegs,tiredaftertakingpicturesSheputsherselfintothemidstofthedarkredlight,allaloneshequietlydevelopsherpicturesAstheradiantsunsets,shechoosesahalf-platenegative,maybeshe’llmakeagumprint?Lightblueflowersreflectvividlyfromthenegativesheplacedoutsideinthefairweather.31

Though thecontributorsdiscuss theirexperiences in thedarkroomand refer toinfluential how-to books, they do not offer practical tips on photographictechnique. Rather, these women write as pioneers, offering confessionalaccountsoftheirearlyencounterswithphotography,oftheirattemptstohaveacareerinthestudio,and,mostcommonly,ofhowphotographyservesasanidealfamilyactivity.SugawaraKiyoko’spiece,“WomenandPhotography,”describeshowshelearneddarkroomtechniquesfromherfather,ahobbyphotographer.32YamadaYaekomentions thather interest inphotographywas initiallysparkedafter shehadher first child.Shewanted tobeable todocumenthis childhoodyears.Shealludestoanamelesshow-tobookbyYoshikawaHayao,oneofthemost prolific and popular how-to writers of the day, who claims that manyamateurs first become interested in photography for the same reason.33 Oneauthormentionsthatthesedaysyoucanevenseewomenpullingoutacamera,likethePearlette,fromtheirpursestotakeapicture.34Ultimately,thisseriesof

short, impressionistic essays depicts thesewomen as exceptions.Mostwomendefend their transgression into themasculine world of hobby photography byexplaining that the days when the activity was only an option for men havefinallyended.Despitetheactualexistenceofskilledandexperiencedfemalephotographers,

derisiveimagesinthephotographicpressareevocativeofprevailingsensibilitiesabout the gender transgressions of the modern girl. In general, femalephotographersweretheobjectsofamixtureofawe,asinthecaseoffemaletramdrivers and pilots, and scorn, as in the case of café waitresses.35 Images offemme photographers fit stereotypes of the modern girl that the medium ofphotographyitselfsoreadilyexploitedinpopularmagazines,picturepostcards,andbromideshops.36Scornusuallywinsout,asthecartoonofourcurly-toppedphotographershows.Let’s return to thatcartoonforamoment.Whensheseesthepictureshe took, thephotographer laments in thecaption,“Naniga . . . sōsasetaka?,”whichtranslatesas“What...mademedoitthisway?”Thisphrase,especiallyas is itwrittenwith theellipsisbetweengaandsō,probably lookedfamiliartoreadersofAsahikamerathatyear.On6February1930,thehitmovieNanigakanojowosōsasetaka[WhatMadeHerDoWhatSheDid?]openedatthe Tokiwaza movie theater and ran for an astounding five weeks. The filmdepicts the tragic fall of a young woman, who in desperation sets fire to achurch.37At the endof the film, superimposedonto theburning flamesof thechurch was the subtitle, “Nani ga kanojo wo sō saseta ka.” Whether Asahikamera readers equated the bob-haired photographer with the orphan-cum-criminalheroineof“WhatMadeHerDoWhatSheDid?,”thecartooncertainlyconjureduptheprevailingimageofthemoderngirl—thedecadent,short-hairedconsumerthatfeministYamakawaKikuedepictedas“apassivefigurewholaysupine on a beach and afterward strolled through the town, still clad in herbathing suit”38—and depicts a typical reaction towomenwho take control oftechnology,aresponsenotsosurprisingduringatimewhencontroversiesragedovertheroleofwomeninsociety.39

DomesticatingPhotography:MarketingPhotographyasFamilyActivityJust as the pioneering female photographers discussed earlier indicate in theirmusings, photography was often portrayed as an enjoyable family activity.Indeed, in advertisements andhow-to literature, photographywaspromoted asan ideal family pastime. Photography of the 1920s and 1930s in Japan was

strongly associated with middle-class identity, in which the transition to anuclearfamilystructurewasbeginningtotakehold.Photographywasoneoftheterrains upon which to negotiate tensions accompanying this massive socialshift.Inhisworkonthemodernhomeanddiscoursesofdomestication,JordanSanddiscussestheimportanceoftheconceptoftheikkadanraku,orthe“familycircle,”inwhichfamilygatheringandsharedpastimesbecameacentralpointinmoraldiscourseon themiddle-classhomeand family in lateMeijiandTaishōtexts.40 The camera industry borrowed from this discourse, exploiting theemotive elements of photography both as representational lexicon and leisure-timeactivity.Withrespecttorepresentation,photographingthefamilybolsteredtheconceptofthenuclearfamilyasan“autonomousemotionalunit.”41Evenaslateasthe1930s,companiescontinuedtochampionphotographyasonewaytoperform the rituals of the family circle. In an advertisement for a stereoscopiccamera from 1934 (Figure 2.8), the pleasures of this product are promoted inthreecontexts:sendingfamilyphotostothefolksbackhome,sendingphotostoyour brother studying abroad, and taking pictures of the family circle.Photography brings together father and son through their shared enjoyment oftaking pictures together with dueling cameras, as demonstrated in a 1938advertisement for the Rolleicord and Rolleiflex cameras. In the ad shown inFigure 2.9, son mimics father, and both sport quiet smiles as they aim theircameras.Inthecaseofhobbyphotography,primarilythedomainofthefather-husband,

photography could bring the family together. How-to writers offered varioussuggestionsonwaystoincorporatethefamilyintothisrathersolitarypastime.Inadditiontotakingpicturesofthefamily,thehobbyphotographercouldembracethe family circle by incorporating his family directly into pastime activities.How-towriterslikeNagaiSaburōplainlystate,“It is importanttomakehobbyphotographyintoafamilyaffair.”Hecontinues,“Photographyisnotsomethingthatonlytheheadofthehouseholdcanenjoy.Thepopularizationofthehobbyisreaching evenwives and children and is deepening their interest inmore thanjusthavingtheirpicturestaken,butalsointakingpictures,anddevelopingandenlarging them, too.”42 And encouraging this hobby among your children, heargues,will prove extremelybeneficial from the standpoint of their education.Incorporating the family as active participants into the leisure of hobbyphotographyservedasacompromisebetweenafather’sfamilialobligationsandhis personal enjoyment. In the preface to How to Take Photographs Easily(1937),Yasukōchi Ji’ichirō shares an anecdote that illustrates the centrality ofhobbies in middle-class family life. He mentions a letter he received from a

friend’swifewhosaysthatherdaughterwantstostudyatagirls’schoolwheretheyteachphotography.Themothercomplainsthatherdaughterneedstostudyata schoolwhere they teach teaand flowerarranging tobecomeagoodwife.Thedaughterresponds:Ohmother,nomatterhowgoodatteaandflowerarrangingyouare,youcan’tpleaseyourhusbandwithjust thesethings!Thetimesaremovingon.Thereisn’tapersontodaywhohasn’t takenaphotograph.Thefoundationofanamicablehouseholdisthatahusbandandwifesharethesamehobbiesthroughouttheir lives. Ifmyhusbanddoesphotographyasahobby, Iwant tobe togetherwithhimandshare thesamefeelings.43

Inoneoftheessaysin“TheMarchoftheFemalePhotographer”series,wifeandmother Yanagita Yoshiko describes how she “assimilates” (dōka) into herhusband’shobbybybecomingthecriticofhisphotographicwork.44Infact,allmembers of the Yanagita family participate in the husband’s pastime: theyoungestsontakesthephotos,thehusbandenlargestheprint,andtheoldestsonfixes the images. Madame Yanagita’s job is to criticize these joint projects.Once,sheevenurgedherfamily tosubmit toacontestaprint thatshepraisedhighly, and the photo won. Thus, she exclaims, “Isn’t it wonderful when afamilycanparticipateinasinglehobbytogether?”45

FIGURE2.8AAdvertisementfortheSunStereocamera,1937.Source:Sakai,Kōkokunimirukokusankameranorekishi,74.

FIGURE2.8B(Detail)“PhotographyBringstheFamilyTogether!”

FIGURE2.9AdvertisementfortheRolleicordandRolleiflexcameras,1938.“Thecameraforthecameraexpert.Bothlargeandsmallmodelsexcelintheirperformance.”Source:Asahikamera26,no.3(September1938):A10.

Ultimately, looking at the final product of the hobby, the photographsthemselves, was yet another way to enjoy the father’s pastime and a way torepresent thenewmodelofmiddle-class family, thenuclear family. Images inadvertisements forcamerasandhow-to texts romanticize thisunderstandingoffamily. Photography theorist JudithWilliamson argues, as doesBourdieuwithregard to occasional photography, that representations of this “autonomousemotional unit” are highly edited before appearing in the family album.Likewise, how-to writers chose only example photographs that affirmed aparticularviewoffamily.Abandonments,bickering,housework—theseequally

realaspectsoffamiliallifehardlyeverappearinfamilyphotos.Onlytheidealispreserved.Inupholdingtheidealofthenuclearfamily,rarelydomorethantwogenerationsofasinglefamilyoccupythesamephotograph.InFigure2.10,themultigenerational family is posited as an institution of the past. The meetingbecomes a photoworthy event due to its uniqueness, highlighting a distanceamong family members in an increasingly urbanized Japan. In an equallyheartwarmingshotofwifeandchild(Figure2.11),theaffectivetiesofthehappyhouseholdaredisplayed in thissplendid littlesceneofmotherpickingupafterhernaughtychildandfathercapturingitallonfilm.Mostimagesofthefamilyare of mother and child. The father is absent from the picture because he istaking it.46 Figure 2.12 shows yet another enactment of the nuclear family inhobby photography. This six-framed illustration portrays the wife as familyphotographer,ararerepresentationindeed.

FIGURE2.10“GrandfatherandGrandchildMeetingafteraLongTime.”Inthisexamplephotographinahow-tobook,themultigenerationalfamilyispositedasaninstitutionofthepast.Source:Yasukōchi,Yasashiishashinnoutsushikata(Arusu,1937),265.

FIGURE2.11“BadBaby.”Inthisexamplephotographinahow-tobook,thefatheriscapturingthemundanefamilymomentonfilm.Source:Yasukōchi,Yasashiishashinnoutsushikata,255.

FIGURE2.12Howtousetheviewfinder.Thissix-framedexamplephotographportraysthewifeasfamilyphotographer,ararerepresentationindeed.Source:Kanehara,“Fuaindāwadōnozokunogatadashiika,”10.

Hobby photography, however, was often practiced as a solitary activity.DespitetheencouragementtobringthefamilyintoDaddy’spastime,developingfilmwasusuallyexecuted inasmall,darkspacebyan individual.Andevenasmallspaceinthefamilyhomecouldbedifficulttofind.JordanSandhastracedthediscursiveandmaterialtransformationsofie(hereditary-familytemporality)to katei (affective space of the modern home) during the late nineteenthcentury.47 In particular, Sand documents the feminization of the idealmiddle-classhomeinwhich“goodwivesandwisemothers”becameefficienthouseholdmanagersandknowledgeableconsumers,notonlyrunningthehomeona tight

budgetbutalsoappointingtheinteriorinanappropriate,tastefulmanner.Alongwith feminization, the modern middle-class home underwent a significantarchitectural rearrangement in which a more intimate familial space wasseparatedfromtheheadofthefamily’sworkandsocialspace.Thus,a“gender-specific cloister could be retained under the same roof as the family havenwithout contradiction.”48 Just when the middle-class home had becomeprivatized and thoroughly feminized by physically separatingwork and socialresponsibilities from the everyday life of the family, hobby photography, aninherently solitary (masculine) pastime, threatened the new order of thefeminized domestic sphere. In particular, the hobbyist’s home darkroomrecaptured for developing pictures those parts of the house—bathrooms,kitchens,closets,andtatamirooms—thatnowbelongedtohiswife.Findingthesuitablysizedandperfectly(un)litspaceforadarkroomnotonlywasapracticalspatial issue but also potentially turned the pastime into a antagonistic familyaffair.

...

Theroleofthefamilyinhobbypracticewasatbestpresentedinanambivalentway, and exhortations to involve the family in this seemingly solitary activityseemtobenothingmorethanjustificationsmaskingtensionsthatarosewiththeconfigurationof themiddle-class nuclear family, the roles and expectations offamilymembers,andtheuseoftimeandspaceinthehome.Whilethecontextofthe family and the family home was potentially fraught with obstacles topursuing photography as a hobby, many amateurs explored their craft,individually, with the help the numerous instructionmanuals on photography.Bythe1920s,thepublishingindustrytookupphotographyasaprofitablethemefor how-to books,which had exploded into themarketplace. These books notonly taught hobbyists how to take and make pictures; they also suggested toreaders the appropriateplaceof thehobby in their lives.Thispopular formofliterature became another important area where the knowledge aboutphotographycirculatedandwasconsumed.

3

INSTRUCTIONSFORLIFE

How-toLiteratureandHobbyPhotography

How-toWritingintheEarlyTwentiethCenturyInstructionalwritingaboutphotographyemergedalmostassoonasphotographyarrivedonJapan’s shores in themid-nineteenthcentury.By the1920s,how-tobooksonphotographywerepublishedatfeverpitch,andsaleswereremarkablysuccessful,asillustratedbythefactthatTakakuwaKatsuo’siconichow-tobook,Techniques of Film Photography (1920), sold over ten thousand copies in asinglemonth.1Yetthisliteraturehasyettobeanalyzedinanysystematicway.PartofthechallengeisthatthisworkrarelyappearstodayinthecardcataloguesofthemajorlibrariesandarchivesinJapan.2Researchersaremuchmorelikelyto find these churned-out, inexpensive volumes in the corners of dusty, used-book stores and in the piles of unwanted titles at department store used-bookfestivals. Another reason for the neglect of these volumes is their associationwith hobby photography, photographic practice that has not received thescholarlyattentionthatartphotographyhas.Thoughsomeoftheauthorsofthisliteraturewerewell known, as either critics or photographers themselves, theyremainatbestafootnotetothehistoryofJapanesephotography.3Thehobbymarkettookshapejustwhenpublishersandothercompanieswere

beginningtheirwholesaleeffortsatsellingtechnicalknowledgetoaudiencesinthe form of how-to literature.Not only did the books outline the steps of thephoto-takingandphoto-makingprocessesbut theyalsoofferedreaders,mostlymen,aviewoftheappropriateplaceofphotographyintheirleisuretimeandintheirhomes.Howthatliteratureconfiguredthatleisuretimeandthosehomesisthesubjectofthischapter.How-toliteratureprovidedmorethansuggestionsonphotoworthy occasions and technical information on lighting and properequipment. What was photographable was not defined by technicalconsiderations alone, and the unstated rules for how to use a camera weredirectly tied to middle-class masculine consumer practices.4 These mundane

materials reveal someof thevalues that shapedwhat itmeant tobe amiddle-class man during the period. The camera was figured as a commodity ofadvanced technological progress, which, if carefully studied, could bemanipulated to achieve the goals and intentions of the user.Yet the appeal ofsuch literature to the camera enthusiast was that these texts promised, in astraightforward and no-nonsense manner, mastery of their subject. With theallure of expertise, how-to books offered middle-class men an avenue toameliorateanxietiesaboutnonproductivetimeawayfromworkwiththerewardofproductive“freetime.”5

HOW-TOLITERATUREANDMIDDLE-CLASSLIFEHow-toliteratureonphotographyfromthe1920sand1930scanbeplacedmoregenerally into the overall trend in the distribution of knowledge in whichinformationaboutcommodities,justlikeproductsthemselvesinadvertisements,was marketed to consumers. The audience for such writing was an educated,even overeducated, group of men and women.6 Several government surveysfromtheperiodshowthe importantplaceofhobbies inmiddle-class lives.Forexample,theHiroshimaSocialAffairsBureauconductedasurveyonthelivingconditions of salaried workers in 1925. Unlike the broader income surveysconductedby thenationalgovernmentdiscussedpreviously, thestatedpurposeof the Hiroshima survey was to “thoroughly inform readers of the materialconditions of the social life of Hiroshima’s regular citizens.”7 In addition toinformation on income and expenditures, the survey requested information onthekindsof illnesses respondentsexperiencedand their religiouspracticesandbeliefs.Mostimportantforourpurposesarethedatagatheredonhobbies(shumini kansuru chōsa). The survey asked respondents (heads of household and allmembers over the age of fifteen) to record their hobbies. In contrast to thenational expenditure surveys, the Hiroshima survey asked not only about theamount of money spent on hobbies (goraku-hi) but also about the specifichobbies that respondents participated in regularly. “According to [the surveyresults], the principal hobbies reported were reading, baseball, fishing, Go,Japanese chess [shōgi],music, gardening, exercise, etc. Ifwe look at the dataaccordingtothesexoftherespondent,formen,theinformationisthesameasreported above; forwomen, the principal hobbies are ikebana, reading,music,needlework,shrinevisitation,theater,etc.”8Photographyappearsinbothsetsofcollecteddata.Forheadsofhousehold,21of2,173respondentsparticipatedinphotography;forothermembersofthehouseholdabovetheageoffifteen,only

11 of 4,178 mentioned photography. No women reported photography as ahobby.Forhouseholdheads,106differenthobbieswerelisted,andphotographyranksnumber22.9Whilesocial-scientificdatareportedexpendituresforthenewmiddleclasses,

how-toliteraturetaughtthemhowtospendtheirincome.Thelimitedpecuniaryconditions of middle-class life increasingly demanded that its memberseconomize, rationalize, and deploy time-saving techniques to their everydaylives.10Middle-class life necessitated practical instruction in order to functioneffectivelybasedonthesenewprinciplesofmanagement—atleastaccordingtothepublishinghousesthatchurnedouthow-tobookafterhow-tobookduringthe1920s and 1930s. Full-length treatments and magazine articles that doled outinstructions for all manner of activity—from running a household on a strictbudget to the rules of baseball and dodgeball—occupied a significant andgrowingpercentageofthemarketforreadingmaterials.11Indeed,aswesawinthe case of the Hiroshima survey respondents, reading itself was one of theleadingpastimesoftheperiod.Muchofthishow-towritingwasgearedtowardtheurbanmiddleclasses,whoincreasinglyformedtheconsumptivebasefornewproducts, ideas, and activities and looked to how-towriting for instruction onthinkingaboutandusingthesenewcommodities.Itisinterestinginthisregardthat theexpendituresurveyscombinedshūyō (cultivation)andgoraku (leisure)intheiritemization,agesturethatpointedtothecloseproximitybetweenthesetwoconcepts.Andhow-toliteratureincorporatedboth.How-towritingemployedthevoiceofanexperienced,usuallyself-appointed,

authority who guided the reader through a series of steps in an activity—preparing fried pork cutlets, swimming the breast stroke, developing aphotograph—inordertotrainreadershowtodotheactivitythemselves.Onthesurface,how-toliteratureprivatizedthelearningprocess,offeringreadersawaytocontinuetheireducationandusetheirtimeproductivelyoutsidetherealmofwork(or,forwomen,howtomakebetteruseoftheirtimeatworkinthehome).Thepopularityofhow-towritingalsosuggeststhatmiddle-classconsumersweretakinguphobbiesandself-improvementactivitiesaspartoftheireverydaylives.The breadth of topics covered and the sheer number of volumes produced areremarkable.How-to literature taught readers skills, but it also indicatedwhichskillswerenecessarytoparticipateinmiddle-classlife.Inasense,thisbodyofwritinghelpeddirect and affirm the tastes and leisure-time choicesof readers.As they incorporated time-saving techniques into their daily food preparation,readersofbooks likeEverydayCooking:PracticalHomeCooking (1925)alsolearnedwhichfoodsmadethekateiahome.12WhentheyreadKondoYaichi’s

NewGolfTechniques(1936),readersalsogleanedwhattowear,aswellaswhenandwithwhomtoplay.Practicalmatterswerecoveredovertlywhile tasteandetiquetteemergedfromwithinthesettings,illustrations,anddescriptionsofrulesandrecipes.Therangeofhow-toliteraturecanbeseeninTable3.1,aselectedlistofhow-totitlesthatappearedinPublishers’Annual(Shuppannenkan)from1926to1933.Examples of this literature have appeared in the fifth volume of Minami

Hiroshi’sinfluentialcollectionofprimarysourcematerialsdocumentingmodernlife,Kindaishominseikatsushi,whichincludesreprintsofmagazinearticlesandmanuals on Japanese andWestern sewing, knitting, and embroidery.13 Thesearticleswerewrittentoassistwomeninmanagingtheirhomeseconomicallybyillustrating techniques, teaching repairs, and offering tips on how to reuse oldscrapsofmaterial.Butthesemanualsalsoprovidedwomenwithtastefulwaystoincorporateproducts intotheirhomes.14Countlesshow-tobooksonsports,art,music,andgamesalsoappearedinbookshops.Especiallypopularwereguidestogolf,socialdancing,andbaseball.15Activitiessuchasbird-watching,hiking,andtennisalsoprovidedfertilegroundforpublishersandreaders.ThoughvolumesonJapanesegames,artsandcrafts,andmusicwereregularlypublished,theyareaminorityintheworldofhow-topublications.Publicationsconcerningmiddle-classpastimeswereorientedtothenewandfashionable.

THECOMMODIFICATIONANDCIRCULATIONOFPHOTOGRAPHICKNOWLEDGEJust like other genres of the modern form of how-to writing, guides tophotography had been published since the mid-nineteenth century.16Bibliographic data show a dramatic rise in the number of publications aboutphotographyfromtheBakumatsuperiod(1845–1867)untiltheendoftheearlyShōwaperiodin1945.17ThroughouttheMeijiperiod,publicationsdealingwithphotographic technique includedmanuscripts,books,andpapers thatdescribedphotographic technology or an aspect of it (including x-ray photography), aswell as publications that detailed the production of photographic materials(including chemicals and lenses). Ninety-nine volumes were published duringtheentireMeijiperiod;themajorityaretechnicalpapersandinstructionsforusewithspecificproducts.ForthemuchshorterTaishōperiod(1912–1926),ninety-sevenvolumeswerepublished,almostasmanyasintheprecedingperiod.How-to books aimed at amateurs constitute well over three-quarters of thosepublications.Thoughcameracompaniesproducedthelargestshareoftechnical

writings throughout the period, nonindustry publishers began to enter into thisgrowing, lucrative field. Maruzen and Hakubunkan were the earliest popularpublishers to issue volumes on photographic technique, and by the 1920sspecialized publishers, like Arusu and Shashin Geijutsusha, contributed asignificant number of texts and journals to the field. But the figure for earlyShōwa(1926–1945)isastounding:thetotalexceedsfourhundred,andagaintheoverwhelming majority of volumes are geared toward the amateurphotographer.18Thesebooks includesinglevolumesandmultivolumeseries.19Theaveragepriceofahow-tobookduring thisperiodwasabout twoyen(therangewasfromoneyentwentysentothreeyen).

TABLE3.1Selectedlistofhow-tobooktitles,1926–1933

Anotherkeyavenue in thecommodificationandcirculationofphotographicknowledge was the photography journal. The earliest journals for amateursappeared in the 1880s andwere published by photographic supply companiessuchasKonishiRokuandAsanumaShōkai.Themostwell-knownexamplesareShashin Shinpō (Asanuma Shōkai, 1882–1940) and Shashin Geppō (KonishiRoku, 1894–1940). Although both were first published as detailed productcataloguesanddistributedfreetocustomersintheirrespectiveshops,bytheturnof the century they took on the more familiar form of a popular journal.Photographs submitted by readers were selected and printed in the front.Advertisements for imported and domestically produced products appeared inthe front and back. Club activities and photo exhibitions were posted inspecializedcolumns.Mostimportantforourpurposes,longerdescriptivearticlesabout new photographic technique and technologies—darkroom methods,printing techniques, and recent camera models—filled the pages between adsandimages.Bythe1920s,magazineshelvesatbookstoresandlibrariescarriedasmany as seventeenmajormonthly photography journals, includingKamera(Arusu, 1921–1956), Asahi kamera (Asahi Shinbunsha, 1926 to present),Fuototaimusu (Orientaru Shashin Kōgyō, 1924–1940), Kōga (Kōgasō, 1932–1933), Shashin saron (Genkōsha, 1933–1961), Gekkan Raika (Arusu, 1934–1941),andKamerakurabu(Arusu,1936–1941).Despitethenumerousvolumesofthisgenreofhow-toliterature,therewasno

consistent name for its core readers, those who practiced photography as ahobby. How-to authors often refer to their readers as amateur photographers(shirōto shashinka oramachua shashinka), recreational photographers (gorakushashinka),orphotographyaficionados(shashinkōzuka).Furthermore,thoughIrefertotheseguidesas“how-to”books,therewasnosinglenameforthisgenreofwriting that specified photographic technique and provided instruction. Forexample,inthefifteen-yearperiodfrom1926to1941,whenthelargestnumbersofhow-tophotographybookswerepublishedannually,Publishers’Annuallistsrelevant titles under a variety of categories, even under several differentcategories within one year. Depending on the year and the publisher ofPublishers’Annual,booksonphotographictechniquearecommonlylistedunderbijutsu (art), kōgei (industrial arts), shumi (hobby), or goraku (recreation),though sometimes titles of series are listed under kōza (educational books)and/oryoyakuhaihon (subscriptionbooks).20Among thehundredsofvolumespublished in the 1920s and 1930s, however, several key words and phrasesappear repeatedly in the titlesofhow-tobooksonphotography, shedding lightonthemurkyboundariesdelineating instructionalwriting.Themostfrequently

used key phrases are shashin jutsu (photographic technique),21 as in MiyakeKokki’s best-sellingShumi no shashin jutsu (1919) or the expression “verb +kata” (how-to + verb), as used in Yasukōchi Ji’ichirō’s Yasashii shashin noutsushikata (1937). The latter appears so frequently that I feel justified inreferringtothiskindofwritingasthe“how-to”genre.22Otherpopularwordsarekotsu (the knack/secret), “noun + hō” (the way of + noun), and yomihon(textbook).

HandmadeCamerasDespitethenear-totalcoverageoftopicsrelatedtophotographictechniquefromthe1910s,oneaspectofphotographythathow-toliteraturedidnotaddresswashow to make cameras. In an article for the September 1935 issue of Asahikamera, “Amateur Photographic Technique of 30 Years Ago as Told by aHandmadeCamera,”YoshikawaHayao recounts a series of photographs, dry-plate negatives depicting scenes of Tokyo during the victory celebrationsfollowingtheRusso-JapaneseWar(1904–1905),thathemadeasayoungladofsixteenwithhishandmadecamera.23AregularcontributortoAsahikameraandprolific author of instructional books on photography throughout the 1930s,Yoshikawaostensiblywrotethearticletocommemoratethethirtiethanniversaryof the victorious end of the war. Accompanying the eight photographsillustrating the article is adescriptionof thehandmadecamera thatheused totakethephotos.AssembledbyYoshikawain1901,thecamera“wasmadefromawoodenboxandthelens...,forwhichIdevisedasimpleshutterattachedtothe frontof thebox,wasan imperfectandextremelysimple lensmadefroma10-senmagnifyingglass.Then,inthecenter,IconnectedatinplatewithaholeinitthatwastoactapproximatelyasanF/12aperture[diaphragm].”24Yoshikawa goes on to describe the eight photographs he took, somewhat

apologetically, since the camera, being handmade, produced rather clumsyimages.Andthoughthepicturesareamateurish—abitoutoffocusandoftenoffcenter—Yoshikawaisproudofhissmallfeatofengineering.“Forthoseofyoufedupwithallofthehigh-qualitycamerasoftoday,”Yoshikawabeginsthelastsectionofthearticle,“or,forthoseofyouwhohavethoughtoftryingtomakeyourowncamera, Iwant tooffer someofmyown ideas.”He follows thisupwith a “recipe” for a homemade camera.25 The details are slim, at best—nocareful measurements or illustrated plans—and Yoshikawa admits that thereadersmayhavetocomeupwithafewideasontheirowntomakethefinishedproduct. This lack of detail, however, is consistent with the fact that amateur

practice at the turn of the century very often included constructing one’s owncamera, or at least parts of it. It is very likely that Yoshikawa assembled thecamera of his youth following the instructions given in Ishii Kendō’sCraftsLibrary for Youth: Photography. Written for boys in 1902, Photographydescribes the photographic process in twenty-six short chapters. In chapter 8,Ishii provides instructions for making a box camera, much like the one thatYoshikawareminiscesaboutinhisarticle.26Hands-on engagementwith themechanismof thephotographic apparatus at

the turn of the century was central to amateur practice. Snapshots takenwithcompact camerasusingeasy-to-advance roll filmwere still twodecadesaway.Thepioneeringamateurphotographerwasoftenanadhocmixtureofmachinist,optical engineer, artist, and chemist. Yoshikawa’s article is thus also anexpression of nostalgia for the good old days of photography whencraftsmanshipstillgovernedpractice.27Inthisvein,helamentsthecurrenttrendinwhichphotographyisruledbyconsumption,convenience,andwaste:Itseemsthatpeoplearegraduallycomingtotreatphotographymoreandmorelightly—takingapictureonlytothrowitaway,takingyetanotherpictureonlytodestroyit.Perhapstakingsomanyphotosisthenaturalresultofsomethingthathasbecomesoconvenient.ButwhenIthinkabouthowIwentallovertheplacewith this handmade camera enthusiastically takingpictures andhow thosepictures lasted sowelluntil today,fromnowonIwilldomybest torefrainall themorefromacarelessattitudetowardtakingpictures.Evenifthecameraisofthelowestquality,morethananythingelse,thecorrectpathistoputyourheartintoeverypictureyoutake.Today’shigh-qualitycameraisalreadyoutofdatewithinsixmonths.Andthenyouchangetothenextmodel.Perhapsthistooisonekindofenjoyment,[participatingin]thecourseofprogress,butthefoundationofphotographyiswhetherornotyoutakepictures.28

Yoshikawa’scomplaintaboutthematerialisticattitudefoundamongthecurrentgeneration of amateurs is also a direct comment on the radical change in therelationship between the hobby photographer, photographic products, andpractice.With the increasing industrializationofphotography, theamateurwasreconfigured from an engineer/chemist into a discerning consumer whounderstood the latest fashion trends and the importance of properaccessorizing.29Yoshikawa’srecipeforahomemadecamera,ratherbasicandamateurishlike

thephotoshetookwithit,wasuniqueintheworldofhobbywritingatthetime.Unlike Yoshikawa’s article, most writing about the technical aspects ofphotographyfromthe1920swasstrictlyconcernedwiththepicture-takingandpicture-making processes. And by the mid-1930s, the industrialization ofphotography had so thoroughly removed camera making from the individual,amateur level that thevery ideawasportrayed inhobby journals as ludicrous.ThecartoonshowninFigure3.1appearedintheDecember1936issueofAsahi

kamera a little over a year after Yoshikawa’s nostalgic reminiscences.30 Theimage of this amateur engineer piecing together a camera from his brother’saccordion and his grandfather’s reading glasses is certainly droll. Thesimpleton’sact,ratherthanrestoringphotographytothecraftfromwhichithademerged, points to the absurdity of making a homemade camera. As thedomestic camera industry focused its energies on developing the bifurcatedmarket, it also became the sole purveyor in camera production.31And for theindustry,hobbyphotographycouldno longer resembleavocation if itwere tobecomeaprofitableleisure-timeactivity.

FIGURE3.1“VictimoftheHomemadeCamera.”Bythemid-1930s,theideaofconstructingone’sowncamera,asportrayedinthiscartoon,wasseenasabsurd.Source:Asahikamera22,no.6(December1936):970.

How-toauthorsofphotographicbooksduringthe1920sand1930sfrequentlycomparetheburdensomenatureofpastphotographicpracticewiththeunfetteredquality of contemporary photography. For example, in the preface to his best-

sellingbookTechniquesofHobbyPhotography(1919),MiyakeKokkiremarksthathegetswearyjustthinkingabouttheequipmenthobbyistshadtolugaroundat the turn of the century.And likewise, “The amateur photographer of todaycertainlydoesnotwanttobemistakenforacommercialphotographer.”32Twodecades later, how-to writers continued to tout the freedom afforded thisgenerationofamateurs.ThenarrativeinpictureformshowninFigure3.2froma1936 book on enlarging, Methods of Printing Enlargements, contrasts thehardships of photography before the invention of dry plates to the ease andfreedomofchoiceaffordedbycompactcameras,rollfilm,andenlargers.

FIGURE3.2“PhotographicTechnique,ThenandNow.”Thehardshipsofphotographybeforetheinventionofdryplatesarecomparedtothesimplicityofcompactcameras,rollfilm,andenlargers.Source:Suzuki,Arususaishinshashindaikōza,4.

The viewer sees the buffoon in Figure 3.1 with objects strewn about theworkspace.Onthefloorareseveralbooks.Theonlyonewecanmakeoutisthehow-to book Anyone Can Do It: Shooting, Developing, and Enlargement—aCollection of 50 Tools: a typical, or rather, stereotypical title adorning otherhow-toguidesfromtheperiod,referringtotheonlytrulylegiblepracticefortheamateursincethe1920s,takingandmakingpictures.Andhow-topublications,alongwithcamerasandfilm,becameacentralcomponent in individualhobbypractice. In fact, such publications were the primary means by whichinformation about photographic technique circulated.33Thoughhow-towritingcouldbefound inmagazines,booksandpamphletsdescribedeverythingaboutthepicture-takingandpicture-makingprocessesandalmostcompletelyexcludedcameramakingasatopic.Moretelling,perhaps,isthatcamerarepairswerealsonotanobjectofknowledgepeddling.34Infact,KonishiRokuopeneditsrepairservicein1923,alleviatingfearsaboutpotentialmechanicaldisruptionofthesecomplexmachines for the occasionalmarket.35 Even in how-to books dealingstrictly with the camera as a technological object, such as Suzuki Hachirō’sKnowledgeof theCameraandHow toChooseaCamera, “knowledge” refersfirst and foremost to presenting readers with the specifications of differentbrandsofcamerasforthepurposeofshoppingforone.

DisciplineandDarkrooms:HowtoTakeandMakePhotographsOn the surface, how-to books proffer knowledge on mastering all aspects ofphotographictechnique—frombuyingandgettingtoknowyourcamera,storingplates and chemicals properly to outfitting a darkroom,making negatives, andprintingoutphotographs.Thoughtheprocesshadcertainlybeensimplifiedsincetheturnofthecentury,alllevelsofdedicatedpractitionersstillneeded,orwereat least led to believe that they needed, to consult such texts for the properexecutionofthevariousstepsintheprocedure.Andthiswascertainlypartoftheappeal of hobby photography. If occasional photographers took pictures torecordimportantfamilymomentsandtoparticipateinthelatestconsumertrend,hobbyistswereseducedbythechancetobecomeanexpert,tomastertheopticalmachine and the chemistry of light and shadow. Indeed, hobby photographyoffered itsmostardentconsumers, shopclerksand low-levelofficeworkers, achance to produce something, to use their hands. The demands and goals ofhobby photography also fed into contemporary notions of leisure for middle-class men who favored “discipline over relaxation, industry over idleness,

planningovernon-planninginleisurepractice.”36Discipline,industry,planning—theseconceptsdominatehow-tobooks.Most

booksfollowauniformsetofstep-by-stepinstructionsforeachaspectoftakingand making pictures and place emphasis on the rationality of the overallapproach. Yoshioka Kenkichi’s The ABC’s of Photographic Technique is inmany ways an archetypal how-to text. The table of contents alone is thirteenpages of rigorously structured categorization and sub-categorization. In thepreface,Yoshioka indicates that a rational approach to photography is part ofwhat makes it fashionable: “Just as we want to throw away our clothing ofyesterday to cut a new figure, we want [to keep up with] the photographictechniques of 1933, like the trend of small-model cameras, the popularity ofenlarging,andtheadvancementofhigh-speeddevelopers;and,likewise,inthisageofefficiency,photographydemandsrationalhandling[gōritekisōsa].”37Therational handling of photography is what constituted hobby photography as asuitablepastimeforeducated,middle-classmen. Inorder to fulfill thedemandforarationalapproach,Yoshiokaoffershisbook,“themostconciseandrationalintroductorybookonphotography.”38“Rationalhandling”wasaccomplishedbyfollowingeachstepoftheprocessinorder.Justasit isnaturalforastudenttoadvance from nursery school, to elementary school, to junior high, then highschool, and university, Yasukōchi maintains that photography too has animplicit, natural order (junjo).39A newcomer to photographymust start at thebeginningandpatientlyfollowthestepstobecomeproficient.AsinYoshioka’stext,mosthow-tobooksbeginwithachapterfamiliarizing

thereaderwiththemechanicsandopticsofthecamera.Shoppingforacameraisalsoacommonpreliminarytheme,aswesawinChapter1.Introductorysectionstypicallydiscussthedifferencesamongcurrentmodelsandoffer tipsonwheretoshopforacamera thatsuits thereader’sneeds,style,andpocketbook.Mostauthorsstartthissectionassuringtheirreadersthattheydonotneedtobuythemostexpensivecameratotakegoodpicturesandproceedtolayouttheoptions,byprice,extollingthefeaturesofmoderateandevencheapermodels.Typically,the next section, structured around “getting to know your camera,” teachesrudimentary vocabulary and explains the various features of different cameramodels.InthepreparatorysectionofYoshioka’stext,onesection,“AnatomyofaCamerainFiveMinutes,”outlinesthefundamentalpartsofacamera(Figure3.3) and the origins of the word camera, from the Latin camera obscura.40Whenwefinallywadeourwaythroughthe110pagesofpreparations,wemoveintotheactualpicture-takingprocess,whereweencounteralistgivingtheorderofthepicture-takingsteps,firstforcameraswithatripodandthenforhandheld,

roll-filmcameras(bothsetsofstepsendwiththeall-importantruleofputtingthecamerabackintoitscaseaftercompletingtheshot).41Thissectionalsoinstructsreaders on how to load the film and properly hold the camera, aswell as thefundamentalsofexposureforindoor/outdoorandday/nightshots.Dependingonthebook,theremayalsobeadiscussionofflashphotography.

FIGURE3.3“AnatomyofaCamerainFiveMinutes:WhattoCallEachPartoftheCamera.”Thisillustrationoutlinesthefundamentalpartsofacameraforhow-toreaders.Source:Yoshioka,ShashinjutsunoABC,13.

Producinganegativeisthefirststepintheprocessthatnecessitatesdarkroomwork. Formulas for the various kinds of developing mixtures take up manypages in how-to books. Diagrams of the proper placement of equipment and

figures of the correct handling of film during the process conjure up alaboratory-like environment that the dedicated amateurmustmaintain to fullyengage in the hobby. The darkroom is the hobbyist’smini-laboratory. Just aswithalltheotherstepsinthephotographicprocess,hygieneandneatnessaretherulesofthedayinmaintainingadarkroom:Darkplacessimplygetmessy.Becauseyouwillnodoubtbecomeconfusedatmomentswhentimingiseverythingorwhenyousetouttowork,wonderingwherethatthingis,youmustdecideonafixedandpermanentplace inwhichyouput thatbeaker thereandthis instrumenthere.It is important tomakeahabitofthissothatyoucanquicklygrabthenecessaryequipmenteveninthedark.42

An illustration for a simple darkroom (Figure 3.4) appears inMiyakeKokki’sbest seller, How to Take Photographs. Just as household guidebooks madewomenresponsibleforahygienichome,photographichow-tobooksmademenresponsible for a pristine darkroom. The topic of the home darkroom, aselsewhere throughout the literature, required an economical, rational, and nowhygienic approach.43Clean, ideally runningwater, basins, and beakers are theinstrumentsthatequipthehobbyist’slab,whereonlyproperlytrainedmencouldengagewithphotographicscience(Figure3.5).Adiagramforawell-organizeddarkroomisshowninFigure3.6.

FIGURE3.4Illustrationofasimpledarkroom.Source:Miyake,Shashinnoutsushikata,54.

Developingfilmandoutfittingthedarkroompresentedthehobbyistwithoneof his most vexing problems: space. As all authors remind their readers, adarkroom is just that, “literally, a ‘dark room’ ”44—a room that can bemadecompletelyfreeofwhiteandyellowlight.Findingsuchaspaceputthehobbyistin a quandary, illustrated in Figure 3.7. Below the bell in the figure are thephotographer’s standard equipment: scissors, a bucket, and, of course, hiscamera(nolongernecessaryat thisstageoftheprocess).How-toauthorswerewellawareoftheproblemthatspace,especiallyspacecompletelyfreeofwhitelight,createdforthehobbyist.Almosteveryauthorsuggestsacloset(oshiire)asthemostaccessiblelight-freezone.Othersrecommendthebathroomsinceithasasupplyofcleanrunningwaterandcanbemadewhite-lightfreerathereasily.45

FIGURE3.5“ToolsYouMustHavetoDevelopFilm.”Basinsandbeakersaretheinstrumentsthatequipthehobbyist’slab,whereonlyproperlytrainedmencouldengagewithphotographicscience.Source:Rokugawa,Roshutsunohiketsu,147–148.

FIGURE3.6Diagramofawell-organizeddarkroom.Topview(left);sideview(right).ReprintedwiththepermissionofHakubunkanShinshaPublishers,Ltd.Source:Narita,Shashininganotehodoki,182.

FIGURE3.7“ThePriestLearnsaLessonfromtheCamera.”Ahobbyisthascreatedamakeshiftdarkroominsideatemplebellandplacedasignoutsidethetemporaryworkspace,warning,“Developing,donotringthebell.”Source:Koizumi,“Oshō-sangakameranikorimashita,”970.

In a creative short article, “On Making a Simple Darkroom,” Yasukōchisuggests to beginners who have caught the developing fever that instead ofmaking a small corner of the kitchen or a cramped closet substitute for atemporarydarkroom,theenthusiastshouldtakethetimeandasmallamountofmoney to construct apermanentdevelopingarea. “If it’s a typicalhouse,withjustafewcleveradaptations,youcanturnanyareaintoadarkroom.Withjusta4-shaku square space,youwillbeable towork just fine.”46StillotherauthorssuggestthataJapanese-styleroom(zashiki)suitsthebeginnerhobbyistbest:Inthesummertime,thereisnoneedtosuffertheheatbystuffingyourselfintoatinycloset.Ifyoujustwaitforaneveningwhenyoucanusenature’sbigdarkroom[shizennodai-anshitsu],itwillbesomuchmoreenjoyableandhygienic.IfyoucompletelyturnouttheelectriclightsinaJapanese-styleroom,youcanfinish itoffbycompletelyclosing thedoorsandshōji. If there isstill somelightcomingfromthemoonorfromoutsidetheroom,closetheshutters(amado)andyoucanhavetheidealdarkroom.47

In1939,NagaiSaburōsuggestsusingasamodelforthezashiki-styledarkroomtheofficialinstructionsonmakingyourhomeasdarkaspossibleforblackoutsduring air-defense drills. For those drills, peoplewere asked to cover holes intheirshuttersandotherspaceswithblackpaperso the light frominsidewouldnotspillout.“Thissameeffortandexperiencearequiteuseful inmakingyourliving room into a darkroom.”48 This is one of the rare instances among theexamples of how-to books that I have seen in which the author refers to theeverydayconditionsofwartime.Andaseverindo-it-yourselfnarrativeform,theauthor takes a restrictive, limiting situation and turns it into an asset for thepracticalpursuitofleisure.Following theoutlineof taking thepicture and settingupadarkroom,most

authorsusuallymovetothenextphase,developingthefilm,wherethechemistryof photography begins. Suzuki Hachirō’s Photographic Mistakes and TheirOrigins (1926) is representative here. For him, the most crucial part of thephotographic process isgenzō (developing), the point atwhichproblemsmostfrequentlyoccur.Here,then,liesthemotivationforwritingabookonthecausesofmistakesinphotography.Inthesectiononmakinganegative,whichoccupiesthelargestportionofthetext,Suzukigoesintogreatdetailonproblemsthatmayarise and how to prevent them. And of course, the text rigidly adheres toprocedure: “For your photographic technique to advance, even though thephotographyoutakemaynotturnouttobeapicture,youmustfollowthestepsinorderasIhaveoutlinedpreviously.”49Makingtheprintfromthenegative(yakizukeoringa-hō)isthefinalbasicstep

inmakingphotographs.Mostauthorsdevoteasmallsection,obligatoryperhaps,toprintingoutphotosbysunlight.Bythe1930s,however,thisprocessseemstohave lost its popularity among amateurs, mostly because hobbyists prefer theaccuracyofusingalampratherthannaturalsunlight,“inwhichthereisnowaythat you can obtain the expected results since the amount of sunlight changeshourbyhour;theartificiallightmethodhasthemeritofallowingyoutodivideup the amount of light that you use.”50 After having dispensed with thischarmingbututterlypasséprocess,mostauthorsoutlinethevariousmethodsofprintingandthevariouskindsofpapersavailableonthemarket.Thelengthiestdiscussionsofprintingconcentrateonenlargement(hikinobashi),whichbecameoneofthebiggestfadsamonghobbyistsalongwiththeuseofthesmall-modelcamera.51 Paraphrasing an epigram he picked up in a German photographyjournal, Yoshioka refers to enlarging as “big photographs taken by smallcameras.”52 He guarantees that once you try the method, you will catch theenlargementmania(hikinobashimania):“Onceyou’vemadeittoenlarging,you

can say that you have graduated from beginner photographic technique.”53Figure 3.8 shows the advantages of enlarging, and Figure 3.9 depicts a manusing a dodging device, special and expensive equipment promoted byphotographic companies. Advertisements for enlargers appeared throughoutjournals, and companies often awarded them as prizes in photo contests. Forexample,inJanuary1925,KonishiRokusponsoredacontestinwhichentrantshadtouseoneof threeof theircameras(theLily,Pearl,orIdea).Thewinnersweretobeawardedmedalsandprizesincludingimportedenlargers.54

FIGURE3.8“AdvantagesofEnlarging.”Illustrationsofwhataphotolookslikebeforeandafteritisenlarged,suchasthisone,filledhow-tobooksandarticlesinphotographymagazines.Source:Suzuki,Arususaishinshashindaikōza,4.

Time, like space, complicated and sometimes confounded the hobbyist’spursuits. Exposure times, fixing times, drying times—the entire photographicprocess revolves around the precise manipulation of time. And hobbyphotography required a commitment of personal, not only photographic, time.How-to books suggested to readers ways to productively use their time awayfromwork.Forexample, inPhotographicMistakesandTheirOrigins,SuzukinotonlysuggestshowtomakeefficientuseoffreetimeinpursuitofthehobbybutbringsthetoneofdiscourseabouttimemanagementtoaBenFranklinlevelofmoralizing.Suzukiexplainsthatthoughthereareplentyofhow-tobooksthatdemonstratehowtomakeagoodpicture,fewrevealwhyfailureshappeninthefirstplaceorhowtoprevent themin the future.Hispresentshismotto for thehobbyist:“In theprocessofmakinganegative[wherefailuresmostfrequentlyoccur],findtheoriginofthetroubleandthinkabouthowtopreventit[thenexttime].”55 His tips stress that a methodical and patient approach to thephotographicprocesswillhelp thenewcomeravoidwasting time in thefuture.“A stitch in time” . . . , “Learn fromyourmistakes” . . . and “Use your timewisely.”Inthisway,theefficientuseoffreetimeisestablishedasfundamentalto amateur practice. And time was of the essence for this new breed ofphotographer. Miyake Kokki sympathizes with amateurs. On an occasionalSundayor the evenmoreoccasional holiday—a rare break, indeed, from theirbusylives—officeworkersandstudentspickuptheircamerasandspendthedayinthesuburbs,takingphotographsalldaylong,returninghomeexhausted,onlyto turnaround togoback towork thenextday, leaving theirexposedfilmsorplates on the shelf for another day.He berates hobbyistswho do not developtheirownfilmandplatesandinsteadlooktothecamerashopasanaccessorytotheircamera.Butoutofakindofpityfor thosenotblessedwiththeluxuryofqualitytimeawayfromwork,heoffersa listat theendofhisbookofreliablephoto shops where such worker bees could have their films or platesdeveloped.56

FIGURE3.9Usingadodgingdeviceduringtheenlargingprocess.Photographiccompaniessupportedtheenlargingtrendwholeheartedly.Source:Suzuki,Arususaishinshashindaikōza,15.

ManHandsandFemaleModelsThoughreadersareaddressedas“gentlemen,” imagesoffemalephotographersappear in advertisements for products, fill the pages of how-to books, anddecoratetheircovers.57Onlyoneaspectofpicturetakingisappropriateforthesewomen, however: satsuei, or “taking a photograph.” Satsuei is the mostelementarystepinphotography,soelementarythatevenathree-year-oldgirlcando it. Ifawoman ispresenteddoing theworkofphotographyatall inhow-toliterature,sheisconfinedtotheroleofpicturetaker.Itisonlyindemonstrating

how to hold the camera correctly thatwomen appear as active photographers.Thus, thewomenwho surface in instructionalwriting as other thanmodels inexample photographs appear as indices of the level of ease of a particularphotographictechnique.Figure3.10isanillustrationofhandlingthecameraandusing the viewfinder. Figure 2.12, which demonstrates the family circle, is infactmeanttodisplaysatsuei.Inbothcases,thefemalephotographerrepresentsthepointbeingmadeinthetextthatthefirststepintakingagoodpictureisthecareful,properhandlingofthecamera.InthelastillustrationonthebottomrightinFigure2.12,wecanevenseetheoutcomeofthiswoman’sprecise(inreality,imprecise)manipulation:asomewhatawkwardbutcharmingportraitofhusbandandchild.Thoughshemodelstakingthispicture,sheisnotrepresentedusingaflash,developingthefilm,orenlargingtheprint.Indeed,becauseofherill-timedsnapoftheshutter,theportraitturnsouttobelessthanpictureperfect,asubtleremindertoreadersthatwomenfarebetterinfrontofthecamera.Forexample,theimageinthethirdillustrationonthetoprightofFigure2.12waspresumablytakenbyherhusbandand,thoughnotwellcentered,iscertainlyamorestandardphotographic portrait than the wife’s finished product. Figure 3.11 features afemale model in an advertisement for Sakura photographic supplies.58 She issettingupashotonherPearlettecamera,oneofKonishiRoku’smostpopularcameras, which is placed on a stack of how-to books. On top of the stack isKamera/haikingu (Camera/hiking). This advertisement is remarkable for itsmere suggestion that this young girl may be a reader of how-to literature.Contrarytothewayreadersofhow-tobooksareaddressed,themessageoftheadisthathobbyphotographyisforeveryone.

FIGURE3.10“Viewfinder,Magnifier.”Ayoungwomanillustratesproperhandlingofthecameraandusingtheviewfinder.Source:Yoshioka,ShashinjutsunoABC,74.

FIGURE3.11AdvertisementforSakuraphotographicproducts.Inoneofthemoreuniqueimagesthatfeaturesafemalemodel,ayoungwomansitsamidaseaofphotographicgoods,includinganenlarger.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:Pārettogashū,no.5(Spring1934):n.p.

Whilewomenappearasmerepicturetakersinhow-toliterature,menappearasmakers involvedineverystepof theprocess.Eventhemostrudimentaryofactions,puttingfilmintoaVestPocketKodakcamera(Figure3.12),requiresamasculinetouch.Moststepsinthepicture-takingandpicture-makingprocessesaredemonstratedwiththeuseofdisembodiedmen’shands.59Morecomplicatedprocedures such as mixing chemicals, preparing flashes, and printing outpicturesdemandahighlevelofskillandengagementthatapparentlyonlymenpossess(Figures3.13and3.14).Thesocialpositioningofhobbyphotographyisstrongly informedby thesegenderedassumptions.Womenrarelyappeardoing

men’s productive work (leisure) of photography. Men produce; womenconsume.60Or,moreprecisely,womenconsumefilm(bytakingpictures)whilemenproducepictures(bydevelopingandprocessingfilm).61Given that women were rarely pictured as producers of photographs, it is

hardly surprising that my research indicates that no how-to books written bywomen were published in the 1920s and 1930s. In photography journals,therefore, articles by women on photography are particularly noteworthy. Inarticleswritten forAsahi kamera in January1930, twowomengive adviceonsittingforaportrait.HayamiKimiko’s“HavingYourPictureTakenWell”andChibaNoriko’s“MakeupandClothingforThoseHavingTheirPictureTaken”areamongtheonlystrictlyhow-toarticleswrittenbywomenfromtheperiod.62HayamiandChibainstructwomenonthebasicsofclothingandmakeupforthemany photoworthy occasions in a woman’s life: graduation ceremonies, clubcommemorations, o-miai (formal meetings with prospective spouses), andweddings.63 The authors provide extremely detailed guidance on posture,appropriate attire, and, in particular, makeup for black-and-white portraits. Inaddition to advising readers on everything from how to diminish the gaping-black-nostrileffectorhowtoavoidlookingfatorsickbecauseoffaultymakeupapplication,Hayami strongly urges sitters to trust the skill andmastery of thephotographer in the samemanner as a sick person trusts her doctor.64 Just ashow-to literature figures thehobbyistasaproductivemalecreator,on the rareoccasionswhenwomengive instruction, thewritingconforms to stronglyheldnotionsofawoman’sproperplaceinphotography—infrontofthelens.

FIGURE3.12“HowtoUseaVestPocketKodak.”Evenasimpleaction,suchasloadingfilmintoacamera,wasaman’sjob.Source:Takakuwa,Fuimurushashinjutsu,82.

FIGURE3.13“PreparingaFlashBulb.”Disembodiedmen’shandsalmostalwaysdemonstratestepsofthepicture-takingandpicture-makingprocesses,suchasinthisillustrationofpreparingaflashbulb.Source:Yoshioka,ShashinjutsunoABC,179.

FIGURE3.14“ThreeStepsinDeveloping,UsingaTray.”Complicatedoperations,suchasdevelopingnegatives,requireskillsthatapparentlyonlymencouldpossess.ReprintedwiththepermissionofHakubunkanShinshaPublishers,Ltd.Source:Narita,Shashininganotehodoki,197.

4

DEMOCRATIZINGLEISURE

CameraClubsandthePopularizationofPhotography

By the end of theMeiji period in 1912, the pastime of photography, once aluxuryaffordableonlytoJapan’surbanelite,wasreachingthehandsofwhite-collarworkers, shop clerks, and students—youngmen, for themost part,whohadtakenupphotographytoexplorethemodernworldofartandtechnology.1In part, the availability of cheaper, domestically produced cameras anddeveloping materials fueled this popularization. Equally important, however,was therapidgrowth in theestablishmentofcameraclubs,arguably thesinglemosteffective institution inpopularizing theartofphotography.Cameraclubsoffered newcomers and old hands alike a chance to share their photographicexperienceswithinagroupof like-mindedpractitioners.By1925,accordingtoone poll, thereweremore than four hundred active photography clubswith atotalmembershipofnearlythirteenthousand.2Thecameraclubwasmorethanasocialvenueforsimilarlyinclinedamateur

photographers. The photographic medium gave users access to a means ofartistic self-expression and the tools to represent theworld as they saw it.Byspreading the idioms and practices of artistic expression among a wideraudience, camera clubs joinedmuseums, galleries, and exhibitions as primaryinstitutionalsettingsforthedemocratizationofthefineartsinmodernJapan.Atthe same time, clubs operated along democratic procedural principles andprovided members the opportunity to participate in democratically runorganizationswheretheycouldexerciseindividualrightsnotgrantedtomostoftheminthewiderpoliticalsystem.Seeninthislight,clubsmustbeunderstoodas among the most important spaces for the expression of liberal democraticidealsintheculturalsphereduringthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury.Whatisunique about camera clubs is that participants came into direct contact withdemocratic organizational forms through the exploration of artistic practices.Thisapproachtothemeaningandroleofclubshelpsusuncoverthecontentofthe “democracy” of the period—how it was practiced and understood by the

growingnumberofmiddle-classmenandwomen.Theparticipatoryaspectof leisure-timeactivities, suchasclubphotography,

canbetracedtoatleasttheearlyTokugawaperiod,whenformalgatheringsoflike-minded artists, writers, and enthusiasts around aesthetic pursuits hadbecome commonplace.Historical sociologistEiko Ikegami explores the forcesbehindwhat shecalls the“Tokugawanetwork revolution,” inwhichgroupsofpeoplenotconnectedby theusual legal constraintsof statusbegan tonetworkwith each other, thereby trespassing feudal boundaries and limitations. Peopleexploredhorizontalandvoluntarywaysofassociatingandfoundgenuinejoyinimmersingthemselvesinaestheticgroupactivitiesandescapingthetediumandconstrictions of the hierarchical feudal state structures.3 The formation ofvoluntaryassociationsbasedoncommonaestheticinterests,suchaslinked-versepoetryanddanceorsamisenplaying,providedanimportantspaceforsocializingonasomewhatlevelplayingfield.4Fortheearly-modernperiod,Ikegamiarguesthat aesthetic associations, or “aesthetic enclave publics,” were safe havenswheremembers could interactwith one another unfettered byTokugawa lawsthat strictly prohibited horizontal alliances based on political sympathies.5Formalsocializingbasedonsharedartisticproclivitieswasoneofthefewwaysthat people of different status in early modern society could and did interactsomewhatfreely.Intheearlytwentiethcentury,cameraclubs(ideally)offeredmembersaplace

to gather as artistic equals to explore the technical and aesthetic aspects ofphotography in a public setting. Members met regularly to delve intophotographic techniques and appraise each other’s work, activities that verymuchresembleIkegami’s“aestheticsocializing.”Middle-classmen,andtoafarlesser degree, women, who made up the membership of camera clubs weregaining access not only to the world of photographic goods made recentlyavailable to them through modern marketing and retailing but also to thevocabularyandtechniquesrelatedtotheproductionandappreciationofthefinearts. As venues of aesthetic socializing, camera clubs offered middle-classJapanese people the opportunity to produce photographic art and evaluate thework of others in light of the prevailing notions of what constituted fine artphotography.Creatingmeaningfulphotographsrequiredmemberstounderstandthetechniquesinvolvedinphotographicartandtoincorporatethosetechniquesinto the making of images. Being able to appropriately judge photographicartwork necessitated a deep familiarity and fluency in the language ofphotographic aesthetics. Such competencies and fluencies among clubphotographers were gained in the context of club activities, which brought

members into direct conversation with their peers about just what forms,techniques, and styles constituted the photographic fine arts. The camera clubwas a critical institutional structure through which photographers gained atheoreticalunderstandingofthefineartsand,perhapsmoreimportant,putthoseideasintopracticewhentakingandmakingpictures.While camera clubs most certainly functioned as institutions for

democratizingthefineartsthroughaestheticsocializing,theyofferhistoriansanimportantexampleofhowthenewmiddleclassesexperienced localizedformsof participatory governance, even if they could not always have thoseexperiencesascitizensofthenation.Cameraclubswerevoluntaryassociations,which,inmoderndemocraticsocieties,arecentraltothedevelopmentofliberalideals outside the direct purview of any specific political institutions, such aspolitical parties.6 There has been very little research, however, on thesignificance of culturally oriented voluntary associations during this period.Clubsdevotedtophotography,hamradiooperation,modelplanebuilding,andsocialdance—pastimespermeatingthefreetimeofJapan’snewmiddleclasses—offer scholars the opportunity to unravel the connections between culturalpursuits and associational behavior. As I argue in the following pages, theseconnectionsrevealnotonlythenewmiddleclass’spassionforculturalactivitiesbut also their dedication to participatory forms of self-governance in the clubcontext.

ABriefHistoryofPhotographyClubsTheforeignloanwordclub(kurabu)madeitsmarkontheJapaneselanguageinthe mid-1860s. Hashizume Shin’ya details the evolution of the word kurabu,startingwithitsfirstappearanceintheEnglish-JapanesedictionaryKaiseizōhoeiwataiyakushūchinjisho,withthedefinitionnakama(companions,associates)in 1863. Kurabu began to appear in publications with the ateji, or characterequivalent,苦楽部, inthe1880s.Thischaractercombinationindicatedagroupwhocametogetherforaparticularpurposeandsharedinboth“theupsandthedowns” (苦楽 kuraku). At roughly the same time, the ateji倶楽部 began toappearinprint.Thisnow-standardcombinationofcharacterscapturesthemorecommonlyunderstoodmeaningofthetermtomonitanoshimubu(agroupthathasfuntogether).7Theselinguisticinventionsemergedatatimewhenpoliticalactivistswereorganizingsocietiesandclubsarounddemandsforaconstitutionand broad voting rights. In addition to the aesthetic socializing of the early-modern period, associational life in twentieth-century Japan owedmuch of its

earlyformationtotheriseoftheFreedomandPeople’sRightsMovementofthe1870sand1880s—anantigovernmentmovementthatencompassedawiderangeofpoliticaldissenters,fromsamuraitowealthypeasants.Voluntaryassociationsof all kinds—recreational, educational, philanthropic—emerged in thewakeofthisflourishingpoliticalactivism.OneofJapan’searliestphotographyassociations,thePhotographicSocietyof

Japan(NihonShashinKai),8wasestablished in1889during theheightofavidclubformationintheMeijiperiod.AmongitsmemberswereWilliamK.Burton(1853–1899)andotherforeignersemployedbytheJapanesegovernment.Withinthreeyearsofitsinauguration,theclubboastedmorethan150members,manyof whom were members of the hereditary peerage, as well as some of MeijiJapan’s most illustrious politicians, businessmen, and educators, includingstatesman Enomoto Takeaki (the first president of the society) andmathematician Kikuchi Dairoku. Members were extremely wealthy men withsufficient time and money to dabble in this most modern of technologies.Though the societywas a social venue for elitemale culture, it served for themost part as a forum for members to discuss the technique and art ofphotography,especiallyunderthetutelageofBurton.9BurtoncametoJapanin1887atthebehestoftheMeijigovernmenttoteach

engineering at Tokyo Imperial University.10 He is perhaps best known as thedesignerofAsakusa’spre-earthquakelandmark,thetwelve-storyRyōunkaku.Afounding member of the Photographic Society of Japan, he regularly gavelectures tomembersonnew trends inphotography.Heorganized Japan’s firstinternational,andextremely influential,photographyexhibition in1893,whichwas attended by the empress. On display were some 296 photographs bymembersoftheLondonCameraClub,includingPeterHenryEmerson.Withthefinancial backing of Kajima Shinpei, Burton established the dry-platemanufacturingcompanyTsukijiKanpanSeizōKaisha.ThecompanyultimatelyfailedbecausetheplatesproducedaccordingtoBurton’sspecificationscouldnotwithstandthehightemperaturesandhumidityofJapan’ssummers.Nevertheless,Burton was one of the most prominent figures in late nineteenth-centuryJapanese photography. Most of the Japanese members of the society werecommercial photographers or owners of photography-supply shops whoseprimary interestwas in thepromotionof the still-youngdomesticphotographyindustry. For example, Egi Shirō of Tokyo’s Egi Shōten, a camera andphotographic goods supply shop established in 1880, and Ogawa Kazuma(1860–1929), a commercial photographer and owner of Tokyo’s OgawaPhotography Studio, were both key figures in the establishment of the

association.From the 1890s, new photography societies and camera clubs were

established on a regular basis. While many members of these clubs werecommercial photographers or somehow involved in the camera industry, soonmore and more members were urban elites who had no connection to thecommerceofphotographyotherthanasconsumersandweresimplyinterestedintheartand techniqueof this increasinglyavailablemedium.By the turnof thecentury, photography had become the pet hobby of many of Japan’s leadingartists and novelists. Writers like Ozaki Kōyō and Kōda Rohan, as well aspainterslikeKawabataGyokushō,lookedtophotographyasanartisticpursuit,ameansof self-expressionmuch likenovels, poetry, andpainting.11 Inpart, theattention photography received from the literary and artistic elite helpedlegitimate its status as fine art. Though it won the acceptance of many,photography as an art form was the source of keen debate on the pages ofShashin geppō throughout 1904 concerning whether photography best servedutilitarianorexpressivepurposes.12Withtheestablishmentofphotographyclubslike Yūtsuzusha in 1904, founded by Kuno (later Akiyama) Tetsusuke, KatōSeiichi, andSaitōTarō, art photography cameout on thewinning side of thisbattle.13 By the end of the Meiji period, the art photography movementintensifiedtheestablishmentofnewphotographyclubsacrossthecountry.14Whilethecontroversyoverthestatusofphotographyasalegitimateartiskey

tounderstandingthedevelopmentofphotographicstyle,15 thedebate inandofitselfrevealslittleaboutwhyphotographicactivitywassooftenorganizedintheformalized setting of the camera club. Most histories of club activities arenothingmorethanaccountsofchangesinphotographicstyle,inwhichhistoriansfocusparticularattentionontheroleofeliteclubsandsocietiesinthedebatesof1904andontheemergenceofthehigh-modernistclubsinthe1920s.Lookingatclubsthatwerenotatthecenterofthesehigh-artconcerns,however,allowsustoshiftourattentiontothemorecommonmeaningsofphotographicpracticeandassociationallifeforordinaryJapanesepeople.

AQuantitativeLookatClubsandMembershipThe number of camera clubs catering to ordinary Japanese people increasedremarkablyfrom1910to1920,causingoneobserverin1913tonote,“Thereisno precedent for the number of clubs that have been established this year. Somany, indeed, that nearly every month everywhere new photographyassociations are appearing like mushrooms after the rain.”16 Ascertaining the

precisenumberofcameraclubsandactiveclubmembers for theperiodunderconsideration,however, isunfortunatelyadifficult endeavor.Until1925, therewasnosystematicaccountingofparticipationincameraclubs.Amongthefewimportant sources for this period are the monthly photo-interest magazinespublished by Japan’s leading camera companies, such as Konishi Roku’sShashingeppōandAsanumaShōkai’sShashinshinpō.Inadditiontoarticlesonthelatestphotoproducts,trends,andtheworkofphotographersfromJapanandabroad, Shashin geppō regularly published information about club activities,exhibitions,andcontests in its “Miscellany” (Zappō) section.Typically twentypagesinlength,the“Miscellany”columnisfilledwithbriefentriessubmittedbyreaders that detail theworld of amateur photography, from itsmost illustriousinstitutions like thePhotographicSocietyofJapanto thehumblestactivitiesofprovincial clubs like the Ueda Photography Club of Nagano prefecture. Forexample, the November 1913 “Miscellany” section included information—summariesofclubevents, thepublicannouncementofclubrules,andmonthlycompetition results—for over eighty-seven different activities sponsored bythirty-onedifferent clubs.Theothermajorphotographymagazine andShashingeppō’s foremost competitor at the time, Shashin shinpō, also published amonthlycolumn,“CommunicationsfromtheWorldofPhotography”(Shashin-kai tsūshin) that listed club events from around the country. Though there issomeoverlapinlistings,manyclubsexclusivelypublishedinformationineitheroneortheotherofthemagazines.Thesemiscellanysectionsprovideresearcherswith an invaluable view into the world of club photography in the earlytwentiethcentury.Unfortunately, these sources cannot provide an accurate estimate of the

numberofclubsandmembersfromthetime.Beginningin1925,however, theAsahi Newspaper Company conducted surveys that allow for a more preciseapproximationof thenumberofactiveclubsandmembership.Under theaegisofthenewspapercompany,theAssociationofPhotographicSocietiesofEasternJapan (Zen-Kantō Shashin Renmei) and the Association of PhotographicSocieties ofWestern Japan (Zen-Kansai Shashin Renmei) were established.17Thecompanyorganizedthesetwoassociationstocreatenetworksofinformationandcommunicationbetweenlocalandregionalphotographicclubs.Inbecominga member-institution of one of these two leagues, a club made its resourcesavailabletothenewspapercompanyintheformofphotographsofthelocalareathat could be published alongside articles in the regional editions of thenewspaper.18 As membership in the league was voluntary, the numbersregarding clubs and club membership cannot be considered entirely

comprehensive,buttheyarestilltelling.From1925until1932,thesurveysshowthatthenumberofclubsregisteredwiththeleagueincreasedregularly,from283to873.Membershipduringthesameperiodgenerallyincreasedaswell,thoughnumbers begin to decrease from 1931, startingwith 13,000members in 1926(thefirstyearthatmembershipnumberswerereported)andpeakingat19,408in1930.By1935,thelastyeartheleagueconductedthesurvey,thenumbershaddramaticallydropped.Theeditorsgivenoexplanationforthisdecrease,thoughitislikelytobearesultofadecreaseinthenumberofself-reportingclubs.

DemocratizingArtPhotography:MinimumPhotographyClubThecameraclubservedasakindofclassroomwheretheworldoffineartswasintroduced through the photographic medium. In the context of the club,members learned not only how to make artistic photographs but also how toevaluate those images in light of prevailing aesthetic standards. High-artexhibitions, even major annual events, often included the exemplary work ofclubphotographers,grantingthesehumblepractitioners,atleasttemporarily,thestatus of “exhibited artist.” Camera clubs were thus a pivotal mechanism indemocratizing the fine arts, bringing opportunities to participate in theproduction, display, and evaluation of photographic arts to Japan’s middleclasses.19OneofJapan’searliestpopularclubswastheMinimumPhotographyClub (Minimamu Shashin Kai; hereafter MSK). In 1913, with the informalbackingofKonishiRoku,AkiyamaTetsusuke(1880–1944),atirelesschampionofpopularizing theartofphotographyamongordinarypeople, launchedMSKforbeginnerphotographers,morespecificallyforbeginnerswhoownedKonishiRoku’sMinimumIdeacamera(Figure4.1).20MSK was the first photography club organized around the ownership of a

particularproduct.However,otherswouldsoonfollowsinceKonishiRokuwasalso behind the formation of the Pearlette Photography League in 1925 forownersofthecompany’sverypopularvest-stylecamera,thePearlette.Perhapsthe most famous product-based club was the Leica Club (Raika Kurabu),founded in 1931 by owners of the coveted Leica-A camera produced by theGermanmanufacturer.Kimura Iheiwas this club’smost illustriousmember.21While theMinimum Idea was not Konishi Roku’s first product aimed at theunskilledamateur—thathonorbelongstotheCherryPortablecamerareleasedin1903—the Minimum Idea was designed specifically for the young, beginnerphotographer.Perhapsitwaswiththisparticularkindofconsumerinmindthat

KonishiRokunamedtheirnewcamera,implyingthatthecamerawasextremelyeasytouseandwasallthatwasrequiredtoyieldgoodresults.Atapriceoftenyen, the camera was stylish and roughly equivalent in cost to a bespoke suitmadefromimportedBritishfabric.22Themetalandblackleathercameracamepreloaded with six plates and a red leather carrying case. According to anadvertisementforthecamerainJanuary1913,thesamemodelwasavailableforone yen less if you opted for thewool carrying sack,23 certainly an attractiveoptionforlow-levelshopclerksandwhite-collarworkers.TheannouncementfortheinaugurationofMSKappearedinanadvertisement

inSeptember1913severalmonthsafter thecamerafirstarrivedonthemarket.The ad begins, “Seeking members for MSK: A club has been formed fordevotees[aiyōsha]oftheMinimumIdeacamera.”24Inadditiontoitsfocusonaparticularproduct,anotherfairlyuniquefeatureoftheotherwiserun-of-the-millMSKwas thatmembers could be considered active even if they lived outsideTokyo and physically could not attend the monthly meetings. Typically amember’s presence was desirable in order to participate in the monthly clubcontest (hinpyō kai) in which participants reviewed and selected the bestphotographs brought in eachmonth bymembers. The postscript to the club’sannouncement, however, allowed for a modified kind of membership: “FormemberswholiveoutsideTokyo,pleasesendinyourprintsthedaybeforeeachregular meeting.”25 Club membership, then, was not based on the sharedexperienceofassociationbutratheronthesharedownershipanduseofthesameproduct.Membershipwithouttherequirementsofattendancemeantthattheclubexperiencewasnotrestrictedtoaparticularlocale.Thisnotionofassociation—shared consumer item, attendance not required—facilitated expansion quitereadily,andlateritwasthemodelforevenlargerandmoreanonymouscameraclubs.

FIGURE4.1AdvertisementforKonishiRoku’sMinimumIdeacamera,1913.OneofJapan’searliestpopularclubswastheMinimumPhotographyClub,sponsoredbyKonishiRoku,whichrequiredownershipofthenewcamera.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:Shashingeppō18,no.1(January1913):middlesupplement,19.

NoAssemblyRequired:PearlettePhotographyLeagueandKamerakurabuJustastheMinimumIdeacameraanditsassociatedcameraclubweresymbolicof the spread of photographic practice to users of a new class during 1910 to1920, so toowere the Pearlette camera and the Pearlette PhotographyLeague(Pāretto ShashinRenmei) in the 1920s.As discussed previously, the Pearlettecamera represented Konishi Roku’s successful drive into the occasional

photography market. And in terms of industrial production, the new camerarepresented yet another major step away from artisanal production toward amodernprocessofmassproduction,inpartbecausethecompanystartedhiringengineers rather than craftspeople to design the new camera body at itsproduction facility.26 As the production process modernized, so too did thenature of association. With the Pearlette, Konishi Roku modified the classiccamera-club model and expanded on its own experience with the MSK. ThePearlette Photography League was a national group formed on the basis ofownershipof thesameproduct.Membersrarely, ifever,actuallygatheredasasinglebody.Therewerenomeetingsandnofees.Allthatwasrequiredwastofilloutthecard(Figure4.2)thatcamepackedintheboxwitheachnewPearlettecamera(Figure4.3).27Fromamarketingperspective,theleaguewasasingularinnovation. Names and addresses were collected, presumably, for more thanleague-relatedbusiness.KonishiRokunowhad listsofpotentialcustomers fornewproducts—andthePearlettewasacamerathatdemandedfrequentupdatingand accessorizing. For example, Pearlette owners could purchase severaldifferent cases and straps (Figure 4.4), aswell as attachments such as higher-qualitylenses.Once the preaddressed card reached the league’s headquarters at Konishi

Roku in Nihonbashi, the consumer’s name and address were added to thenationwide list of league members.28 Once registered, members were grantedseveral privileges, one of which was the right to join one of the many localchapters of the Pearlette Club (Pāretto Dōjin Kai) scattered throughout thecountry and administered by the league.29 The local clubs, however, operatedalongtypicalclublineswithmonthlyfees,meetings,andoccasionalexhibitsofmembers’ work. Upon registration, members received a Pearlette badge, andaccordingtothe“PearletteLeagueBylaws,”theregulationsprintedonthepartofthepreaddressedcardthatthepurchaserkept,“Whenmembersoftheleaguego outwith their cameras, we request that youwear the badge. Thiswaywethinkthatyouwillenjoytheacquaintanceofotherfriendsofthehobby[shuminotomo]withwhomyoucantalkaboutthePearletteandaboutphotography.”30Membershipwasthusdefinedbycommonconsuminghabits,notbyformalface-to-faceassociation.

FIGURE4.2PrepackagedmembershipcardforthePearlettePhotographyLeague.Oncethepreaddressedcardreachedtheleague’sheadquartersatKonishiRokuinNihonbashi,theownerbecameamember.Source:Kishi,Kameratsukaikatazenshū,71.

FIGURE4.3Pearlettecameraandbox.Source:Kishi,Kameratsukaikatazenshū,6.

FIGURE4.4CaseoptionsforthePearlettecamera.ThePearlettecamerademandedfrequentupdatingandaccessorizing.KonishiRokuofferedseveraldifferentcasesandstrapsthatPearletteownerscouldpurchase,suchasthese.Source:Kishi,Kameratsukaikatazenshū,28–29.

Kamerakurabu,amonthlyphotographymagazineeditedbySuzukiHachirōandpublishedbyArusu,tooktheinformalnotionofa“clubwithoutmeetings”one step further. Kamera kurabu was originally a publication for novicephotographers that came as a slim supplement in each volume of the twenty-volumeseries,ArusuLatestCoursesinPhotography(Arususaishinshashindai-kōza),publishedbetween1936and1937.Uponpublicationofthelastvolumeofthe series, readers and contributors alike demanded that Kamera kurabu bepublished as an independent periodical.31 As an independent publication,Kamera kurabu, subtitled Popular Photography Magazine (Taishū shashinzasshi),invitedreaderstosubmitphotographsforamonthlycontest.32IdiscussthesignificanceofthiscontestingreaterdetailinChapter5,butforourpurposeshere, it is the transformation of subscribers—anonymous to one another—intoclubmembersthatisstriking.Infact,thisclub-without-meetingsformatwasanimportant precedent for common postwar consumer product advertising andmarketingschemes.33

Women’sCameraClubsAbeautifulautumndayin1927broughtmorethanfivehundredwomentothe

outskirts of Kyoto for an outdoor photography competition organized by theKyoto Vest Club in commemoration of its increased membership and thefoundingofitsWomen’sDivision.34ThepathsoftheArashiYamaandHieizandistrictswere filledwithcamera-totingwomensnappingphotos.Anexhibitionof the award-winning photographs was to follow in Kyoto’s TakashimayaDepartmentStore.Thecontestallowedsubmissionsandawardedprizesinthreeareas:artphotography,landscapephotography,andportraitphotography.Fortheportrait portion of the competition, the sponsors provided several models,includingtwoactressesfromthefilmcompanyNikkatsuandfourfromMakino.Two years later on 20 January 1929, twenty women carrying their belovedcamerasgatheredinthefreezingcoldoutsidetheHachimanShrineforthefirstphotography shoot organized for the Women’s Division of the KyotoPhotographyLeagueofKyoto.SixyearslaterKondōSugarecallstheeventwithsomeembarrassment:Therewas a rowof about twentyof us, and considering itwas the first time around, the shootwas asuccess. I completely forgot about the cold andwhatever else andbecame lost in clicking the shutter.Well,asfortheresults—whetherIshouldshowthepicturesorwhethertheywereoutoffocus—thinkingabout the pictures now, I get completely embarrassed.As always theywere pretty awkward.But thatphotoshootbringsbacksomanymemoriesthatevennowIhavetosmile.35

Outdoor photo shoots (yagai satsuei kai) had become a common occurrenceamongcamera-clubparticipantsbythe1920s.Whatmakesthesetwoparticularevents less common is that they were specifically organized for femalephotographers. By 1930, there were well over five hundred clubs throughoutJapan and the colonies, but only a handful were specifically for femalephotographersandonlyoneofferedmembershiptobothsexes.Unliketheirmalecounterparts,veryfewfemalephotographersoftheprewar

periodareknowntoday.Evenlessisknownaboutwomen’scameraclubsoftheperiod.Onesmallexhibitionin1993representedanefforttogenerateinterestinthis obscure history. For just under twomonths, the ShōtōMuseum ofArt inTokyoheldaspecialexhibition,NojimaYasuzōandtheLady’sCameraClub.36Of the fifty-three prints included in the catalogue, thirty-two are portraits ofwomen done by Nojima. The curator explains that there is little work bymembers of the club represented in the show because so much of it wasdestroyedorlostinthehecticyearsduringandafterthewar.ButonewondersifNojima’sportraitswerenottherealdrawtotheexhibition.UnderthetutelageofNojima,afoundingeditorofthehigh-artphotomagazineKōgaandwell-knownphotographerhimself,severalwomenformedtheLady’sCameraClubin1937.Thiswas no ordinary group ofwomen;mostwere highly educated, had livedabroadforsomeyears,andwerewell-knownartistsorprofessionalsintheirown

right. Among the members were Tsuchiura Nobuko, an architect who hadworkedintheUnitedStatesforthreeyears;MatsunagaTatsurue,anaspiringartphotographerwho,becauseshewasawoman,wasunable toattend theTokyoTechnical School of Photography and became one of Nojima’s most trustedassistants;MizoguchiUtako,apioneerinthefieldoftechnicaldataprocessing;TominagaYoshiko,apainter;andKurodaYoneko,amountainclimber.Underthe copresidency of Nojima and his wife, Inako, the very prestigious Lady’sCamera Club operated like most camera clubs during this period, holdingmonthlymeetingsandoccasionalexhibits.Evenlessisknownaboutotherwomen’sclubs.Osaka’sUzukiClubwasone

such institution founded in April 1932 with the informal backing of KonishiRoku’sOsakaBranch,wherethemembersmetmonthly.Likemostcameraclubsfromthisperiod,UzukiClubpublisheditsbylawsandsummariesofitsmeetingsandactivitiesinapopularphotographymagazine,Shashingeppō.Andalsolikemost camera clubs, the Uzuki Club members democratically elected theirofficers, heldmonthly competitions, and participated in outdoor photo shoots.Byallappearances, theclub functioned in thesamemannerasanyotherclub.Onemajor difference, however,was how the club represented itself (andwasrepresented)inwrittencoverageofitsevents.Readerswereconstantlyremindedthat,eventhoughitwasacameraclubjustlikeanyother,UzukiClubwasaclubforwomen.Forexample,incommentingontheclub’sfirstexhibitioninTokyo,at Konishi Roku’s exhibition space in Nihonbashi, one writer suggested,“Looking at the over fifty pieces on view, it’s obvious that they arewomen’sphotographs.Theyaremadewiththedelicatesensitivityofawoman,andmanyoftheimagesaresomehowsoftandgentle.”37Morethanthreethousandpeoplevisited the exhibitionover a four-dayperiod.While amateurphoto exhibitionswereacommonaffair,perhapsthesightofthesedistinctlyfemininephotographsbrought the crowds.38 Among the club’s membership was Yamazaki Yasuzō,whoactedastheclub’sin-housejudgeforthemonthlyphotocompetitions.Eachmonththisexpertrankedthemembers’photographsandawardedprizes.AtoneApril meeting early in the club’s history, he remarked, “If we rank you [asphotographers]fromelementary-schoolchildrentouniversitystudents,youhavewonderfully deceived us and are all university students.”39 Apparently thedeception lay in the fact that even though they were so skilled, thesephotographerswerewomen!AswillbediscussedinChapter5,oneofthemostimportant ways that the world of amateur and hobby photography waslegitimatedwas in the rankingofandcommentaryonamateurphotographsbyjudgessuchasYamazaki.

MakingSenseofClubBylawsThe miscellany section of monthly photo magazines, like Shashin geppō’s“Zappō,” provided the forum where clubs made their activities public. Theregular column devoted to Japan’s early popular camera clubs provides morethanaquantitativeunderstandingofclubsandmembers;tediousthoughitmaybetoreadtoday,italsooffersanuanced,qualitativeviewintotheactivitiesofcameraclubsduringtheperiod.Thecolumnwasthemainvenueforphotoclubstopublishnewsoftheirevents,members’photographs,andalongsidethese,theratherinnocuous-lookingclubbylawsthateachclubdulypublishedinoneofthemonthlymagazines.40Throughthesebylawswecanexplore thebroadersocialandculturalmeaningsof club life in theearly twentiethcentury.Bylawsofferrichdetailsregardingtheintendedaimsandactivitiesofeachclub;theydefinedthepurposeof thegroup,describedactivities,detailedmembership restrictionsandfees,andoutlinedproceduresforelectionofofficers.Thecustomofpublishingbylaws likelystemmedfrom localordinances that

restrictedassociationalactivitiesinimperialJapan.AssociationallifeinmodernJapan developed in a political climate of official suppression and scrutiny ofpublicgatheringsof any sort,notunlike the scrupulous lawsof theTokugawaperiod that restricted formations of horizontal alliances, as discussed byIkegami.41ElementsoftheLawonAssemblyandPoliticalAssociation(Shūkaioyobi seishahō) promulgated in 1889, which limited the right of politicalassembly only to men eligible to vote and specifically targeted oppositionpoliticalpartiesandtheemerginglabormovement,werereenactedinthePublicOrderPoliceLaw(Chiankeisatsuhō)of1900andremainedineffectinvariousregulations and ordinances through the end of the PacificWar. For example,EdwardNorbeck recounts the storyof anAmerican friendwho tried to start aTokyobranchofPhiBetaKappaintheprewarperiod:Control by the Japanese government over associations, however,was alwaysmaintained, and it grewincreasinglystrictinthetwentiethcentury.Bythe1920sallorganizationsweresubjectedtotheclosestscrutiny.DouglasHaring,inapersonalcommunication,describedthedifficultiesshortlybefore1920ofAmericanswhoattemptedtoformaclubofPhiBetaKappamembersintheTokyo-YokohamaareawithanideaofestablishingthesocietyinJapanesecolleges.Houndedbythepolice,theyfinallyabandonedtheeffort.42

From the turn of the nineteenth century, ordinances clearly specifying areaswhere photographic activities were prohibited, such as in militarily sensitiveareas,were another likely cause for clubs submitting their bylaws to a publicforum. Photography magazines and hobbyists’ how-to books frequentlypublishedmapsandupdatedlistsofso-calledprohibitedzones(yōsaichitai).43

Forthepurposesofthisstudy,thecontentsoftheseseeminglyunremarkablebylawsofferarareglimpseintotheconnectionsbetweenassociational lifeandaesthetic practices in the early part of the twentieth century. Most publishedbylaws look very similar to one another, although there is some variation,especially if the club has a singular photographic interest, for example, inportrait or landscape photography. The Appendix offers a translation of theMasaoka Photography Club Bylaws (Masaoka Shakō Kai Kiyaku), arepresentative set of club bylaws from the early Taishō period. The shakō ofMasaoka ShakōKai combines the character for utsuru (to take a photograph)and the character for majiwaru, which is the kō of kōryû (social exchange,mingling).This specificcombinationofcharacters ismost likelyaplayon themore common shakō, in which sha means “society,” and together the termmeans“socializing.”

SocialityandtheCameraClubBylawsusuallystatedthekindsofphotographerswhowereinvitedtojointhatparticularclub.Forexample,theMasaokaPhotographyClubwasopentothosewho were simply interested in photography (see Appendix, Article II). Otherclubs were restricted to commercial photographers, such as the DalianPhotography Club, or to photographers with a specific interest, such as thePortraitPhotographyResearchSocietyofJapan,aclubthatconcentratedsolelyon portraiture. Generally speaking, however, clubs were open to cameraenthusiasts of all levels. Terms commonly used to refer to photographersincluded shirōto shashin-ka (amateur photographer), shashin kōzuka(photography enthusiast), and goraku shashin-ka (hobby photographer). Oftenthetermshirōto(amateur)wascombinedwithdōkō(commoninterest)toformshirōtoshashindōkō-ka(thosewithacommoninterestinamateurphotography).In the preface to the bylaws for the Singapore Camera Club, published inShashingeppōinDecember1921,theorganizersstatethattheclubwasfoundedfor Japanese residents (zairyū hōjin) with a common interest in amateurphotography.44ThoughthebylawsthemselvesdonotlistJapanesenationalityasaprerequisiteforjoiningtheclub,itisclearfromtheprefacethattheclubisforJapanesecolonialresidentswhoarecameraenthusiasts.Onesetofbylawsthatdoes stipulate Japanese nationality as a requirement for membership was theQingdaoPhotographyClub,establishedin1915.ArticleIIstatesclearly,“ThisclubisorganizedforJapanesepeople[hōjin]withaninterestinphotography.”45Thesexofpotentialmemberswasrarelymentionedasarestriction,butitissafe

toassumethatthevastmajorityofmembersweremen.Womendidjoinclubs,buttheseclubswerespecificallyorganizedforwomen(e.g., theUzukiClubofKansaiand theLady’sCameraClubofTokyo)orwomen’sbranchesofmajormen’sclubs(e.g.,theKyotoVestClubWomen’sDivision).TheHimawariClubofTokyo,establishedin1921,clearlyspecifiesinitsbylawsthateithermenorwomenwerefreetojointheclub,butthiswasextremelyunusual:“Onebecomesa member, whether male or female, on the condition that the individual isintroducedbyanactingmember.”46Thepurposeandgoalsof theclubwerealmostalwaysstated in thebylaws.

For example, the Masaoka Photography Club was organized to studyphotographyaswell as topromote friendship (shinboku) amongmembers (seeAppendix, Article II). These two elements—study and friendship—werefundamentaltoalllocalclubs.InArticleIIIofitsbylawsfromNovember1918,theKaiPhotographyClubofYamanashiprefecturestates:“Thepurposeofthisclub is to promote friendship among members and to study photographictechnique.”47 Inaddition to fosteringcamaraderie, thecameraclubservedasavenuefortheseriousactivityofstudy(kenkyū).TheŌtaHotResearchClubofIbaragi prefecture established its club with the goal of studying artisticphotography,thoughthebylawsmakenospecificmentionofhowthisgoalistobe achieved.48 Some clubs, like the Karafuto (Sakhalin) Hobby PhotographyResearch Society, used monthly fees in part to procure relevant books andmagazinesformemberstoperuseduringmeetings.49TheTeikyūClubofOsakaprovidedunusuallyspecificarticlesdelineatingthenatureofstudy.Section4oftheTeikyūClubbylaws,“ItemsRelatingtoStudy,”includedthefollowingfivearticlesdealingwiththeclub’sstudyactivities:ArticleXV Eachmonththeclubwillselectanappropriatedaytostudyphotography.ArticleXVI Theclubwillstudythefollowingtwoareasofphotography:

1.Outdoorphotography2.Portraitphotography

ArticleXVII Tostudyphotography,theclubwillinvitesuitablecommercialphotographersorjudgestoleadusthoroughlyintheirareasofexpertise.

ArticleXVIII Tostudyportraitphotographywewilloccasionallyopenthestudiowheretheclubmeetsandpracticewithsuitablemodels[moderu].

ArticleXIX Inordertopaythevariousfeesforfieldtripsandmodels,additionalfees,overandaboveregularclubfees,willbecollectedfromthememberswhoparticipateinthatparticularmeeting.50

TheShandongPhotographyResearchSocietyofferedextremelyspecificareasofstudyfortheirmembers.ArticleIIIofitsbylawsstatesthatinordertoproperly

learn,memberswill learnaboutthefollowingphotographictechniquesthroughdirectexperience:“(1)howtouseacamera;(2)howtopreparechemicals; (3)how to take outdoor, indoor, and night, and other kinds of specializedphotographs; (4) proper composition for portraits and landscapes; (5) how tomakeenlargements;(6)howtoprintphotographs;(7)howtointensifyplatesandfilm;(8)howtopreparespecialprints;(9)howtoalterplatesandfilm;(10)howtocolorprints;(11)othertechniquesasrequiredbythemembers.”51Thesecondarticle states that allmembers have access to the darkroomand anynecessaryequipment, such as cameras, paper, and chemicals, located at the MizutaniPhotographyStudio,wheretheclubholdsitsmeetings.Someclubssimplyreliedonthemoreexperiencedmembersoftheclubtoleadthestudyportionofregularmeetings. Others invited guest speakers to discuss the latest techniques. Forexample, the bylaws of theKyokutō Friends of PhotographyClub of Suzaka-chō,Naganoprefecture,stipulatethatinordertolearnaboutartphotography,theclub would “occasionally invite an authority in the world of photography toconductstudy[withtheclub].”52In addition to the study of photography, Article III of the bylaws for the

Dalian Photography Association, organized by and for commercialphotographersworking in northeastChina, listed “the promotion of friendshipamongmembers” as its first goal.53 Perhaps the recurrence of these elementswasdueinparttoakindofuniformityintheformallanguageofbylaws.Butitalsopointstotheintendednatureoftheclubasvenueforboththehigh-mindedpursuitofknowledgeandthelessoutrightpurposefulgoalofrelaxedsocializing—the literalmeaning behind the standard characters forkurabu, asmentionedpreviously. Howard Chudacoff discusses the importance of middle-classassociationslikefraternalordersanddidacticassociationsinfosteringconvivialrelations among members in early twentieth-century America: “The mostimportant function of these organizations [fraternal orders] was theirencouragement to middle-class males to enjoy the company of men likethemselves, away from domestic pressures and responsibilities.”54 This wascertainly the case in modern Japan. Outdoor photo shoots were not frequentaffairs;nevertheless,manyclubbylawsmentionthematleastasaregularannualevent. Club comradeswould gather at a local train station and journey to thesuburbs or a nearby rural area for a day of photographing and picnicking.Members of the Masaoka Photography Club arranged one of their regularmonthlymeetingsandtheirannualoutdoorphotoshootforthesamedayinMay1921 in the area around the Haguro train station in Ibaragi prefecture.55 Asummary of the proceedings of that day was reported in the September 1921

issue of Shashin geppō. The contributormentions that because of rainfall notmanymembers turned out, but thosewho did thoroughly enjoyed themselves.Theytookpicturesuntilthreeo’clockintheafternoonandthentookthetraintoKasama, where they disembarked to pay their respects at the Kasama InariShrine. From there they went to a local teahouse to convene their regularmeetingandtodiscusstheprintsfromthepreviousmonth.Thefieldtripfocusedonphotography,butthetraintravel,theshrinevisit,andtherefreshmentsattheteahouseprovidedampletimetosocializewithoneanother.

TheClubasPromoterofPhotographyMostbylawsstatedthatoneoftheprimarygoalsinforminganassociationwastopromoteand furtherpopularizephotography.Membersof theMasaokaclubsharedinthetripartitegoalsofpromotingfriendship,studying,andpopularizingphotography(shashinnofukyū).Asinrelationtostudy,clubbylawstendtobesomewhat vague on the actual means of popularizing. Most clubs, however,sponsored at least one annual public exhibitionof themembers’work.ArticleXIXoftheTeikyūClubbylawsstatesthattheclubwillorganizeonespringandone fall exhibition each year that is open to themembers of the club and thegeneralpublic.56AccordingtothebylawsfortheYDCPhotographyClub,acluborganizedforamateurphotographersattheYokohamaDockCompany,theclubwouldcuratefourexhibitionsannually,oneeachinFebruary,May,August,andNovember.57Presumably,apublic,accessibleshowingofclubmembers’work(forexample,atacamerashopor,betteryet,atadepartmentstore)wouldserveasinspirationfortheaudienceeithertotakeupacamerathemselvesortoattendmore exhibitions. One club took its mission to popularize so seriously as tosponsor an exhibition titled Exhibition to Popularize Knowledge of JapanesePhotography (KokusanShashinChishikiFukyūTenrankai) (Figure4.5).58Thegoals of this exhibition, organized by the Kobe Society of CommercialPhotographersandheldon the sixth floorof theKobeMitsukoshiDepartmentStore,weretodisplaytothegeneralpublic(ippantaishū)thefollowingpoints:Hownecessaryandhowvaluablephotographyis

Thesimplicityoftakingskillfulphotographs

TodisplayportraitphotographyfromthethreecitiesofKyoto,Osaka,andKobe

Toshowthecurrentadvancedstateofdomesticallyproducedcamerasandphotographicmaterials59

Inaddition toshowing the latestphotographic techniques, suchasmicroscopicandx-rayphotography, thecuratorssetupanactualphotographystudiowhere

photographers used realmodels (manekin-jō, literally, “mannequin girls”) andexplainedstepbystephowtotakeaproperportrait(Figure4.6).Somanypeopleattendedtheselivedemonstrationsthatoneobservernotedalltheheadsinfrontof himwere “like a blackmountain [kuroyama no gotoki]” (Figure 4.7).60 Inaddition to showing how to take a photograph, much of the exhibition wasdevotedtohowtoposesubjectsforaphotograph—whatpeopleshouldwearandhowtheyshouldsit.Anothersectionoftheshowdisplayedportraitphotographyfromphotographers in the threecities.Thecuratorsmentionthat thereweresomanyexcellentphotographs,despitetherestrictionthatallsubmissionshadtobemadewith domestically produced products, that it was truly difficult tomakeenoughspace.Thispointwasstressedtoshowjusthowfaralongthedomesticindustryhadcomeinrecentyears.61

FIGURE4.5“ExhibitiontoPopularizeKnowledgeofJapanesePhotography,”Kobe,1934.TheexhibitionwasorganizedbytheKobeSocietyofCommercialPhotographersandheldonthesixthflooroftheKobeMitsukoshiDepartmentStore.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:Shashingeppō39,no.7(July1934):773.

FIGURE4.6“ExhibitiontoPopularizeKnowledgeofJapanesePhotography:ModelandStudio(DisplaybyKonishiRoku,OsakaBranch),”Kobe,1934.Inadditiontoshowingthelatestphotographictechniques,curatorssetupanactualphotographystudiowheremanekin-jōservedasmodels.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:Shashingeppō39,no.7(July1934):774.

FIGURE4.7“ExhibitiontoPopularizeKnowledgeofJapanesePhotography:MannequinGirlandPresenterduringaDemonstrationintheSpecialStudio,”Kobe,1934.Theexhibitionfeaturedlivedemonstrations,suchasthisone,astep-by-stepdemonstrationofhowtotakeaproperportrait.ReprintedwiththepermissionofKonicaMinolta,Inc.Source:Shashingeppō39,no.7(July1934):774.

UrbanandProvincialCameraClubsHistoriansofphotographytendtolocatethemostactivecentersofphotographicpractice, including club formation, in Japan’smajor urban areas.Many of theclub activities listed inmagazines like Shashin geppō at the beginning of theTaishōperiodwere, infact,centeredin theseareas.Scholarsofassociations inWestern Europe and the United States link club formation with a “newinvolvementinurbanindustrialsociety[that]seemedtobringwithitanewneedtocreateinstitutionsonanintermediatelevel,largerthanthefamily,yetsmallerthan the state.”62 LynnAbrams states, “Sociologists have long recognized theconnectionbetweenurbanizationandthedevelopmentofvoluntaryassociations.Joiningaclubwasnotalwaysapoliticalstatementbutcouldbeareactiontothepsychologicalstressimposedbythecomparativeanonymityofurbanindustrial

society.”63 Social scientists see the club, whether fraternal or recreational, as“notonly[giving] the individualsasenseofbelonging,but italsoplaysa rolemediating change in a highly mobile society,” a role that helped ruralimmigrants transition into their new lives in industrializing cities.64 Whethercamera clubs in Japan helped ease the transition of the individual into analienatedurbansetting isnotentirelyclear,but thepopularityofcameraclubsamongJapanesecitydwellersisundeniable.ThesurveysconductedbytheAsahiNewspaperCompanycertainly indicate that thegreatest numberof clubswereactive in the largest urban centers. Nevertheless, camera clubs operatedthroughout all of Japan, even in its most remote regions. While the urbanimmigrantexperiencemayhelpusunderstandtheroleofcameraclubsinlargecities such as Tokyo and Osaka, it does not speak to the experience of clubmembersin,say,ToyamaorFukuoka.Aswehaveseen,clubactivitieswerenotlimitedtothemajorurbancentersofTokyo,Osaka,andNagoyabutwerealsoconspicuous in provincial cities and towns in outlying prefectures, Japan’srecentlyacquiredcolonialterritories,andevenabroadintheUnitedStateswhererecent Japanese immigrants lived in enclave communities. In addition to clublistings for Tokyo, Nagoya, Kyoto, Kobe, andOsaka, a number of provincialclubs are represented in the Shashin geppō “Miscellany” column for 1913,including clubs from Niigata, Fukuoka, Tokushima, Kumamoto, Nagano,Tottori,Saga,Toyama,Chiba,Shizuoka,Seattle,Dalian,andSingapore.65While urban club formationmay have acted as an ameliorative to ease the

tensionsengenderedbyahighlymobilesociety,provincialclubsmayhaveactedtoasserttraditionalsocialbondsinanewcontext.Indescribingtheevolutionofassociational life across time, anthropologist Robert Anderson differentiatesbetween premodern associations, which are defined by paternalistic, guildlikeorganization,andmodernassociations,whicharecharacterizedby rationalandbureaucraticmodesofoperation.According toAnderson,modernassociations,while introducing “rational-legalmodes,” a concept I delve intomore closelylater, may actually work to reinforce social stratification at the local level byrestricting membership to certain groups: “Far from modernizing traditionalcommunities,rational-legalassociationsbythemselvesseemtoactuallyenhancethe capacity of old communities to persist structurally secure.”66 Given thatclubschargedmonthlyfeesandrequiredownershiporat leastaccess topriceycommodities (cameras, plates, film, and developing supplies), camera clubs inprovincialJapanmorethanlikelywererestrictedtoaselectfewandmaintainedanexclusivitythatreaffirmedthepowerofelitesinlocalcommunities.Mostoftheseclubsheldpublicevents,exhibitions,or field trips thatweldedacultural

front onto an already highly visible economic and political status. The peopleinvolved in provincial camera club activities were likely to be localpowerbrokers,andthisnewformofsodalitygavethemyetanotheropportunitytorepresenttheirelevatedstatustotheirneighbors.

CameraClubsas“Mini-Republics”While it is important to recognize the provincial camera club as potentiallypromoting the reinforcement of elitemale sociability, camera clubswere alsoinstitutionsthatuphelddemocraticprinciples.Besidesadaptationtourbanizationorreassertionoftraditionalsocialrelations,cameraclubsconsistentlyassertedintheirbylawsastridentprotectionofwhatLynnAbramsidentifiesas“individualmeritandequalitybefore the law.”67Though thespecificcontentofclubrulesreveals the aimsandactivitiesofparticular cameraclubs around Japanand itscolonies, the same bylaws taken as an overall form also instituted the legalbureaucraticelementofthemodernassociation.68Andersonarguesthatwiththemodernization of political institutions in democratic societies, sodalitiesincreasingly adopted electoral and bureaucratic norms and procedures. Hecontinues:Thisnewqualityofassociationsmaybecharacterizedasrational-legal....Arational-legalassociationpossesseswrittenstatutesclearlydefiningthemembership,participantobligations,leadershiproles,andconditionsofconvocation.Itnormallypossessesalegallyrecognizedcorporateidentity.Itisrationalinthesensethatasabodyitisgearedtoefficiencyinmakingdecisionsandtakingaction,particularlyasleadersare,inprincipleatleast,impartiallychosenbyelectionofthemostqualifiedtotakeoffice.Itislegalinthesensethatcomplianceindecisionsandactionsissanctionedbytheimpersonalforceoflaw.69

Aswehaveseen,Japanesecameraclubsfollowveryclosely thisrational-legalmodel.Mostclubsnotonlyproducedwrittensetsofstatutesbutalsoabidedbydemocraticelectoralnormsinchoosingofficersaswellasinawardingprizes.Ineverysetofbylawsexamined,theprocedurefortheelectionofclubofficersisclearly outlined in separate clauses. For example, Article VI of the MasaokaPhotography Club bylaws stipulates that the club members will elect twoofficers,whosetermsarelimitedtooneyear,tomanagetheaffairsoftheclub.TheDalianPhotographyAssociationoutlinedinmoredetailthanmostclubstheelectionandresponsibilitiesofofficers:ArticleV Theassociationwillplacethefollowingofficers:

President(1)Vicepresident(1)Secretary(1)Consultants(severalpeople)

ArticleVI Theofficerswillbeelectedeachyearforatermofoneyearatthespringgeneralassembly;buttheycannotbereelected.

ArticleVII Thepresidentistherepresentativeoftheassociationandwillmanagetheaffairsoftheclubinthefollowingareas:Itemsrelatingtotheenforcementoftheassociation’sbylawsItemsrelatingtoeachmember’sinquiriesItemsnecessaryfortheexecutionoftheassociation’sgoals

ArticleVIII Thevicepresidentassiststhepresident,andinthecaseofspecialcircumstancesforthepresident,thevicepresidentwilltakeover.

ArticleIX Thesecretaryisresponsiblefortheaccounts,generalaffairs,andothersuchmatters.70

Interestingly, the club invoked term limits for officers, possibly to ensure thatmost participating members would have the opportunity to lead the group atsomepointduringtheirmembership.Manyclubsalsoincludedclausesintheirbylawspermittingtheremovalofa

member due to unseemlybehavior upon amajority vote at a generalmeeting.Directly after stating the policies on electing club officers, Article XII of theHishūFriendsofPhotographyClubbylaws specifies twooffenses forwhichamembercanberemovedfromtheclubthrougharesolutionpassedinthegeneralassembly: “(1) anyone who deviates from the intentions of the club, or (2)anyonewho does not pay the fees for sixmonths ormore.”71 The ShandongPhotographyResearchSocietywould removememberswitha simplemajorityvote for failing topaymembershipduesor for“sullying thehonorof theclub[kaino taimenwoyogoshi].”72Thesekindsofarticlespubliclyrepresented thelegalisticaspectoftheclub,inwhichcompliancewithclubrulesissupportedbytheimpersonalforceoflaw.73The central participatory ritual of the camera club was the monthly photo

competition.The basic format of the competition, an activity outlined inmostbylaws, was that each member brought in prints produced since the previousmeeting (for example, seeAppendix,ArticleVIII). Eachmonth, club officerstypicallyannouncedaparticularthemeforthenextmonth’scompetition.Whenthemeswereused,theywereoftensomewhatamorphous,suchas“stilllife”or“portrait.”Morespecificthemesincluded“dusk”(yūgure),“vehicles”(kuruma),“people selling things” (monouru hito), “rivers” (kawa), and “rural dwellings”(inakaya).Atthebeginningofeachmeeting,membersdisplayedtheirprintsforthe monthly photo competition. After each presentation, members discussed,critiqued, and finally voted for the best prints for that month. Some clubsawarded prizes, others published the names of the photographers and theirwinning photos along with a summary of the regular meeting in one of themonthlyphotomagazineslikeShashingeppō,andstillothersdisplayedthebest

printsinsomepublicplace(aphotographystudioorcommunitycenter)untilthenext meeting. In its bylaws of May 1922, the Karafuto Hobby PhotographyResearch Society clearly states the technical requirements of photographssubmitted to the monthly contest in a separate section titled “DetailedRegulationsforSubmissionsattheRegularMeeting.”74Membersweretobringatleasttwoprintsofanysizewithallofthetechnicaldetailsclearlywrittenonthe back of the print. Photographs submitted to one competition could not beresubmitted.In addition to fostering a competitive spirit among members, the monthly

contestturnedmembersintojudges.Thoughsomeclubsinvitedexpertstojudgethemonthlycompetitions(suchastheTeikyūKaiandUzukiClub),mostclubsrelied on a more democratic process of discussion followed by a vote. Forexample,ArticlesVIII throughXIIIof theMasaokaPhotographyClubbylawsdealwiththeinnerworkingsofthemonthlymeeting.Moststriking,andunusualfor the fairly predictable content of bylaws, is Article XI, which states thatmembers“havethefreedomtocriticizethesubmissions,”regulatingpotentiallyantagonistic behavior that, perhaps contrary to the prevailing notions offriendliness and open participation, was a necessary function of the aestheticsocialityofthecameraclub.Bylaws,then,gavemembersarighttovotebutalsomadethemaccountableto

theclub,bothinapecuniarysenseandasarepresentativeoftheclubbeyondtheconfines of its activities. This kind of legalistic understanding of rights andresponsibilitieswas significantlymore liberal than Japan’s electoral system ofthesameperiod.In1900thenationalgovernmentloweredthetaxqualificationforvotingfromfifteenyento tenyenperhousehold,which, ineffect,doubledtheelectoratefrom1percentofthemalepopulationto2percent.Notuntil1928was suffrage exercised universally by Japanese men. Members, then, likelyenjoyedrightsinclubsthattheydidnothaveinthepoliticalsphereascitizens.Writing about associational life among thebourgeoisie inGermanyduring thelastdecadeofthenineteenthcentury,LynnAbramsnotes,“Politicallyaffiliatedassociations aside, voluntary clubs in the Wilhelmine era had a freedom notgranted to individuals.”75 In particular, Abrams argues that voluntaryassociations representedabreak fromanauthoritarianpast associatedwith thechurch and the guild.76 Voluntary associations embraced modern, democraticconceptsand“inpolitical terms theassociationshavebeendescribedas ‘mini-republics,’ preparing the ground for middle-class participation in democraticgovernment.”77Before1928,JapanesecameraclubsmirroredAbrams’s“mini-republics,” where partial citizens, not yet full-fledged, were able to exercise

rights not yet granted in national politics. The club became a rehearsal forcitizenshipinparticipatorydemocracy.Thisisevenmoresothecaseforwomen’scameraclubs.Japanesewomendid

not earn the right to vote until 1946. In 1888,womenwere barred from localpolitical participationwhen “laws regardingmunicipal government establishedthatonlyanadultmalecouldqualifyasa‘citizen’[kōmin]—literally,a‘publicperson.’ ”78 Indeed, with the Law on Assembly and Political Association of1890,whichwasfurtherstrengthenedwiththePublicOrderPoliceLawof1900,womenwerebarredonthenationallevelfrom“joiningpoliticalassociationsandfrom sponsoring or even attending meetings at which political discussionoccurred.”79 But in camera clubs, women had both the right to vote and theresponsibility of membership. Though some of the larger clubs had auxiliarydivisionsforwomen,therewereveryfewclubsthatacceptedfemalemembers.Tokyo’sHimawariClub,mentionedbrieflypreviously, is theonlyclub Ihaveseen that allowed eithermenorwomen so long as theywere introduced by astandingmemberoftheclub.InthebylawsfortheUzukiClub,publishedintheJune 1932 issue of Shashin geppō, one article states that there will be twoofficers who are elected for six-month terms.80 Uzuki Club also held regularmonthlycontestsandvotedonthebestphotographs.Despitebeingledbyamanintheirevaluationofphotographicwork,membersstillhadtherighttovote.Cameraclubspopularizedthefineartsforagrowingmiddleclassof largely

white-collar men and somewomen, but they also were spaces wheremodernsubjectscouldexercisegovernanceinasignificantlymoreliberalwaythantheywere otherwise permitted as citizens. By holding elections, guaranteeing fullvoting rights, andprotecting the right to“critique,”cameraclubswereaplacewhereordinaryJapanesepeoplerehearseddemocraticrightsthattheycouldnotexercise in full until after the Pacific War. Furthermore, artistically inclinedclubs, like the aesthetic networks of Tokugawa Japan, offered middle-classcultural producers localized and, perhaps more important, politically neutral,spacestoexerciseliberalideals.IntermsofabroaderviewofJapan’stwentiethcentury, looking at the specific ways that culturally oriented voluntaryassociations combined artistic activities with democratic procedures helps usbetter understand the flourishing of democratic movements in the postwarperiod. Without exposure to and experience with democratic forms ofparticipation in the prewar period, there could be no lasting foundation,politicallyor culturally, for the accelerated adoptionof democratic ideals afterthewar.

5

MAKINGMIDDLEBROWPHOTOGRAPHY

TheAestheticsandCraftofAmateurPhotography

While participating in camera clubs allowed for the experimentation withdemocratic forms of organization, taking and making photos brought theconceptsandpracticesrelatedtothefineartstoawiderpublic.Butwhatsortsofpicturesdidhobbyiststakeandwhy?Throughout the early 1930s, Japanese theorists of modernist photography

lambasted hobby photographers for clinging to pictorialism, geijutsu shashin(literally,“artphotography”),what theysawasanoutdatedaestheticrepertoireandcharacterizedasimitativeofpainting.Modernistcriticspublishinginsmallenclave journals held hobby photography and its derivative aesthetic projectresponsible for degrading the potential of photography to stand independentlyamong the fine arts. As photography’s popularization proceeded, modernistsfrequentlyandwithmountingvigorcondemnedallphotographicimageryoutofline with the prevailing modernist aesthetics of realism, montage, andconstructivism.The intellectual legacyof this criticismcontinues to shapeourhistoricalunderstandingofJapanesephotographicpracticefromthefirsthalfofthetwentiethcentury.Modernisttheoriesofaestheticstendedtostriptheactofproduction—the taking and making of photographs—from photography andinsteadfocusedalmostexclusivelyontheresultingimage.Thenarrowfocusonmodernismandmorespecificallyonthemodernistimagehasoccludeddisparatephotographicpracticesthat,incontrast,prioritizedthecraftofimagemaking,inparticulardarkroomtechnique,asfundamentaltotheaestheticsofphotography.As I argued previously, the most dedicated of amateur photographers, the

hobbyists, heralded the space of the darkroom as the laboratory for theircreations. Mastery of technical skill was a fundamental goal, a key to theenjoymentofphotography.Andhobbyistsunabashedlyembracedtechnique(theprocess),notonlycontent(thefinalimage),ascentraltotheiraestheticpractice.Thoughmodernistcriticsclaimedamateurstobeimitative,amateursthemselvesexplored many lexicons of photographic representation. The accomplished

among them were fluent not only in the visual language of most genres ofphotographic representation but in the various mechanical and chemicaltechniquesrequiredtocreatesuchimages.Inkeepingwiththeirenthusiasmfortechnical mastery and bravado, hobbyists tended to choose techniques thatdemanded the most of their darkroom skills—skills that modernists claimedmadeamateurimageslooklikepaintings.The disparate ways that modernists and hobbyists formulated the aesthetic

standardsoftheirarttellusasmuchaboutthestandardsofphotographicbeautyprized by each group as they do about the socialmakeup of its practitioners.Modernists tended to elaborate aesthetic standards in the context of exclusivejournals, small one-man exhibitions, and, most definitively, manifestos. Incontrast, amateurs, especially enthusiastic hobbyists and the popularphotography press, drew upon contest results, popular exhibitions, and thecomments of judges and editors on selected photographs for publication toarticulate standards of photographic beauty. My focus here is to expose theformation of the aesthetics of hobby photography, the forgotten element ofphotographic production in the first half of the twentieth century. It is in thespiritofbalancingthehistoricalbooks,then,thatItakeseriouslytheaestheticsofhobbyphotography,basingmyconclusionsontheirworkandwritingratherthan on the prevalent attitudes toward amateurs and their work found inmodernistwritingofthetimeorinthephotographiccriticismoftoday.

DefiningGeijutsuShashinAlthoughdebatesabouttheviabilityofphotographyasanindependentartformtook shapeat the turnof the century, thisdiscussion remainedconfined to theelite photographers who could afford both the time and money necessary toparticipate in photography as an artistic pursuit. One of the earliest andmostinfluential articulations of the aesthetics of art photography that reached themiddle-class photographer was Fukuhara Shinzō’s definition outlined in hisApril1926article“TheWayofPhotography,”whichappearedinthefirstissueofAsahikamera,themagazinethatquicklybecamethemostwidelyreadjournalamongamateurphotographersduringtheperiod.1Fukuharasoughttoapplythelanguageof high-art aesthetic production topopular photographicpractice andwas a central figure in the popularization of high-art idioms among amateurphotographers. He was one of the leading organizers behind the centenaryanniversary of the invention of photography in 1925 and remained an ardentproponentofphotographyasapopularartform.Thesignificanceof“TheWay

ofPhotography”notonlyrelatestoitscontentbutalsostemsfromwhereitwaspublished and the popular audience to whom it was directed. It became themanifesto, the aesthetic rulebook, foramateurphotographers—themajorityofreadersofAsahikamera—whoweredrawntoFukuhara’spersuasivepoeticsaswellashisexperienceasanamateurphotographer.Inforcefulprose,Fukuharaarguesthattheworldoflight(hikarinosekai)is

theaestheticbasisofgeijutsushashin.Hisemphasison lightanditseffectsonphotographic aesthetics stand in marked contrast to previous formulations ofphotographic beauty based on the ideals of painting.2 Fukuhara’s particulartheoreticalinterventioncentralizeslightastheunchangingtruthofphotographicartandpositionsphotography in the realmof the fineartsasan independentlymeaningful practice rather than as a strictly imitative one. He compares thefundamental aesthetic experience of photography, but does not subsume it, toother forms of artistic production such as music, haiku, and painting.3 Thephotographer’s job as an artist is to absorb and then express the overflowingemotional response to nature by using the contrast of light and shadow in aphotograph(similartousinglanguageforhaikuandapencilfordrawing).4Amorecomprehensivedefinitionofthetermgeijutsushashincanbefoundin

Saitō Tazunori’s how-to book, How to Make Art Photographs (1932). Saitōexplains that geijutsu shashin is a relatively recent translation from English,tracingtheoriginalmeaningtothephrase“pictorialphotograph.”Heusesboththe katakana expression pikutoriaru fuotogurafu and the English phrase“pictorialphotograph”inthetext.5Classicpictorialismusedtechniquessuchaspaintingonthenegativeorpositiveandmaterialssuchassoft-focuslensesandtextured papers to create a romantic image.6 Saitō’s conception, however, isbroaderandreflectsthatthetermwasusedthroughoutthe1920sand1930s.Hetraces the origins of the earliest popular usage of the term in Japanese to theTaishō period with the publication of the highbrow photography journalsGeijutsu shashin in 1919 andGeijutsu shashin kenkyū in 1920 and delineatesfour different approaches to the aesthetics of pictorialism. In the first, thephotographer expresses his subject matter poetically by employing a soft,descriptive technique that produces a timeless, sentimental mood, or what hereferstoaslyricalexpression(jojōtekihyōgen).7Thesekindsofpicturescreateavisualpoemthroughtheeffectiveuseofnōtan,ortonality,that“praiseslifeandglorifiesnature.”8Impressionisticexpression(inshōtekihyōgen),thesecondkindof art photograph, also captures the requisite sentiment ofgeijutsu shashin. Inthiscase,however,Saitōemphasizestheimprecisenatureofhumanvisionasthestarting point of impressionist images. In impressionistic photography, artists

reject mechanical detail and instead use soft-focus lenses or out-of-focustechniques to capture the approximate nature of the object’s form, color, ormovement.9 Both of these approaches have a distinct set of technical andcompositional attitudes but share in the photographer’s desire to express anindividual response to the subjectmatter and a singularmotivation to capturebeauty.10Realistic expression (shajitsuteki hyōgen), Saitō’s third category, takes an

objectiveapproachtoimagemakingmadepossiblebytheprecisionofmodernlenses in which the “individuality of the photographer is subdued in order tomasterthephotographicobject.”11Realistexpression“exposesnatureasitreallyis.Inotherwords,itisanobjectivewayoflookinginwhichthatwhichcausesthe photographer to be moved is of minimal significance in the productiveattitude.Itisanattitudethattriestoexpress,asmuchasispossible,natureasitisseendirectly.”12Constructivistexpression(kōseitekihyōgen), thefourthcategoryandtheone

most closely associated with contemporary trends in high modernism (whatSaitō and other photographic writers referred to as shinkō shashin) adopts acooler, intellectual stance to picturemaking, emphasizing line andmasswhilerejecting an emotional, literary vision.13Geijutsu shashin, then, was a broadterm in Japanese that encompassed not only the classic pictorial modes ofphotographic representation but also styles usually associated with highmodernismandeventheavant-garde.Whilethelyricalandexpressionistmodesofgeijutsushashincontinuedtobe

among the most frequently submitted styles of readers’ contest-winningphotographs published in Asahi kamera until 1941 (Figure 5.1), there is adefinite, if subtle, shift toward realistic expression from the mid-1930s.Increasingly,photographs like theonesshowninFigure5.2appearaswinningsubmissions.Thoughmodernistcriticsargued to thecontrary, theaestheticsofhobby photography was anything but a static bastion of traditional imagery.Amateurs experimentedwithmany styles, and amateur taste evolved. Thoughconventional pictorialism definitelywon out, it is important to emphasize thatthemeaningof“conventional”was transformedby theworkofactiveamateurphotographers.

FIGURE5.1Readers’winningsubmissionsforAsahikameraMonthlyPhotoCompetition,DivisionOne,April1928.Judgesfavoredthelyricalandexpressioniststylesofgeijutsushashinin1928.Source:Asahikamera5,no.4(April1928):373.

FIGURE5.2Readers’winningsubmissionsforAsahikameraMonthlyPhotoCompetition,DivisionsTwoandThree,September1938.Judgesshifttowardphotographsusingrealisticdepictionby1938.Source:Asahikamera26,no.3(September1938):533.

TheModernistAttackontheAestheticsofGeijutsuShashinInMay1926,MurayamaTomoyoshi, oneof the premier figures of the avant-garde group Mavo, described the relationship of the avant-garde image andeveryday life in an article for Asahi kamera, “The New Function ofPhotography.”14 In this short article, Murayama delineates four recentphotographic trends, each of which he characterizes by the work of four

photographers:EmilOttoHoppé(1878–1972),FrancisBruguière(1879–1945),Man Ray (1890–1976), and El Lissitzky (1890–1941). While each of theseartistsexemplifiesaspecifictrendinphotography,Murayamaismostinterestedindemonstratingwhetherthesetrendsoperateassociallyengagedartformsandcan thus take photography into the future on its own terms. For Murayama,Hoppé’sworkistheleastengagedandElLissitzky’sworkisthemost.Forourpurposes, Murayuama’s negative appraisal of Hoppé is most illustrative.Hoppé’sworkwasextremelywellreceivedandwellknowninJapan.FukuharaShinzōarranged the first JapaneseexhibitionofHoppé’sphotographs in1923,andHoppé’sworkwasmuchtoutedinthe1927InternationalPhotographySalonheld in Tokyo by the Asahi Newspaper Company. According to Murayama,artists likeHoppé regard the camera as amachine that almostmagically turnsreality into art (genjitsuwo“geijutsu-ka”).15 For these artists, the camera is atoolthatenablestheartistto“create”art.Aphotographcannotstandonitsowntermsbutmust bewilled into art.Themanipulation of such techniques as thesoft-focus lens and textured papers, however, forces the geijutsu shashinphotographer tomisrepresent reality. Thus, such an approach, by far themostpopularapproach forhobbyists,hasno relationship toeveryday life.Themostvaluablecontributionthiskindofphotographyoffersisitsabilitytocomfortandamuseviewers,especiallyintheformofportraiture:“Icanonlythinkofgeijutsushashin in which reality is misrepresented simply by a soft-focus lens, or inwhichshadowsarearrangedsothatthehorizonlineisplacedhigherthanusual,as somehow extremely trifling. If onewere to see this [style] as a painting, itwouldbeanimpressionistpainting.”16EvenmorebitingwasInaNobuo’sattackongeijutsushashin.Ina,aneditorof

Kōga and leading high-modernist theorist of photography, wrote the nowcanonical article “Return to Photography,” published in the inaugural issue ofKōgainMay1932.Ina’smanifestocallsforphotographersto“breakawayfromartphotography!...Tobreakfreefromeveryconceptionofartandtodestroyallidols!”17Intryingtomakephotographyintoart,hobbyphotographersrelyon—imitate—other art forms, most notably painting. As we have seen, how-towriters likeSaitōTazunori feltmore thancomfortableemploying the languageofpaintingandpoetrytosettheaestheticstandardsofgeijutsushashin.ForIna,however, imitation is the very technique that bars photography from its fullstatusasanindependentfineart:Whenmonkeysapehumans,theydefinitelydonotbecomemorehuman-like.Onthecontrary,whentheyimitatehumans,theybecomemost“monkeylike”[sarurashikunaru].Photography,too,whenitimitates“art,” definitely cannot become “artistic.” The concept of “art” itself is constantly in the process ofchanging.Yesterday’s“art”isalreadynot today’s“art.”Whenphotographyimitates“art,” it isalready

yesterday’s“art”thatisimitated.18

Inapointed to impressionismas thepainterlystyle thatmostartphotographerstried to capture in their landscapes and portraits. With mottoes such as “theblendingoflightandshadow”or“theharmonyoflightanddark,”theimitativephotographeraimstoimitateimpressionistpainting.19Ina, however, sought to define a new breed of photographer, one who

willfully broke away from tradition and imitation. As rhetorical strategy, thisconstruction of geijutsu shashin as imitation and mainstream allows Ina toestablish the new photographer as the sole legitimate heir to a modernphotographic aesthetic. He furthers his critique by relegating practitioners ofimitativegeijutsushashintothestatusofthe“humbleslavesofpainting”(kaigano “kensonnaru” dorei) who insist on following the “path toward painting”(kaigaenomichi).20Inthismockingaccountofgeijutsushashin,photographersare theblindfollowersofa fictitious faith,or“Way”[michi].The languageofthe“Way”referstoanentirehistoryofartpracticeandtransmissioninJapaneseculture inwhichamaster trainshisdisciples,a tradition that for Ina reekedofoutdated,conventionalmethodsnolongerappropriatetophotography,“thechildof mechanical civilization.”21 More important, Ina’s sardonic remarks aboutgeijutsu shashin as a practice that followed a “Way” were, in fact, a not-so-veiledcritiqueofFukuhara’s“Shashin-dō”discussedpreviously.22InHowtoMakeArtPhotography,Saitōseemstodefendagainstthecriticism

ofgeijutsu shashin as conventional and imitative.He sees themodernist trendsimplyas that,ahighly fashionable trend.Furthermore, it isa trendwithin theoverall field of geijutsu shashin, or an approach that emerged from withingeijutsushashinitself.23Heclaimsthatthesenewphotographersaremistakenifthey think that geijutsu shashin is simply an outdated mode or an old style(kyūgata)ofphotographicexpression.24Withregardtoimitationinphotographicpractice, Saitō looks to the photographer’s motivation in taking and makingpictures. If the motivation emerges from “the excitement and suddenness ofemotion inone’sheart,” then thephotographercanandshoulduseanyandallmethods to express that in an artistic way, even if the final image results inmimicry.25Infact,hearguesthatitisdifficulttodiscernthedifferencebetweenimitation that comes fromapure (junsui) and innocentmotivation and impure(fujunbutsu) mimicry that has been consciously plagiarized (hyōsetsu).26 Ifimitation emerges from a pure motivation to create a picture based on theindividuality of the artist, then it deserves our praise; but the consciouslyimitatedimagedemandsourderision.27

PopularizingtheGeijutsuShashinApproach

MONTHLYPHOTOGRAPHYCOMPETITIONS

The images in Figure 5.1 (1928) and Figure 5.2 (1938) appeared in Asahikamera as the winners of the monthly readers’ contest sponsored by themagazine. Since the publication of themagazine beginning inApril 1926, theeditors called for readers—unknown amateurs of all levels—to submit theirwork, selected the best from among the submissions, and then published theresultsinthefollowingmonth’sissue.Theworkoftheseunknownartistsfilledthe pages between technical articles, exhibition reviews, and productadvertisements. Each month, eager amateur photographers submitted theirphotographs in the hopes of having their images chosen, a distinction thatconferred small prize monies and publication of their work in the journal.Becausetheywerearegularfeatureofthemagazinefromthestart,thesevenuesofcompetitionandcritiqueofferedmorethanrecognitionandrewards;theyalsosetthegroundrulesformakingtasteful,beautifulpictures.Thiswasonearenainwhichthespecificaestheticsofamateurphotographyweredelineated.Asahi kamerawas not alone amongphotography journals, popular and elite

alike, in sponsoring monthly readers’ competitions. Popular magazines likeShashin geppō,Shashin shinpō,Kamera, andFuototaimusu all held their ownversionsofmonthlycompetitions.28Themoreexclusive,high-endjournals,likeGekkan Raika (Leica) and Shashin saron (both published by Arusu) alsopublishedreaders’photographseverymonth.29EvenKōga,knownatthetimeasthe highest of the highbrow photographic magazines, called for photosubmissionseachmonth in its“Call forPhotographicPrints.”However,nearlyallofthephotoschosenbytheeditorsofKōgawereimagesmadebyluminarieslikeKimuraIhei,NojimaYasuzō,HanayaKanbei,andYasuiNakaji.30ReadersofAsahikamerawereinvitedtosubmitimagestotheeditorialstaff,

who would sift through the submissions, make selections, and award prizes.“The150thAsahikameraMonthlyCallforPrizePhotographs,”31 tuckedawayatthebackofthejournal,wasthesamebasicadvertisementthatAsahikameraused every month for the entire run of the magazine before 1941. Readerssubmittedtheirworkonanythemetooneofthreedivisionsforconsiderationbythe editorial staff of the journal.32 Division One was aimed at the extremebeginner (goku shoshinsha),whowas asked to submit contact prints no largerthan9×14cm(hagaki-han).Onceaperson’sphotoswereselectedthreetimes

inDivisionOne,theindividualwasbarredfromsubmittingworktothatdivisionagain.DivisionTworequiredprintsthatemployedenlargementandwerelargerthan 12.0 × 16.5 cm (kabine-han). In addition, photographers who submittedenlargementswererequiredtoattachthecontactprinttothebackofthephotosothe editors could compare the original shot with the final print, helping themjudge the quality of the photographer’s printing technique. Division Three,called theMonthlyCompetition (ReikaiKonkūru),was for themost advancedamateursamongthereaders.TheyweretosubmittheirworktothePhotographyCommittee, which wouldmake the selections. Rules for submission, requiredinformation, and where to send the prints are also clearly stated in theadvertisement. In boldface, the advertisement warns photographers to submitonlyworkthathasnotpreviouslywonprizesorbeenshownpublicly.Asof1938,thefirst-,second-,andthird-placewinnersofeachdivisionwere

awarded cash prizes (Division One: five, three, and two yen, respectively;DivisionsTwoandThree:ten,five,andthreeyen,respectively).Allselections,includinghonorablemention,receivedsouvenirmedals.Inadditiontotheprizes,thephotographer’snameandthetitleofeachwinningimagewerelistedinthe“AnnouncementofWinningMonthlyPhotographs”andrecordedprominentlyinthe tableofcontents.Allof the images thatplacedandsomeof thehonorablementions fromDivisionsTwoandThreewere featured as full-page layouts inthefrontpagesof themagazine,after the tableofcontentsandfirstsetofads.Thewinners and selections forDivisionOnewere typically published, two tothreeonapage,towardthebackofthemagazine.Therulesforsubmissiontothedifferentdivisionsclearlyestablishedaladder-

of-advancementethosforreaders.TheideathatonceyouhavewonrecognitionthreetimesforyourbeginnerphotographsinDivisionOneyouwouldnolongerbeeligibleinthatdivisionmeantthatyouhadimproved;youwerenowtoogoodto be called “extreme beginner.” And among the three divisions, the wordsakuhin,or“workofart,”isusedonlyinreferencetothemostadvancedimages,DivisionThree, implying thatevenbeginnerswillsomedaycreatesakuhin,notmereinga(photographicprints).Indeed,DivisionThreeistheonlydivisionwitha separate and rather exclusive-sounding name,Reikai Konkūru, or “MonthlyCompetition.”TheFrench-inspiredkonkūruprovidedacosmopolitantouchthatthesynonymouswordkyōgi(competition)apparentlydidnotpossess(similarlysaron [salon, exhibition] seemed more suitable for elevated work than thesynonymoustenrankai[exhibition]).Eventheprizesconferreddifferentialstatusto beginners and advanced practitioners, whereby a first-place selection inDivisionOnewasonlyworthyofthesameyenamountasasecond-placeprizeinDivisionTwo orThree.Where thewinning imageswere featured and how

largetheyweredisplayedalsohelpeddelineatethebeginnerfromtheadvancedamateurs.

FUKUHARASHINZŌANDTHEPOPULARIZATIONOFGEIJUTSUSHASHINAs Saitō points out indirectly in his definition, the term geijutsu shashin wasused originally to refer to the aesthetics of high-art photography. Elitephotographerswhodominatedtheworldofgeijutsushashinfrom1910throughthe early 1920s wrote essays for small art journals like Shashin geijutsu anddisplayedtheirworkinprestigiousexhibitionsandclubshows.Geijutsushashinwas the exclusive aesthetic lexiconof amateurphotographers,whoduring thisperiodcameprimarilyfromtheupperechelonsofJapanesesociety.Bythelate1920s, however, with the spread of photography among middle-class men,popular photography magazines regularly featured accessible articles thatexplored the aesthetics of geijutsu shashin. Fukuhara Shinzō’s writings,including“TheWayofPhotography,”werethemostprominenttoarticulatetheaestheticvocabularyofgeijutsushashintoagrowingphotographingpublic.AndFukuhara’sexperienceasawell-knownpracticingphotographerandasaleadingbusinessman put him in the unique position to take the lead in popularizinggeijutsushashin.AfterFukuharareturnedtoTokyoin1913fromtheUnitedStatesandEurope,

where he studied pharmacology and pursued his interests in photography, hetookovertheday-to-daymanagementofhisfamily’scompany,Shiseidō,whenhis father retired and neither of his older brothers was found fit to run thecompany.33 Under Fukuhara’s leadership, Shiseidō became Japan’s mostinnovativecosmeticscompany.Heestablishedoneof the first research labs inthe industry and was among the earliest to focus on the value of design toadvertising,settingupthecompany’sdesignsectionin1916.HeopenedoneofTokyo’smost acclaimed public art galleries in the company’s headquarters inGinzain1919andoneoftheearliestfull-servicebeautysalonsin1922.Intheworld of photography, he established his own publishing company, ShashinGeijutsusha,and thehighbrowphoto journalShashingeijutsu in1921.Hewasalso an accomplished art photographer and in 1922 published his photographsfromhistimeasastudentinParisinParisandtheSeine.HefoundedtheNihonShashinKai(JapanPhotographicSociety)in1924andbecameitsfirstpresident,apositionhehelduntilhisdeathin1948.34Fukuhara’srole inbridging theworldsof retailingandartwasauniqueone

and deeply informed his laterwork in theworld of popular photography.Hisactivities as a photographer and publisher from 1910 through the 1920spositionedFukuharaasaleaderintheexclusivecirclesofhigh-artphotography.But his role as an innovative leader in retailing provided him with a keenunderstanding of the consumer market. With this unique combination ofbusiness acumen and creativity, along with a deep commitment to the arts,specificallygeijutsu shashin, Fukuhara turnedhis attention to popularizing theartofphotographyamongabroaderbaseof consumers.More specifically,hiscloseassociationwiththeAsahiNewspaperCompanyfromthemid-1920stookFukuharafromtherealmofhigh-artphotographytomiddlebrowpopularizerofgeijutsu shashin, in particular as one of the leading organizers behind theelaborate events celebrating the centenary anniversary of the invention ofphotography in 1925. Though he had already written a great deal onphotographic aesthetics for his highbrow journal Shashin geijutsu, he greatlyexpandedhisreadershipamongamateursandhobbyistswiththepublicationof“TheWayofPhotography.”

“SELECTEDBYSUZUKIHACHIRŌ”Amateurs submitted theirwork toAsahikamera andothermagazinesnotonlyforthechancetobepublishedbutalsotoreceivetherathercandidcritiquesandcommentsthatthemagazines’editorsdoledouttoanyandalltakers.Criticismwas offered heuristically, judges and editors claimed, to aid the hobbyist,whether novice or old hand, in improving his technique and training his eye.Thesecompetitivevenuesofferedmorethanmomentaryrecognitionandmeagerprizes; they also established what it meant in photographic terms to makebeautiful photographs. Since the magazines published amateur images everymonth, readers quickly learned what pleased contest judges and magazineeditors.Commentarypublishedalongsidewinningphotographsservedasakindof aesthetic textbook that set forth the rules and limitations of acceptablephotographicstyleandform.Oneofthemoreuniquecolumnspublishedfromthemid-1930swasKamera

kurabu’s“SelectedbySuzukiHachirō”(SuzukiHachirō-sen),amonthlyfeatureinwhich advancedhobbyists submittedwork tobe selected forpublicationbyeditor Suzuki Hachirō. Along with Fukuhara Shinzō, Suzuki Hachirō (1900–1985) was a key figure in popularizing photography, particularly advancedphotographictechnique,formiddle-classenthusiasts.Suzuki,alsolikeFukuhara,wasawell-knownphotographer,35butitwashisroleaseditorandhow-towriter

forArusuPublishingthatbroughthisexperiencetomiddlebrowconsumers,whowere hungry for well-written technical advice and clear instruction from anexpert.Bytheendofhislife,hehadwrittenmorethanfortyinstructionalbooksand numerous articles. After struggling for several years as a commercialphotographer,SuzukireturnedtoArusuPublishingin1936tobecometheeditorof Kamera kurabu, whose intended audience was beginner and intermediatehobbyists.Hewasalsotheeditorandauthoroftheten-volumeseriesTheArusuCourse in Popular Photography (Arusu taishū shashin kōza), a subscriptionseries that came out over a two-year period starting in 1937, which includedKnowledgeoftheCameraandHowtoChooseOne,discussedpreviously.36Forthefirsttwoyearsofpublication,beforeSuzuki’sarrival,Kamerakurabu

was less a magazine than a pamphlet, measuring only 19.0 × 12.7 cm withfifteentotwentypagesoftextandphotos.AseditorofKamerakurabu,Suzukinot only oversaw the production of the revampedmagazine but also acted asjudge for theadvanceddivisionof themonthlyphotographicprize,whichwasaddedtothemagazine’smonthlyformatin1937.Thecompetition,knownbythegeneric name “Monthly Photography Competition,” had two divisions, muchliketheAsahikameracompetition.DivisionOnewasforbeginners,andselectedworkwaspublished ina special columneachmonth,“BriefCommentson theMonthly Division One Selected Prints,” that included comments from themagazine’s staff.37 Suzuki himself made the selections for Division Two,intended for new artists whose “ambition it is to succeed in the world of artphotography” (Figure 5.3).38 Winners of Division Two had the privilege ofhaving their work published in the pages of the magazine and their namesprinted in the special section “Selected by Suzuki Hachirō.” Clearly, havingSuzuki’s name associated with one’s photograph meant as much as thepublication,prizemonies,andmedals(offeredtofirst-,second-,andthird-placewinners). Indeed, Arusu continually capitalized on Suzuki’s name. In asupplemental advertisement forArusu FineGrainDeveloper from around thisperiod,39Suzukioffersanextendedtestimonialontheefficacyofthedevelopingpowder(Figure5.4).Inextra-large,boldfaceprintontheright-handsideofthead is “Professor Suzuki Hachirō’s long-awaited formula for the latestdeveloper.”Suzuki’sselectionsforthemonthlycontesttendtofallunderSaitō’sdefinitionof realistic expression, or pictures that “shownature as it really is.”Thoughsubmissions tootherpopularphotographymagazinesstill included thelyrical and impressionistic approaches, Suzuki seemed to pick only realisticimages.Many of thewinning photographs are of natural phenomena, such asclose-upsofplantsandinsects,buttherearealsomanyshotsofpeopleoutdoors,

notconventionalportraitsbutactionshotsofpeoplewalkingandworking.

FIGURE5.3.WinnersofKamerakurabu’sSixthMonthlyPhotoCompetitionandof“SelectedbySuzukiHachirō,”July1936.WinnersofDivisionTwo,selectedbySuzukiHachirō,hadtheirworkpublishedinthepagesofthemagazine.HavingSuzuki’snameassociatedwithone’sphotographmeantasmuchasthepublication,prizemonies,andmedals.Source:Kamerakurabu2,no.7(July1936):56.

FIGURE5.4AdvertisementforArusufinegraindeveloper,ca.1938.Extra-large,boldfaceprintontheright-handsideoftheadproclaims,“ProfessorSuzukiHachirō’slong-awaitedformulaforthelatestdeveloper.”Source:Foundpamphlet,ca.1938.

MARKETINGGEIJUTSUSHASHINWhile popularizers like Fukuhara and Suzuki endorsed the vocabulary ofgeijutsu shashin for the middle-class photographer, the camera industrypromoted photographic techniques that required not only artistic vision andtechnicalskillbutalsotheuseofspecializedandoftenexpensiveproducts.Themarketingof theseproductsdidnot rest solelyon advertisements andwindowdisplays. In addition to these conventional means of publicity, the cameraindustry promoted its products in thousands of contests it sponsored inmagazinesitpublished.40Aswehavealreadyseen,manyofthesecontestsaskedreaderstosubmittheirphotographicworkforevaluationandpossibleselectionandpublicationbyeditors.But itwas thecontests that requiredparticipants toemployaparticulartechnique,suchasenlargement,ortouseaparticularkindofpaperthatwerethemostwidelypublicizedandexertedthemostinfluenceontheaestheticchoicesofhobbyists.Forexample,YamaguchiShōkaiofNagoyahelda contest in 1925 in which participants were required to use one of three

enlargers—the Victor (for the highest quality [sai-kōkyū]), the Swan (forintermediate use [chūkyū]), and the Queen (the popular model [minshūteki])(Figure5.5).Thefull-pageannouncementservesthedualpurposeofadvertisingthecontestinformationandsellingtheproduct.Mostimportant,however,istheclaim in the ad that genuinegeijutsu shashinmust bemadewith an enlarger:“Photographicartisexpressedwithenlargement....Enlargeyourpictureswithoneofour threeenlargers.”41 In thiscase, the layoutanddesignof thecontestannouncementmimicaproductadvertisement,andthecontestitselfissimplyaclever marketing ploy. Contestants are required to use the very products thatthey hope to win. Another contest from 1925 required contestants to submitenlargementsprintedonBayer’sHBromideprintingpaperimportedbyMisuzuShōkai.Thepromotionclaimedthatthesuccessfulgeijutsushashinisproducedhalf by the skill of the photographer and half by the choice in photographicmaterials.42Thecontest-cum-advertisementgoesontoproclaimthatthefavoredpaper of art photographers is Bayer’s H Bromide.43 After the details of thecontest are laid out, the second page of this two-page ad uses the moreconventional copy-heavy approach to advertisement, unlike the previousannouncement for enlargers that incorporated cutting-edge graphic design andphotography.Insteadofstrikingvisualtechniques,thisadusespersuasivecopytodrawonthehobbyist’sdesiretobeseenasanartist,claimingthatmost“real”artphotographersusethisproduct.

FIGURE5.5AnnouncementforYamaguchiShōkaiPhotoEnlargementContest,November1925.Thefull-pageannouncementservesthedualpurposeofadvertisingthecontestinformationandsellingenlargers(whichwerealsoprizesinthecontest).Mostimportant,however,istheclaimthatgenuinegeijutsushashinmustbemadewithanenlarger.Source:Kamera6,no.11(November1925):n.p.

Still other competitions drew on the contestants’ sense of national pride inorder to promote the sale of domestic goods by requiring submissions to beproducedwithallJapanese-madeproducts.Figure5.6showsanannouncementfor the Third Domestic Products Competition in Photography from theNovember1935 issueofAsahikamera.While the themewasopen, theentrieswererequiredtobemadewithdomesticallyproducedplates,orfilm,andpaper.Individual camera companies regularly sponsored competitions that requiredphotographs to be producedwith their products.KonishiRokuwas especially

fond of this format. Publicized with the slightly cumbersome heading“PromotionofDomesticProductsGrandPrize—aCallforPhotographs,”intheJanuary1925issueofShashingeppō,thecompetitionrequiredphotographerstouse one of three of their cameras: theLily, the Pearl, or the Idea.Winners ofthesecontestsusuallyacquiredcashand/orphotographicproductsandtrophies,medals,orcups.Sometimescompaniesawardedotherprizes,asinacontestheldin 1936 byMisuzu Shōkai inwhich contestants had to use its Purobira paper(Figure5.7).Inadditiontolargecashprizesforallofthewinners,thefirst-placewinnerreceivedaVictorportablerecordplayerwitharecordcase;secondplace,agoldwristwatch;thirdplace,atraveltrunk;fourthplace,asilvercigarettecase;andfifthplace,aCitizenchromewristwatch—avirtuallaundrylistofthemostprizedpossessionsforthewhite-collarworkerin1936.

CELEBRITYJUDGESANDTHEPHOTOGRAPHYCONTESTContest-winning photographs offered hobbyists, readers, and the exhibitionaudience real examples of what editors and judges considered “good”photographs. More important, the judges themselves, often well-knownphotographers or critics, were used to draw contestants to particularcompetitions.44 In cases where contests required the use of specific products,thesejudgesindirectlybecamecelebrityspokesmenforthoseproducts.Butevenin cases where no specific products were required, a famous person on theselection committee legitimated the art of amateur photography.Most contestadvertisements prominently displayed the names of the judges.45 Potentialentrantsexperiencedintheworldofhobbyphotographywerewellacquainted,atleast throughprint,withthesejudges.EntrantsnodoubtknewSuzukiHachirō,the prolific how-towriter and editor ofKamera kurabu. They knewFukuharaShinzō, not only from his written work but also from his well-knownphotographs seen in galleries and published in books. The influence of thesebearers of taste cannot be underestimated. Such a selection process not onlyimparted an aura of celebrity but also drew on the desire for expertise andauthority, since entrants knew theirworkwould be reviewed by professionalswho had the staturewithin the photographicworld tomake educated, tastefuldistinctionsbasedonvastexperience.

FIGURE5.6AnnouncementfortheThirdDomesticProductsCompetitioninPhotography,November1935.Entrieswererequiredtobemadewithdomesticallyproducedplates,orfilm,andpaper.ReprintedwiththepermissionofAsahiShinbunsha.Source:Asahikamera20,no.5(November1935):618.

FIGURE5.7AnnouncementforMisuzuShōkaiPhotoContest,November1925.Forthiscompetition,contestantshadtouseMisuzu’sPurobirapaper.Inadditiontocashprizes,thiscontestawardedwinnersaVictorportablerecordplayer,agoldwristwatch,atraveltrunk,asilvercigarettecase,andaCitizenchromewristwatch.Source:Kamera17,no.6(June1936):backcover.

The names of the judges for many of these contests were often printedalongside the list of prizes. In a 1935 contest promoted in the June issue ofKamera, the Shōwa Photography Corporation asked eight people, includingYasukōchi Ji’ichirō (how-to writer) and Akiyama Tetsusuke (editor, how-towriter), Narusawa Reisen (Asahi gurafu editor), Ezaki Saburō (Konishi Rokuengineer), and Nakayama Iwata (photographer), to judge a contest in whichcontestantswererequiredtouseShōwaplatesorpaperinmakingtheirimages.Experienced amateurswere certain to be familiarwith these luminaries of the

photographicworld,mostofwhomwereregularcontributorseitherofessaysorof photographs to the leading popular photography magazines. In 1936, theAssociation of Urban Beauty (Toshi Bi Kyōkai) backed an unusual contestwhose theme was “urban beauty” (toshi bi) and “urban ugliness” (toshi shū)(Figure5.8).Thejudges,too,wereasomewhatunusualgrouping,butmostwerewellknowntoreadersofAsahikamera.Amongthemweremodernistcriticandfrequent contributor to Asahi kamera Itagaki Takaho; Asahi gurafu editorNarusawa Reisen; and photographer Kimura Ihei. In addition to earningmonetary prizes and medals, photographers would have their winning entriesdisplayedatGinza’sMitsukoshiDepartmentStore.KimuraIheiwastheperfectexpert judge for this contest, since much of his work from this period wasconsumedwithdocumentingurbanlife,especiallytheenormoustransformationsthatmodernizationbroughttoTokyo’smarginalpopulations.TakakuwaKatsuo,Suzuki Hachirō, and Kitano Kunio, all writers and editors for various Arusuphotographic publications, served as judges for the Arusu Competition inPhotography for the Support of Domestic Products (Kokusan Shinkō ArusuShashinDai-Konkūru)in1938,acontestadvertisedinAsahikameraintendedtobolsterthenationalpolicyofsupportingdomesticproductionagainsttheinfluxof imports (Figure 5.9). In boldface type down the right-hand side, theannouncement proclaims that to support the production of domestic goods is“TheGreatWorkofthePhotographicWorldinThisTimeofCrisis...Fromthebeginning, we are proud to offer Arusu Photographic Chemicals, a purelydomesticproduct.Bymakingthisyourfavoriteproduct,youcorrectlyfollowthenational policy of promoting domestic production.”46 Indeed, the governmentstartedtoimposerestrictionsonthesalesofimportedcamerasandphotographicproducts. By sponsoring a contest that promoted domestically producedproducts, the camera and light-sensitive materials industries fell in line withgovernmentorders,even thoughsuchobediencecausedeconomichardship forthecompanies.47

FIGURE5.8CelebrityjudgeslistedprominentlyinannouncementforAsahikamera’sPhotosofUrbanBeautyContest,September1936.ThejudgeswerewellknowntoreadersofAsahikamera.AmongthejudgesweremodernistcriticandfrequentcontributortoAsahikamera,ItagakiTakaho;Asahigurafueditor,NarusawaReisen;andphotographerKimuraIhei.ReprintedwiththepermissionofAsahiShinbunsha.Source:Asahikamera22,no.3(September1936):550.

In addition to using the tactic of inviting famous photographers to judgecontests,marketers luredhobbyists toparticipate in contests, andultimately toconsume more goods, by displaying winning photographs in formal publicexhibitions. In December 1921, the Mitsukoshi Vest Camera Club at theMitsukoshiDepartmentStore announced its “Call for theFirstCompetition inPhotography”inMitsukoshi, thestore’smonthlypromotionalmagazine(Figure5.10).Thecompetitionincludedbig-namejudges,andthewinningphotographswouldbeexhibitedattheNihonbashibranchofMitsukoshiandpublishedinthemagazine.Thisparticular example allowsus to see a typical courseof contestevents, from the initial contest announcement to the publication of winningresults. The judges included a professor from Tokyo Bijutsu Gakkō (TokyoSchoolofArt);thechiefphotographerofMitsukoshi’sphotographydivision;theeditor inchiefofShashin shinpō; theownerofMaekawaPhotographyStudio;TakakuwaKatsuo,editorinchiefofKameramagazine;andAkiyamaTetsusuke,editorinchiefofShashingeppō.AllentriesweretobetakenwithaVestPocketKodak camera, one of themore popular items available at the store’s cameracounter. In the March issue ofMitsukoshi, a short article, “Exhibition of theWinningVestCameraPhotographs,”accompaniesreproductionsofthewinning

images aswell as a nice shot of the exhibition space itself (Figures 5.11 and5.12). According to the article, from among over twenty-six hundred entries,twenty-onewereselectedforprizes,fiftywereselectedas“Excellent,”andaboutonehundredwerechosenfor“HonorableMention.”48Allofthosechosenwereexhibited at the store. The formal exhibition and the publication of winningimageswere added incentives that appealed less to pecuniarymotivations andmoretoacontestant’sdesireforrecognition.

FIGURE5.9Celebrityjudgessupportthenationalpolicyofbolsteringdomesticproduction,September1938.TakakuwaKatsuo,SuzukiHachirō,andKitanoKunio,allwritersandeditorsforvariousArusuphotographicpublications,servedasjudgesfortheArusuCompetitioninPhotographyfortheSupportofDomesticProducts.Source:Asahikamera26,no.3(September1938):A69–A70.

FIGURE5.10AnnouncementfortheMitsukoshiVestCameraClubFirstCompetitioninPhotography,December1921.Inadditiontoincludingbig-namejudges,thewinningphotographswouldbeexhibitedattheNihonbashibranchofMitsukoshiandpublishedinMitsukoshimagazine.Source:Mitsukoshi11,no.12(December1921):n.p.

FIGURE5.11“ExhibitionofWinningVestPhotographs,”February1922.ThephotographswereexhibitedatMitsukoshiDepartmentStore.Source:Mitsukoshi12,no.3(March1922):33.

FIGURE5.12“Prize-WinningVestPhotographsExhibitedatMitsukoshiDepartmentStore,”February1922.Source:Mitsukoshi12,no.3(March1922):35.

FukuharaShinzōwasoneof themoreprominent judges for contests duringtheperiod.Ina1930examplesponsoredbyAsahikamera,Fukuhara’saestheticexpertisewas called on to judge a contest that asked photographers to deploy“graphic patterning” in their submissions. After the judges decided on thewinning designs,Matsuya andMatsuzakayaDepartment Storeswould use thepatterns in their new yukata lines49—an early example of “tie-in” marketingtechniques.Thecontestannouncementclaims thatoneof thebiggestproblemsfacingphotographyin1930ishowtogetphotographersto“bringtheso-calledhobbyofartphotographyoutoftheivorytowerandmakeitmorepractical.”50The judges included well-known writers, musicians, painters, editors, and

professors.AnotherthematiccontestforhobbyiststhataskedcontributorstotrytheirhandatcommercialphotographywasadvertisedintheApril1936issueofAsahi kamera, in which participants were asked to submit advertisementphotographs forcigarettes.Thephotographerswereobliged touseoneofninecigarette brands in their submission: “We’re looking for photographs thatcapture the refreshment and atmosphere of smoking and use a still-lifephotographincorporatingcigarettes”(Figure5.13).51

FIGURE5.13Announcementofcontestforcommercialphotographyadvertisingcigarettes,April1936.Participantswereaskedtosubmitadvertisementphotographsofcigarettes,usingoneofninecigarettebrandsintheirsubmission.Source:Asahikamera21,no.4(April1936):n.p.

MakingMiddlebrowAesthetics

CRAFTINGAESTHETICS

Persuaded by the eloquent articulations of theory aswell as the prizemonies,recognition,andgoodsthatcontestsoffered,hobbyistsembracedtechniquesthatconformedtotheaestheticstandardsofgeijutsushashin.Thesetechniquesrelied

heavily on manipulation and handwork in the image-making process.Manipulationincludedsuchtechniquesasenlargement,paintingorcoloringthenegativeorthepositiveprint,andtheuseofdelicateoil-transferprocedures,allofwhich,asChristianPetersonargues,“requirednotonlygreatmanualdexteritybut significant restraint and responsibility on the part of the photographer aswell.”52 Though all of these techniques were widely written about andadvertised, themostpopularbyfarthroughoutthe1920sandearly1930swerethe bromoil and bromoil-transfer processes, introduced byE. J.Wall in 1907.Figure 5.14 shows an example of a bromoil print done byFuchigamiHakuyō(1889–1960),norankamateur,butIuseitheretoillustratethetechnicalqualityofthebromoil.[Thebromoiltechnique]beganwitharegularlyprintedenlargement[ratherthanworkingonthenegative,forexample].Theprintwaschemicallytreatedtobleachawayandphysicallyswelltheimagearea.Torestorethepicturethephotographerthenbrushedonanoil-basedink,whichadheredonlytotheimagearea. Successful images required skillful use of the brush, a genuine artist’s tool. Bromoil transfersrequiredputtingthebrush-developedprintthroughapressincontactwithanothersheetofpaper,whichbecamethefinalprint.53

How-to books on art photography typically featured several chapters on thebromoil process, and popular photography magazines regularly publishedarticles on the same subject throughout the 1920s and early 1930s.54 Forexample, inShashin geppō, Konishi Roku’s photomagazine, the bromoil andbromoil-transfertechniqueswerecoveredineveryissueeverymonthfrom1923to1926.Ofthe177photographsexhibitedintheHonorableMentionsectionoftheTwenty-FirstKentenExhibitionof1932,161photographswerebromoilorbromoil transfers.55Obviously, bromoilwas the processof choice for amateurphotographers.56

FIGURE5.14“Untitled,”FuchigamiHakuyō,Bromoil,1930s.Source:Tōkyō-toShashinBijutsukan,Nihonkindaishashinnoseiritsutotenkai.

The popularity ofmanipulative processes cannot be explained solely by theappeal of the aesthetic implications of the resulting image or the coercivestrengthofthecameraindustry.57Manipulativeprocessesallowedhobbyistsnotonly toexpress themselvescreativelybut,more important, todisplay technicalmastery over a complex apparatus.Geijutsu shashin,when properly executed,“offeredvisibleevidenceof theprocessof creation in themarkof the tool.”58These are John Brinckerhoff Jackson’s words for the appeal of the craftsmanstyle among early twentieth-century middle-class Americans, but they applyequally well to the predominance of the geijutsu shashin aesthetic amongJapan’smiddleclassinthe1920sand1930s.Jacksoncontinues,

Ifsomeoftheestheticmanifestations[oftheartsandcraftsmovement]wereinept,thetrueimportanceofthemovementlayinthenew,orrevived,dignityitgavetowork—workdonebyhand,byworkmennotin the factory but in the home or shop: for the value of this kind ofworkwas not production in theindustrial sense, but self-expression and self-justification. . . . The consequence of the belief was theconviction that the very process of work was no less beautiful, no less significant, than the finishedarticle itself.Theconvictionderived inpart fromanesthetic reactionagainst the slickand impersonalaspectsofthemass-produceditem.59

In thegeijutsu shashinmovement, too, the focus on process—sometimes totheneglectoftheresultantimage—becameacentralcomponentoftheaestheticsofartphotography.Inthefaceofanever-increasinglymechanizedmiddle-classlife, the creation of geijutsu shashin allowed a space for handwork and acraftsman’s sensibility. Indeed, as Steven Gelber argues, hobbies, especiallyproductiveoneslikeartsandcraftsstylefurnituremaking,arebothanextensionofandbufferagainstindustrialization:As an extension [productive hobbies] needed to reproduce the beliefs and behaviors necessary for thecontinuation of capitalism.As a buffer they needed to give participants a sense of relief and perhapsempowerment in the face of centralized production. Not only were these two functions far fromincompatible,theywerevirtuallytwosidesofthesamecoin.Sincethehobbywasdoneathomeinfreetime, it was under the complete control of the hobbyist. It was in other words, a reembracing ofpreindustriallabor,are-creationoftheworldoftheyeoman,artisan,andindependentmerchant.Bythesametoken,becauseitwasthere-creationofathoroughlycapitalistworld,theunderlyingvaluesofthatworld—frommarketeconomiestotheworkethic—werecolonizingthehome.Asdisguisedaffirmation,hobbieswereaTrojanhorsethatbroughttheideologyofthefactoryandofficeintotheparlor.60

ThoughIwouldarguethatanypracticesotightlytiedto“athoroughlycapitalistworld” could not also be under the “complete control” of the practitioner,Gelber’spointthatproductivehobbiesservedtorestorethevalueofhandwork,even within the context of modern capitalism, is certainly germane to ourdiscussionofamateurphotography. Indeed,artphotographyamounted towhatChristianPetersonhascalleda“technologicalfolkart.”61Petersonreferstothewords of Adolf Fassbender, a leader in the American pictorial movement, toillustrate theconceptof artphotographyasacraft, a skill cultivatedover timethat allowed the artist to overcome the limitations of mediocre photographicmaterialsandless-than-idealphotographicconditions:“ThephotographicArtist,”accordingtoAdolfFassbender,“isamanwhohascompletecontroloverhismedium;aperfecttechnicianwhoisabletocreateatwill,whocanchangewherelightandlensfailed,wherematerialwasinsufficientandvalueupset.”Handmanipulationcouldrescuefaultynegativesandovercomephotography’sthenlackofcolorandthree-dimensionality.Fassbenderknewthatphotographicequipment alonewas incapableof capturing thephotographer’s impressionsof a scene.And since themediumwas,inhiswords,“onemistakeafteranother,”pictorialistsneededtheskillstorevamp,repair,remake,andrecycletheirpicturesinordertomakethemartistic.62

The home darkroom, then, became more than an improvised scientific

laboratory; it became a space where photographers combined an emotiveresponsetonaturewithaskillfulrenderingofcomplicateddarkroomprocedures(usingcostlymaterialsandequipment,ofcourse).63Takakuwa Katsuo, like Fukuhara Shinzō and Suzuki Hachirō, was another

central figure in the popularization of hobby photography. Unlike Fukuhara,however,whatTakakuwaadvocatedwashobbyphotographyasminshūgeijutsu(folk or people’s art). Takakuwa’s popularizing began in earnest in 1920withthe publication of his best-selling how-to manual, Techniques of FilmPhotography(Fuirumushashinjutsu,1920),whichsoldmorethanonehundredthousandcopies, issued inmore than146editionsby1924.ThoughhewasaneditorforKonishiRoku’sShashingeppōfrom1910to1920,in1921,withthebackingofArusu,he startedhisownpopularphotographymagazine,Kamera,whichranfromApril1921untilDecember1940.In“Lookingat theInauguralIssue,”Takakuwa’smission statement, hemakes it clear that thismagazine isdifferent because it is specifically for the amateur photographer (kōzushashinka).64 Takakuwa assures readers thatKamera would remain impartial,unlike other photographymagazines, andwould not become amouthpiece forthe camera industry to advertise its wares, though articles could cover “trulygoodproducts.”65Inhiscallfortheexpansionofhobbyphotography,Takakuwabroughtaclass

analysisrareamongphotographiccommentaries.InanexchangewithIchikawaEisakuthatappearedinthepagesofShashingeppōthroughout1920,Takakuwaarticulates his conceptualization of shumi shashin (hobby photography). Thehobbyphotographermakespicturesfirstandforemostbecauseheenjoysit,notbecause he intends tomake awork of art.However, as the hobbyist becomesmore adept, his work becomes more skillful and therefore more worthy ofartisticmerit.Ashumishashinkadiffersfromabijutsushashinkaintermsofhisintentions,66butalsointermsofthelimitsuponhisfreedomtocreateandmakepictures.Thebijutsu shashinka isboundbyanaesthetic tradition that compelshim tomakecertainkindsofpictures,usingacceptedstylesandcompositions.Butthehobbyist isunfetteredbysuchlimitations:“Hobbyphotographyhasnoformortraditionandiscompletelyfree;thereisnoneedtobeparticularaboutcomposition; we have been liberated from all restraints and obligations.”67Moreover,theshumishashinkaandthebijutsushashinkadiffergreatlyintermsof the circles inwhich they travel. In response to Ichikawa’s confusion aboutwhyhobbyandartphotographerscontinuetobedistinguishedfromoneanother,Takakuwaexplainswithanamusinganalogythat thedistinctionismaintained,infact,bybijutsushashinkathemselves:

If today’s art photography [bijutsu shashin] is the art of the nobility [kizoku geijutsu], then hobbyphotography[shumishashin]isthepeople’sart[minshūgeijutsu].Iftoday’sbijutsushashin,madewithitstradition,forms,printingmethods,etc.,isafeastwithtwosidedishes[ninozentsukigochisō],thenhobbyphotographyisasimpledishatachophouse[nawa-norenshikinoippinryōri];thissuitsthetasteofworkersdressedinhappicoats,andthereareeventimeswhenasolemngentlemandressedinaPrinceAlbertcoatfrequentssucharestaurant.Forthosewhopassthroughthecurtainofthechophouse,thereisnodistinguishing among thepeople basedon rankorwealth, but the takers of the two-side-dish feastlimitittothemselves.68

Here,photographyasanartforthemassesisonethatdoesnotlimitthecreativeinstinct of the photographer by burdening him with rules and hideboundtradition.Anyonecantakeaphotograph;andthisisthepowerofphotography,notonlyasamarketingploybutalsoasameansofpopularizingartisticpracticeamongordinarypeople.

THEAMATEUR’SREJECTIONOFMODERNISMFuchigami Hakuyō’s wonderfully kinetic bromoil “A Train Rushing” (Resshabakushin; Figure 5.15) first appeared as the opening gravure image in theOctober 1930 issue ofAsahi kamera. From themoment itwas published, thisimagehas symbolized themasteryofphotographic formexhibited in Japanesemodernism of this period. Today, “A Train Rushing” regularly appears inexhibition catalogues and histories of modern Japanese photography as thepinnacle of modernist photographic aesthetics.69 In 1936, Kimura Kiyoshicontributed a cartoon toAsahi kamera that lampooned this by-now-archetypalimageofManchurianmodernism.In“TheConductor’sSpeech”(Shashō-sannoben), which appeared in the December 1936 issue, the conductor grasps anoverzealous photographer (Figure 5.16). Juxtaposed, these two images offer aglimpse into the often ambivalent affiliation between the aesthetic ideals ofmodernistphotographyandthepracticalsensibilitiesofhobbyphotography.

FIGURE5.15“ATrainRushing,”FuchigamiHakuyō,Bromoil,1930.Source:Asahikamera10,no.4(October1930):349.

As discussed previously, high-modernist theorists and commentators openlyexpressed their antipathy toward amateur aesthetics. Though many historianshave commented on this antagonism, few, if any, have taken seriously hobbyphotographers’ deep familiarity with and attitudes toward modernism.Hobbyists, while quite knowledgeable about the latest trends in modernistphotography, partly because the work of modernists was well exhibited andregularly featured in popular photography journals, expressed their ownambivalenceaboutthemodernistproject.Thisisnottosay,however,thathobbyphotographywassimplyaresponsetomodernism;rather,hobbyistsofthe1920sand1930s,whowereskilledinthetechniquesofmanygenresofphotographic

representation, rarely chose to work with modernist modes of representation.Thischoicereflectsarejectionofmodernism’softenquiteexplicitcommentaryonmiddle-classart, lifestyle, andconsumption.Theaestheticchoicesmadebyhobbyists, themselves members or aspiring members of that middle class,affirmed their practical approach to the craft of photography, an approachtypicallyobscuredinhigh-modernistmanifestos.

FIGURE5.16“TheConductor’sSpeech,”KimuraKiyoshi,December1936.“I’llgrabyourlegstightlyassoonaswegettothecurve!”Source:Asahikamera22,no.6(December1936):970.

Cartoons like theoneshowninFigure5.16pokedfunat themostcherishedforms ofmodernist photography. In one from 1936, a photographer’s“ArtisticConscience,” as the piece is aptly titled, places him in great danger as he lies

down in themiddle of a bustling downtown street in order to get the perfecthigh-angleshotofaskyscraper(Figure5.17).Theoblique-angleshot—perhapsmostmemorablydeployedbyAlbertRenger-Patzschin“BlastFurnaces”inhisbook Die welt ist schön [The World Is Beautiful, 1928]—became one ofmodernism’smost symbolic forms. The pages of high-end journals likeKōgaand Gekkan Raika featured the work of Renger-Patzsch admirers, who tookdizzyingshotsoffactorychimneysandtoweringskyscrapers,forexample,liketheimageinFigure5.18,ashotbyAsanoYōichi.Perhapsmoredaringthanthephotographer who took the picture is the man sitting on top of the toweringchimney.InaNobuodescribedtheuseofoblique-angleshotsasoneofthefourapproachestomodernphotography.70Inthecartoon,however,theprizedformalelementofthefinalphotographisexposedasaratherabsurdfollywherebythemeans of capturing the scene is obscured by the impressiveness, scale, andsurpriseofthefinalimage.Doubleexposuresandmontagedphotographsarethefocusofhumor in twocartoons thatappeared ina two-pagespread thatmakesfun of the popularity of photography, “Shashin wo meguru jinsei” (A LifeSurrounded by Photography). Appearing in the January 1933 issue ofFuototaimusu, thesecartoons lampoongenresofphotography thatwerehighlyregarded among modernists of the time (Figures 5.19 and 5.20). NakayamaIwataandHanayaKanbeieachinhisownwaydeployedthistechniqueintheirwork for Kōga. While modernists praised these formal approaches for theirabilitytocapturethepaceandconditionsofmodernlifelikenootherartform,the hobby press and cartoonists often derided such techniques for their overlyaesthetisizedandoftenunrealisticvision.

FIGURE5.17“ArtisticConscience,”SugiuraYukio,1936.Cartoonslikethisonemockedthehighlyvaluedformsofmodernistphotography,suchastheoblique-angleshot.Source:Asahikamera22,no.6(December1936):970.

FIGURE5.18“Tower,”AsanoYōichi,1940.Source:KanagawaKenritsuKindaiBijutsukan,“Nihonnoshashin1930nendai”tenzuroku,n.p.

Editorsofpopularmagazinesweresensitivetothesophisticatedleveloftheiraudiences,who,ifnotfamiliarwiththewritingsofInaNobuoorItagakiTakaho,were certainly steeped in the modernist work of photographers like KoishiKiyoshi, Hirai Terushichi, and Ōkubo Koroku, whose images appearedfrequently in thepagesofpopular journals.For thehumorof thesecartoons tomake sense, readers had to understandnot only the techniques behindmakingsuch imagesbut theplaceofmodernism in thephotographicworld.Given thetendency of this audience to avoid making these kinds of images and thetendency of judges and editors to reward typical geijutsu shashin, a divideemergedbetweenmodernistmodesofimageproductionandpopularapproaches

to image making. But the popular rejection of modernist aesthetics was notsimply a blind refusal; it was one based on a deep understanding of thetechniquesandaestheticsofmodernismitself.

FIGURE5.19“DoubleExposure,”HiraiFusando,1933.Modernistapproachestophotography,suchasdoubleexposures,wereregularlycaricaturedincartoonsthatappearedinpopularmagazineslikeFuototaimusu.Source:Fuototaimusu10,no.1(January1933):87.

FIGURE5.20“WhatIsMontage?,”HiraiFusando,1933.Thestudentinthecartoonaskswhatsortoftree

isthe“montāju”(literally,“monta-tree”),aplayontheJapanesecharacterju(tree).TheteacherexplainsthatthemontājuisamixofseveraltreevarietiesthatoriginallycamefromRussiaandhasrecentlybecomepopularamongthe“modernpeopleofourcountry.”Source:Fuototaimusu10,no.1(January1933):86.

Geijutsushashin,notonlyasfinalproductbutalsoastotalprocess,providedamateurswith an aesthetic language thatmatched theirmiddle-class ideals; anactiveplaceintheworldofconsumerismbefittingtheirnewfoundincomes;andan absorbing activity that placed value on craftsmanship. The popularity andcommercialelementsofhobbyphotography,however,stoodindirectoppositionto the values of modernism. Modernists carved out their niche, in fact, byattacking the fundamental joysofhobbyphotography—itsgrowingpopularity,its conventional aesthetics, and its deep connections to the industry.Nevertheless,bytheendofthe1920sgeijutsushashinhadbecomeawide-scale,popular art movement, thanks in no small part to the inventive ways that thephotographic industry and its coterie of experts tapped into the ideals andaspirationsofanexpandingaudienceofmiddle-classconsumers.

EPILOGUE

The1903releaseofJapan’sfirstdomesticallyproducedcamera,KonishiRoku’sCherryPortablecamera,madewithan imported lensandassembledpiecemealfrompartscraftedbytraditionalcabinetmakers,markedthefirststeptowardtherealizationof thecompany’sgoal in1925 toplaceacamera ineveryJapanesehousehold.1 Though this goal would not be realized until the boom years ofhigh-speedeconomicgrowthintheearlypostwarperiod,thefoundationforthemass consumption of mass-produced cameras was firmly set in the prewarperiod by the pioneers of the photographic industry likeKonishiRokuzaemonhimself.Moreimportantthantheactualnumberofphotographyconsumersandproducts were the patterns of production, marketing, and consumptionestablishedduringthisformativeperiod.Producersofcamerasandlight-sensitivematerialswentbeyondconventional

advertising and packaging tomarket their goods to the risingmiddle class bytapping into values associated with a new ethic regarding work and leisure.Spectacularly appointed showwindows, expertly judgedphotography contests,and enlightening how-to books were calculated to draw on the values ofeducated taste, healthy competition, and self-cultivation—values held in highregardby thenewandaspiringmiddleclasses.Camerasweresoldasessentialaccoutrementsofthemiddle-classlifestyleandasthemostappropriatemeanstodocumentandrepresentthatlifestyle.For men, in particular, mastery of the photographic apparatus—from

purchasing the appropriate camera to printing out images on the appropriatepaper—marked membership in a techno-cultural elite. Photographers whodemonstrated skillful photographic technique were rewarded in many ways.Theywonprizesincontests,andtheirworkwaspublishedinpopularmagazines.Less tangible incentives came in theway that photography,with its particularemphasis on handwork and painterly techniques, allowed for the mark of theindividual artist on the final image. Despite rigidly standardized aesthetics,amateur photographic practice offered photographers the semblance of totalcontrolover theprocessandmeansof representation,akindofcontrol largelyabsentfromtheirworkplaces.

...

On 29 January 1942, Konishi Rokuzaemon, the founder’s son and secondpresident,diedatsixty-four.Hisfuneralwasheldthreedayslater,andmorethanthree thousand people attended. His passing marked a new phase in theleadershipofKonishiRokuandthecompany’sproductiverole in theJapaneseeconomy during thewar.2 The company rapidly turned from producing goodsfortheconsumermarkettofocusingonmunitionssupplies,inparticular,aerialcameras and light-sensitive materials. In April 1942, all factory workers atKonishi Roku’s various plants were conscripted into military service. Theycontinued towork in the same basic capacity but were now in service of thestate,producingaerialcamerasforthenavy’sairfleet.In1943,byorderofthestate,allproducersofphotographicgoodswereeitherdissolvedoramalgamatedinto other companies. Only three makers remained operative—Konishi Roku,Fuji ShashinFuirumu (today’sFuji Film), andTōyōShashinKōgyō. In 1943,Konishi Roku’s retail business was ordered to close. In 1944, Konishi RokurelocatedtheremainderofitsTokyofacilitiesandworkerstovariouslocalesintheKantōregiontoescapetheincessantfirebombing.On the consumption side, hobbyists were feeling wartime deprivations as

early as 1937. Shortages of leather, paper, and metal had begun to drive uppricesofdomesticallyproducedcameras.InSeptemberofthatyear,theimportandexportofallcamerasand light-sensitivematerials,except inspecialcases,wereprohibitedbylaw.3Increasedrestrictionsonwhereyoucouldandcouldnottake photographs, already in effect since the nineteenth century, placed evenmorelimitsonaccesstooutdoorphotographingandwereissuedalmostmonthlybeginning in1937.Pictures taken fromonehundredmetersor higher, such asfrom the top ofOsakaCastle, were prohibited. By 1940, the height limit hadbeen lowered to twenty meters, and that year over two hundred people werearrestedforviolationofthisordinance.Taxesoncameras,whichwereregulatedasluxurycommodities,skyrocketed.InJanuary1943,thesalestaxoncamerasincreasedby30percentandonaccessoriesandothermaterialsby80percent.Inanefforttoconservepaperandinkproducts,thestatestrictlycontrolledthe

publication of all printed matter. From late December 1941, shortly after thebombing of Pearl Harbor and the expansion of the war, the state canceled orconsolidated all popular photography publications (there were more thantwenty). Shashin geppō and Shashin shinpō were canceled. The remainingpublications, like Asahi kamera, Fuototaimisu,Kamera, andKamera kurabu,were consolidated into one of three photography journals: Shashin bunka(PhotographicCulture),Hōdōshashin(NewsPhotography),andShashinNippon(Photographic Japan). Thesemagazines still concentrated on photography, but

most of the content promoted the war effort with the use of photographicillustrations. Because of the restrictions on the sale and use of light-sensitivematerials,especiallyfilmandpaper,monthlyphotographycontestsdisappearedfromthepagesofthesemagazines.Manyprofessionalphotographersandwell-known modernists continued to work as contributors to the three state-runpropaganda journals, as this was the only avenue to access of photographicmaterials.Thewartimeshortagesandrestrictionsbroughtamateurphotographicactivity

toavirtual standstill.Thiscessationofactivities, thoughnearlycomplete,wasrelatively short-lived, however. The hiatus that the war imposed on theproduction and consumption of photographic goods was simply that: a briefbreak in a long-term trend of increased production, diversification, andconsumptionofproductsmadedomestically.Whileretailconsumptionvirtuallydisappeared,productionofcamerasand light-sensitivematerials foruseby themilitary continued through the end of the Pacific War and rapidly increasedimmediatelyupon theoccupationby theUSarmed forces inAugust1945.By1952,when Japan’s grossdomestic product reached thehighest prewar levels,camera companies were producing close to four hundred thousand camerasannuallyfortheconsumermarket,wellabovethehighestprewarnumbers.4Theproductionofcameras in1957wasno less than470 times thatof1946,andalarge proportion of those products were exported throughout the world,including to the United States and Western Europe.5 The number of cameracompanies dramatically rose from 82 facilitieswith 4,812workers in 1948 to606facilitieswith32,545workersin1958.6Consumption of photographic goods and the publication of photography

magazines also quickly rebounded after the war, when the prohibition on thepublication of photography magazines was lifted. The editors of Kamerasolicitedphotographsfromamateursfortheirmonthlyphotographycompetitionin January 1946, when publication resumed.7 The Nude PhotographyCompetition, held in May 1948, saw the return of thematically organizedphotography competitions.8 To make submissions to those competitions,amateur photographers were able to get extremely difficult-to-come-byphotographicproductson theblackmarket.Forexample, in1946,amateurs insearch of a new (probably a used) camera and film could procure a KonishiRokuBabyPearlcamerafor1000yen;arolloffilmfor40yen;developerfor2000yenabottle; and, adeveloping tank for150yen.9How-to literaturewasrevived aswell.Whilemany of the newly available publicationswere simplyreprintsofprewarbestsellers,newseriesfromArusuandGenkōshaappearedas

earlyastheearly1950s.In the introduction to Mitchaku no jitsigi (Practical Printing Out, 1954),

TanabeYoshiodescribesthejoysoftaking,andespeciallymaking,photographs:Thenumberofpostwarcameramen,evencomparedtotheheightofactivityintheprewarperiod,issaidto have increased several times over. But this only accounts for the number of amateurs who takepictures. The number of those who engage in so-called darkroom work on their own—developing,printing, and enlarging—has not increased as rapidly. However, everyone recognizes that the trulyenjoyableaspectofphotographyforthepersonwhodoesbasicallyallthephotographicworkonhisownare the steps after taking the picture. I think everyone can imagine the appeal ofmaking pictures byyourself rather thansimply lookingat thoseyouhave takenafterhaving turned themover tosomeoneelsetodevelop.10

Thisbriefpassagereveals,at leastanecdotally, thecontinuedpopularizationoftheconsumptionofphotographythathadbegunintheprewarperiod.Butmoreimportant,Tanabecaptures,inarathersimpleway,theattitudethatIhavetriedtorecapturethroughoutthisbookofthetruehobbyisttowardtakingandmakingpictures, an attitude that was shaped by amateurs and the industry during theprewarperiod.Darkroomworknecessitatedproducingsomethingonyourownand under your own control—values that how-to writers had extolled fordecades and that referenced the idealized lifestyles to which most hobbyistsaspired.

APPENDIXMasaokaPhotographyClubBylawsArticleI ThisclubisnamedtheMasaokaShakō

Kai,andtheofficeislocatedinsidetheŌuchiPhotographyStudioinMasaoka-chō,Tamachi.

ArticleII Thisclubisorganizedforpeoplewhoshareinthehobbyofphotography,andithasthegoalsofpopularizingandstudying[thepracticeof]photographyandpromotingfriendshipamongmembers.

ArticleIII Thosewhowouldliketobecomemembersofthisclubmustbeintroducedbyamemberandreceivetheassentofallothermembers.

ArticleIV Membersmustpayamonthlyfeeoftwentysen.

ArticleV Themember’sfeeswillbeusedprimarilyforthemaintenanceoftheclubandforprizemoney.

ArticleVI Thememberswillelectonepresidentandonevicepresident.However,thetermofofficeisforoneyear,andattheendofthetermofficerswillrotate.

thetermofficerswillrotate.ArticleVII Theofficerswillmanagetheregular

affairsoftheclub,suchasthecollectionandcustodyofthemembers’fees,changesinmembership,andnotificationofregularmeetings.

ArticleVIII Everymonththeclubwillholdaregularmeetingtodiscussandvoteonsubmittedprints;and,ifcircumstancespermit,theclubwillholdanoutdoorphotoshoot.

ArticleIX Theclubwillchoosefromamongtheselectedprintsthosethatwillreceivehonorablementionandthosethatwillreceiveprizes.

ArticleX Thesubmissionsmustbecabinet-sizedprintsorsmallerandofthemember’sowncomposition.

ArticleXI Membershavethefreedomtocriticizethesubmissions.

ArticleXII Attheendofeachregularmeeting,printssubmittedinthepreviousmeetingwillbereturnedtotheexhibitor.Theclubwilldisplaythewinningprintsintheoffice.

ArticleXIII Theofficerswillannouncethefollowingmonth’sthemeateachregularmeeting.

ArticleXIV Memberswhowishtowithdrawfromtheclubmustsubmitanoticeofwithdrawal

clubmustsubmitanoticeofwithdrawaltotheofficers.However,memberswhohavewithdrawnwillnothavethefeestheyalreadysubmittedreturnedtothem.

ArticleXV Eachyeartheclubwillholdonegeneralmeetingtoannouncethefinancialstatement,oneannualphotographyexhibition,andoneparty(sawakai).

ConcludedApril1920MasaokaPhotographyClub1

Note1.“Zappō,”ShashinGeppō25,no.6(June1920):57–58.Bylawstranslatedbyauthor.

NOTES

Introduction1.ElizabethBrayer,GeorgeEastman:ABiography(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1996),

481.2.Ibid.,479.3.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō25,no.5(May1920):48.4.Brayer,Eastman,481.5.Ibid.6.Ibid.7.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō25,no.5(May1920):47.ThatportraitofEastmanwaspublishedasa

gravureinthisissue.8.Theriseofartisticphotographyfromthelatenineteenthcenturyparallelstheriseoftheacademicfield

ofanthropologyandtheuseofphotographyinanthropologicalstudiesofJapanesecolonialterritories.Outsidethehistoryofthedevelopmentofartphotography,researchontheproductionofphotographicknowledgeregardingJapan’simperialpossessionsisarapidlygrowingbodyofscholarshipwithinthestudyofthehistoryofJapanesephotography.Forexample,seePaulD.Barclay,“PeddlingPostcardsandSellingEmpire:Image-MakinginTaiwanunderJapaneseColonialRule,”JapaneseStudies30,no.1(2010):81–110;DavidFedman,“TriangulatingChōsen:Maps,Mapmaking,andtheLandSurveyinColonialKorea,”Cross-Currents:EastAsianHistoryandCultureReview1,no.1(2012):205–234;IizawaKōtarō,“Jinruigakushanokameraai:ToriiRyūzō,”inNihon-shashinshioaruku(Shinchōsha,1992),91–102;GyewonKim,“UnpackingtheArchive:Ichthyology,Photography,andtheArchivalRecordinJapanandKorea,”positions18,no.1(Spring2010):51–87;SatōKenji,“Ehagakinonakanojinruigaku,”inKankōjinruigaku,ed.YamashitaShinji(Shin’yōsha,1996),45–53;KaF.Wong,“EntanglementsofEthnographicImages:ToriiRyūzō’sPhotographicRecordofTaiwanAborigines(1896–1900),”JapaneseStudies24,no.3(2004):283–299.9.MikikoHirayama,“‘Elegance’and‘Discipline’:TheSignificanceofSino-JapaneseAesthetic

ConceptsintheCriticalTerminologyofJapanesePhotography,1903–1923,”inReflectingTruth:JapanesePhotographyintheNineteenthCentury,ed.NicoleCoolidgeRousmaniereandMikikoHirayama(Amsterdam:HoteiPublishing,2004),98.ThisdebateisthoroughlycoveredintwopiecesbyIizawaKōtarō,“Nihonno‘Geijutsushashin’gahajimatta,”inKameraomoshiromonogatari,ed.AsahiShinbunsha(AsahiShinbunsha,1988),48–53,and“‘Geijutsu-ha’to‘Kikaitekishabutsu-ha,’”in“Geijutsushashin”tosonojidai(Heibonsha,1986),24–33.SeealsoKanekoRyūichi,“TheOriginsandDevelopmentofJapaneseArtPhotography,”inTheHistoryofJapanesePhotography,ed.AnneTuckeretal.(NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress,2003),104–113.10.Fromtheturnofthecentury,revolutionaryprintingtechnologiesallowedforthereproductionof

photographsinnewspapersandmagazinesonamassscale.Foradetaileddiscussionoftheadvancesinreprographictechnologiesandhowthoseadvancesignitedthepublicationofimagesinmagazinesandnewspapers,seeJohnClark,“IndicesofModernity:ChangesinPopularReprographicRepresentation,”inBeingModerninJapan:CultureandSocietyfromthe1910stothe1930s,ed.ElsieTiptonandJohnClark(Honolulu:UniversityofHawai’iPress,2000),25–49.11.Hirayama,“‘Elegance’and‘Discipline,’”101.12.SeeespeciallyIizawa,“Geijutsushashin”tosonojidai;andKaneko,“JapanesePhotographyinthe

EarlyTwentiethCentury,”inModernPhotographyinJapan,1915–1940,ed.AnselAdamsCenter(San

Francisco:TheFriendsofPhotography,2001),n.p.,and“Nihonpikutoriarizumushashintosonoshūhen:Kakōsaretakindai,”inNihonkindaishashinnoseiritsu:KantōdaishinsaikaraShinju-wanmade,1923–1941–nen,ed.KashiwagiHiroshi,KanekoRyūichi,andItōShunji(Seikyūsha,1987),9–38;seealsoKaneko,“TheOriginsandDevelopmentofJapaneseArtPhotography,”100–141;PhilipCharrier,“NojimaYasuzō’sPrimitivistEye:‘Nude’and‘Natural’inEarlyJapaneseArtPhotography,”JapaneseStudies26,no.1(2006):47–68;FukuNoriko,ShinzoandRosoFukuhara:PhotographsbyGinzaModernBoys1913–1941(SEPIAInternationalIncorporated,2000);OzawaKenji,ed.,Nihonshashinsenshū,vol.2,Geijutsushashinnokeifu(Shogakukan,1986).13.Kaneko,“TheOriginsandDevelopmentofJapaneseArtPhotography,”102.14.IizawaKōtarōetal.,eds.,Nihonnoshashinkabekkan:Nihonshashinshigaisetsu(IwanamiShoten,

1999),46.15.Ibid.,47.16.ForthesignificanceofthisjournaltomodernisminJapanesephotography,seeIizawa,Shashinni

kaere:“Kōga”nojidai(Heibonsha,1988).Iizawa’sbookincludesreprintsofsomeofthemagazine’sseminalarticles,photographs,andanextendedhistoryoftheentireKōgaenterprise,includingbiographiesofthemaincontributors:Nojima,Nakayama,Kimura,andInaNobuo(1898–1978).In2005,IizawaandKanekoeditedaslightlyalteredversionof“Kōga”nojidaiwithtwonewanalyticalessays,oneeachbyIizawaandKaneko,inNihonnoshashinshinoshihō,bekkan:Kōganokessakushū(KokushoKankōkai,2005).17.InajoinedNojima,Nakayama,andKimuraontheeditorialstaffbeginningwiththesecondissue.18.KerryRoss,“ReturningtoPhotography:InaNobuoandRealPhotographyin1930sJapan”(Master’s

thesis,ColumbiaUniversity,1997),10–11.19.GenniferWeisenfeldhasshownhowcompanieslikeKaoandShiseidōwereinstrumentalinusing

photographytohelpcreatethecontextforJapanesevisualmodernity.SeeespeciallyWeisenfeld,“‘FromBaby’sFirstBath’:KaōSoapandModernJapaneseCommercialDesign,”ArtBulletin86,no.3(2004):573–598,and“SellingShiseido:CosmeticsAdvertising&DesigninEarly20th-CenturyJapan,”MITVisualizingCultures,2010,http://ocw.mit.edu/ans7870/21f/21f.027/shiseido_01/sh_essay01.html.20.KanekoRyūichi,“RealismandPropaganda:ThePhotographer’sEyeTrainedonSociety,”inTucker

etal.,TheHistoryofJapanesePhotography,191.SeealsoKashiwagiHiroshi,Shōzōnonakanokenryoku:KindaiNihonnogurafuizumuwoyomu(Heibonsha,1987),9–65;HasegawaAkira,“‘Hōdōshashin’noyukue,”inKashiwagi,Kaneko,andItō,Nihonkindaishashinnoseiritsu,161–189;NatoriYōnosuke,IshikawaYasumasa,andNihonShashinkaKyōkai,Hōdōshashinnoseishunjidai:NatoriYōnosuketonakamatachi(Kōdansha,1991).21.JohnDower,“WaysofSeeing,WaysofRemembering:ThePhotographyofPrewarJapan,”inA

CenturyofJapanesePhotography,ed.JapanPhotographer’sAssociation(NewYork:PantheonBooks,1971),20.22.IizawaKōtarō,“TheEvolutionofPostwarPhotography,”inTuckeretal.,TheHistoryofJapanese

Photography,211–212.SeealsoIizawa,Sengoshashinnōto:Shashinwananiwohyōgenshitekitaka(ChūkōShinsho,1993).23.Foranilluminatingdissectionofthisdebate,seeJuliaThomas,“PowerMadeVisible:Photography

andPostwarJapan’sElusiveReality,”JournalofAsianStudies67,no.2(May2008):365–394.24.ThearchivesofKonishiRokuprovidethebasisforanexhaustiveaccountoftheriseofthecompany

andisrichlydocumentedinKonishiRokuShashinKōgyōKabushikiKaishaShashiHensan-shitsu,ed.,Shashintotomonihyakunen(KonishiRokuShashinKōgyōKabushikiKaisha,1973).Comparable,thoughlessvoluminous,companyhistorieshavebeenpublishedforAsanumaShōkai,Canon,andNikon.ForarareexceptiontothischaracterizationinthefieldofAmericanhistory,seeNancyMarthaWest,KodakandtheLensofNostalgia(Charlottesville:UniversityofVirginiaPress,2000).ReeseJenkinsprovidesanin-depthaccountoftheearlyhistoryofthecameraindustryintheUnitedStates,includingKodak,inhisImagesandEnterprise:TechnologyandtheAmericanPhotographicIndustry,1839to1925(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1975).

25.ThecalltoreclaimretailingasapartofhistoricalresearchisinFrankTrentmann,“BeyondConsumerism:NewHistoricalPerspectivesonConsumption,”JournalofContemporaryHistory39,no.3(July2004):386–387.26.Ibid.,375.27.HatsudaTōru,Hyakkatennotanjō(Sanseidō,1993);JinnoYuki,Shuminotanjō:Hyakkatenga

tsukuttateisuto(KeisōShobō,1994);MiyanoRikiya,Etokihyakkaten“Bunkashi”(NihonKeizaiShinbunsha,2002);BrianMoeran,“TheBirthoftheJapaneseDepartmentStore,”inAsianDepartmentStores,ed.KerrieL.Macpherson(UniversityofHawai‘iPress,1998),141–176;YamamotoTaketoshiandNishizawaTamotsu,eds.,Hyakkatennobunkashi:Nihonnoshōhikakumei(Kyoto:SekaiShisō-sha,1999);LouiseYoung,“MarketingtheModern:DepartmentStores,ConsumerCulture,andtheNewMiddleClassinInterwarJapan,”InternationalLaborandWorking-ClassHistory55(1999):52–72.28.TheexceptiontothischaracterizationistheworkofGenniferWeisenfeldonShiseidōandKaōin“

‘FromBaby’sFirstBath’”and“SellingShideido.”29.Onmoderngirlsandconsumption,seeMiriamSilverberg’sseminaltreatment,“ModernGirlas

Militant,”inRecreatingJapaneseWomen,1600–1945,ed.GailLeeBernstein(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1991),199–213,and“AftertheGrandTour:TheModernGirl,theNewWoman,andtheColonialMaiden,”inTheModernGirlaroundtheWorld:Consumption,Modernity,andGlobalization,ed.TheModernGirlaroundtheWorldResearchGroup(Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress,2008),354–361,andEroticGrotesqueNonsense:TheMassCultureofJapaneseModernTimes(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2007);BarbaraHamillSato,TheNewJapaneseWoman:Modernity,Media,andWomeninInterwarJapan(Durham,NC:DukeUniversityPress,2003),especiallychaps.1,2;JanBardsleyandHirokoHirakawa,“Branded:BadGirlsGoShopping,”inBadGirlsofJapan,ed.LauraMillerandJanBardsley(NewYork:PalgraveMacmillan,2005),111–125.Formoderngirlsaslaborers,seetherecentcollectionofessaysinAlisaFreedman,LauraMiller,andChristineYano,eds.,ModernGirlsontheGo:GenderMobilityandLaborinJapan(Stanford,CA:StanfordUniversityPress,2013).30.Cultural-historicalstudiesofthemodernconsumerinJapanincludePenelopeFrancks,TheJapanese

Consumer:AnAlternateEconomicHistoryofModernJapanCambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2009);AndrewGordon,“Consumption,LeisureandtheMiddleClassinTranswarJapan,”SocialScienceJapanJournal10,no.1(2007):1–21;GenniferWeisenfeld,“JapaneseModernismandConsumerism:ForgingtheNewArtisticFieldof‘ShōgyōBijutsu’(CommercialArt),”inTiptonandClark,BeingModerninJapan,75–98.31.Indeed,themarketingofphotographyintheearlytwentiethcenturyhelpedconsolidatetheprevailing

genderedstereotypesaboutproductionandconsumption:“womenaspassiveconsumersandmenasproducers.”SeeRogerHorowitzandArwenMohun,“Introduction,”inHisandHers:Gender,Consumption,andTechnology,ed.RogerHorowitzandArwenMohun(Charlottesville:UniversityofVirginiaPress,1998),2.ThisbookismeanttoofferaglimpseintothehistoricalconstructionofthatstereotypeinJapan.32.ChristopherBreward,TheHiddenConsumer:Masculinities,FashionandCityLife,1860–1914

(Manchester,UK:ManchesterUniversityPress,1999),3.33.SociologistRobertStebbinsexplainsthatahobbyis“seriousleisure”becauseitisa“specialized

pursuitbeyondone’soccupation,apursuitthatonefindsparticularlyinterestingandenjoyablebecauseofitsdurablebenefits,”andthatpeoplewhopracticehobbies“areseriousaboutandcommittedtotheirendeavors,eventhoughtheyfeelneitherasocialnecessitynorapersonalobligationtoengageinthem.”Stebbins,Amateurs,Professionals,andSeriousLeisure(Montreal:McGill-Queen’sUniversityPress,1992),10.Formoreonthehistoryofseriousleisure,seeStevenGelber,Hobbies:LeisureandtheCultureofWorkinAmerica(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1999).34.RecentstudiesincludeDavidAmbaras,“SocialKnowledge,CulturalCapital,andtheNewMiddle

ClassinJapan,1895–1912,”JournalofJapaneseStudies24,no.1(Winter1998):1–33;Francks,TheJapaneseConsumer;MarkA.Jones,ChildrenasTreasures:ChildhoodandtheMiddleClassinEarlyTwentiethCenturyJapan(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityAsiaCenter,2011);JordanSand,House

andHomeinModernJapan:Architecture,DomesticSpace,andBourgeoisCulture,1880–1930(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityAsiaCenter,2003);MiriamSilverberg,“ConstructingtheJapaneseEthnographyofModernity,”JournalofAsianStudies51,no.1(February1992):30–54;TiptonandClark,BeingModerninJapan;andYoung,“MarketingtheModern.”35.GenniferWeisenfeld,Mavo:JapaneseArtistsandtheAvant-Garde,1905–1931(Berkeley:

UniversityofCaliforniaPress,2002),14–16.TheTokyoSchoolofFineArts,whichopenedin1887,establisheditsPhotographyDepartmentin1915.36.JoanRubindefinestheterm“middlebrow”throughahistoriographicaccountingasthe

“unprecedentedrangeofactivitiesaimedatmakingliteratureandotherformsof‘high’cultureavailabletoawidereadingpublic.”Rubin,TheMakingofMiddlebrowCulture(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,1992),xi.37.Ibid.,xvi.Photographyexpertsfunctionedaspromotersandarbitersofphotographicbeautyandtaste

inthesamewaythat“new-middle-classreformersarticulatedavisionofsocietyinwhichtheyfunctionedastheprincipalpromotersofnationalprogress.”Ambaras,“SocialKnowledge,”2.38.SusanPorterBensondemonstrateshowUSdepartmentstoresinthelatenineteenthandearly

twentiethcenturiescombinedinnovativeretailstrategiesandcustomerserviceswithspectaculararchitectureandattractivedisplaytofacilitatethespreadofconsumptionamongnewsocialgroups.SeeBenson,CounterCultures:Saleswomen,Managers,andCustomersinAmericanDepartmentStores1890–1940(Urbana:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1986).39.PierreBourdieudiscussesthedistinctionbetween“occasional”and“dedicated”photographersin

“TheCultofUnityandCultivatedDifferences,”inPhotography:AMiddleBrowArt,trans.ShaunWhiteside(Stanford,CA:StanfordUniversityPress,1990),13–72.

Chapter11.LoriAnneLoeb,ConsumingAngels:AdvertisingandVictorianWomen,quotedinBreward,Hidden

Consumer,101.2.Accordingtonationalsurveysonhouseholdaccountingforsalariedworkersfor1926–1927,Kakei

chōsahōkoku(AReportontheSurveyofHouseholdAccounting)conductedbytheNaikakuTōkeiKyoku(TheCabinetBureauofStatistics),26.47percentofworkers’monthlyincome(32.91yen)wasspentonfood,another13.82percent(17.18yen)onclothing,and4.85percent(6.03yen)onleisureexpenditures.Thesearethemonthlyaveragesforallsalariedworkerswhowerepollednationwide.Thesurveyalsolistsseparatelytheaveragesforfourcategoriesofsalariedworkers(kyūryōseikatsusha):civilservants(kankōri),bankersandcompanyemployees(ginkōkaisha-in),teachers(kyōshi),andpoliceofficers(junsa).NaikakuTōkeiKyoku,Kakeichōsahōkoku,dai-nikan:Kyūryōseikatsusha,rōdōshanobujō,1926–27(NaikakuTōkeiKyoku,1927),314–325.Includedinthefoodexpenditures(inshokubutsu-hi)aregrains,fish,meat,chickeneggs,beans,driedgoods,cow’smilk,seasoning,andmealdeliveryservice(demae).Thisfiguredoesnotincludethecostofwhatistermed“luxuryexpenditures”(shikō-hi),whichincludetobacco,alcohol,andsnacks.Clothingcosts(hifuku-hi)includeclothingandpersonaleffects.Thoughdetailsofthecostsoffoodandclothingarelistedinseparatecolumnsinthereport,leisureexpenditures(shūyōgoraku-hi,literally,“cultivationandleisureexpenses”)arenotspecified.Otherformsofconsumptionareitemizedseparately:“entertainment”(enkai);“gifts”(zōtō);“travelexpenses”(ryokō-hi),whichincludesthesubcategoriesof“recreation”or“picnics,”and“other.”Notlistedseparately,andthusmostlikelythekindsofexpensesassumedunderthecategory“cultivationandleisureexpenses,”arethecostsofsuchthingsashobbies,movietickets,andreadingmaterials—thestuffofcontemporaryleisure-timeconsumption.Themonthlyfiguresforlaborerspolledinthesamesurveyare32.64percent(29.82yen)forfood,12.99

percent(11.87yen)forclothingandpersonaleffects,and3.57percent(3.26yen)forleisure.Ibid.,326–329.Togetasenseofthevalueoftheyenatthetime,hereareafewpricesfromaround1926(100sen=1

yen):200millilitersofmilk=8sen;1.8litersofsoysauce=72sen;100monme(1monmeequalsapproximately3.75grams)ofchickeneggs=40sen;1shō(1shōequalsapproximately1.8liters)ofazukibeans=32sen;100gramsofmiddle-gradetea=50sen(in1924);10kilogramsofwhiterice=3.20yen;1student’suniform=35sen;1pairoftabi(Japanesesockswithsplittoes)=67sen;custom-madesuit=30yen(1921);museumentrancefees,1adult=10sen(1922);movieticket,1adult=30sen(1921);1Iwanamibunkobon(paperbackbook)=20sen;monthlyradiobroadcastfees=1yen.PricescitedfromShūkanAsahi,ed.,Nedan-shinenpyō:Meiji,Taishō,Shōwa(AsahiShinbunsha,1996).3.TheothervolumesinthisseriesareUtsushikatanodai-ippō(HowtoTakePictures:TheFirstStep,2);

Kamerawotsukaikonasukotsu(TheKnackofHowtoUseaCamera,3);Utsushikatanodai-nihō(HowtoTakePictures:TheSecondStep,4);Tadashiiroshutsunokimekata(HowtoDecideontheCorrectExposure,5);Darenimodekirugenzōnoyōryō(AnyoneCanDoIt:TheEssentialsofDeveloping,6);Fuirumutofuirutaahayawakari(AQuickGuidetoFilmandFilters,7);Yakitsukekarahikinobashimade(FromPrintingtoEnlarging,8).4.SuzukiHachirō,Arusutaishūshashinkōza:Kameranochishikitoerabikata(Arusu,1937),28.5.Ibid.,29.6.Ibid.,30.7.Ibid.,31.8.Ibid.9.Ibid.,28.InJapanesethephraseis“kazariyorimojushitsuwotore.”10.Ibid.,27.11.Ibid.,37.12.Ibid.,38–39.13.Ibid.,37.Suzukiusesthewordsenpai,whichIhavetranslatedas“experiencedcolleague,”butinthis

case,itlikelyreferstoafriendorcolleaguewhoisamoreadvancedphotographer.14.Ibid.15.Ibid.,40.16.Ibid.,43.17.InadditiontoSuzuki’sKamerachishikitoerabikata,thefollowingisasmallsamplingofother

popularhow-tobooksthatdelineateshoppingfororchoosingacameraasoneofthefirststepsintakingandmakingphotographs:KitanoKunio,“Kameranoerabikata,”inHyakumanninnoshashinjutsu(Kōgasō,1940),41–43;MiyakeKokki,“Kameranosentaku,”inShuminoshashinjutsu,86thed.(Arusu,1923),14–31;NaritaRyūkichi,“Nanikakameratorenzuwoaganametara[sic]yoika?,”inShashininganotehodoki(Hakubunkan,1929),68–71;RokugawaJun,“Kamerasentakunohyōjun,”inRoshutsunohiketsu:Kamerayomihon,4thed.(Bunkyōsha,1936),30–31;SawaKurō,“Kogatakameranosentaku,”inAmachuashashinkōza,vol.9,Kogatakamerashashinjutsu(Arusu,1937);TakakuwaKatsuo,“Shashinkinoshuruitoōkisatosonosentaku,”inFuirumushashinjutsu,146thed.(Arusu,1924),13–25;YasukōchiJi’ichirō,“Kameranosentaku,”inYasashiishashinnoutsushikata(Arusu,1937),35–37;YoshiokaKenkichi,“Kameranosenteinohyōjuntonarumono,”inShashinjutsunoABC,2nded.(Seikōkan,1933),36–42.18.Someauthorsseparatethestepofchoosingacamerafromthatofactuallybuyingone,asdoes

Suzuki,butmosttreat“choosing”and“purchasing”asthesamestep.19.Onimagesofthefemaleconsumer,seeSilverberg,“TheModernGirlasMilitant.”Foraperceptive

discussionofthewaysinwhichautomobilesweremarketedtomaleconsumers,seeSeanO’Connell,TheCarandBritishSociety:Class,GenderandMotoring,1896–1939(Manchester,UK:ManchesterUniversityPress,1998).20.Suzuki,Kameranochishiki,27.21.YomiuriShinbunshaBenri-bu,ed.Shōhinyomihon(ChikaranoNihonsha,1937),preface,n.p.22.Ibid.,42.23.Ibid.,232.24.Ibid.,182.

25.Ibid.,284.26.Ibid.,285.27.Brayer,GeorgeEastman,481.28.“Īsutoman-shikangeikai,”Shashingeppō,25,no.5(1920):47.BornSugiuraRokusaburōin1847to

aricemerchant’sfamilyinKoishikawa,RokusaburōwasapprenticedtothepharmaceuticalhouseKonishiyaRokuzaeTenafterhisfatherboughtsharesintheenterprisein1858.Afterservingfifteenyearsasanapprentice,RokusaburōadoptedthetradenameKonishiRokuzaemonandopenedalithographicandphotographicsupplyimportshop,SekibanShashinZairyō-shō,inInarichō.In1876,hebecamethesixth-generationsuccessortotheRokuzaemonnameandmovedhisbusinesstoNihonbashi.Fromhisrathermodestbeginningsasanimporterofchemicals,Rokuzaemontransformedhisbusinessintoavastcorporationworthover4millionyenin1936andJapan’spremierproducerofbothcamerasandlight-sensitivematerialsbeforetheendofthesecondSino-JapaneseWar.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,13–26,438.29.“Īsutoman-shikangeikai,”48.30.Brayer,GeorgeEastman,481.31.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,280.32.“Īsutoman-shikangeikai,”48–49.33.MiriamSilverberg,“RememberingPearlHarbor,ForgettingCharlieChaplin,andtheCaseofthe

DisappearingWesternWoman:APictureStory,”positions1,no.1(Spring1993):42–46.34.Theretailendofthebusinesswentthroughseveralnamechanges,thoughthealterationswere

relativelyminor.TheshopwascalledKonishiRokufrom1873untilitbecamealimitedpartnershipcompany(gōshikaisha)in1921andwasthereafterknownasKonishiRokuHonten.Thecompanythenbecameajointstockcompany(kabushikigaisha)in1937.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,304–305,437–438.MostscholarsrefertothecompanyduringtheprewarperiodasKonishiRoku.Forthisreasonandforthesakeofclarity,IhaveadoptedKonishiRokuwhenreferringtotheshopfromanyperiod,exceptwhenthedetailsdemandotherwise.ThecompanychangeditsnametoKonicain1987andhasmorerecentlymergedwithMinoltain2003andnowiscalledKonicaMinolta.“CorporateInformation:MoreaboutHistory,”KonicaMinolta,accessedJuly28,2013,http://www.konicaminolta.com/about/corporate/history_timeline_3.html.35.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,39.36.Rokuzaemonstatedthatthepurposebehindestablishingtheproductionplant,a660–squaremeter

laboratory-likefacility,wasto“offerhigh-quality,affordabledomesticallyproducedlight-sensitivematerialstophotographers,whichinturnwouldcontributetothenationbydrivingoutimportedgoods.”Ibid.,133.37.OnemeasureoftheincrediblesuccessthattheSakurabrandhadachievedwithinthreedecadesfrom

itsinceptionwasthatby1935Rokuōshaemployedoveronethousandmenandwomeninafacilityofoverthirtythousandsquaremeters.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,376.38.ThearchetypalMeiji-periodshopwasbuiltinthedozō-zukuristyle,literally“madefromearth”style.

Dozō-zukuriisanarchitecturaltermforawarehousemadeofthicklyplasteredearth.Thoughtheshogun’sgovernmentofficiallyforbadetownspeoplefromusingthedozō-zukuristyleduringtheTokugawaperiod(1600–1868),manydidsoanyway,anditwaswidelyadoptedinespeciallydensesectionsofEdo(today’sTokyo).Dozō-zukuribecamethemostprevalentformofshoparchitectureinTokyo,especiallyafterthecityenactednewfire-preventioncodesin1881thatrequiredallbuildingstobeconstructedofeitherstone,brick,ormud.KawahigashiYoshiyuki,“Misezōnofukyūto‘Zōnomachi’noseiritsu,”inKenchiku-shinomawaributai:Kindainodezainwokataru,ed.NishiKazuo(Shokokusha,1999),129–143.Forabriefdiscussionoftherapidincorporationofdozō-zukuriaftertheenactmentofthe1881fire-preventionregulations,seeTakayanagiMika,Shōuindōmonogatari(KeisōShobō,1994),32–33.39.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,254.IndescribingtheemergenceofthecultureofAmerican

departmentstores,SusanPorterBensonarguesthatthedepartmentstoredrewonearlynineteenth-centuryretailprecedents,liketheurbanspecialtystoreandthesuburbangeneralstore,butthatthescaleof

operationoflatenineteenth-centurydepartmentstoresrequiredinnovativewaystoattractandthensellproductstocustomers.Suchnewinstitutionscombinedinnovativeretailstrategiesandcustomerserviceswithspectaculararchitectureandattractivedisplay.Benson,“‘AHomogeneousBusiness’:OrganizingtheDepartmentStore,”inCounterCultures,31–74.Inadditiontothestunningnewshopandafocusonattractive,up-to-datedisplay,KonishiRokuincorporatedmanyinnovationsintheday-to-dayrunningofretailoperationsandcustomerservice,discussedlater.40.Detaileddescriptionsofthenewshopcanbefoundin“KonishiRokunoshinchikurakusei,”Shashin

geppō21,no.6(June1916):56–59;andKonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,253–254.41.IshiiKendō,Shinpotekikei’eihōkourishōtenhanjōsaku(1909),quotedinTakayanagi,Shōuindō,

106.Foraconciseoverviewofthisliterature,seeTakayanagi,Shōuindō,105–112.42.InthecaseoftheAmericandepartmentstore,showwindowswereadoptedinthemid-nineteenth

centuryand“weredressedwithanartisticeye,asmanagersrenouncedthetraditionalpracticeofcrammingwindowswithvastquantitiesofunrelatedmerchandiseandinsteadpresentedsmallerlotsofitemsinapleasingandestheticway.Fortheboredoridle,window-shoppingbecameawelcomediversion.Paradingupanddownthestreets,womenexaminedthegoodsdisplayedaswellastheirownreflectionsintheplateglassandthemirrorscannilyplacedtopandertotheirvanity.Theystoppedtodiscussthemerchandiseandthequalityofthedisplayswiththeirfriends,theirloiteringinpublicspacelegitimizedbyitsassociationwithconsumption.”Benson,CounterCultures,18.43.Takayanagi,Shōuindō,100.Therehadbeenmanyattemptsthroughoutthelatenineteenthcenturyto

producehigh-qualityplateglassinJapan,butnoneweresuccessfuluntilShimadaMagoichimanufactureditin1903inOsaka.Seeibid.,101–102,forstatisticsontheimportingofplateglasstoJapan.44.TakahashiJunjichirō,Mitsukoshi300–nennokei’eisenryaku:Sonotokikei’eishawananiwo

ketsudanshitaka(SankeiShinbunsha,1972),94.Theworld’sfirstescalatorwasintroducedatthe1900World’sFairinParis.45.LouiseYoungpresentstheescalatoronthesameorderwith“thelatestscientificgadgetsand

electricalmachinery,”suchasventilationsystemsandbathroomfacilitiesthat“transportedshoppersintoamechanizedutopia.”Young,“MarketingtheModern,”64.InCounterCultures,Bensonarguesthattheescalatorhadbecomeanecessityinordertomanagetheflowoffoottraffic:“Transportationwithinthestorebecameanevermorepressingissueassellingdepartmentsspreadtoupperfloors.Elevatorshadmarkedasignificantadvanceoverthestaircase,buttheycouldnotmovecustomersinacontinuousflowandatbusytimesbecamebottlenecks....Theadvantagesofmovingstaircaseswereimpressive:onecouldtransportasmanypeopleinanhourasfortyelevators”(39).46.“KonishiRokunoshinchikurakusei,”56–57.47.Ibid.48.SeeHatsuda’sHyakkatennotanjōforafulldiscussionoftheoriginsofdepartment-storedisplay

methodsindomesticandinternationalexhibitions.Forananalysisofthemodernretailanddisplaymethodsandthedevelopmentofa“masculineformofshoppingenvironment,”seeBreward,“TheSpectacleoftheShop:ProvisionfortheMaleConsumer,”inTheHiddenConsumer,100–151.49.“Freeentry,”or“therighttolookaroundthestorewithouttheobligationtomakeapurchase,”isa

phraseusedtodescribetheretailstyleofdepartmentstoresandotherretailshopsthatemergedinthemid-nineteenthcenturyintheUnitedStates.SeeBenson,CounterCultures,19–20.50.Takayanagi,Shōuindō,126.Za-uriistheJapanesetermfor“sittingsales,”andchinretsuhanbaiisthe

termfor“displaysales.”ForabriefdiscussionoftheadaptationofdisplaysalesatMitsukoshi,seeTakahashi,Mitsukoshi300–nen,59–62;andHatsuda,Hyakkatennotanjō,83–90.51.EtsuistheChinesereadingforthecharacterkoshiin“Mitsukoshi.”52.TakahashiYoshio,Hōkinoato(Shūhōen,1932),quotedinTakayanagi,Shōuindō,126.53.MembersoftheTokugawafamily,particularlythelastshogun,wereamongKonishiRoku’smost

illustriousregularcustomers.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,105.54.Ibid.,311.55.Shashingeppō,17,no.4(April1911).

56.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,261.Theearly-modernformofbookkeepingwascalleddaifukuchō.AccordingtotheOxfordDictionaryofEconomics,double-entrybookkeepingis“thesystemofkeepingaccountsinwhich,asacheckonaccuracyandconsistency,everypaymentappearstwice,indifferentaccounts,onceasacreditandonceasadebit.Thusasaleappearsasacreditforthedepartmentmakingitandadebitforthecustomer,whileapurchaseappearsasadebitforthedepartmentmakingitandacreditforthesupplier.Double-entrybookscanifdesiredberepresentedinasingletable,usingrowsforcreditsandcolumnsfordebits.Asacheckondouble-entryaccounts,everydebititemmusthaveacorrespondingcredit,andthetotalsofallcreditanddebitentriesmustbeequal.”“Double-entrybookkeeping,”ADictionaryofEconomics,3rded.(OxfordUniversityPress,2002),OxfordReferenceOnline,accessed1August2005,http://www.oxfordreference.com/views/ENTRY.html?subview=Main&entry=t19.e887.57.JillMcKinnon,“TheHistoricalandSocialContextoftheIntroductionofDouble-EntryBookkeeping

toJapan,”AccountingBusinessandFinancialHistory4,no.1(1994):183.AccordingtoMcKinnon,thismethodofaccountingwasfairlylimitedtothelargemerchanthousesanddidnotapplytoruralmerchants.McKinnon’sarticleoffersabriefbutusefuldescriptionofearly-modernaccounting,orthedouble-classificationsystem,“whichdifferedinkind,thoughnotinpurposeorintention,fromWestern(originallyItalian)double-entrybookkeeping”(184).58.Takayanagi,Shōuindō,118.59.Ibid.60.WesternaccountingmethodswereintroducedtotheJapanesereadingpublicbyFukuzawaYukichi

withhis1873translationofH.B.Bryant,H.D.Stratton,andS.S.Packard’sBryantandStratton’sCommonSchoolBookKeeping(1871)andtonationalbankemployeeswiththetranslationofAlexanderShand’sTheDetailedMethodofBankBookkeeping.WithFukuzawa’stranslationaveritablepublishingboominaccountingtextbookseruptedthroughoutJapan.Takayanagi,Shōuindō,124;andMcKinnon,“Double-EntryBookkeepingtoJapan,”192.OtherretailoperationsturnedtoWesternformsofbookkeepinginmanagingtheirfinancesfromthelatenineteenthcentury.TheMitsukoshiDepartmentStoreadopteddouble-entrybookkeepingin1893,asdidtheDaimaruDepartmentStorein1908.Takayanagi,Shōuindō,124–125.61.Nihonshashinshōgyōtsūshin,5February1951,quotedinKonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,261.62.Ibid.,209.Mitsukoshisimilarlyrestructureditsworkforcein1894,andDaimarudidsoin1907.

Takayanagi,Shōuindō,123.63.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,209–210.64.Theformaladoptionofthesenewtermsinthecompanyrulesmayhavebeeninfluencedbythe

languageusedintheCommercialCodeof1899,which,amongotherthings,“detailedthelegalrequirementsfortheformationandliquidationofjointstockcorporations,therightsanddutiesoftheorgansofthecorporations(directors,auditorsandthegeneralmeeting),andtheexternalreportingrequirements.”McKinnon,“Double-EntryBookkeepingtoJapan,”194.Apparently,thoughthenamesofpositionshadchanged,workerscontinuedusingkozō,tedai,andbantōinverbalexchangesuntilthebeginningoftheTaishōperiodin1912.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,209.65.SakamotoFujiyoshiarguesthatJapan’sfirstmoderncompanyruleswereinstitutedatMitsubishi

KisenKaishain1875.SakamotoFujiyoshi,Nihonkoyōshi(ChūōKeizaisha,1977),124.66.Thefulltextofthe“ShopRules”isprovidedinKonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,209–214.67.Ibid.,211.68.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,212.69.Knownbymanyappellations(gekkyū-tori[monthlysalaryreceiver],yōfukusaimin[suitedpaupers],

kyūryōseikatsusha[apersonwhomakesalivingwithamonthlysalary],koshiben[lunch-bucketman],etc.),thewhite-collarlaborforceencompassedabroadrangeofworkers—civilservants,teachers,policeofficers,companyemployees,retailworkers—allofwhomcollectedtheirsalariesonce,sometimestwice,amonth.Fordiscussionsofthevariouswordsusedtoindicatethewhite-collarlaborforceandthedisparitiesamongthoseworkers,seeMaedaHajime,Sararimanmonogatari(TōyōKeizaiShuppanbu,1928);in

English,seeEarlKinmonth,“Afterward:TheSarariman(SalaryMan),”inTheSelf-MadeManinMeijiJapaneseThought(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1981).Infact,itwasthisverybroadrangeofworkandthedisparitiesinpaythatmadeitdifficultforsocialscientiststoclassifywhite-collarworkersasa“class”andimpededactivistsintheorganizationofthesalariedlaborforce.KitaokaJuitsu,“Kyūryōseikatsushamondaigaikan,”inKyūryōseikatsushamondai:Dai2kaishakaiseisakukaigihōkokusho,ed.ShakaiRippōKyōkai(ShakaiRippōKyōkai,1933),1–5.TheJapanesegovernmentstartedtopaymonthlysalariestobureaucratsfromthebeginningoftheMeijiperiodwhenmanyEuro-Americanemploymentpracticeswereincorporated.Theprivatesectorsoonfollowedsuit.Sakamoto,Nihonkoyōshi,55.70.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,210.From1919,thedailyhoursofoperationwerefrom8:00a.m.

to6:00p.m.allyear.Ibid.,357.71.InoueSadatoshi,“Kyūryōseikatsumononotsūkinjikanoyobikyūjitsu,”inShakaiRippōKyōkai,

Kyūryōseikatsushamondai,88.72.Ibid.,90–92.73.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,212.From1919,regularshopholidayswerethefirstandthird

Sundayofeachmonth,NewYear’sDay,andO-bon.Ibid.,357.74.Inoue,“Kyūryōseikatsumononotsūkinjikanoyobikyūjitsu,”88.75.Ibid.76.UndertheMeijisystemofemploymentattheshop,onceanapprenticefinishedhiscompulsory

education,hemovedontothesecondfloorofKonishiRoku’sheadquarters,whichwasadormitoryforapprentices,andbeganhisformaltraining.Inadditiontoroomandboard(theyreceivednosalary),apprenticesreceivedasmallallowancefortheirtwice-yearlytripshomeduringtheNewYear’sandO-bonholidays.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,209.77.Ibid.,212.78.Thisolderformofemploymentwasknownasdetchiseido.Takayanagidividesthetypical

employmentstructuresforlargeretailoperationsintothreetypes:shikisebekka-sei(systeminwhichyoungapprenticesreceivelodging,clothing,andallowanceinexchangefortheirlabor);sumikomubekka-sei(systeminwhichemployeesreceivesalaryandlivewiththeowner);tsūkinbekka-sei(systeminwhichemployeereceivesasalaryandcommutestowork).Takayanagi,Shōuindō,123.79.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,212.80.Ibid.,312.KonishiRokuhistoriansplacethisdiscussionundertheheading“EfficiencyPromotedby

WesternSuitsandShoes,exceptfortheTenshu,”andtheyattributetheincreaseinstaffandtherecapturingoflostrevenuefromtheearthquakeduringthetwelvemonthsof1925totheefficiencygainedbyemployeesdonningWesternsuitsandshoes.81.Yomiuri,Shōhinyomihon,285.82.MiyakeKokki,Shuminoshashinjutsu,8thed.(Arusu,1919),235–243.Miyake’spublisher

continuedthetraditionofprovidingmoreexhaustivelistingsofshops(discussedlater),whenitbeganpublishingitsArusushashinnenkan(ArusuPhotographyAnnual)in1925andregisteredthenames,addresses,andphonenumbersofmanyretailphotographyshopsinthemajorcitiesthroughoutJapananditscolonies.83.Thenumberofshopsbywardareasfollows:Asakusa-ku,20;Shitaya-ku,8;Nihonbashi-ku,17;

Kanda-ku,18;Kyōbashi-ku,20;Shiba-ku,19;Kōjimachi,11.TakakuwaKatsuoandNakajimaKenkichi,eds.,Arusushashinnenkan,1926–nenpan(Arusu,1926),52–56.ThetotalnumberofshopsrecordedforTokyoprefecture(Tokyo-fu)was217andwithinthatforTokyoCity(Tokyo-shi)was168.84.Thisisnottosaythatasphotographictechnologiesadvancedoverthedecades,chemistrywasno

longerakeyelementinthephotographicprocess.Infact,darkroomchemistrywasakeyelementinthemakingofphotographsthattheindustrysoughttoselltohobbyists.85.ThecameracountersatbothMitsukoshiandShirokiyawereincludedinthe1926editionof

TakakuwaandNakajima,Arusushashinnenkan.86.TheprimeronthehistoryoftheJapanesedepartmentstoreisHatsuda,Hyakkatennotanjō.Jinno’s

monographShuminotanjōdocumentstheinnovativeroleofMitsukoshiincateringtoandcreatingmiddle-

classconsumptionandtaste.YamamotoandNishizawa’seditedcollectionHyakkatennobunkashiincorporatesanarrayofculturalhistoricalmethodstodocumentJapan’sconsumerrevolution.ForaconcisearticleinEnglishontheemergenceofthemodernJapaneseretailindustry,seeYoung,“MarketingtheModern,”52–70.87.Miyake,Shuminoshashin,236.88.Mitsukoshi10,no.4(1920):33.89.Ibid.90.Mitsukoshi12,no.5(1922):14–15.91.Mitsukoshi12,no.8(1922):9.92.Ibid.93.Mitsukoshi10,no.8(1920):9–10.Ingeneral,Mitsukoshi’scamerapriceswereveryhigh,buteven

so,theseparticularcameraswereextremelyexpensive.94.Mitsukoshitaimusu5,no.1(1907).95.Mitsukoshi1,no.6(1911):9.96.“Ichi-jikanshashinnokaishi,”Mitsukoshi1,no.6(1911):6.97.Mitsukoshi12,no.1(1922).Forexample,itcostfifteensentodeveloparollofvestcamerafilmand

anotherfivesentomakeprints(eightpictures).Customarily,professionalcamerastudiosprovideddrop-offdevelopingservicesasasidelinetotheirportraitbusiness.PersonalcommunicationwithKanekoRyūichi,April2002.98.Ihaveseennorecordthatenumeratesused-camerashopsinTokyo.Pawnshopsalsodealtinthe

cameratrade.Forexample,tuckedawayinthebackoftheMarch1938issueofAsahikameraisaninconspicuousadforAkabaneShichiya(AkabanePawnShop).Asahikamera26,no.3(1938):A86.99.Suzuki,Kameranochishiki,47–48.100.Kamerakurabu2,no.7(1937).Othershopsusedsimilarmarkingsystemstocategorizetheused

productsintheirads.Forexample,Ginza’sKaneshiroShōkaiofferedabitmoredetailabouttheconditionoftheirsecondhandgoods:“‘Shindō’:aproductthatisthesameasanewoneandhasbeenusedforlessthantwomonths.‘Tsugishin’:nexttonewandhasbeenlightlyusedforpractice.‘Jōko’:thenextafter‘tsugishin.’‘Chūko’:theso-calledchūkoisaproductthatisintactandinwhichthesurfaceisnotunsightly.‘Ko’:aproductthatfollowsthepreviouscategory,whichisnotintactandthesurfaceisslightlyworse.”Asahikamera21,no.4(1936):A22.101.Asahikamera26,no.3(1938):A30.102.Fuototaimusu13,no.3(1936).ThesameadalsoappearedinKogatakamera6,no.1(1936).

Chapter21.“PhotographicCentenaryCommemoration”isthesomewhatcumbersometranslationgiventothetitle

oftheanniversarycelebrationbytheeditorsofAsahigurafu,whowereamongthemainsponsorsoftheevent.SeeNarusawaReisen,ed.,“Asahigurafu”shashinhyakunen-saikinen-gō(AsahiShinbunsha,1925)n.p.(lastpage).2.BernardE.Jones,ed.,EncyclopediaofPhotography(1911;repr.,NewYork:ArnoPress,1974),376–

377,158.In1829NiepcemadearrangementstoexchangeinformationwithDaguerre,whohadalsobeenworkingonasimilarprocess.Niepcediedin1833,butDaguerrecontinuedtheirworkandin1839publishedtheprocessthatnowbearshisname.3.NarusawaReisen,“Shashinnohatsumeinohanashi,”in“Asahigurafu”shashinhyakunen-saikinen-

gō,2–3.4.AlltwelvelecturesweregivenontwoeveningsattheShōkōShōrei-kaninMarunouchiandwereopen

tothepublic(themalepublic).Onthefirstevening,November10,inadditiontoFukuhara’slecture,thefollowinglectureswerepresented:NagaiMasaaki,doctorofpharmacologyandscientist,“Nihonnosaishonoshashinshi”(Japan’sFirstPhotographer);MoriYoshitarō,TokyoBijutsuGakkō,professorof

photography,“Shashinnohatsumeitosonoseichō”(TheDiscoveryandGrowthofPhotography);NakajimaMatsuchi,photographer,lectureonearlyphotography;EgashiraHaruki,KonishiShashinSenmonGakkō,professor,“Tennenshokushashinnohanashi”(ADiscussionofColorPhotography);EzakiKyoshi,NihonShashinshiKyōkai,director,“Shōzōshashinnioiteeigyōshashinkaninozomu”(TakingPortraitswiththeAimofBecomingaStudioPhotographer).Onthesecondevening,November11,thefollowinglectureswerepresented:OgawaTadamasa,photographer,“Nihonsaishonoshashinkai”(Japan’sFirstPhotographicAssociation);AkiyamaKeisuke,KonishiShashinSenmonGakkō,TokyoShashinKenkyūKai,professor,“Nihonniokerushashinnoenkaku”(TheHistoryofJapanesePhotography);KamataShūji,TokyoKōtōKōgeiGakkō,professor,“Nichijōseikatsutoshashin”(PhotographyandEverydayLife);IchiokaTajirō,scientist,“Shashinkōgyōnohanashi”(ADiscussionofthePhotographyIndustry);KonishiShigenori,KonishiShashin-kan,curator,“Shashinnohonshitsutosonoshimei”(TheEssenceandMissionofPhotography);andHiranoKazutsura,photographer,nodescriptionprovided.Ibid.,4,7.5.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,321.6.Shashingeppō30,no.11(November1925):preface,2.7.Shashingeppō34,no.6(June1929),n.p.8.Shashingeppō30,no.6(June1925),n.p..TheOctoberissuethatsameyearfeaturesanotheradfor

thePearlette,thistimeinthehandsofakimono-cladbeauty.Thecopymentionsthatthecameraisperfectforbeginnerswhowanttotakefamilyphotos.Marketingphotographyasafamily-friendlyactivityisdiscussedlater.9.ShūkanAsahi,Nedan-shinenpyō,87,208.10.IizawaKōtarōassertsthatthenewconsumersofphotographyafterWorldWarIcamefromthe

middleclasseswhoownedcamerasbutdidnothaveadarkroomintheirhomesandthustooktheirexposedfilm,plates,orpackstophotographyshopsfordeveloping.“Geijutsushashin,”80–81.Thoughhow-towritersfrownedupontheideaassacrificingthefundamentalenjoymentofhobbyphotography(darkroomwork),theyoftensuggestedtohobbyistswhoweretoobusytodeveloptheirownfilmthattheyentrustittoareputableshop.SeeMiyake,Shuminoshashinjutsu,10.11.ItōHidetoshi,“Shashinminshūkanitaisuruikkōan,”Shashingeppō28,no.1(January1923):50.

KonishiRokuproclaimedinanadseveralyearslaterthatthefoundationofthe“democratizationofphotography”wasthePearlette.Shashingeppō34,no.5(May1929):preface,1.Interestingly,thephraseisplacedinquotesinthead,perhapsinreferencetoItō’sarticle.12.FukuharaShinzō,“Shashin-dō,”Asahikamera1,no.1(April1926):30.13.“Tettoribayakudarenimodekite,darenimoomoshirokumirarerunogawagashumishashinde

aru.”TakakuwaKatsuo,“ShashinshiIchikawa-kunnikotaeteshumishashinnotachibawoakirakanisuru,”Shashingeppō25,no.10(October1920):668.See“Amachuanojidai:Shashinzasshinoshintenkai,”asectioninIizawa’s“Geijutsushashin,”forahelpfuloutlineofthepositionsofTakakuwaandFukuharaindebatesaroundthenatureandgoalsofamateurpracticeduringtheTaishōperiod.14.ArjunAppaduraireferstothecommodificationofknowledgeasthe“trafficincriteria,...[the]

buyingandsellingofexpertiseregardingthetechnical,social,oraestheticappropriatenessofcommodities.”Appadurai,“Introduction:CommoditiesandthePoliticsofValue,”inTheSocialLifeofThings,ed.ArjunAppadurai(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1986),54.15.BothItagakiTakahoandInaNobuo,twooftheearliesttheoristsespousingadistinctlymodernist

approachtophotographicaesthetics,embracedmachineaestheticsasthemostappropriatemeansofexpressionintheageofindustrialcapitalism.SeeespeciallyItagakiTakaho,“Kikaitogeijutsutonokōryū,”inKikainometoroporisu,vol.6,Modantoshibungaku,ed.UnnoHiroshi(Heibonsha,1990),originallypublishedinShisō,September1929;andInaNobuo,“Shashinnikaere,”Kōga1,no.1(May1932):1–13.16.Yasukōchi,Yasashiishashinnoutsushikata,12.17.Yoshioka,ShashinjutsunoABC,2.18.InhisstudyofFrenchphotographicpracticesofthe1960s,Photography:AMiddleBrowArt,

Bourdieufoundthatoccasionalphotographers—literally,peoplewhotakepicturesonlyoccasionally—documentfamilyevents,socialgatherings,orvacations.Forthisgroupofphotographers,“photographicpracticeonlyexistsandsubsistsformostofthetimebyvirtueofitsfamilyfunctionorratherbythefunctionconferreduponitbythefamilygroup,namelythatofsolemnizingandimmortalizingthehighpointsinfamilylife,inshort,ofreinforcingtheintegrationofthefamilygroupbyresserting[sic]thesensethatithasbothofitselfandofitsunity”(19).Theprivate,informalimagesproducedbyoccasionalphotographersworkedtosustainthefamily,especiallyinthecontextofthemassivemobilizationofpopulationsfromcountrytocity,whenconnectionstothefamilybecameincreasinglydistant.Evenpicturestakenonvacationserveasmemorialstoaparticularlyspecialorsignificantmomentinafamily’shistory.Incontrasttooccasionalphotography,Bourdieudefines“dedicated”(hobby)photographyas“ardent

practicewhichprivilegestheactofproduction[and]naturallygoesbeyonditsownproduct,inthenameofthequestfortechnicalandaestheticperfection”andaspracticethat“alwayspresupposessomethingthatisbothmoreanddifferentfromasimpleintensificationofoccasionalpractice.”Hereferstodedicatedphotographersregularlyas“deviants”and“fanatics”becausetheyrejecttheaestheticstandardsestablishedforconventionalimages(38).19.TheKodaksystemcouldbesaidtobethemodelforthemorerecenttsukai-sute(disposable)system

thatmadeahugeimpactoncameraconsumptionduringthe1990s.20.Iizawa,“Geijutsushashin,”80–81.Inhisarticleonthemarketingofphotographyduringthe1970s

inEurope,DonSlaterusessalesstatisticstoarguethatsellingfilm,notcameras,tooccasionalphotographersiswheretherealprofitofthephotographymarketexists.Slater,“MarketingtheMedium,”inTheCameraWorkEssays,ed.JessicaEvans(London:RiversOramPress,1997),178–181.21.SociologistRobertStebbinsdefines“seriousleisure”(hobbies)asactivitiesthat“developspecialized

skills,rewardperseverance,integrateparticipantsintoaspecializedsubculture,andprovidethemwithbenchmarksbywhichtheycanmeasuretheirachievements.”Stebbins,Amateurs,Professionals,quotedinGelber,Hobbies,11.22.HistorianStevenGelbertracespopularandscholarlydiscoursesonhobbiesasleisure-timeworkin

1930sAmericainhisarticle“AJobYouCan’tLose:WorkandHobbiesintheGreatDepression,”JournalofSocialHistory24,no.2(1991):741–766.AccordingtoGelber,hobbies,orproductiveleisure,incorporatedaworkethicthatwasconsistentwiththemaintenanceofindustrialcapitalismbutalsooffereditsparticipantsthepsychologicalrewardsofwork-likeactivitiesinatimeofunemploymentorcompensationforalienatingworkintimesofemployment.Gelber,Hobbies,11.23.AnalternativereadingofthiscartooncouldrefertoanarticlefromAsahikamerathatranjustfive

monthsearlieronusingpatternsincommercialphotography.Whatisrepresentedinthecartoonasafailurecouldbeanaestheticachievementinadifferentcontext(andinthehandsofa“skilled”photographer)oracommercialsuccess,forexample,forashampooadvertisement.KobayashiHidejirō,“Shashinmōyō,sonosatsueihō,”Asahikamera9,no.3(March1930):276–283.24.Thecommentthatyoungpeoplemostlycometotheshopasaformofentertainmentisevidencethat

KonishiRokuactivelysoughttocreateitsshopasavenueforaleisure-timeexperiencethatdidnotnecessarilyhavetoendinthepurchasingofgoods.25.“Amachuawokataru:Zairyōya-sannozadankai,”Asahikamera21,no.4(April1936):637–638.26.Ibid.27.Ibid.,643.28.Ibid.29.Ibid.30.“Shashinjosei-gunkōshinkyoku,”Asahikamera19,no.1(January1935):49–54.31.TsurudonoTeruko,“Shashinnotanka,”in“Shashinjosei-gun,”52–53.32.SugiwaraKiyoko,“Fujintoshashin,”in“Shashinjosei-gun,”49.33.YamadaYaeko,“Shashintoikuji,”in“Shashinjosei-gun,”50.34.KimuraShizuko,“Shashinnotanoshimi,”in“Shashinjosei-gun,”49.35.MiriamSilverbergplotsthenegotiationsofthecaféwaitresscaughtinthemireofanexpanding

cultureofconsumptionanderoticisminheressay“TheCaféWaitressServingModernJapan,”inMirrorofModernity:InventedTraditionsofModernJapan,ed.StephenVlastos(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1998),208–225.36.Bromideshopsaresmallshopsandstallsthatsold(andstilldo)photosandpostcardsportraying

actors,singers,sportsstars,andpopidols.“Bromide”referstothe“bromidepaper”usedindevelopingphotographs,evenwhensuchpaperisnotused.37.YomiuriShinbunsha,ed.,Eigahyakumonogatari:Nihoneigahen1921–1995(YomiuriShinbunsha,

1995),26–27.MiriamSilverbergopensheressayonthemoderngirlwithreferencetothisfilm.ForSilverberg,thefilm’stitleoffersauseful,analyticaldevicetointerrogatepopularrepresentationsofthemoderngirlincontrasttothelivesofrealmoderngirls.Silverberg,“ModernGirlasMilitant,”240.ThecinematictitleisalsoreminiscentofthetitleoftheautobiographyofthefemalepoliticalradicalKanekoFumiko,Nanigawatakushiwosōsasetaka,writteninprisonbeforeherexecutionforplottingtoassassinatetheemperorin1926.Foraconcisebiographyandatranslationofaportionofherautobiography,seeMikisoHane,ReflectionsontheWaytotheGallows:VoicesofJapaneseRebelWomen(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1988),75–124.38.YamakawaasparaphrasedbySilverberg,“ModernGirlasMilitant,”248.39.InarichaccountofthecarinBritishsociety,SeanO’Connellexposesthedeeplyrootedcultural

attitudesaboutgenderthatdefinedpeople’sverynegativeideasaboutthefemaledriver,ideasthatcontinuetoinfluenceopinionstoday(despitethecontinued“facts”producedbyinsurancecompaniestothecontrary).O’Connell,“‘AMythThatIsNotAllowedtoDie’:GenderandtheCar,”inTheCarandBritishSociety,chap2.40.JordanSand,“AtHomeintheMeijiPeriod:InventingJapaneseDomesticity,”inVlastos,Mirrorof

Modernity,198.41.JudithWilliamson,“Family,Education,Photography,”inCulture/Power/History:AReaderin

ContemporarySocialTheory,ed.NicholasDirks,GeoffEley,andSherryB.Ortner(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,1994),236.Williamsonbreaksdowntherelationshipbetweenthefamilyandphotographyintothreeparts—identification(mediaandadvertisingrepresentationsencourageidentificationwithidealfamilytypes),consumption(familiesconsumerepresentationsofthemselvesinformalstudioportraits),andproduction(familiesproduceinformalimagesofthemselveswiththeirowncamerasandfilm)(237).42.”Shashinshuminokatei-kamotaisetsudearu.”NagaiSaburō,Arusushashinbunkō:Kateianshitsu

notsukurikata(Arusu,1939),4.43.Yasukōchi,Yasashiishashin,4–5.44.YanagitaYoshiko,“Hahatoshitemitashashin,”in“Shashinjosei-gun,”52.45.Ibid.46.Withregardtothemissingfatherinfamilyphotos,Williamsonoffersthiscomment:“Perhapsthe

mostinfluentialfamilyimageinourculturehasbeenthatoftheMadonnaandchild;fatherwasabsentlongbeforehehadtoholdthecamera.”Williamson,“Family,Education,Photography,”237.47.Sand,“AtHomeintheMeijiPeriod,”197–207.48.Ibid.,206.

Chapter31.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,278.2.Theoneexceptiontothisgeneralizationistheastoundingcollectionofhow-tobookspublished

throughoutthetwentiethcenturyhousedattheJapanCameraandOpticalInstrumentsInspectionandTestingInstitute(JCII)Library,whichisassociatedwiththeJCIICameraMuseuminTokyo.3.IizawaKōtarōtakesuptheissueofhobbyphotographybrieflyinonesectionofhischapteronamateur

photographyin“Geijutsushashin.”Evenso,itisonlyinthecontextofestablishingthesomewhat

technologicallyoverdeterminedpointthatthehandheldcameraandrollfilm,whichallowedphotographerstoimmediatelycapturemomentsofeverydaylife,producedtheaestheticsofthesnapshot.Andtotheextentthatheconcentratesatallontheordinaryhobbyist,Iizawaismostinterestedinexploringtheveryimportantpointofhowtheamateuraidedandabettedthepopularizationofart.Hedoeslistsomeofthekeyhow-totextsfromtheTaishōperiodbut,again,onlytoillustrate,withsomewhatuniqueexamples,thepointoftherapidexpansionofamateurphotographythatoccurredduetothepopularizationofsmallcamerasandrollfilm.Iizawa,“Amachuanojidai,”in“Geijutsushashin,”76–103.4.Itaketheterm“photographable”fromPierreBourdieu,whousesitinthisway:“Evenwhenthe

productionofthepictureisentirelydeliveredovertotheautomatismofthecamera,thetakingofthepictureisstillachoiceinvolvingaestheticandethicalvalues:if,intheabstract,thenatureanddevelopmentofphotographictechnologytendtomakeeverythingobjectively‘photographable,’itisstilltruethat,fromamongthetheoreticallyinfinitenumberofphotographswhicharetechnicallypossible,each[social]groupchoosesafiniteandwell-definedrangeofsubjects,genresandcomposition.”Bourdieu,Photography,6.5.StevenGelberdiscussesthewaysinwhichhobbieswereunderstoodinAmericancultureasa

legitimationofleisure-timepursuits“byfillingsomepartofnonworktimewithproductiveactivity.”Gelber,Hobbies,19.6.EarlKinmonthdescribestheplightofthehighlyeducatedmiddle-classman,seekingadvancementin

society,whospendsseveralyearspursuingadegreeonlytofindthattherearetoofewemploymentopportunitiesinthewhite-collarsector:“Between1919(Taishō8)and1929(Shōwa4)thenumberofmalegraduatesfromnationaluniversities,privateuniversities,andprivatecollegestripled,sothatinsteadoftheapproximatelysixthousandwhosoughtplacementduringtheheightoftheWorldWarIboom,thereweremorethanseventeenthousandseekingplacementastheeconomyplungedintothemostsevereportionofthegenerallydepressedinterwaryears.Thisaverageannualgrowthrateinexcessof11percentwasseveraltimesthegrowthrateoftheeconomyandwassoonreflectedintheplacementratesofgraduates.Thepercentageofuniversityandcollegegraduatesreportedashavingfoundworksoonaftergraduationdeclinedfromapproximately80percentin1923(Taishō12)to50percentin1929(Shōwa4)andtoabare36percentin1931(Shōwa6).”Kinmonth,Self-MadeMan,288.7.Hirsohima-shiShakaiKa,ed.,“Kyūryōseikatsushaseikatsujōtai,”inRōdōshaseikatsuchōsashiryō

shūsei:KindaiNihonnorōdōshazō1920–1930,vol.2,Kyūryōrōdōsha,ed.NakagawaKiyoshi(Seishisha,1994),1.8.Ibid.,34.9.Forheadsofhousehold,thetwenty-sixmostpopularhobbies,indescendingorder,werereading(309),

baseball(264),fishing(234),Go(207),music(174),Japanesechess(shōgi,160),gardening(124),sport(103),cinema(93),tennis(90),Nohsongs(82),ikebana(63),drama(53),shrinevisitation(37),travel(34),sumowrestlingspectatorship(31),calligraphyandillustration(shoga,31),Japaneseflute(30),literature(bungei,29),billiards(27),walking(23),photography(21),drinking(19),raisingchickens(17),needlework(16),andcommercialentertainment(kōgyōmono,16).Manyhobbieswerereportedonlyonce,forexample:balladssungtosamisenaccompaniment(nagauta),Chineseclassics(kanbun),study,playingcards,violin,architecture,candymaking,beekeeping,goldfish,andshellfishgathering.Ibid.,35.10.In“Kyūryōseikatsushamondaigaikan,”theintroductiontoaseriesofessaysdocumentingthe

materialconditionsofsalariedworkerspublishedin1933,KitaokaJuitsudescribestheeconomicsituationofmostsalariedworkerswiththecolorfulandpopularphraseoftheday,“suitedpaupers”(yōfukusaimin;4).Thoughjobstability,education,andsocialstandingwerehigh,wageswerecomparativelylow,especiallyforthemiddleandlowerechelonsofsalariedemployeessuchaspoliceofficersandschoolteachers(6).Forexample,Kitaokacomparesthewages/salariesofintellectualworkerstothoseofphysicallaborersandfoundthatfull-timeelementaryschoolteachersearned750yen/month;metalworkers,850;machinists,835;andshipbuilders,650(15).Hence,Kitaokaregardstheclassofsalariedworkersashybrid,partiallybourgeois,andpartiallyproletarian(10).ItislargelyinresponsetothetighteconomiccircumstancesinwhichmostreadersfoundthemselvesthattheYomiuriNewspaperbeganpublishingitscolumn“HandyNews,”theencyclopediaofshoppingforeverydayproductsdiscussedpreviously.

11.Determiningthenumberofhow-tobookspublishedduringthe1920sand1930sposesmanyproblems,nottheleastofwhichistheabsenceof“how-to”asapublishingcategory.Anothermajorobstacleisthefactthathow-tobooksappearedwithinmanydifferentcategories.However,averyroughestimatebasedonthenumberoftotalpublicationsforthecategoriesinwhichhow-tobooksappearedinShuppannenkan(Publishers’Annual)isthatthetotalnumberofsuchbooksamountedtoroughly5percentofannualsalesduringtheyears1926–1945.12.ThiscookbookiscitedinKatarzynaCwiertka,“HowCookingBecameaHobby:ChangesinAttitude

towardCookinginEarlyTwentieth-CenturyJapan,”inTheCultureofJapanasSeenthroughItsLeisure,ed.SeppLinhartandSabineFrühstück(Albany:StateUniversityofNewYorkPress,1998),47.13.MinamiHiroshi,ed.,Kindaishominseikatsushi,daigokan:Fukushoku,biyō,girei(San’ichiShobō,

1986).Volume5ofKindaishominseikatsushialsoincludesseveralarticlesandexcerptsfromhealthandbeautymanuals,suchasDonatanimowakaru:Yōhatsunomusubikatatoshikinookeshō(Shibundō,1928)byHayamiKimiko,theauthorof“Utsusarejōzu:Koredakenokokorogakegataisetsu,”Asahikamera19,no.1(January1930),oneoftheonlyphotographichow-toarticleswrittenbyawomanfromthisperiod.Thisvolumealsoincludesseveraletiquettemanualsfromthetime.OthervolumesinMinami’sseries,whilenotsocentrallyfocusedonhow-tomanuals,includethemasexamplestoexploreotheraspectsofmodernliving.Volume9,Ren’ai,kekkon,katei,includesaseriesthatappearedinFujinnotomocalled“Jochūnotsukaikata,”anarticleondealingwithmaidsfrom1912.Jūtakunosōjihōhō,ahow-tomanualonhousecleaning,andKagunoerabikatatotsukaikata,aguidetochoosingandusingfurniture,bothfrom1938,appearinvolume6,Shoku,jū.14.JordanSandtracesthemarketingofdomesticity,asbothscientificmanagementofthehomeandthe

moreaffectiveartsofdecorationanddesign,inpopularwomen’smagazinesfromtheTaishōperiodin“TheCulturedLifeasContestedSpace:DwellingandDiscourseinthe1920s,”inBeingModerninJapan,99–118.15.Interestingly,therearenoexamplesofthesekindsofbooksintheMinamiHiroshivolumes,noteven

inthevolumeonleisure(volume8,Yūgi,goraku),whichincludeslocalsurveysonleisure,materialsrelatedtoradiolistening,andcataloguesofrecordtitles.16.EikoIkegamiwritesaboutearly-modernvariantsofthe“how-to”bookinherdiscussionof

associationalpoliticsamongaestheticcommunitiesandtheriseofcommercialprinting,inBondsofCivility:AestheticNetworksandthePoliticalOriginsofJapaneseCulture(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2005),esp.chaps.11,12.17.Unlessotherwisenoted,thefollowingsummaryofpublicationdataisderivedfromNihonShashin

Kyōkai,eds.,Nihonshashinshinenpyō(Kōdansha,1976).18.Notincludedinanyofthesenumbersaremagazines,pamphlets,productmanuals,andshashin-shū

(photographiccollections).Theshashin-shūwereespeciallynumerousduringthelateMeijiandTaishōperiods;manymemorializedvictoriousbattlesoftheSino-andRusso-JapaneseWars,theemperorandhisfamily,GeneralNogiMarusuke,majorfloods,andearthquakes.ThenumberofcollectionsbyleadingphotographersbeginstotakeoffduringtheTaishōperiodaswell.Alsonotincludedinthesenumbersaretheproductcataloguesproducedbythevariousphotographiccompanies.19.TheNihonshashinshinenpyōincludesonlyamerefractionofseriestitlesinitslistings.20.Iizawareferstohow-tobooksas“amachuamukenoshashinjutsukeimōsho[booksonthe

advancementofphotographictechnologyfortheamateur].”Iizawa,“Geijutsushashin,”86.Unfortunately,keimōshodoesnotappearasacategoryforpublicationsduringtheseyears.Thevariousscholarswhodescribethehow-tobooksreprintedinMinamiHiroshi’sKindaishominseikatsushiusenoconsistentgenrenameforthemanualsreproducedtherein.Forexample,YanagiYōkousessuchtermsasdokushūsho(self-improvement/studybooks),shidōsho(guidebooks),andjitsuyōnyūmonsho(practicalintroductorybooks).YanagiYōko,“Kaidai:Fukushoku,”inKindaishominseikatsushi,daigokan:Fukushoku,biyō,girei,ed.MinamiHiroshi(San’ichiShobō,1986).21.Shashinjutsuissometimesrenderedaskamerawūku(camerawork)inkanaprintedalongsidethe

characters.SeeRokugawaJun,Roshutsunohiketsu,139.

22.Again,thereisnoformalcategoryof“how-to”inShuppannenkan,hencemyhesitancyinusingit.Itisinterestingtonotethatthephrase“how-to,”meaningapopularfieldofinstructionalwriting,doesnotevenappearintheEnglishlanguageuntilthe1950s.TheOxfordEnglishDictionaryonlineoffersthisdefinition:“How-to:9.Followedbyaninfinitive:Inwhatway;bywhatmeans.howtodo=thewayinwhichoneshould(ormay)do;alsoellipt.,ashowto,andoftenusedattrib.,as‘how-to’discourse,‘how-to-do-it’manual,etc.;also(intitlesofbooks,etc.)followedbyaverb.”23.YoshikawaHayao,“Teseikameragakataru30nenmaenoamachuashashinjutsu,”Asahikamera

20,no.3(September1935):349–352.24.Ibid.,349.25.Ibid.,352.Therecipereadsasfollows:“Tomakeacamera,takeamagnifyingglasswithafocal

lengthofabout10centimeters.Anatom-sizedpack[aplateformatmeasuring4.5×6.0inches]isfine.Don’tusethepackholder;Ithinkitiseasiertomakethefittingdirectly.Forthecase,whichshouldbeaboxtype,it’sbetterifitisnotafoldingcase.Fortheshutter,useaplateoftinandputaholeinitoflessthan3millimeters.Ifitismadesothatitcanbepulledbyarubberband,thenyouwillbeabletoachieveaspeedofsomewherebetween1/25thofasecondand1/50thofasecond.Ofcourse,youpainttheinsideofthecamerawithblackinkorindiaink.Asfortheviewfinder,getanappropriateoneataphotoshopandattachittothetopofthecamera.Ifyoumakeitsothatitcanbeclearlyfocused,itwillbequiteuseful.”Ibid.26.IshiiKendō,Shōnenkōgeibunko:Shashinnomaki(1902;repr.,Hakubunkan,1918),37–39.Shashin

nomakiwasoneoftwenty-fourpracticallearningvolumesforchildren.OthervolumesincludedTetsudōnomaki(Railway,volume1),Suidōnomaki(Waterworks,2),Denwanomaki(Telephone,5),Tokeinomaki(Watch,15),andKenchikunomaki(Architecture,24).Accordingtothedescriptioninanadvertisementfoundintheseventeentheditionfrom1918,thesevolumeswereintended“toexplainindetailthepracticalaspectsandtheglory[seika]ofsciencethroughstep-by-steppracticalinstructionandtheobservationofpresentconditions.”27.Whatwastrueforamateurandprofessionalphotographerswasalsotrueoftheindustryattheturnof

thecentury.KonishiRokumanufactureditsearliestcamerasbypiecingtogetherseparatelyproducedandimportedparts.Typically,lenseswereimported.Butthecompanysubcontractedtoacabinetmaker(sashimono-shi),HasegawaRinosuke,whoproducedthewoodenboxesfortheboxcameras,andtoametalcaster(imono-shi),OmoriTakezō,whomadethemetalparts.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,36.FormoreontheearlyphotographicindustryinMeijiJapan,seeLukeGartlan,“SamuelCockingandtheRiseofJapanesePhotography,”HistoryofPhotography33,no.2(2009):145–164.28.Yoshikawa,“Teseikamera,”352.29.ThoughYoshikawafigurestheturntoconsumerisminphotographyarecentphenomenon,Ishii’s

accountofphotographyforboysfrom1902describesayoungboyneedlinghisfatherforanewcamera.Theboyfirstbecameinterestedinphotographybyreadingallthebooksonthesubjectthathecouldfind.Hisenthusiasmgrows,andhedecidesthatheneedsacameratopracticallytestthetheorieshehasreadaboutinbooks.Heaskshisfathertobuyhimacheapcamera.Theboy’sfatherrefuses,sayingthatacheapcameradoesnotmakeforagoodtoyandthattheboywillonlywanttobuyanewoneinashorttime.Aswesawinthepreviouschapter,thisexchangecallsattentiontothecycleofdesireandconsumptionthatbecametheoilinthemachineforsuccessfulcameracompaniesfromtheturnofthecentury.Ishii,Shashinnomaki,31–33.30.MashikoZenroku,“Teseikameranogisei,”Asahikamera22,no.3(September1936):970.31.InaninterviewheconductedwithJoanneLukitschfrom1987,JohnTaggarguesthatwiththe

expansionofphotographyinEuropeandtheUnitedStatesinthelatenineteenthcentury,thoughthemeansofphotographicrepresentationspread,“themeansofproduction[did]not.Ofcoursetheimmediatemeansofproduction[did],butthiswastheveryprocessbywhichphotographyunderwentitssecondindustrialrevolutioninthe1890s,producingmassivemonopolieslikeEastmanKodak.Soontheonehand,themeansofproductionwerecertainlynotdemocratised:handingthingsover,aswithpersonalcomputers,meantyetgreaterconcentrationofownershipofthemeansofproductionandamoredeeplyentrencheddivisionof

knowledge.Amateursdidnotknowhowtotakeacameratobitsifitwentwrong,orhowtomaketheirownfilm,orevenhowtoprint.Suchknowledgeswereyetmoreconcentrated,investedandprofessionalised.”JohnTagg,“PracticingTheories:AnInterviewwithJoanneLukitsch,”inGroundsofDispute:ArtHistory,CulturalPoliticsandtheDiscursiveField(Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,1992),90.32.Miyake,Shuminoshashinjutsu,6–7.33.Oneofthedistinguishingmarksofthenineteenth-centuryportraitphotographerwashishands-on

trainingunderthetutelageofapracticingprofessional.Thoughmanuscriptscirculatedamong,andwereevenwrittenby,someofJapan’searlyprofessionals(mostnotablybyUenoHikoma,whopublishedavolumeonthecollodionwet-plateprocessinhisthree-volumetextonchemistryof1862,Seimikyokuhikkei),mostphotographywaslearnedpractically,inthecontextofthecommercialportraitstudio.Thisremainedtheformalmethodoftrainingprofessionalphotographersuntilthefirstphotographyschoolsanddepartmentswereestablishedinthelate1910sandearly1920s.Astheamateurmarketbegantotakeshapefromthelastdecadeofthenineteenthcentury,informationaboutphotographictechniquesbegantocirculateinamoreregularized,lesspersonalmanner.Books,journals,andpamphlets—nowmass-producedonmodernprintingpresses—describingthedry-plateprocessandtheproperuseofproductssoonreplacedhandwrittenandwoodblock-printedmanuscriptsdetailingthedaguerreotypeprocessand,later,wet-plateprocesses.34.OneexceptionthatIhavefoundisanotherarticlebyYoshikawaHayao,“Kameranote-irewadō

surebayoika,”inMatsuno,Shotōshashinjutsuhyakkō,28–30.Yoshikawa,thewriterwhogaveinstructionsonhowtobuildahandmadecamera,offerssimplemaintenancetipssuchashowtocleanthelensproperlyandhowtoverysimplyandcarefullycleantheinsideofthecamera.35.ThehistoryofleisuremotoringinGreatBritainresemblesthechangesinhobbyphotographywith

regardtotheuser’scommandofthemotoritself.Earlyenthusiastswererequiredtobeminimallyfamiliarwiththeinnerworkingsoftheirrespectivemachines.SeanO’ConnelldescribesthetrialsandtribulationsofEngland’sfirstpleasuremotoristsforwhom“everyjourneyinvolvedthestrongpossibilityofabreakdownorpuncture....By1914themotoristcouldexpecttobewithinreachofagarageorrepairshopwithatleastrudimentaryknowledgeofmotormechanics.But,itwasnotuntiltheinterwaryearsthattheycouldbetrulysanguineaboutundertakinglengthydrivesintheruralareasofBritain.Intheseyearscarsbecamemorereliable,garagesmorenumerous,andtheAAandRAC‘getyouhome’services,completewithnetworksofapprovedmechanicsandphoneboxesfortheuseofmembers,becamemorewidespread.”O’Connell,TheCarandBritishSociety,82.36.ChrisRojek,“Leisureand‘TheRuinsoftheBourgeoisWorld,’”inLeisureforLeisure,ed.Chris

Rojek(London:MacmillanPress,1989),109.Rojekargues,“Insomeareasofleisure(forexample,sport,music,photography)thereisastrongpressureonparticipantsto‘reachprofessionalstandards’”(109).37.Yoshioka,ShashinjutsunoABC,1.38.Ibid.39.Yasukōchi,Yasashiishashin,12.40.Yoshioka,ShashinjutsunoABC,13.41.Ibid.,113–115.42.YasukōchiJi’ichirō,“Kantannaanshitsuwotsukuruniwa,”inMatsuno,Shotōshashinjutsuhyakkō,

86.43.Thisisoneexampleofhow-towritingonphotographyconvergingwithhow-towritingonthehome,

bothdisplayinganalmostobsessiveconcentrationonhygiene(eisei).44.Narita,Shashininganotehodoki,182.45.Forexample,seeibid.46.Yasukōchi,“Kantannaanshitsu,”84.Oneshaku,alsoknownasa“Japanesefoot,”isequalto30.3

centimeters.47.RokugawaJun,Roshutsushōkai:Shashinjutsu12kagetsu,(Kyōbunsha,1936),304–305.Thisbook

wasreprintedfourtimesinaperiodoffourmonthsfromJunetoOctober1936.48.Nagai,Kateianshitsu,6.

49.SuzukiHachirō,Shashinshippaitosonogen’in(1924;repr.,Arusu,1926),4.50.Rokugawa,Shashinjutsu12kagetsu,359.51.Iizawaseesenlargementandthesmall-modelcameraasthetoolsthathelpedspreadamateur

activitiesintheperiod.Iizawa,“Geijutsushashin,”83.52.“Kogatakameradeōgatashashin.”Yoshioka,ShashinjutsunoABC,295.“Whenyoulookat

Germanphotographicjournalsandbooks,therearesomeveryinterestingslogansthatusenicewordplay....Butamongthemthemosttypicalis‘KleinAufnahmen...grosseBilder’[sic].InJapaneseitmeans,paradoxically,‘abigprintfromasmallshot,’butitcomesfromthepopularityoftheenlargingprocess”(ibid.).53.Ibid.,296.54.“Kokusanshōkandai-kenshōshashinbōshū,”Shashingeppō31,no.1(January1925):prefatory

advertisingsection.55.Suzuki,Shashinshippai,8.56.Miyake,Shuminoshashinjutsu,7–11.57.Ingeneral,how-towritersaddressreadersasamaleaudience,usingsuchaddressesasshokun

(gentlemen),shokei(fellows),andwaka-danna(youngmen).Someauthorsspecificallyrefertotheoccupationsorsocialpositions,typicallyreservedformen,oftheirreaders.Forexample,inShuminoshashinjutsu,Miyakespecificallyreferstoofficeworkersandstudentsasthephotographerswhohavenotimetodeveloptheirexposedfilmandplates(10).58.Sakuraisthebrand-nameofmanyofKonishiRoku’saccessoriesandproducts.59.Moreover,thedisembodiedimagesoftenincludejustaglimpseofthecuffofaWesternshirtandsuit,

asintheimageinFigure3.12,anotherreferencetothekindsofmentowhomcameracompaniesandpublishersmarketedtheirproducts—clerksandofficeworkers.60.Socialandculturalhistoriansoftechnology,particularlyinthefieldofAmericanhistory,have

uncoverednotonlyhowgenderinformstheproductionandconsumptionoftechnologyinsocietybutalsohowhistorianshaveprivilegedahistoryofproductionoverconsumption.Forinterestinghistoriographicperspectives,seeRuthOldenziel,“MantheMaker,WomantheConsumer:TheConsumptionJunctionRevisited,”inFeminisminTwentieth-CenturyScience,TechnologyandMedicine,ed.AngelaN.H.Creager,ElizabethLunbeck,andLondaSchiebinger(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,2001),128–148;andStevenLubar,“Men/Women/Production/Consumption,”inHisandHers:Gender,Consumption,andTechnology,ed.RogerHorowitzandArwenMohun(Charlottesville:UniversityofVirginiaPress,1998),7–37.61.How-towritersalsodevoteagreatdealofattentiontoteachingphotographershowtotakepicturesof

women.Titleaftertitleoffersthehobbyisttipsonproducingsuperlativephotographicportraitsofwomen.Typicaltitlesincludevariationson“Onnanoutsushikata”(TakingPhotographsofWomen)and“Onnanohyōjō”(Women’sExpressions).62.Hayami,“Utsusarejōzu”;andChibaNoriko,“Utusarerukatanookeshōtokitsuke,”Asahikamera

10,no.1(January1930):48–51.63.Hayami,“Utsusarejōzu,”48.64.Ibid.,49.

Chapter41.AversionofChapter4appearedas“‘LittleWorksofArt’:Photography,CameraClubsand

DemocratizingEverydayLifeinEarlyTwentieth-CenturyJapan,”JapanForum25,no.4(December2013):425–457.2.TokyoAsahiShinbunsha,ed.,Nihonshashinnenkan(AsahiShinbunsha,1925),32;andIizawa,

“Geijutsushashin,”109.3.Ikegami,BondsofCivility,9.

4.Ibid.,33.5.Ibid.,366–367.6.Outsidethewealthofworksonthehistoryoflaborunions,theemergenceofmodernvoluntary

associationsinlatenineteenth-andearlytwentieth-centuryJapan,thoughclearlyasignificantaspectofmodernsocialorganization,hasbeenlittleresearchedineitherJapaneseorEnglish.EdwardNorbecklamentedin1967that“welackessentialinformationonmanyaspectsofruraland,particularly,urbanassociations,includingtheirinternalstructure,theirproceduresofoperation,andtheirrolesinlocalandnationalpolitics.”Norbeck,“AssociationsandDemocracyinJapan,”inAspectsofSocialChangeinModernJapan,ed.R.P.Dore(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,1967),185.HashizumeShin’yalooksatthearchitecturalanddesignelementsoftheclubhouseinJapanfromtheMeijiperiodinKurabutoNihonjin:Hitogaatsumarukūkannobunkashi(Kyoto:GakugeiShuppansha,1989).EdwardNorbeckisthemostprolificscholarinEnglishonthesubjectofvoluntaryassociationsinJapan,inparticulartheirrelationshiptotheemergenceofdemocracyinthecountrysideduringtheearlypostwarperiod.SeeespeciallyNorbeck,“AssociationsandDemocracyinJapan,”and“CommonInterestAssociationsinRuralJapan,”inJapaneseCulture:ItsDevelopmentandCharacteristics,ed.RobertJ.SmithandRichardK.Beardsley(Chicago:Aldine,1963).DonaldRodenexploresthevitalityofbu-seikatsu(clublife)amongmalestudentsatelitehigherschools,preparatoryschoolsforJapaneseimperialuniversities,intheearlytwentiethcenturyinSchoolDaysinImperialJapan:AStudyintheCultureofaStudentElite(Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1980),113–122.DarrylFlahertylooksattheroleofvoluntarylawyers’associationsintheformationofJapanesepoliticalpartiesin“OrganizingforInfluence:Lawyers’AssociationsandJapanesePolitics,1868–1945”(PhDdiss.,ColumbiaUniversity,2001).Japanesepressclubshavealsobeentheobjectofinquiry.See,forexample,LaurieAnneFreeman,ClosingtheShop:InformationCartelsandJapan’sMassMedia(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,2000);andWilliamdeLange,AHistoryofJapaneseJournalism:Japan’sPressClubastheLastObstacletoaMaturePress(Richmond,Surrey,UK:JapanLibrary,1998).Despitethesestudies,researchonrecreationalclubsisstillscant.7.Hashizume,KurabutoNihonjin,42–46.8.ThisNihonShashinKaiisnotthesameasthelater,artisticassociationofthesamenamethat

FukuharaShinzōfoundedin1924andisstillactivetoday.Anearlierandlessformalgatheringseemstohavebeguninthemid-1870sundertheauspicesofSamuelCocking.Gartlan,“SamuelCocking,”160–161.9.Kaneko,“JapanesePhotography,”firstpageofnonpaginatedtext.SeealsoOzawaTakeshi,Nihonno

shashinshi:BakumatsunodenpakaraMeiji-kimade(NikkorClub,1986),142–147.10.ThefollowingbriefbiographicalsketchofBurtonandtheoutlineofthehistoryoftheNihonShashin

KaicomefromOzawa,Nihonnoshashinshi,142–145.11.In1901Ozaki,alongwithotherleadingartandliteraryfigures,foundedtheTokyoShayūKai,a

photographyclub,undertheauspicesoftheesteemedliterarysocietyKenyūsha.Iizawa,“Geijutsushashin,”221n1.12.ThisdebateisthoroughlycoveredintwopiecesbyIizawa,“Nihonno‘Geijutsushashin’ga

hajimatta,”48–53,and“‘Geijutsu-ha’to‘Kikaitekishabutsu-ha,’”in“Geijutsushashin,”24–33.13.Kaneko,“JapanesePhotography,”secondpageofnonpaginatedtext.14.Forexample,KyotoShashinKyōkai(1902);KobeShayūKai(1902);KitagoeShashinKurabu

(Niigataprefecture,1902);NihonKameraKurabu(Osaka,1904);KajimaKōgaKai(Ibaragi,1905);NagasakiKōgaKyōkai(1906);MatsueShayūKai(Shimane,1906);TokyoShashinKenkyūKai(1907);NaniwaShashinKurabu(Osaka,1907);andAiyuShashinKurabu(Nagoya,1912).Foramorecompletelistingofclubsestablishedduringthisperiod,seethechart“Zenkokushashindantaiichiran(Meijichūki-Taishōshonen),”inIizawa,“Geijutsushashin,”39–42.15.UnlikethemembersoftheMeijigenerationofclubs,photographersofthisgenerationnolonger

neededtoprovethatphotographywasanart.16.Takayama-sei(pseudonym),“Mudai-roku,”Shashingeppō18,no.12(December1913):50.17.TheEnglishtranslationoftheassociations’nameswasprovidedinthebylawsoftheZenKansai

ShashinRenmeipublishedin“Zappō,”Shashingeppō31,no.1(January1926):80.18.PersonalcommunicationwithKanekoRyūichi,15May2002.19.Formoreonthepopularizationofartphotographyandtheaesthetictrendspromotedinearlypopular

cameraclubs,seeRoss,“‘LittleWorksofArt,’”425–457.20.Ayearafteritsrelease,thecompanychangedthenameofthecamerafromMinimamuAideya

KameratotheslightlyalteredMinimamuAideaKamera.Forexample,seeadinShashingeppō19,no.9(September1914):prefatorypage15.21.SakaiShūichi,Raikatosonojidai:M3madenokiseki(AsahiShinbunsha,1997),156.22.ShūkanAsahi,Nedan-shinenpyō,107.23.Shashingeppō18,no.1(January1913):supplementalmiddlepage19.24.“MinimamuShashinKaiKaiinBoshū,”Shashingeppō18,no.9(September1913):supplementary

prefatorypage21.25.Ibid.26.KonishiRoku,Shashintotomoni,321.Thecompanyhadalreadyestablishedapatternforasingle

productionfacilitywithitsfactoryforlight-sensitivematerialsin1902.Themovefromsubcontractedproductionofcamerastoaunifiedproductionfacilityin1919setthestageforthemassproductionofcamerasonascaleneverbeforeachievedinJapan(248–249).27.PārettonotsukaikataisthefirstvolumeofArusu’sKameratsukaikatazenshū,aten-volumeseries

thatdevotesonevolumeeachtotendifferentmodelsofcameras.28.Inthe1928listingofphotographyclubsmentionedpreviously,2,178peoplehadofficiallyregistered

withthePearletteShashinRenmei.TokyoAsahiShinbunsha,Nihonshashinnenkan,20.29.Anotheropportunitywasthechancetohaveone’sworkpublishedinKonishiRoku’sjournalPāretto

gashū.30.Shuminotomocouldalsobetranslatedas“friendsofliketaste.”31.SuzukiHachirō,“AtarashikuumarekawaruKamerakurabu,”Kamerakurabu2,no.9(September

1936),n.p.32.Ibid.AccordingtoSuzukithereweremorethantwentythousandsubscribers.33.HashizumebrieflydiscussesthewaythatJapanesecompaniesaddressconsumersoftheirparticular

productsandservicesas“members”intheintroductiontoKurabutoNihonjin,10–11.34.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō32,no.11(November1927):830.35.KondōSuga,“Fujin-busōritsutōjinoomoide,”in“Shashinjosei-gun,”54.36.ThefollowingsummaryoftheLady’sCameraClubcomesfromtheprefaceofShibuyaKuritsu

ShōtōBijutsukan,ed.,Tokubetsuchinretsu:NojimaYasuzōtoRedeisuKameraKurabu(ShibuyaKuritsuShōtōBijutsukan,1993).37.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō40,no.8(August1935):805.38.Imagesofpeopleattendingtheexhibitionarehighlightedin“Zappō,”Shashingeppō40no.6(June

1935):805.39.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō37,no.7(June1935):784.40.Thetermskisoku,kiyaku,andkaisokuareusedinterchangeablytoreferto“bylaws”throughoutthe

documents.41.Ikegami,BondsofCivility,32–33.42.Norbeck,“AssociationsandDemocracyinJapan,”192–193.43.Forexample,seeKatōShinichi,Shashin-jutsukaitei(1904;repr.,KonishiHonten,1912):appendix,

unpaginated;Anonymous,“Atarashiiyōsaichitai,”Kamera1,no.5(1922):113–114;TakakuwaKatsuo,Fuirumushashinjutsu(1920;repr.,Arusu,1922):appendix,17–20.44.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō26no.12(December1921):60.45.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō20,no.8(August1915):78.46.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō23,no.3(March1921):75.47.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō23,no.11(November1918):56.48.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō23,no.9(September1919):54.

49.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō27,no.5(May1922):63.50.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō27,no.2(February1922):62–63.51.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō25,no.9(September1920):73.Thelistreadssomewhatlikethetypical

tableofcontentsforabeginner’show-tobookonphotographictechnique.52.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō25,no.11(November1920):82.53.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō34,no.8(August1929):718.54.HowardChudacoff,TheAgeoftheBachelor:CreatinganAmericanSubculture,(Princeton,NJ:

PrincetonUniversityPress,1999),153.55.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō26,no.9(September1921):50.56.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō27,no.2(February1922):62.57.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō26,no.3(March1921):88.58.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō39,no.7(July1934):773–774.59.Ibid.,773.60.Ibid.,774.61.Ibid.62.RobertAnderson,“AssociationsinHistory,”AmericanAnthropologist73,no.1(1971):209–222.

ThoughthestudyofJapanesevoluntaryassociationsisstillsomewhatscant,thestudyofvoluntaryassociationsinNorthAmericaandWesternEuropehasproducedanenormousamountofhistoricalandsociologicalscholarship.TheformationofvoluntaryassociationsinlargemetropolitancentersofNorthAmericaandWesternEuropehavelongbeenrecognizedbysociologistsandhistoriansasanadaptivemechanismthathelpedurbanimmigrantstransitionintotheirnewandoftenveryalienatingsurroundingsaftertheymigratedfromthecountrytothecityduringthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.See,forexample,OrvoellR.Gallagher,“VolunteerAssociationsinFrance,”SocialForces36,no.2(December1957):153–160;andLynnAbrams,Workers’CultureinImperialGermany:LeisureandRecreationinRhinelandandWestphalia(London:Routledge,1992).63.Abrams,Workers’CultureinImperialGermany,116.64.Gallagher,“VolunteerAssociationsinFrance,”153.65.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō18,no.11(November1913):62–80.66.Anderson,“AssociationsinHistory,”216.67.Abrams,Workers’CultureinImperialGermany,116.Inadditiontorecognizingtheroleofurban

voluntaryassociationsasmediatingtheuncertaintyofmigrationfromcountrytocity,scholarshavefurtherexplainedtheevolutionofcluborganizationinthecontextofthedevelopmentofdemocraticpoliticalinstitutions.Numerousstudieshavelookedatthedevelopmentofvoluntaryassociationsascloselyassociatedwiththedevelopmentofcivicparticipation.See,forexample,GeraldGammandRobertPutnam,“TheGrowthofVoluntaryAssociationsinAmerica,1840–1940,”JournalofInterdisciplinaryHistory29,no.4(1999):511–557;ThedaSkocpol,DiminishedDemocracy:FromMembershiptoManagementinAmericanCivicLife(Norman:UniversityofOklahomaPress,2003);MatthewBaggetta,“CivicOpportunitiesinAssociations:InterpersonalInteraction,GovernanceExperienceandInstitutionalRelationships,”SocialForces88,no.1(2009):175–199.Alongwiththisincreasedmodernizationoftheclubintermsofitsactivitiesandorganizationalstructure,anotherelementofthemodernclubisitscommitmenttoidealsofdemocraticprocessandtransparency.GammandPutnam,“TheGrowthofVoluntaryAssociations,”511.AlexisdeTocquevilleobservedintheearlynineteenthcenturythatvoluntaryassociationsinAmericaactedas“freeschools”totraincitizensintheartofdemocracy.Baggetta,“CivicOpportunitiesinAssociations,”175.68.Anderson,“AssociationsinHistory,”215.69.Ibid.70.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō34,no.8(August1929):718.71.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō25,no.10(October1920):51.72.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō25,no.9(September1920):74.73.Anderson,“AssociationsinHistory,”215.

74.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō27,no.5(May1922):64.75.Abrams,Workers’CultureinImperialGermany,116.76.Ibid.77.Ibid.78.SheldonGaron,MoldingJapaneseMinds:TheStateinEverydayLife(Princeton,NJ:Princeton

UniversityPress,1997),119.79.Garon,MoldingJapaneseMinds,118–119.80.“Zappō,”Shashingeppō37,no.6(June1932):596.

Chapter51.FukuharaShinzō,“Shashin-dō,”Asahikamerazōkan:Nihonnoshashinshininanigaattaka?‘Asahi

kamera’hanseikinoayumi(April1978):63.OriginallypublishedinAsahikamera1,no.1(April1926):30–31.2.ForabriefdiscussionoftherelationshipbetweenpaintingandphotographyinthelateMeijiand

Taishōperiods,seeIizawa,“Nihonno‘Geijutsushashin’gahajimatta.”Afullerpresentationoftherangeofdebatesduringthisperiodispresentedinhisbook“Geijutsushashin”tosonojidai.3.Fukuhara,“Shashin-dō,”63.4.Ibid.5.SaitōTazunori,Geijutsushashinnotsukurikata(Genkōsha,1932),6.Throughoutthetwentieth

century,geijutsushashinhasoftenbeentranslatedas“pictorialphotography”or“pictorialism,”whichinsomecasesisappropriate.But,asIarguethroughoutthischapter,geijutsushashin,especiallyasitisusedbytheearly1930s,isamuchmoreinclusivetermthantheEnglishphraseconnotes.Throughoutthechapter,IusetheJapanesetermgeijutsushashintoavoidconflationwiththecommonconnotationoftheEnglishphrase.InEnglish,“pictorialism”after1910referstophotographicworkthat“valuessoft-focuseffectsandhand-manipulatedimagery.Pictorialistspromotedthestudyoftheestablishedartsandcontinuedtoproclaimtheself-expressivepossibilitiesofphotography....Beautyforitsownsakewaswidelyworshippedbytraditionalpictorialists.”ChristianPeterson,AfterthePhoto-Secession:AmericanPictorialPhotography,1910–1955(NewYork:MinneapolisInstituteofFineArtsandW.W.Norton,1997),18–19.AccordingtoJonesintheEncyclopediaofPhotographyof1911,pictorialcompositionisthe“outcomeofakindofinstinct,anaturalfeelingforwhatisharmonious,tasteful,andpleasing.Whetherthatinstinctcanbecreatedisverydoubtful;butitcancertainlybefosteredandcultivatedbycarefulstudyofNature,andofgraphicrepresentationsofNatureproducedbyotherswhohavethemselvesstudiedandobserved”(137).6.TheworkofphotographerslikeAlfredStieglitz(American,1864–1946),EmilOttoHoppé(British,

1878–1972),andAdolfFassbender(American,1884–1980),aswellasJapan’sFukuharaShinzōandNojimaYasuzō’searlywork,istypicallylabeled“pictorialist.”7.Saitō,Geijutsushashin,34.8.Ibid.,33.9.Ibid.,35–36.10.Ibid.;onindividualism,seepages22–23;onmotivation,seepages16–18.Themotivationtocapture

beautyischaracterizedbyadesiretomovebeyondsimplyseeing(nagameru)todeeplylooking(fukakumiru)andobserving(kansatsu).11.Ibid.,31–32.12.Ibid.,31.13.Ibid.,37.14.MurayamaTomoyoshi,“Shashinnoatarashiikinō,”Asahikamera1,no.1(May1926):24–27.

ReprintedinaspecialissueofAsahikamera(April1978):64.OnMavo,seeWeisenfeld,Mavo.15.Murayama,“Shashinnoatarashiikinō,”64.

16.Ibid.17.InaNobuo,“Shashinnikaere,”Kōga1,no.1(May1932):3.18.Ibid.19.“Inshōshugitekikaigawomohōsurukotowomokutekitoshita.”Ibid.20.Ibid.21.Ibid.22.DōistheChinesereadingforthecharactermichior“way.”23.Saitō,Geijutsushashin,12.24.Ibid.25.“Shinkyōkarakanjōnogekihatsutokōfun.”Ibid.,27.26.Ibid.,26.27.Ibid.,26–27.28.Shashinshinpōsponsoredthe“Getsureidia-ichi/dai-nibuōbo”(MonthlyCallforFirstandSecond

DivisionPhotographs);Shashingeppō,the“Getsureikenshōshashinboshū”(MonthlyCallforPrizePhotographs);Kamera,the“Maitsukikenshōshashinboshū”(MonthlyCallforPrizePhotographs)from1921;andFuototaimusu,the“FuototaimusuShagetsureishashinboshū”(PhototimesCompanyMonthlyCallforPhotographs)from1924.29.GekkanRaika(whichbecameKogatakamerain1936)sponsoredthe“Getsureikenshōsakuhin

boshū”(MonthlyCallforPrizeWork)from1934.SubmissionshadtobetakenwithaLeicacamera,thoughtherewerenorestrictionsonpaper,printingmaterials,subjectmatter,orsizeofsubmissions.Editorsalsopublishedcommentaryonwinningsubmissions.Shashinsaronhelditsmonthlycontest“Getsureikenshōshashinboshū”andprovidededitorialcommentaryonwinningsubmissionsfrom1933.30.Therewerenorestrictionsonthekindsofphotographssubmittedoronthematerialscontestantsused.

Interestingly,thestaffatKōgaofferedtoreturnallsubmissionswithcommentsifthecontestantsentreturnpostage.Thoughothermagazinespublishedcommentaryonwinningsubmissionsinthepagesoftheirmagazine,KōgaistheonlyjournalIhaveencounteredthatofferedsuchpersonalizedattention,evenforthosewhodidnotwin.31.Asahikamera26,no.3(September1938):554.32.Throughouttheperiod1926–1941,thenumberofdivisionschangesoccasionallyfromthreetofour

orfive.33.ThefollowingbriefbiographyisacollationofinformationtakenfromIizawa,Nihonshashinshiwo

aruku,160–170;andFuku,ShinzoandRosoFukuhara,8–10.WhenFukuharareturnedtoTokyoin1913,hebecameanactivememberoftheMinimumPhotographyClubandwonthirdplaceforhissubmission,“Senba”(WashingaHorse),whichwaspublishedintheOctober1913issueofShashingeppō.34.Heheldthispositionexceptforabriefperiodin1944–1945duringWorldWarII,whenthe

governmentdisbandedthesociety.Fuku,ShinzoandRosoFukuhara,9.35.Suzukiwasrelativelysuccessfulintheverynewfieldofcommercialphotography.In1924,heand

severalotherphotographers,includinghow-towriterSaitōTazunori,startedHyōgensha,apublishingcompanywithtwodivisions:GeijutsuShashinKenkyūBu(ArtPhotographyResearchDivision)andShōgyōShashinBu(CommercialPhotographyDivision).HeteamedupwithKanemaruShigenein1927toestablishKinreisha,oneofJapan’searlieststudiosdevotedentirelytocommercialphotography.Iizawa,Geijutsushashin,101–103.36.Thesubscriptionincludedalltenvolumes;eachvolumecostoneyenfortysen,plusfourteensenfor

postage.ThetenvolumesareKameranochishikitoerabikata(KnowledgeoftheCameraandHowtoChooseOne,1);Kamerawotsukaikonasukotsu(MasteringtheCamera,2);Tadashiiroshutsunokimekata(HowtoDecideontheProperExposure,3);Fuirumutofuirutāhayawakari(AQuickGuidetoFilmandFilters,4);Utsushikatanodai-ippō(TheFirstStepstoTakingPictures,5);Utsushikatanodai-nihō(TheSecondSteptoTakingPictures,6);Darenimodekirugenzōnoyōryō(GuidelinestoDeveloping:AnyoneCanDoIt,7);Yakitsukekarahikinobashimade(FromPrintingOuttoEnlargement,8);Shikinoshashinjutsu(PhotographicTechniquefortheFourSeasons,9);andWatakushinoshashinjutsu(MyPhotographic

Technique,10).37.Inthemonthlycolumn“Sengaiingahyō:Dokogawaruika”(CommentsonPrintsNotSelected:

WhatWentWrong?),FujikiKennosukeincludedseveralexamplephotographsandofferedhiscommentsonsubmissionsnotchosen.Inthefirstofthisseries,Fujikipromisestobefair,togiveonlyconstructivecriticism,andtousethelosingphotographsanonymously.FujikiKennosuke,“Sengaiingahyō:Dokogawaruika,”Kamera2,no.7(July1936):52.38.Kamerakurabu,2,no.7(July1936):56.39.Pamphlet,n.d.IfoundthispamphletinsidethecoverofausedcopyofSuzuki’sArusutaishūshashin

kōza,9kan:Shikinoshashinjutsu(Arusu,1938).40.StevenGelberrecountsthesimilarpopularityofcontestsinthemodelairplaneandflyinghobby:

“TheuseofairplanesinWorldWarIandLindbergh’s1927trans-Atlanticflightfueledaveritablecrazeformodelairplanes.AtthedawnoftheGreatDepression,modelairplaneshadbecomeamultimillion-dollarbusinesswithabouttwothousandmanufacturers....Forthemostpart,however,non-flyingdisplaykitstookabackseattoflyingmodels.Bythemid-1930s2millionflyingmodelairplaneswerebeingbuilteachyear,aboutaquarterofthempoweredbytinyinternalcombustionenginespioneeredintheUnitedStates.Throughoutthe1930smodelbuildersjoinedclubsandcompetedincontestsundertheauspicesofavarietyofprivateandpublicsponsors.”Gelber,Hobbies,231–232.41.Kamera(November1925).42.“Geijutsushashinseikōnoippanwashashinkajishinnoginōniyorukotowaihe,naokatsuippanwa

shiyōzairyōnosentakuikaniyoru.”Kamera(November1925).43.“Bromidepaperisapurephotographicpapercoatedwithasensitiveemulsion,composedprincipally

ofbromideofsilverandwhitegelatinandsimilartothatoftheordinarydryplateorfilmonlyofmuchlessrapidity,permittingmanipulationbyastrongerlightthanwouldbesafeforplatesorfilms.”HowtoMakeGoodPhotographs(Kodak,ca.1917),130.44.Gelbercitestheimportantmarketingroleofcelebritiesinendorsinghobbyactivities.Throughoutthe

1930s,thePlaygroundandRecreationAssociationofAmericasponsoredregionalmodelplaneflyingcompetitionsand“featuredaeronauticsluminarieslikeOrvilleWrightandCharlesLindbergh,whoassuredmodelbuildersthattheyweredevelopingpracticalskills.”Gelber,Hobbies,232.45.Evenwhenthenamesofthejudgeswerenotlistedseparately,manyannouncementsclaimedthata

panelofexpertsfromtheworldofphotographywouldjudgethecontest.Forexample,acontestthatrequiredtheuseoftheKurosuFilteranddomesticallyproducedfilmadvertisedintheSeptember1938issueofAsahikameradidnotnamespecificjudgesbutassuredcontestantsthatthejudgingwouldbe“entrustedtoeminentexperts”(Chomeisenmonkaniizoku[sic]su).46.Asahikamera26,no.3(March1938).47.Thelaw,YushutsunyūHintōRinjiSochiHō,wasenactedinSeptember1937.NihonShashinKyōkai,

Nihonshashinshinenpyō,186.48.Mitsukoshi12,no.3(March1922):32.49.Yukataarelightcottonorlinenkimonowornduringthesummerseason.50.“Iwayurushumi-tekigeijutsushashinnozōgenotōwodete,shashinjitsuyō-ka.”Asahikamera9,no.

3(March1930).51.Asahikamera21,no.4(April1936):n.p.52.Peterson,AfterthePhoto-Secession,32.53.Ibid.54.Forexample,thefollowingbestsellerseachincludedseveralchaptersonthebromoilprocess:

TakakuwaKatsuo’sFuirumushashinjutsu(1920),MiyakeKokki’sShuminoshashinjutsu(1923),andNaritaRyūkichi’sShashininganotehodoki(AnIntroductiontoPhotography,1929).55.KentenistheshortenednamefortheTokyoShashinKenkyūKai,anannualphotographyexhibition

thatbeganin1910andcontinuestothisday.56.Iizawaincludesausefulchartonthepopularityofvariousphotographictechniquesin“Geijutsu

shashin,”46.

57.Norcantheybeexplainedbyescapismortrendyfashion,asIizawaargues.Ibid.,162.58.JohnBrinckerhoffJackson,“CraftsmanStyleandTechnostyle,”inDiscoveringtheVernacular

Landscape(NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress,1984),117.59.Ibid.,116–117.60.Gelber,Hobbies,30.61.Peterson,AfterthePhoto-Secession,109.62.Ibid.,28.FassbenderquotationscitedfromAdolfFassbender,“UnderstandtheAmateurversusthe

Artist,”manuscript(FassbenderFoundation,n.d.,unpaginated).63.InChapter3,Iarguedthatoneoftheappealsofhobbyphotographywasitsimplicitconnectionwith

themodernworldofproductionandindustrialization.Hobbyphotographyandthehomedarkroombroughtideologiesoftheworkplaceandtheresearchanddevelopmentlabintothehome.64.TakakuwaKatsuo,“Zōkanninozomite,”Kamera1,no.1(April1921):1.Inmuchofhiswritinghe

usesshumishashinkaandkōzushashinkainterchangeablytorefertotheamateurphotographer.65.“Shinnoryōhinnarabaōinifuichōshiyō.”Takakuwa,“Zōkanninozomite,”1.Theideathata

magazinewouldactasamouthpieceforparticularcameracompaniesandtheirproductswasajabattheprevailingpopularphotographymagazinesoftheday,suchasShashingeppō,sponsoredbyKonishiRoku,andShashinshinpō,sponsoredbyAsanumaShōkai.Thoughthesemagazinespublishedarticlesonmany“neutral”topics,suchastechniqueandaesthetics,theyalsoregularlyfeaturedextendedarticlesontheirownproductsandonimportedproductssoldintheirshops.66.Thetermbijutsushashin(literally,“artphotography”)isnottobeconfusedwithgeijutsushashinasI

havebeendiscussingitinthischapter.Thebijutsushashinpractitionerisawell-establishedphotographer,onewhosubmitshisworktothevariousimperialexhibitionsandwhoseworkisknownas“art.”67.Takakuwa,“ShashinshiIchikawa-kunni,”667.68.Ibid.,668.69.Fuchigami’sphotographhasbeenpublishedinseveralvolumes,includingTakebaJōandMiura

Noriko,eds.,Ikyōnomodanizumu:FuchigamiHakuyōtoManshūShashinSakkaKyōkai(Nagoya:Nagoya-shiBijutsukan,1994);AnselAdamsCenter,ed.,ModernPhotographyinJapan,1915–1940(SanFrancisco:TheFriendsofPhotography,2001);andTuckeretal.,TheHistoryofJapanesePhotography.70.InaNobuo,“Shashinnikaere.”

Epilogue1.Shashingeppō30,no.1(January1925):prefatorypage10.Theadvertisementinwhichthisgoalwas

statedwasfortheIdeaNo.1andthePearlNo.2cameras.Itannounced:“TheHighestQualityandtheBestPrices.Itisthesacrificial(gisei-teki)effortofthiscompanytotryasmuchaspossibletobringaboutthedemocratizationofphotography[shashinminshūka].Justaseveryhomepossessesawallclockoratableclock,intoday’sworld,thecamerashouldbeseenasoneofthemostessentialpossessionsforeveryhome.”2.ThesummaryofKonishiRoku’swartimeproductionactivitiescomesfromKonishiRoku,Shashinto

tomoni.3.“YushutsunyūHintōRinjiSochiHō.”Thedataontheconsumptionofphotographicproductsduring

wartimecomesfromNihonshashinshinenpyō.4.TsūshinSangyōDaijinKanbōChōsaTōkei-bu,ed.,Kikaitōkeinenpō,Shōwa27–nen(NihonKikai

KōgyōKai,1948),139.5.InaNobuo,“Japan’sPhotographicIndustry,”JapanQuarterly5,no.4(October/December1958):511.6.TsūshinSangyōDaijinKanbōChōsaTōkei-bu,ed.,Kōgyōtōkei50nenshi,Shiryōhen1(Ōkurashō

InsatsuKyoku,1961),512.7.NihonShashinKyōkai,Nihonshashinshinenpyō,207.Othermagazinesthatbeganpublishingagain

afterthewarincludeKōgagekkan(January1947);Asahikamera(October1949);Shashinsaron(June

1951);andKamerakurabu,whichrestartedasShashinnokyōshitsuin1949.MariShirayamaetal.,“JCIIRaiburarī10shūnenkinen-ten:Shashinzasshinokiseki”(JCIIRaiburarī,2001),4–11.8.NihonShashinKyōkai,Nihonshashinshinenpyō,210.9.Ibid.,207.10.TanabeYoshio,Mitchakunojitsugi(Genkōsha,1954),9.

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INDEX

Abrams,Lynn,121–22,123,126,200nn62,63,201nn67,75accountingmethods,30,182nn56,57,183n60advertisements,38,39,70,111,140,143,167,185n98;forcameras,7,11,36–37,45,46,47,48,59,60,61,62,74,106,107,186n100,187nn8,11,199n20,206n1;forenlargers,88,144,145;ofKonishiRoku,21,22,29,43,45,46,47,48,88,92,93,106,107,110,187nn8,11,206n1;ofphotography’ssimplicity,41,45,48,49;forprintingpaper,144;womenphotographersin,45,46,54,55,56,91.Seealsocommercialphotography

aestheticstandards,177n37,188n18;andcameraclubs,101,105,115,125,127;andcontests,133,141,143,144,146;ingeijutsushashin,9–10,101,105,115,125,127,129–41,143,144,155–66,168;asmiddlebrow,8–10,155–66,177n36;inmodernistphotography,9–10,129–30,132,135–37,160–66,187n15;photographicrealism,5,132,134,135,143;pictorialism,3–4,10,12,129,131,132,135,202nn5,6;relationshiptodarkroomtechniques,9,10,12.Seealsomodernistphotography

AkabaneShichiya,185n98AkiyamaTetsusuke,103,106,149,151Anderson,Robert,200n62;onpremodernvs.modernassociations,122,123;onrational-legalassociations,122,123

Appadurai,Arjun,187n14appliedphotography,42artgalleries,8,99,140ArusuPublishing,74,138,158–59,170;ArusuCompetitioninPhotographyfortheSupportofDomesticProducts,150,151;ArusuCourseinPopularPhotography,16,141,178n3,203n36;ArusuLatestCoursesinPhotography(Arususaishinshashindai-kōza),89,90,111;ArusuPhotographyAnnual(Arusushashinnenkan),34,185nn82,83,85;Kameratsukaikatazenshū,199n27;andSuzukiHachirō,16,141–43,178n3.SeealsoKamera;Kamerakurabu

Asahigurafu,42,43,149,150,186n1Asahikamera,4,5,42,160,169,206n7;advertisementsin,22,39,56,61,185n98;“AmateurPhotographicTechniqueof30YearsAgoasToldbyaHandmadeCamera”,75–77;cartoonsin,50–51,77,78,161,162–63,188n23;Chiba’s“MakeupandClothingforThoseHavingTheirPictureTaken”,94;depictionsofwomenphotographersin,51,56,58;Fukuhara’s“TheWayofPhotography”,131,137,141,202n22;Hayami’s“HavingYourPictureTakenWell”,94;“TheMarchoftheFemalePhotographer”series,57–58,62;Murayama’s“TheNewFunctionofPhotography”,135–36;andphotographycontests,132,133,134,135,137–39,141,142,146,147,149–50,151,154,205n45;“APoemaboutPhotography”,57;“TalkingaboutAmateurs”,51–54;“WomenandPhotography”,58;womencontributors,57–58

AsahiNewspaperCompany,42,43,105,122,135,140AsahiShinbun,43AsanoYōichi:“Tower”,163AsanumaShōkai,5,8,10,52,74,104,175n24,205n65AssociationofDepartmentStores(HyakkatenKyōkai),32AssociationofPhotographicSocietiesofEasternJapan(Zen-KantōShashinRenmei),105,199n17AssociationofPhotographicSocietiesofWesternJapan(Zen-KansaiShashinRenmei),105,199n17AssociationofUrbanBeauty(ToshiBiKyōkai),149–50avant-guardephotographers,4,135

BabyMinoltacamera,45,47BabyPearlcamera,170Bakumatsuperiod,74Barclay,PaulD.,173n8Bauhaus,4Bayer’sHBromide,144Benson,SusanPorter:CounterCultures,177n38,181n39;ondepartmentstores,177n38,181n39,182n45;onescalators,182n45

Bourdieu,Pierre:ondedicatedphotographers,48,50,177n39,188n18;onoccasionalphotographers,48,49,62,177n39,188n18;onthephotographable,191n4;Photography:AMiddleBrowArt,188n18,191n4

Brayer,Elizabeth,1Breward,Christopher,7,182n48bromidepaper,144,204n43bromideshops,58,189n36bromoil/bromoil-transferprocesses,12,155–57,205n54Bruguière,Francis,135Bryant,H.B.:BryantandStratton’sCommonSchoolBookKeeping,183n60Burton,WilliamK.,102–3,198n10

cameraclubs,2,8,9,10,11–12,50,198n14;andaestheticstandards,101,105,115,125,127;bylaws,114–19,123–25,126,171–72,199n17,200n40;contestssponsoredby,106,111–12,113,124–25,126,171–72;democraticprinciplesupheldby,99–100,123–27,129;friendshipandstudypromotedby,116–17,118,171;historyof,101–4;kurabu,101–2,117;membership,102–4,105,106,108,109,111,112–13,115–16;numberof,104–5,112;officers,123–24,126;andphotographymagazines,74,104–5;photographypromotedby,118–20,121,171;asrational-legalassociations,122,123–25;urbanvs.provincial,121–23;asvoluntaryassociations,12,101,197n6,200n62,201n67;womenin,57,100,111–13,116,126

cameras:accessories,17,18,41,108,110,169;advertisements,7,11,36–37,45,46,47,48,59,60,61,62,74,106,107,186n100,187nn8,11,199n20,206n1;brands,5–6,17,80;handmadecameras,75–80,193n25;importedcameras,12–13,17,19,35,45,106,150,168,203n29;pricesof,19,35,39,45,81,106,168,169,170,185n93;salestaxon,169;shoppingfor,2,7,10,11,15–18,19,49,51–54,80,81,168,179nn17,18;soft-focuslenses,3,131,132,135.Seealsofilm

camerashops,6,56,91,103;filmdevelopingat,37,49,91,187n10;inTokyo,2,16,20,21,23,33–36,34,36,49,51–54,185n83;used-camerashops,2,16,34,36–39,51–54,185n98,186n100.SeealsoKonishiRoku

Canon,175n24capitalism,157–58,187n15,188n22casualphotographers,10–11,41,46,47,48,49–50,62,177n39,188n18Chaplin,Charlie,20CherryPortablecamera,106,167ChibaNoriko:“MakeupandClothingforThoseHavingTheirPictureTaken”,94Chudacoff,Howard,117–18Clark,John,174n10Cocking,Samuel,198n8CommemorationLectureSeries,42,43CommercialCodeof1899,183n64commercialphotography,4,5,103,115,117,119,141,154–55,188n23,203n35commodificationofknowledge,11,48,69–70,72–75,187n14consumerism,4,6–7,12,165,194n29controlofphotographicpractice,157–58,158,168,170

craftsmanship,12,76–77,130,157–58,165

Daguerre,Louis-Jacques-Mandé,42,186n2DaimaruDepartmentStore,183nn60,62DalianPhotographyClub,115,117,124darkroomtechniques,11,57,58,66,74,82–91,130,158,170,185n84,187n10,205n63;relationshiptoaesthetics,9,10,12;YasukōchiJi’ichirōon,83,86–87.Seealsobromoil/bromoil-transferprocess;enlargement;manipulativetechniques

deLange,William:AHistoryofJapaneseJournalism,198n6democratizationofphotography,10,11,45,99–101,187n11,206n1departmentstores,10,21;artexhibitsin,8;Bensonon,177n38,181n39,182n45;emergenceof,6–7,10;escalatorsin,25,181nn44,45;freeentryto,25,182n49;glassshowcasesin,25,26,27;showwindowsin,24–25,167,181n42;workingtimeat,32.SeealsoKonishiRoku;MitsukoshiDepartmentStore;retailing

domesticphotographyindustry,2,8,11,19,49,99,103,119,120,165–66,169–70,205nn45,65;contestssponsoredby,12,144–46,147,150,151.Seealsoadvertisements;KonishiRoku;marketing

double-entrybookkeeping,30,182nn56,57,183n60dozō-zukuristyle,23,180n38

Eastman,George:attitudesregardingJapanese,1,2,20;visittoJapan,1–2,19–20,27.SeealsoKodakEgiShirō,103EgiShōten,103EikoIkegami:BondsofCivility,192n16ElLissitzky,135Emerson,PeterHenry,103enlargement,7,12,62,81,88–91,117,155,170,196nn51,52;advertisementsforenlargers,88,144,145;andgeijutsushashin,144,145;MethodsofPrintingEnlargements,78,79;andphotographycontests,138,144,145

EnomotoTakeaki,102escalators,25,181nn44,45EverydayCooking:PracticalHomeCooking,72,192n12ExhibitiontoPopularizeKnowledgeofJapanesePhotography,119–20,121EzakiSaburō,149

family:inhow-toliterature,59,62–63,64,65,66–67;ikkadanraku(familycircle),59,62;marketingofphotographyasfamilyactivity,59–66,187n8;multigenerationalfamilystructure,63;nuclearfamilystructure,59,62–65,66;Williamsononphotographyand,62,190nn41,46

Fassbender,Adolf,158,202n6Fedman,David,173n8film:developmentandprinting,37,49–50,66,74,87–91,94,97,117,143,144,146,170,185n97,187n10,196n57;productionof,6,8,21;saleof,6,39,41,188n20

finearts,45,103,136;popularizationof,8,9,11–12,99,101,105–6,129,131Flaherty,Darryl,198n6FreedomandPeople’sRightsMovement,102Freeman,LaurieAnne:ClosingtheShop,198n6FRONT,5FuchigamiHakuyō:“ATrainTrushing”,160–61,206n69;“Untitled”,155,156FujikiKennosuke,204n37FujiShashinFuirumu,168FukuharaShinzō,135,144,158,187n13;ascontestjudge,154;andNihonShashinKai(Japan

PhotographicSociety),140,198n8,203n34;ParisandtheSeine,140;asphotographer,140,146,202n6,203n33;aspublisher,140;“RegardingArtPhotography”,42;“Senba”,203n33;andShiseidō,45,140;“TheWayofPhotography”(Shashin-dō),131,137,141,202n22;onworldoflight(hikarinosekai),131

Fuku,Noriko:ShinzoandRosoFukuhara,203nn33,34FukuzawaYukichi,183n60Fuototaimusu,4,75,164,165,169

Gage,Lyman,1Gallagher,OrvoellR.,200n62Gartlan,Luke,198n8geijutsushashin:aestheticstandardsin,9–10,101,105,115,125,127,129–41,143,144,155–66,168;constructivistexpression(kōseitekihyōgen)in,132;defined,130–32,135,139;andenlargement,144,145;impressionisticexpression(inshōtekihyōgen)in,132,133,143;Inaon,4,136–37;lyricalexpression(jojōtekihyōgen)in,132,133,143;asmiddlebrowphotography,8–10,177n36;vs.modernistphotography,9–10,129–30,135–37,160–66;Murayamaon,135–36;aspictorialism,3–4,10,12,129,131,132,135,202nn5,6;popularizationof,5–6,139–43,144,158–60,165–66,170,190n3;realisticexpression(shajitsutekihyōgen)in,132,133,134,135,143;Saitōon,131–32,136,137,139,202n10.Seealsoaestheticstandards;cameraclubs;how-toliterature;photographymagazines

Geijutsushashin(journal),132Geijutsushashinkenkyū,132GekkanRaika(Leica),75,138,163,203n29Gelber,Steven:onhobbiesandcapitalism,157–58,188n22;onhobbiesandcelebrities,204n44;onhobbiesandleisuretime,177n33,191n5;onmodelairplaneandflyinghobby,204nn40,44

gender:marketingtomen,7–11,15,41,48,168,176n31,179n19,196n59;marketingtowomen,7,10–11,41,45,54,176n31;masculineidentity,7,8,11,15,66,70,80–81,94,95,96,97;menascameraclubmembers,100–101,116,126;men’sshoppingbehaviors,7,11,15–18,21,24,51–54,182n48;stereotypeofmenasproducers,7,94,176n31,197n60;stereotypeofwomenaspassiveconsumers,10–11,50–51,94,176n31,197n60;womenascameraclubmembers,100–101,111–13,116,126;womenasdrivers,189n39;womenasphotographers,41,45,46,50–54,55,56,57–59,63,65,91–92,93,94,100–101,111–13,116,199n36;womenasphotographicsubjects,197n60;women’sshoppingbehaviors,6–7,10–11,16,18,21,181n42;womenvs.menregardingleisuretime,10–11,94;womenvs.menregardingpoliticalparticipation,125–26

Genkōsha,75,170Germancameras,17,35,106,203n29Ginbura,11glassshowcases,25,26,27GreatKantōEarthquake,3,27–28,33GuidetoMerchandise,A,18–19

haiku,131Hakubunken,74HanayaKanbei,138,164handmadecameras,75–80,193n25HaraHiromu,5Haring,Douglas,114HasegawaRinosuke,194n27HashizumeShin’ya,101–2;KurabutoNihonjin,197n6,199n33HatsudaTōru,Hyakkatennotanjō,182n48,185n86HaufuReonaru,56HayamiKimiko:“HavingYourPictureTakenWell”,94

HimawariClub,116,126HiraiFusando:“DoubleExposure”,164;“WhatIsMontage?”,165HiraiTerushichi,164–65HiroshimaSocialAffairsBureau:surveyofhobbies,70–71,191n9HishūFriendsofPhotographyClub,124historiography,3–6Hōdōshashin(NewsPhotography),169Hoppé,EmilOtto,135,202n6Horowitz,Roger:HisandHers,176n31how-toliterature,2,9,33,57,58,69–97,115,146,149,155,170,187n10,190n2,192n11,193nn20–22,196n43;AnyoneCanDoIt,80;andcommodificationofknowledge,11,48,69–70,72–75;complexityofphotographyin,48–49,50;depictionofwomenin,54,55,91,92,93,94;familylifein,59,62–63,64,65,66–67;MethodsofPrintingEnlargements,78,79;andmiddle-classlifestyle,11,48,70–72;Miyake’sHowtoTakePhotographs(Shashinnoutsushikata),83,84;Miyake’sTechniquesofHobbyPhotography(Shuminoshashinjutsu),34–35,75,78,91;thephotographablein,70,191n4;pricesof,74;asprivatizinglearningprocess,11,71–72;Saitō’sHowtoMakeArtPhotographs,131–32;selectedlistoftitles,72,73;Suzuki’sKnowledgeoftheCameraandHowtoChooseOne,16–18,19,36,80,141,179nn13,17,18;Suzuki’sPhotographicMistakesandTheirOrigins,87,88;Takakuwa’sTechniquesofFilmPhotography,69,158;targetedatmen,7,11,15,48,70,94,196nn57,59;targetedatwomen,70,72;Yasukōchi’sHowtoTakePhotographsEasily(Yasashiishashinnoutsushikata),62,75;Yoshioka’sTheABC’sofPhotographicTechnique,81–82

Hyakumanninnoshashinjutsu(PhotographicTechniqueforOneMillionPeople),55Hyōgensha,203n35

Ibaragiprefecture,116IchikawaEisaku,159Ideacamera,88,146,206n1IizawaKōtarō,173n8,198nn11,12,14,201n2;onenlargementandsmall-modelcameras,196n51;onexpansionofphotographymarketafterWWI,49,187n10;onhobbyphotography,190n3;onhow-tobooks,193n20;Nihonshashinshiwoaruka,203n33;Shashinnikaere:“Kōga”nojidai,174n16

Ikegami,Eiko,100,114ikkadanraku(familycircle),59,62imagesvs.processofimagemaking,12,129–30,155,157,170imports,30,144,167,180nn28,36,181n43,194n27,206n65;cameras,12–13,17,19,35,45,106,150,168,203n29;enlargers,88;governmentpoliciesregarding,12–13,150,168,205n47;Kodakproducts,2,20,25,35,42,94,95,151,152,153

InaNobuo,174nn16,17,187n15;ongeijutsushashin,4,136–37;onimitation,136–37;onoblique-angleshots,163–64;“ReturntoPhotography”,4,136–37

InoueSadatoshi,32InternationalPhotographySalonof1927,135inventionofphotography,41–43,44,131,140,186nn1,2,4IshiiKendō:CraftsLibraryforYouth:Photography,76,194nn26,29ItagakiTakaho,149,150,164,187n15ItōHidetoshi,45,187n11

Jackson,JohnBrinckerhoff:onAmericanartsandcraftsmovement,157JapanAtelier,4JapanCameraandOpticalInstrumentsInspectionandTestingInstitute(JCII)Library,190n2Japanesecolonialterritories,2,112,116,173n8Jenkins,Reese:ImagesandEnterprise,175n24

JinnoYuki:Shuminotanjō,185n86Jones,BernardE.,202n5

KaiPhotographyClub,116KajimaShinpei,103Kamera,5,37,39,75,145,149,159,169,170Kamerakurabu,75,111,146,169,199n32,206n7;“SelectedbySuzukiHachirō”,141–43KameraTenchindō,37KanekoFumiko:Nanigawatakushiwosōsasetaka,189n37KanekoRyūichi,174n9,185n97KanemaruShigene,203n35KaneshiroShōkai,52,186n100Kansai,116Kantōregion,168Kao,175n19Karafuto(Sakhalin)HobbyPhotographyResearchSociety,116,125KatōSeiichi,103KatōShashinki-Ten,37KawabataGyokushō,103KawaharaShashinki-Ten,37,39KentenExhibition,Twenty-First,155,157Kenyūsha,198n11KikuchiDairoku,102Kim,Gyewon,173n8KimuraIhei,4,5,138,149,150,174nn16,17KimuraKiyoshi:“TheConductorsSpeech”,161KimuraSen’ichi,4Kinmonth,Earl:onemploymentopportunitiesforuniversitygraduates,191n6Kinreisha,203n35KitanoKunio,150,151KitaokaJuitsu,191n10KobayashiHidejirō,189n23Kobe,34,119,122KobeMitsukoshiDepartmentStore,119KobeSocietyofCommercialPhotographers,119Kodak,53,175n24,194n31;founding,1;Kodaksystem,49,188n19;productsavailableinJapan,2,20,25,35,42,94,95,151,152,153;VestPocketcamera,42,94,95,151,152,153

KōdaRohan,103Kōeidō,36,38Kōga,4,75,112,136,138,163,164,174nn16,17,203n30Kōgagekkan,206n7KoishiKiyoshi,4,164–65KokusaiHōdōKōgei,4KondōSuga,112KondoYaichi:NewGolfTechniques,72KonicaMinolta,2,180n34KonishiRoku,5,8,10,52,53,120,149,175n24,180n34,182n53,184n73,194n27,199n26;advertisementsof,21,22,29,43,45,46,47,48,88,92,93,106,107,110,187nn8,11,206n1;BabyPearlcamera,170;andcameraclubs,106,107,113;CherryPortablecamera,106,167;contestssponsoredby,88,146;departmentstore,21,23,24–29;double-entrybookkeepingat,30;Eastman’svisit

to,2,19–20;glassshowcasesat,25,26,27;Ideacamera,88,146,206n1;KonishiRokuzaemon,2,19–21,27–28,31,34,167,168,179n28,180n36;Lilycamera,20,88,146;management,31;MinimumIdeacamera,106,107;duringPacificWar,168,206n2;packaging,21,22;Pearlcamera,88,146;PearlNo.2camera,206n.1;Pārettogashū,199n29;repairservice,80;retailingat,6,10,15–16,20–21,24–25,26,27,29–33,181n39,189n24;Rokuōsha,8,20–21,28;Sakuracamera,45,47;SakuraFilmandPaperProducts,21,22,92,93,180n37;salesstatisticsat,30;“ShopRules”,31–32,183nn64–66;showwindows,24–25;telephoneaccessto,29–30;trademark,20–21,22;workforce,31–33,183n63,184nn76,78,80;workinghours,32.SeealsoPearlettecamera;Shashingeppō

KonishiRokuzaemon,2,19–21,27–28,31,34,167,168,179n28,180n36KonishiyaRokuzaeTen,180n28Korea,2KurodaYoneko,113KyokutōFriendsofPhotographyClub,117Kyoto,34,111–12,119,122KyotoPhotographyLeague:Women’sDivision,112KyotoVestClub,111–12;Women’sDivision,116

Lady’sCameraClub,112–13,116,199n36landscapephotography,112,115,117LawonAssemblyandPoliticalAssociation(Shūkaioyobiseishahō),114,126Leicacamera,17,106,203n29LeicaClub(RaikaKurabu),106Leighton,LordFrederic:TheBath,27leisuretime,35,59,81,88,91,100,176n33,188n21,189n24,191n5,195n36;ofmiddleclass,4,8,16,35,70–71,81,177n2;womenvs.menregarding,10–11,94

Lilycamera,20,88,146literaturevs.photography,3LondonCameraClub,103Lubar,Steven,197n60Lukitsch,Joanne,194n31

MaekawaPhotographyStudio,151manekin-jō,120,121manifestos,130,131,162manipulativetechniques:vs.images,12,129–30,155,157,170;paintingonnegatives,3,131,155;soft-focuslenses,3,131,132,135.Seealsodarkroomtechniques;enlargement

marketing,6,16,111,167;tomen,7–11,15,41,48,168,176n31,179n19,196n59;ofPearlettecamera,43,45,46,48,92,93,108,110,187nn8,11;ofphotographyasfamilyactivity,59–66,187n8;“tie-in”marketingtechniques,154;trademarks,20–21,22;towomen,7,10–11,41,45,54,176n31.Seealsoadvertisements

MarubiruAsanuma,52MasaokaPhotographyClub,115,116,118,123–24,125,171–72Matsudabrand,17MatsunagaTatsurue,112–13MatsuyaDepartmentStore,154MatsuzakayaDepartmentStore,154Mavo,135Maruzen,74McKinnon,Jill,182n57,183n64MegataTanetomo,1

Meijiperiod,30,34,59;fineartsduring,8;photographyduring,74,99,102–3,193n18,194n27,198n15,201n2;shopsduring,21,23,24,25,180n38,184n76

MethodsofPrintingEnlargements,78,79microscopicphotography,120middleclass,5,9,49,157,165–66,185n86,187n10;employmentopportunitiesforuniversitygraduates,191n6;feminizationofthehome,66;leisuretimeof,4,7,8,16,35,70–71,81,177n2;lifestyle,11,12,16,34–35,48,70–72,80–81,162,167,177n2;masculineidentity,7,8,11,15,66,70,80–81,94,95,96,97;nuclearfamilystructure,59,62–65,66;surveyofhobbiesamong,70–71,191n9;andvoluntaryassociations,100–101,105–6,118,126–27

Miedō,52MikikoHirayama,3MikisoHane:ReflectionsontheWaytotheGallows,189n37MinamiHiroshi:Kindaishominseikatsushi,72,192nn13,15,193n20MinimumIdeacamera,106,107,199n20MinimumPhotographyClub(MinimamuShashinKai)(MSK),106,107,108,203n33MinoltaVestcamera,45,47MisuzuShōkaiPhotoContest,144,146,148MitsubishiKisenKaisha,183n65Mitsui,Baron,1MitsuiGofuku,25MitsukoshiDepartmentStore,6,42,182n51,183n62,185n86;cameracounterat,16,34–35,36,49,151,185nn85,93;double-entrybookkeepingat,183n60;Mitsukoshi,35–36,150,152,153;MitsukoshiVestCameraClub,150–51,152,153;photographystudioat,34,35–36;showwindowsat,25

MiyakeKokki:HowtoTakePhotographs(Shashinnoutsushikata),83,84;onMitsukoshi’scameracounter,34–35;TechniquesofHobbyPhotography(Shuminoshashinjutsu),34–35,75,78,91,185n82,196n57,205n54

MizutaniPhotographyStudio,117modernistphotography,3–5,169,174n16,175n19;aestheticstandardsin,9–10,129–30,132,135–37,160–66,187n15;doubleexposuresin,164;vs.geijutsushashin,9–10,129–30,135–37,160–66;montagein,164,165;oblique-angleshotsin,162–64;asshinkōshashin,4,132

modernityandphotographictechnology,2,7,16,48,108,205n63Moholy-Nagy,Lazslo,4Mohun,Arwen:HisandHers,176n31montage,4,129,164,165MurakamiShōkai,53MurayamaTomoyoshi:ongeijutsushashin,135–36music,131

NagaiSaburō,59,62,87Naganoprefecture,104,117Nagoya,34,42,122,144NakajimaKenkichi:Arusushashinnenkan,185nn83,85NakayamaIwata,4,149,164,174nn16,17Nanigakanojowosōsasetaka(WhatMadeHerDowhatSheDid?),58,189n37NaritaRyūkichi:Shashininganotehodoki,205n54NarusawaReisen,42,43,149,150NatoriYōnosuke,4Niepce,JosephNicéphore,42,186n2NihonKōbō,4NihonShashinKai(JapanPhotographicSociety,est.1924),140,198n8,203n34

Nikon,175n24Nippon,4,5NojimaYasuzō,4,112,113,138,174nn16,17,202n6Norbeck,Edward,114,197n6NudePhotographyCompetition,170

O’Connell,Sean:onattitudesregardingfemaledrivers,189n39;TheCarandBritishSociety,179n19,189n39,195n35

OgawaKazuma,103OgawaPhotographyStudio,103ŌkuboKoroku,164–65Oldenziel,Ruth,197n60OmoriTakezō,194n27ŌnoTakatarō,20Osaka,34,37–38,42,113,116,119,122ŌtaHotResearchClub,116outdoorphotography,111–12,116,118,143,168,171;OutdoorPhotographyCompetition,42–43,44OzakiKōyō,103,198n11OzawaTakeshi,198n10

PacificWar,4–5,12,114,127,168–69packaging,21,22,167Packard,S.S.:BryantandStratton’sCommonSchoolBookKeeping,183n60painting:impressionism,136;vs.photography,3,4,129,130,131,136,201n2Pārettogashū,199n29Pearlcamera,88,146Pearlette(Pāretto)camera,58,109,199n27;marketingof,43,45,46,48,92,93,108,110,187nn8,11;PearletteClub(PārettoDōjinKai),111;PearlettePhotographyLeague(PārettoShashinRenmei),106,108,111,199n27;releaseof,41–42,43,45

PearlNo.2camera,206n1Peterson,Christian,155,158;AfterthePhoto-Secession,202n5pharmaceuticalmerchants,34,180n28photograms,4PhotographicCentenaryCommemoration(1925),41–43,44,131,140,186nn1,4PhotographicGoods’SuppliersAssociationofTokyo,42PhotographicResearchSocietyofJapan,42PhotographicResearchSocietyofTokyo,42PhotographicSocietyofJapan(NihonShashinKai,est.1889),102–3,104photographycontests,2,130,204n37;andaestheticstandards,141,143,144,146;announcementsof,144,145,147,148,149–51,152,154–55;ArusuCompetitioninPhotographyfortheSupportofDomesticProducts,150,151;anddomesticphotographyindustry,12,88,144–46,147,149,150,151,170;andenlargement,138,144,145;judges,9,141–43,146,149–51,154–55,167,204n45;MisuzuShōkaiPhotoContest,144,146,148;NudePhotographyCompetition,170;OutdoorPhotographyCompetition,42–43,44;prizes,88,137,138–39,141,142–43,145,146,148,150,151,168,171;rulesforsubmission,138–39;sponsoredbycameraclubs,106,111–12,113,124–25,126,171–72;sponsoredbymagazines,111,132,133,134,135,137–39,141,142,154,170,203nn28–30;winningsubmissions,57,62,111,132,133,134,135,137,138–39,141,142–43,146,148,150–51,152,153,165,168,172,203nn29,30;YamaguchiShōkaiPhotoEnlargementContest,144,145

photographyexhibitions,9–10,42,74,102–3,105,112,113,118–20,130,135,139,156;ofcontestwinners,111,146,150–51,152,153;ExhibitiontoPopularizeKnowledgeofJapanesePhotography,

119–20,121;KentenExhibition,155,157;205n55photographymagazines/journals,2,3,9,11,15,33,74–75,115,129,130,140,164–65,168,205n65;andcamerasclubs,74,104–5;contestssponsoredby,111,132,133,134,135,137–39,141,142,154,203nn28–30;duringPacificWar,4–5,169;andreprographictechniques,174n10.SeealsoAsahigurafu;Asahikamera;Fuototaimusu;Kamera;Kamerakurabu;Kōga;Shashingeijutsu;Shashingeppō

photographystudios,2,3,4,20,27,185n97,203n35;MaekawaPhotographyStudio,151;Mitsukoshistudio,34,35–36;MizutaniPhotographyStudio,117;OgawaPhotographyStudio,103

pictorialism,3–4,10,12,129,131,132,135,158,202nn5,6.Seealsogeijutsushashinportraitphotography,112,115,116,117,120,121,195n33PortraitPhotographyResearchSocietyofJapan,115ProfessionalPhotographer’sAssociationofTokyo,42projectionprinters,20propagandaphotography,4–5,169PublicOrderPoliceLaw(Chiankeisatsuhō),114,126Publishers’Annual(Shuppannenkan),72,73,75,192n11,193n22Purobirapaper,146,148

QingdaoPhotographyClub,116

rationality,15,16,48–49,50,81rational-legalassociations,122,123–25Ray,Man,4,135realism,photographic,5,132,134,135,143Renger-Patzsch,Albert:“BlastFurnaces”/Dieweltistschön,163reprographictechniques,174n10retailing,5,6–7,51–57,175n25,177n38,182n48;displaysalesvs.sittingsales,25,27,182n50;freeentry,25,182n49;glassshowcases,25,26,27;atKonishiRoku,6,10,15–16,20–21,24–25,26,27,29–33,181n39,189n24;showwindows,24–25,37,144,167,181n42.Seealsodepartmentstores;marketing

Roden,Donald:SchoolDaysinImperialJapan,198n6Rojek,Chris,195n36RokugawaJun:Roshutsushōkai,196n47Rokuōsha,8,20–21,28Rolleicordcamera,59,61Rolleiflexcamera,59,61Rubin,Joan,9,177n36Russo-JapaneseWar,76Ryōunkaku,102

Saigōestate,43,44SaitōTarō,103SaitōTazunori:ongeijutsushashin,131–32,136,137,139,202n10;HowtoMakeArtPhotographs,131–32,137;andHyōgensha,203n35;onimitation,137;onmodernistphotography,137

SakamotoFujiyoshi,183n65,184n69Sakuracamera,45,47SakuraFilmandPaperProducts,21,22,92,93,180n37,196n58Sand,Jordan,59,66,192n14San’eidō,37SatōKenji,173n8SekibanShashinZairyō-shō,180n28Shand,Alexander:TheDetailedMethodofBankBookkeeping,183n60

ShandongPhotographyResearchSociety,117,124Shashinbunka(PhotographicCulture),169Shashingeijutsu,139,140,141ShashinGeijutsusha,74,140Shashingeppō,27,43,45,103,118,138,146,151,155,158,159,205n65;advertisementsin,29,46,107,187n8,206n1;cameraclubbylawspublishedin,113,115,126,171–72;“Miscellany”(Zappō)section,104,114,122,171–72;duringPacificWar,169;photographsin,20,23,26,74,119,120,121,125,173n7

ShashinNippon(PhotographicJapan),169Shashinnokyōshitsu,206n7Shashinsaron,75,138,203n29,206n7Shashinshinpō,74,104,150,169,203n28,205n65shashin-shū(photographiccollections),193n18Shibaurabrand,17ShibusawaEiichi,1–2ShimadaMagoichi,181n43ShirokiyaDepartmentStore,6,185n85Shiseidō,45,140,175n19shopping:forcameras,2,7,10,11,15–18,19,23,49,51–54,80,81,168,179nn17,18;GuidetoMerchandise,18–19;men’sshoppingbehaviors,7,11,15–18,21,24,51–54,182n48;windowshopping,11,181n42;women’sshoppingbehaviors,6–7,10–11,16,18,21,181n42

ShōtōMuseumofArt:NojimaYasuzōandtheLady’sCameraClub,112Shōwaperiod,32,74,191n6ShōwaPhotographyCorporation,149showwindows,24–25,37,144,167,181n42Silverberg,Miriam,189nn35,37,38SingaporeCameraClub,115Slater,Don,188n20socialstratification,122–23soft-focuslenses,3,131,132,135sokushacase,17Stebbins,Robert:onhobbies,176n33,188n21;onseriousleisure,188n21Stieglitz,Alfred,202n6Stratton,H.D.:BryantandStratton’sCommonSchoolBookKeeping,183n60suffrage,125–26SugawaraKiyoko:“WomenandPhotography”,58SugiuraSennosuke,30SugiuraYukio:“ArtisticConscience”,162–63SunStereocamera,60surveys,32,70–71,177n2Suzaka-chō,117SuzukiHachirō,158;ArusuCourseinPopularPhotography,16,141,178n3,203n36;ascontestjudge,144,150,151;andHyōgensha,203n35;atKamerakurabu,111,141–43,146,199n32;andKinreisha,203n35;KnowledgeoftheCameraandHowtoChooseOne,16–18,19,36,80,141,179nn13,17,18;asphotographer,141,203n35;PhotographicMistakesandTheirOrigins,87,88;onusedcameras,36,37

Tagg,John,194n31Taishōperiod,30,59,132,183n64,191n6,192n14;cameraclubsduring,115,121;photographyduring,27,74,132,190n3,193n18,201n2

Taiwan,2

TakahashiYoshio,25,27TakakuwaKatsuo,150,151,187n13,205n64;Arusushashinnenkan,185nn83,85;onhobbyphotographer(shumishashinka)vs.artphotographer(bijutsushashinka),159–60,205n65;onhobbyphotographyasminshūgeijutsu(folk/people’sart),158–60;andKamera,158–59;onsimplicityofphotography,45,48;TechniquesofFilmPhotography(Fuirumushashinjutsu),69,158,205n54

TakashimayaDepartmentStore,42,111TakayanagiMika,184n78TamuraNishindō,53TanabeYoshio:onjoysofphotography,170;Mitchakunojitsigi,170TeikyūClub,116–17,118,125ThirdDomesticProductsCompetitioninPhotography,146,147Tocqueville,Alexisde,201n67TokugawaKeiki,27Tokugawaperiod,27,30,34,100,114,127,180n38,182n53Tokyo:Asakusa,102,185n83;cameraclubsin,106,107,108,112–13,116,122,126,199n36,203n33;camerashopsin,34,36,51–54,185n83;Ginza,11,34,52,53,140,150,186n100;andGreatKantōEarthquake,3,27–28,33;Kanda,34,37,52,53,185n83;Kōjimachi,34,185n83;Kyōbashi,34,42,185n83;Manseibashirailwaystation,25;Marunouchi,52;Meguro,43,44;Nihonbashi,2,10,16,21,24,25,28,33,34,37,52,108,113,150,152,180n28,185n83;Shiba,185n83;Shitaya,185n83;shoparchitecturein,180n38;Yodobashi-chō,21

TokyoBijutsuGakkō,150TokyoBroadcastingCompany,42Tokyoprefecture,185n83TokyoShashinKenkyūKai,155,157TokyoShayūKai,198n11TokyoTechnicalSchoolofPhotography,113TominagaYoshiko,113ToriiRyūzō,173n8TōyōShashinKōgyō,168Trentmann,Frank,175n25TsuchiuraNobuko,112TsukijiKanpanSeizōKeisha,103TsurudonoTeruko:“APoemaboutPhotography”,57

UedaPhotographyClub(Naganoprefecture),104UenoHikoma:Seimikyokihikkei,195n33used-camerashops,2,16,34,36–39,51–54,185n98,186n100UzukiClub,113,116,125,126

VestPocketKodakcamera,42,94,95,151,152,153voluntaryassociations,12,118,197n6,200n62,201n67;andmiddleclass,100–101,105–6,118,126–27.Seealsocameraclubs

Wall,E.J.,155Weisenfeld,Gennifer,175n19,176n28white-collarlaborforce,31–32,177n2,183n69,191nn6,10,196n59Williamson,Judith:onfamilyandphotography,62,190nn41,46windowshopping,11,181n42Wong,KaF.,173n8

x-rayphotography,42,74,120

YamadaYaeko,58YamaguchiShōkaiPhotoEnlargementContest,144,145YamakawaKikue,58–59,189n38Yamanashiprefecture,116YamazakiYasuzō,113YanagiYōko,193n20YanagitaYoshiko,62YasuiNakaji,138YasukōchiJi’ichirō,48,81,149;ondarkrooms,83,86–87;HowtoTakePhotographsEasily(Yasashiishashinnoutsushikata),62,75;“OnMakingaSimpleDarkroom”,86–87

YDCPhotographyClub,118YokohamaDockCompany,118YomiuriNewspaper:“HandyNews”,18–19,192n10YoshikawaHayao,58,75–77,194n29,195n34YoshiokaKenkichi,48;TheABC’sofPhotographicTechnique,81–82;onenlarging,88;onnaturalorderofphotography,81;onrationalapproachtophotography,81

Yotsuya,37Young,Louise,181n45,185n86Yūtsuzusha,103