Po-Sheng Kuo Portfolio

Sam Po-Shang Kuo

Environmental Planning design and research Portfolio

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Let tourism DeveLopment fit into LocaL context: sustainabiLity in the pLace-changing process

LocaL WisDoms of fLoWing night-market in taiWan: a DiaLogue With pattern Language`

sustainabiLity anD the responsibLe tourism:tourism pLanning anD LocaL host space Design for tibet viLLages arounD shangri-La WetLanDs

strategy pLanning for ruraL re-DeveLopment

Design manifestos

:sketching During traveLing: squares, parks anD activities

curricuLum vitae

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Herbert Simon

--system planning and analysis

&Hester 2001

encounter

Crang, 2004outsider

encounterSimonsen, 2008 Oakes, 2005differential actors Veijola, 2006

Design manifestos

5on the road

1. Crang, M. (2004). Cultural Geographies of Tourism. In A. A. Lew, C. M. Hall & A. M. Williams (Eds.), Blackwell companions to geography. Malden, MA: Blackwell Pub.

2. Oakes, T. (2005). Tourism and Modern Subjects: Placing the Encounter between Tourist and Other. In C. Cartier & A. Lew (Eds.), Seductions of Place (pp. 36-55). London: Routledge.

3. Simonsen, K. (2008). Place as Encounters: Practice, Conjunction and Co-existence. In J. O. Barenholdt & B. Granas (Eds.), Mobility and Place : Enacting Northern European peripheries (pp. xvi,

255 p.). Aldershot, England ; Burlington, VT: Ashgate.

4. Veijola, S. (2006). Heimat Tourism in the Countryside: Paradoxical Sojourns to Self and Place. In C. Minca & T. Oakes (Eds.), Travel in Paradox: Remapping Tourism (pp. 77-96). Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.

5. Hester, Randolph T. Jr. (2001).

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1. 2010 9 2010 9 11 14

2010, 09, From tourist gaze to Local Peo-ples Scrutinizing Their Place: Sustainabili-ty in the Place-Changing Process Triggered by Tourism, Paper presented at the 7th Conference of the Pacific Rim Community Design Conference, Sustainable Land-scape, Sustainable Community September 11-14, 2010 at Awaji Landscape Planning and Horticulture Academy, University of Hyogo, Awaji-shima, Japan.

2. 2008 5 39 / 2008 5 28 6 1

2008, 05, Local Wisdoms of Flowing Night-Market in Taiwan: A Dialogue with Pattern Language (co-authored with Chang, Ching-Chin), Paper presented in EDRA (Environmental Design Research Association) 39th Conference, Linking Differences/ Defining Actions May 28-June 1, 2008 at Veracruz, Mexico.

1. 2008 9 20 9 27 11 9

2. 2006 12

1. 2011 2. 2008 6

3. 1997, 1998, 1999 3000

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L e t to u r i s m D e v e L o p m e n t f i t i n to LocaL context: sustainabiLity in the pLace-changing process

exogenous social force

sustainability and tourism developmentsustainable tourism

local representationrevitalize

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ABSTRACT The community of Waiao, a fishing vil-lage, is located in the northeast corner of Taiwans coast, sandwiched between mountains and ocean. I would like to dis-cuss the situation that the local people have faced in daily life during the past five years: Tourism development as an exog-enous social force and how it is changing their village; how locals in turn have begun to confront tourism; and the chances of place redevelopment.

This article is about sustainability and tourism development rather than sustain-able tourism, the latter mainly focuses on the need to define and prescribe models of good practice. I treat tourism development not as a neutral force but as a semantic, po-litical and moral minefield. So, it is import-ant to consider from where (whose stand-point) the development is conceived and to where (to whom) it is done. A holistic view of sustainability is necessary to exam the relationship between tourism development and local place.

This case shows how tourism develop-ment, triggered by the exogenous forces -- tourism projects conceived by public sec-tors and B&Bs run by outsiders -- from the beginning not only projects exotic

geographical imaginations onto, but also rearranges the physical space in Waiao. This brings social, cultural and environ-mental impacts upon the village. It reveals that the thinking of tourism in the name of development is more or less isolated from the local environmental realities.

Because tourism development dramati-cally impacts the local community, it pro-vides a new context in which people can be reflexive and become self-aware. The present paper shows that locals generate tourism from the inside, by actively link-ing their understanding of the environment (constructing the representations based on local imagination) and adopting elements of culture (revitalizing traditional fishing) for tourism. By adapting tourism models to fit into the context of local culture and environment locals can both bolster their economy and sustain their culture. I hope the relationships between local people and tourism this paper explores can provide some implications for planners facing tour-ism issues.

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1.

1.1

Ishihara2000, p.1351 touristsdestinationsmediasmechanismsplace image :

geographical imagination Massey1995, p.412 / the ways in which tourism is a contested activity and that the field of tourism must be as concerned with the nature of representation and interpretations as describing a reality

1.2

Sharpley20043

1. Literary Reviews and Case Background

1.1 Tourism and Geographical Imagination In regard to what constitutes tourism, a Japanese scholar Ishihara (2000, p.135)1 comments that the fundamental elements are: the tourists who the act the related behaviors, the destinations which embrace them, and the related medias that inter-mediate the former two. Furthermore, he points out the importance of wide-ranging mechanisms shaping such media because different forces produce different media, which will further affect how the place as destination presents to outsiders/tourist/vis-itors. For example, usually a place image comes into our mind when we think of Bali or Hawaii (tropical, amorous, etc). There are mechanisms, ranging from government sponsored tourism advertising campaigns to tourism magazines, which shape the image of the place.

As ordinary place becomes destina-tion, it inevitably involves the operation of geographical imagination. This term have been adopted as shorthand for these processes: the way we understand the geographical world, and the way in which we represent it, to ourselves and to oth-ers (Massey, 1995,p 41)2. Therefore, we should notice that the ways in which tour-ism is a contested activity and that the field of tourism must be as concerned with the nature of representation and interpretations as describing a reality (of place).

1.2 Tourism Development and SustainabilityScholars interested in tourism develop-ment traditionally ask two questions: Why is tourism growing in place? And why is development being encouraged? The dom-

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a more holistic view Pearce et al., 19894; Sharpley, 20045; Mowforth & Munt, 20036

Adams1990, p.47 power Pedregal20088

inate opinion toward/behind tourism de-velopment is one dimensional thinking; the benefits of which have largely been seen in economic terms, as in tourisms ability to generate profit.

In rural areas in Taiwan and other coun-tries, tourism has been regarded as a stra-tegic tool for redevelopment the regional economy. That kind of dominant thinking misses the potential contributions of tour-ism for long-term social, cultural and com-munity development, as Sharpley (2004)3 points out.

Recently scholars have taken sustain-ability into consideration when tackling developmental issues a more holistic view than what came before. The ques-tion of sustainability has been recognized. Researchers are particularly interested in the ways of achieving development while mitigating potential adverse impacts. Some criteria or principles embracing (tourism) development and sustainability have been proposed, such as the concerns for envi-ronmental, social, economical and cultural sustainability; fundamental principles of futurity (focusing on long-term capacity for continuance of environment), and equity ( focusing on fair and equitable opportuni-ties for access to and use of resources for all members).The development objectives with regard to the self-reliance, control, and participation of community are also a focus of current research (see Pearce et al., 19894; Sharpley, 20045; and Mowforth & Munt, 20036).

Tourism development is not a neu-tral term, as Adams (1990, p.4)7 reminds us, but a semantic, political and indeed moral minefield. Keeping this in mind, I inevitably deal with the issue of power and continually ask: from where (whose standpoint) is the tourism development conceived and to where (to whom?) is it done(Pedregal, 2008)8. The moral mine-

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Fig.2 Left: the related geographic position of Waiao. Right: an old map draw by Japanese reveals the surrounding

Fig. 1 The beach in Waiao generated by the re-constructed harbor on the right side of picture, and the village is sandwiched between mountains and the Pacific Oceans.

1.3

1970 1200

2006 2010 20 agentsevidence of what have different agents have said and done about tourism.

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field of which Adams speaks is regarding the judgment of value, the need to take sustainability into consideration in order to exam the relationship between tourism development and local place.

1.3 Case BackgroundThis article discusses the community, a fishing village, which is located in the northeastern coastal rural regions of Tai-wan. There are pacific oceans in front of the village and mountains in the back. People used to live in the mountains and moved to the seaside plains in the 1970s. There remain old paths to the broken settle-ments in the mountains. Today, Waiao has nearly 1200 people, with most of its youth moving to the city to find work, leaving the middle-aged and elderly behind to find work at fisheries and as farmers. A house-hold gains its mixed economic incomes, in different degrees, from doing both plan-tation and fishery jobs. The geographic location of the village between sea and mountain both influences their economy and their traditions.

The data was collected based on a four-year (2006-2010) observation. My inter-pretations and analysis are not a neutral objective view but blend with my partic-ipatory observations and interviews with reporters (about twenty persons). Materials also include websites, tourism magazines, advertisements and the Tourism Bureaus

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Fig.3 The advertisement of the exotic B&B

the geographical i m a g i n a t i o n i t p r o j e c t e d t h r o u g h narrativesseduce 9

www.sh-e.com.tw/journey1.htm

tropical

themeMykonos

planning documents, which are taken as evidence of what have different agents have said and done about tourism.

2. Fishing Village Trans-formed to Destination: Tour-ism Development from the Outside

2.1 Romanticized Narratives and Exotic Geographical ImaginationAbout several years ago, an outsider from Taipei city found the beach and came here operating the first B&B in Waiao. It can be found that the mode of seeing place is different from the local residents, which reflects the geographical imagination it projected. In consequence, the place where oceans, mountains, waves and beaches meet are interpreted as symbols of leisure, recreation and tourism. Place seduces peo-ple to come and holiday9.

Some romanticized narratives excerpt-ed from the website ( www.sh-e.com.tw/journey1.htm ):

Push the anxiety of spring and sum-mer aside.Open the extraordinary door of Heaven and Earth.The temperature is a cheerful atmosphere.The sound of the waves is Gods symphony.The beach a blanket of love,Palm leaves as fans.

These words are the result of market-ing, of course. By analogy of imagination in the lines depicting nature -- the sound of waves as symphony or beaches as smooth blankets -- it creates a traditional image of a beach getaway. In fact, palm trees are not even local to the area, and stand as direct evidence of the authors desire to reshape the space as he imagines it should be.

Meanwhile, the exotic B&B proprietors make efforts to construct the themes of the

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Fig.4The land of the seaside bought by the outsider constructing the gated club

Fig.5 Tourists center outsourced by a private corporation

Algina Bali Kuta BeachMarseille

re-imaging [ ] tailoringHall1998, p.11810

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rooms. There are totally different themes in a simultaneous time-space: Mykonos, Algi-na in Greece, and Bali Kuta Beach, Mar-seille, for example. It takes a lot of money to implement such geographical imagina-tion onto physical space.

In summer times, the local government holds festivals for tourism development, through which they seek to re-image the place of fishing village. In order to mold the primitive style, a marketing consul-tant company borrowed imagery from Southeast Asia countries, creating a long-legged houses as iconic imageto let people perceive south Asia style.

2.2 Disposing Space in the Name of Development In the name of attracting more tourist trips, investment by private companies and stimulating regional prosperity, 11 the cen-tral government proposes a series tourism projects in the north-eastern coast. The tourism bureau rearranges the land-uses. The dike used to be a working space (for hanging fish and clothes) and a community space (for daily contacts and communi-cation) for the residents, but the tourism bureau cleans the rough dike, establish-ing the new landscape trail and viewing stage.

A little further, there were strips of beach used to store fishing tools, trees functioning as windbreakers, peanut and vegetable farms: all have been turn down and replaced by landscape trails, bathing beaches, a surfing area, and a tourist center.12

Also, facing the seaside, an architectur-al spectacle of a building has been erected, around which palms have been planted to create the tropical atmosphere of our collected imaginations. Although this was built with public money, the work was out-sourced to private corporations.

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2.3

tourist enclave

exogenous forcessocial divisionMowforth &Munt , 200313

Most of the mountainous land to the west of the village belongs to Landscape Conservation Area, which confines the land-uses to agricultural production. But the local government has permitted a pri-vate company group to develop on the mountains. As a result, a Castle Caf/vil-la (resorts) rises into the sky high above where local people plant fruits.

2.3 The Impacts of Unsustain-ability The present state of tourism flux threatens the established and traditional patterns of land use, and increases the possibility of conflict over resources. As the image of place transforms from traditional fishing and agriculture to leisure and holiday, more and more outsiders come to Waiao, buying lands and constructing second homes or exotic B&B. They seem to be replacing the local residents, who are moving away from the seaside in greater numbers. As a result the community relationship is devastated, and for most local residents, the beach and the dike have become a strange place (tourist enclave), something totally di-vorced from their everyday life. The once public space has been privatized by the introduction of tourist money.

In brief, the development from exog-enous forces without local participation split Waiao into two different worlds, revealing the anger and worry about the un-sustainability of social division13. These include the increasing differences be-tween the beneficiaries of tourism (most of whom are outsiders) and those who are marginalized by it (most of whom are local residents) as well as the creation of social divisions of space, either of the tourist themselves or of those excluded from tour-ism.

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Fig. 6 The construction process. People joint together through bamboo

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3.1

become conscious of Veijola, 2006, p.8314 !

3. Tourism Development Practice Generated from the Inside

3-1 Locals Reflection and Self-awarenessTourism development triggered by exog-enous forces impacts local communities; however, it is indeed a context in which people are reflexive and become self-aware. For example, some people begin to doubt that the geographical imagination (tropical south Asia or Greek style image) projected by exotic B&B and public sector is genuine.

Further, the locals become aware of the subtle ecological changes in mountains and beaches due to increased tourism. Such changes are only experienced by residents who are acutely aware of their home envi-ronment tourists do not notice. Environ-mental conservation gradually becomes a prime concern.

Tourism brings new people to a place, where local people have encounters with them. There may be occasions where, if it were not for the strangers, the locals would never become conscious of being localsVeijola, 2006, p.8314. This seems to be the case in Waiao, where a Belgian tourist/traveler photographed local chimneys and

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2008

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an old-broken boat hung near the harbor. His behavior was not like that of domestic travelers, who would see no value in such things. Mr. Lee, a local, was particularly impressed: That is just the featureless boat and chimney. But he appreciates them, to my surprise! We as locals dont admire such things, said Mr. Lee (2010-4-27 in-terview). After that, he started to think that local people should pay attention to the ex-isting culture and environment. He shared his ideas with others in the community.

Two local people who run an ordi-nary B&B, said to me that locals should be a responsible proprietor, that is lo-cals should let tourists understand and like our place, in the end they will cherish the place(2010-5-14interview Mr.Ching). They bring visitors to the mountains and explain its ecological systems, through which they diffuse their local knowledge to outsiders.

3.2 Constructing the Represen-tation Based on Local Imagina-tionTourism development lead by exogenous forces projects romantic and exotic geo-graphic imaginations on to place, which in turn motivates tourists to go. This can have dramatic impacts on locals, who may feel forced to cater to the expectations of

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3.3

outsiders. Many, of course, cant afford to build new structures in accordance with these expectations. If they dont want to take part in such a vicious cycle, they must take the initiative themselves and construct a genuine image of local culture and nature, and differentiate themselves from the projections of exogenous forces.

About two years ago locals, includ-ing farmers and ordinary B&B owners, organized an association for local tourism development. Although they are proud of the fruits and sea foods cultivated by the unique mountain-sea environment condition, there is a weak link (or a gap) between current tourism development and their traditional industry (agricultural and aquatic productions).

People collectively decided upon Par-adise of Formosan Blue Magpie, Home-town for On-site Aquatic Foods15 as a local image to represent Waiao. And based on this image, they developed mountain and sea trips for tourists. The routes are guided by local elders who can transmit their environmental knowledge to visitors. Profits are shared by everyone in the com-munity.

3.3 Our Shed as Tourist Setting in the BeachThe association has asked the local govern-ment to alter its summer festivals, arguing that it should give a space for communi-ty. Since the beach space has been given to outsider to run businesses, the relation-ship between locals and it has changed. Now filled with tourists renting a space for sun bathing, beach space, in order to be used, requires money. In consideration of this fact, Our Shed was conceived to be a free public space for outsiders and insiders, space that encourages social interactions

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Fig.7 The transformed traditional fishing for tourist activity bring the visitors and locals working together

where everyone is on equal footing. This shed is actually comprised of

two traditional types of sheds: one is for placing fishing nets, and the other is for fishermen to find refuge on the cold winter nights. Our Shed is an example of how a community can mold its local culture to fulfill tourism and leisure uses.

Bamboo was the primary material used for its construction. The construction of the building was led by community grandfathers, with association members and young people from neighboring villag-es also lending a hand.

After construction, they set a board in the front of it. The board said, Our shed, is the result of efforts to preserve the original work places of our collected memory. It is imbued with our ancestors wisdom. Fish and guava are our pride.

Teenagers are encouraged to come and run the space. The traditional fishing tools of villagers are on display inside, and its walls are plastered with a wallpaper that exhibits the local fruit. It also sells the fruit planted by local farmers, as well as fish-based dishes. Moreover, the space is used as a classroom: old fishermen teach chil-dren from the community and other places how to make traditional fishing tools.

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3.4 Revitalizing the Traditional Fishing The villages fishing tradition extends back over 100 years. In the past, fishing in-volved all of the villagers, but these days, that kind of fishing is gradually being re-placed by machinery fishing. However, it is still important for them as a collective memory, representative of fishing village life. Because of tourism, local older people transform the traditional fishing to a kind of leisure activity for tourists experienc-ing. For example, by shortening the length and width of the net, it becomes lighter and easier to handle.

The small boat takes the net to the inshore. Then, participants divide into two groups, sharing responsibility of pulling the net up. The locals teach tourists how to pull the nets properly, taking care to keep it balanced. The activity climaxes with the group pulling up a net full of fishes, after a lot of hard work. According to the custom, the final catch is shared by all who partici-pated.

Due to this adaptation of tradition-al fishing, local people not only share in the financial profit that it brings but also change their attitude toward it. Rather than being a useless, antiquated activity, the transformed fishing has been infused with new meanings, particularly for young people who may otherwise find it difficult to connect with their culture. In this sense, it can be viewed as a revitalized culture.( Boissevain, 199216

It should be mentioned that local peo-ple have formed a Cultural Preservation Association recently, in order that they as a civic group may negotiate with public sec-tors and reclaim the beach space that used to be the territory for fishing.

3.4

Boissevain199216

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4. Discussions

4.1 Does Streams of People = Streams of Money=Local Devel-opment ? Both local government and the central tourism bureau hand in hand celebrate their tourism projects and hold events that gen-erate the new holiday image of Waiao and the subsequent successful development of the north-eastern region. It is the common declaration by public sectors that streams of people= streams of money= place devel-opment -- a slogan which is seen in the lo-cal and national newspaper. For most local residents, although they can feel that the increased amount of people seems to make the place prosperous, there also exists a huge gap, both economic and cultural, be-tween them and the newcomers. They are not actually able to actively participate in this development, and it in fact only leads to social divisions. Waiao is certainly not the only place to witness this dynamic. It takes us back to considering the questions: development is done from whose stand-point and to whom.

4.2 Tourism Development from Where to Where? The ideology of public sectors behind the development of tourism is modernization theory.17That is, development is assumed to occur as a result of economic benefit that diffuses from growth impulse. Some growth poles, like Waiao, are chosen to be constructed for the larger scale (regional) economic redevelopment.

Based on the statistics of tourist streams/flows it is a successful case, however, the degree of improvement of the quality of life for all people, is restricted by the spatial inequity of tourism develop-ment. Although the net profit of place has

4.

4.1 = =

= =

4.2 ?

Sharpley, 2004, p.305-32617 as a result of economic benefit that diffuses from growth impulse growth poles

growth which does not mind equity

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5.

let tourism fits into local contexts Wahab Pigram1997, p.418

been undoubtedly increasing, most of it is generated by outsiders or newcomers and is little backward linkage with the locals. It is growth which does not mind equity.

Once land is converted for use by tour-ists, locals can hardly turn back the clock to their previous lifestyles. The potential contribution of tourism to long-term de-velopment with respect to sustainability is ignored or oppressed.

But it doesnt have to be this way. The case of Waiao has much to teach about the implicit relationship between principles of sustainability and tourism conceived by endogenous peoples.

The lands in mountain and sea sides are not merely places to build buildings, but can be treated as wells of knowledge, through which locals can share their cul-ture with tourists. By differentiating them-selves in this way, they can attract tourists while preserving the ecology of the area.

As the local people in Waiao re-claimed their spaces, they transformed traditional fishing and constructed the Our Shed. These developments not only re-tain the pre-existing relationship between the people and their land, but also create new contexts for younger generations to explore their ancient heritage in ways that are meaningful to their present lives. When local culture is adopted for tourism in these ways, it can be sustained for years to come.

Moreover, tourism-related organiza-tions led by locals could let the profits shared by the social network and generate the backward economy lineages, such as the fruit and seafood production.

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5. Concluding Remarks: Let Tourism Fit-into Local Con-texts When tourism is developed by forces ex-ogenous to a place, it tends to isolate itself from the fabric of local cultures. It molds the place as it sees fit, which is, unfortu-nately, often not the best way to handle it. This way of thinking creates strong social divisions, destroys culture, and ultimately results in unsustainable tourism.

In contrast, when tourism is devel-oped by insiders who actively link their understanding of environment and adopt elements of culture, many of the pitfalls of tourism development are easily averted. In so doing, locals can not only reap financial benefits but also sustain their ways of life. In this way, let tourism fits into local con-texts, which also lends some credence to that Wahab and Pigram(1997:4)18 comment sustainability is an integrative concept. Development that considers sustainability should seek to integrate elements of the environment, culture and society in an ap-propriate manner. I hope that this case has obvious implications for planners facing tourism issues.

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/NOTE

1. Tshihara T, Yoshikane H, Yasufuku E (2000) ( Tourism Development and Community Planning ). Kokon Shoin, Tokyo: pp 135

2. Massey D (1995) Spatial Divisions of Labor, 2nd edn. Macmillan, London.

3. Sharpley R (2004) Tourism and sustainable development: exploring the theoretical divide. In: Williams S (ed.) Tourism: critical concepts in the social sciences. Routledge, New York: pp 305-326.

4. Pearce DG, Butler R (1999) Contempo-rary issues in tourism development. Rout-ledge, New York: pp 4

5. Sharpley R (2004) Tourism and sustain-able development: exploring the theoretical divide. In: Williams S (ed.) Tourism: crit-ical concepts in the social sciences. Rout-ledge, New York: pp 305-326.

6. Mowforth M, Munt I (2003) Tourism and sustainability: development and new tourism in the Third World, 2nd edn. Rout-ledge, New York.

7. Adams W M (1990) Green develop-ment: environment and sustainability in the Third World. Routledge, New York.

8. Pedregal A-M N (2008) A Contextual Approach to the Power Relation Between Tourism and Development. In: Burns P, Novelli M (ed.) Tourism Development: Growth, Myths and Inequalities. CAB

International, Oxforshire UK: pp143

9. Corbin seasideCorbin, A. (1994). The lure of the sea : the discovery of the seaside in the West-ern world, 1750-1840. Cambridge: Polity.

Corbin depicts how the narratives of searching for adventure scenery redefine the seaside rough environment to tourist place in western countries. Corbin A (1994) The lure of the sea: the discovery of the seaside in the Western world, 1750-1840. Polity, Cambridge.

10. Hall, C. M. (1998). Image and reimag-ing of rural areas. In R. Butler, C. M. Hall & J. M. Jenkins (Eds.), Tourism and recre-ation in rural areas. New York: Wiley: pp 118

11. 20101.03.11 - http://info.gio.gov.tw/ct.asp?xItem=60778&ctNode=3764

Government information office (2010.03.11). Policy Report of stimulating the northeast coast land use, improving the landscape appearance and initiating business projects. Retrieved from: http://info.gio.gov.tw/ct.asp?xItem=60778&ct-Node=3764.

12. / 2003

National Taiwan University Building and Planning Development and Research Foundation/I-lan studio (2003, December).

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Tourism and recreational planning report of Waiao lido. Taipei: Tourism bureau of northeast coast scenic area.

13. Mowforth M, Munt I (2003) Tourism and sustainability: development and new tourism in the Third World, 2nd edn. Rout-ledge, New York.

14. Veijola S (2006) Heimat Tourism in the Countryside: Paradoxical Sojourns to Self and Place. In: Minca C, Oakes T (ed.) Travel in Paradox: Remapping Tourism. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Oxford: pp 83

15.

Formosan Blue Magpie is a unique bird species of Taiwan. It usually could be saw in middle or low elevation-above-sea-level mountains in Taiwan. The bird is elected as Taiwans bird of nation, and then attracts local peoples attention. In addition, since fishing has been the local industry for long times, people hope their place as the home-town for on-site Aquatic Foods, does not only emphasize on the close relationship between fishing and place but also supplies the special local seafood for tourist

16. Boissevain J (ed.) (1992) Revitaliz-ing European Rituals. Routledge, London. Boissevain discuss that many European traditional ritual in rural area community have been revitalized for tourism. It means

that people actively changed and adopted some ritual element for tourist participant.

17. Sharpley R (2004) Tourism and sus-tainable development: exploring the theo-retical divide. In Williams S (ed.) Tourism: critical concepts in the social sciences. Routledge, New York: pp 305-326

18. Wahab S, Pigram, JJ (1997) Tourism development and growth: the challenge of sustainability. Routledge, London.

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LocaL WisDoms of fLoWing night-market in taiWan: a DiaLogue With pattern Lan-guage

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it, we could find the people agency, which broke through the restrictions against the structure of the built environment, and how they created that interesting space.

In conclusion, I argued that A Pattern Language is insufficient for understand-ing the Flowing Night-Market in Taiwan -You might see the agency embodied with people. Furthermore, I regard Flowing Night-Market as a mirror for reflecting our-selves on the road of becoming a environ-mental planning and design professionals.

AbstractIn southeastern countries, there are still some temples in rural or city areas (surely more are tore down in the process of rapid urbanization), and market events com-posed of different vendors usually occur accompanying with these temples in day-time. Some vendors choose nighttime for carrying on business, supplying services of eating, drinking and entertainment for peo-ple living nearby, which could be seen as the prototype of the immovable night mar-ket- it happens on the fixed ground(space), in the fixed time.

However, the Flowing Night-Market I want to argue is that this kind of night market, no matter to mention the numbers or the popularity, could possibly occurs on the vacant space of villages and towns, not necessarily on specific place with historical meaning.

At first I would discuss what flowing in Flowing Night-Market means; the phe-nomenon of flowing include which levels; and how the mechanisms behind forms of these phenomenon.

Next, I gonna focus the physical space where the Flowing Night-Market occurs, arguing that in whatever scales looking on

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I. /

1

vacant spacethe leftovers

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I. Foreword/ IntroductionNight markets as popular experiences of every-night life in Taiwan have been ex-isted for at least forty years. Today, global-ization makes cross-cultural mobility more and more general for people, foreigners (especially the westerns) who comes here for different purpose, usually think that the night market in Taiwan is very interesting and exiting for their participating experi-ences.

In southeastern countries, there are still some temples in rural or city areas (surely more are tore down in the process of rapid urbanization), and market events com-posed of different vendors usually occur accompanying with these temples in day-time. Some vendors choose nighttime for carrying on business, supplying services of eating, drinking and entertainment for peo-ple living nearby, which could be seen as the prototype of the immovable night mar-ket- it happens on the fixed ground(space), in the fixed time1.

However, the Flowing Night-Market I want to argue is that this kind of night market, no matter to mention the numbers or the popularity, could possibly occurs on the vacant space of villages and towns, not necessarily on specific place with historical meaning.

At first I would discuss what flowing in Flowing Night-Market means; the phe-nomenon of flowing include which levels; and how the mechanisms behind forms of these phenomenon.

Next, I gonna focus the physical space where the Flowing Night-Market occurs, arguing that in whatever scales looking on it, we could find the people agency, which broke through the restrictions against the structure of the built environment, and how they created that interesting space.

In conclusion, I argued that A Pattern

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II.

Pasar malam 2

19953

19935 Figure1. 6

Language is insufficient for understand-ing the Flowing Night-Market in Taiwan -You might see the agency embodied with people. Furthermore, I regard Flowing Night-Market as a mirror for reflecting our-selves on the road of becoming a environ-mental planning and design professionals.

II. Flowing:The Characters of Flowing Night-Market (Flowing) Night markets as ordinary ex-periences of every-night life in Taiwan, as well as existed on Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. In Indonesia or Malaysia People call them Pasar malam2 , and a researcher used traveling night market4 to describe such phenomenon.

The existence of (flowing) night market in Taiwan usually makes people appreciate or hate about it, also the mainstream dis-courses about it appear in a contradictory way. On the one hand, its the marginal space in the cultural systems in the process modernization, which means its noises, disorders, occupations on space are chal-lenges to state; on another hand, it is seen as a place which represents the residual traditional culture in Taiwan , where you would bring your foreign friends to come3.

About the relative Taiwan research on Flowing Night-Market, (Dai, 1996) 5 main-ly use the informal economy as her per-spective to analyze it, focusing the political economy relationship between the market vendors and the state. In this paper the Flowing Night-Market term we uses sim-ilar to what the phenomenon she depicted, various flowing vendors assembled for subsistence , as a commercial-exhibitioned group, which flowed in the peripheral ar-eas of metropolis(see Figure 1., an exam-ple of the route of the flowing night-market in the periphery of Taipei City6)

. 1996

Fig.1 The route of a flowing night-market in Taipei Country, Taiwan. Source from: 1996

36

every-night life

1.

2.

There would be a man in the role of group organizer. Externally he resolves the question of locations or sites of the holding of an event and negotiates with police-officers; and internally organizing the vendor lots and orientations between vendors.

The main field we choose for partici-patory observations and interviewing are two night markets in Chia-I which located in the southwestern region of Taiwan. One of them, nearly a fixed night market some-how, occurs on the Chia-I city , and the other flows in the peripheral areas of Chia-I city. It deserves to be mentioned that the analysis also based on our experiences of every- night life strolling in (flowing) night market. We discuss the characters of Flowing Night-Market in three levels:

1. The Aggregative Vendors Mov-ing in Circles Periodically All Over The Place In the cities of high density of population which form great economic scope could support fixed Night-market every day, but in rural area or in the border of city which of low population density couldnt. In rural area with the small consumption, the ag-gregative vendors developed the mode of Flowing Night-market, moving in circles periodically all over the place so that they would obtain the most profit in such situa-tion. You would always find Fresh goods in strolling Flowing Night-Market.

2. You Could Always Find Fresh Goods When Strolling Flowing Night-market usually include two types of stall: fixed stall, and temporary stall. The former one usually need to pay for the long-term rent so that they could occupy the superior location but would never satisfy the strollers. Temporary ven-

Fig.2 The aggregated vendors move between different towns periodically

Fig.3 The vendors exchange stalls of from another group or area.

37

3.

- - - - - - exploit

dors could maintain stream of people be-cause of the exploration of local peoples taste. and bring fresh goods next time. A organizer of Flowing Night-market says the vendors who sell the same good for a long time couldnt satisfy peoples demand of fresh goods. In order to stimulate the consumption, the vendors would exchange stalls of another group or area.

3. Sense of Place: Dynamical Interactions and Feedbacks Be-tween Consumers, Vendors, and Wholesalers It is hard to tell the visual differences be-tween the photo-scapes taken from two different flowing night-markets, and also it is very similar experiences for us walking around the two markets. Close up, how-ever, through the everyday practices and dynamical interactions between the local consumers and vendors it produces the sense of place that fit within the reality.

There are rough regional territories for flowing night-market, for example: the the Taichung-Chunghwa-Nantou, the Yunlin-Chai-Tainan, and the Kaohsiung County- Kaohsiung City-Pinton regions. Every vendor gets to know the slightly different regional taste through everyday interacting with customers and their feed-backs. So they could dynamically adjust the small items nearly just-in-time. For example, when the selling situation about some goods are not so well the vendors would return the lefts back to the wholesal-ers (yes, they could do it!) and replace with some new items into the markets. A kind of mutual benefits, finally the wholesalers and the manufactures know the trends of regional tastes.

Such kind of interactions between dif-ferent scales from the bottom-up, produces the different interesting local catalog that local peoples love and could afford. The

Fig.4 The miscellaneous goods in markets are the result of regional dynamic interactions and adaptations between consumers, vendors and wholesalers

38

III.

Gehl20067Life Between Building: using public space built environment

1. lost space8 the leftovers

2.

(1)

flowing night market creates the changing sense of place of miscellaneous goods be-tween the regions.

III. The pattern of Flowing Night-Market The literature I have read such as A Pat-tern Language and Gels Life Between Building: Using Public Space 7, a com-mon theme of them criticizes the modern architecture discourse and its practice, which make the built environment bored and lack of vitality.

As architects, their opinion seems to be focused on somehow the traditional quality of space, human scale, which is the reason why social life happens continuously.

1. Choosing Sites In the context of Taiwan, rapidly urban-ization compresses the public space into little and fractured. Flowing Night-Markets almost occur in such lost space 8, and the consequence of the phenomenon is relat-ed to the practice of modern planners and architects. The lost space of cities, such as parking areas, vacant space under con-struction, and even the big boring streets, I call them the leftovers. People create, transform the leftovers into an interesting, impressive and vital place, attracting peo-ple to walk, eat and even glance each other here.

Flowing Night-Market takes place in the lost space of city or town, such as park-ing lots, a vacant land and side of main road, etc. Not only because of the rent is cheaper, but also the frequency of use is low .Even in such a bad space which are the leftovers, stallholders create Flowing Night-Market become an impressive, and offering demands of people.

Fig. 6Special re-arranged trucks which sell miscellaneous goods

Fig. 5 The space that flowing night-market in Puli township is the temporary void space that building torn down by the 911 earthquake

39

(2)

2.1m x 3m 2.4m x 3.6m

:

A.

..

2. Variations on Lots

(1) Special trucks make flowing night-market leave without traces On the one hand, each site of Flowing Night-Market usually have different func-tions in daytime, such as parking lots, common space of temple etc, on the other hand , the vendors have to exhibit in differ-ent place everyday. In such condition, the vendors who transport with trucks couldnt leave any equipment for not disturbing the daytime function, therefore they re-equip their own truck to satisfy the demand of moving goods, lighting, and the shelves of storage, etc. Special truck, in addition to buy the supplies in daytime, it become the storage, display shelf at night.

(2) Unit of stallsThe following divides stalls into two types:

A. Stalls which face the streetIncluding selling clothes, accouterments, morsel which people can shop and eat at the same time and etc., those kinds of stalls only need one to three standard units which depend on what kinds of goods the owner sell. Because the smell and sound of stalls do not affect each other, they can be mix neighboring. The ways of exhibition are miscellaneous, for example type, type and so on. The stall keepers fill the narrow

Fig. 7 Variations on lots

Fig. 8 Special re-arranged trucks which sell shoes

40

B.

(3)

breadth with goods and use the brightest light to attract consumers.

B. Vendors take more than one lot This type of stalls include vendors of sell-ing beefsteak, stir-fried food, usually need larger space for cooking and exhibiting and ,the sitting space for consumers. There-fore, vendors need to rent continuous stalls which include at least eight ones.

The food vendors gathered together in the purpose of convenience for consumers to sit with their friends, and the could also share the common space for sitting and eating. This type of stalls apart from the exhibition kind, which offer the buffer for the strollers, and satisfy them with differ-ent favors of food at the same time.

(3) Against-lots vendors: hawkers!

Around eight oclock p.m., when people finish eating, there appeared one man put-ting his various commodities on the ground in a circular form, and this is the vendor which use the way of shouting price to promote consumptions. Holding micro-phone on the one hand and bawling loudly, the vendor interacts with people a little bit crudely, especially young women who just passed through the exhibition. His loudly bawling attracted peoples approaching, then he picked some gifts at hand throwing to them.

41

4.

(1)

(2)

Twenty or thirty minutes later, the vacant lots filled with crowed people who stood, stayed, participated and negotiated prices with him, which attracted even more peo-ple to join.

For vendors in the Flowing Night-Mar-ket, there are still distinctions from central to marginal locations, which depend on the orientations and the numbers of people passing through, but it seems no different for shouting prices vendors. As the orga-nizer of the Flowing Night-Market says, By that microphone in his hands, he could be engaged in making money!

4. Making an Interesting Flow-ing Night-Market

(1) Various types of vendorsIf all stalls in a Flowing Night-Market sell clothes such as the style of young people, old man, children etc., which wouldnt at-tract those who need buying shoes. There-fore, an interesting Flowing Night-Market should contains various kinds of vendors. In this way, people would be willing to stroll over and over again. People would not only buy things they need but also walk around. Even if the Flowing Night-Market might be in small mode in rural area, but could be complete and interesting.

(2) Temporary Street in the night-market that fit with the Hu-man ScaleThe various vendors create temporary Night-market in the open area. The width of streets is between 2.5~3m, which at least enable vendors vehicle to pass and easily feel crowded. The street form of Night-Market is in body scale which make people feel lively, warm and the crowd be-come a kind of fun. Temporary Night-Mar-ket main street become quiet and clean

43

Fig. 9 Against-lots vendors: hawkers!

44

60cm

(3)

after the period, until the next circular.

(3) Food vendors tend to gather to-getherIn the border of city, Flowing Night-Mar-ket is in the larger scale, and it takes at least one hour to stroll around. In order to maintain the profit and atmosphere of Flowing Night-Market, the organizer/man-ager of the site has to concern about the relative position of stalls. As the organizer Mr. Wang say: I have to arrange and de-sign the space which could make people enter and then stay long enough.

People would certainly find the food stalls even if they are setting up in the border place. Since eating food is one of peoples main purposes, these stalls usually would be arranged in the inner part , and attract people to walk further and toward to the inner part of the Flowing Night-mar-ket., instead of buying and then leaving.

The various vendors and arrangement of stalls are reciprocal, and couldnt be in lack of any of them.

Therefore, the condition is different in rural area. The food vendors gather and face to the main road, instead of locating in the inner part. When dinner time, local families expect to eat something different and Mother could be away from cooking in this day. Around seven oclock, other peo-ple who already have dinner home would go to Night-market to buy goods such as childrens shoes, etc. Before going back home, they might buy some snacks when pass by the food stalls.

(4) Circuitous path of the flowing night-market A Flowing Night-Market would have less than two entrances to let consumers easily come in but hardly leave. The longer they stay and stroll around, the more goods they

Fig. 10 Food vendors tend to gather together

45

(4)

might buy. The streets must wind through the Flowing Night-Market in the purpose of confusing people, and manufacturing the curiosity.

(5) Never close up for seeing sky The most special thing in the Flowing Night-Market is that it must be occurred in open space. At night, bright and warm lights beckon people to get close. The Flowing Night-Market is very distinct from the enclosed Department store which are usually clean, bright, dust-less and smell-less. Here, always fill with mixed smells, venders bawling and smokes from grilling meals, etc. Owing to open up space with seeing sky always, the character is also for circulating air, and shoppers would not feel stuffy, oppressed or uncomfortable

IV. Conclusions

1. A Dialogue with Pattern Lan-guage In chapter four of The Timeless Way of Building, as the theory of Pattern Lan-guage, I thought what the author argued was that patterns of events which occurs in space, which being geometrically rela-tive to somehow the physical space- pat-terns of space (title of chapter 5.) But in the end of chapter 4, space seems to be-come self-determined, as he says the life which happens in a building or a town is not merely anchored in the space but made up the space itself. 9

Further, this lead to his writing about pattern language, in which I thought people (actors), just like chess pieces, being put on to the game board(space),and behaving in the same way. In contrasts, the phenom-enon of Flowing Night-Market is that even each vendors being put on the same lot,

Fig. 11Circuitous path of the Flowing Night-market

46

they developed different ways of selling, exhibiting and creating space.

At another level, the author usually uses places referring such spaces in which events continuously and repeatedly occur, such spaces are fixed in my point of view. In some respects spaces in pattern language relating to what traditional humanist geog-raphers discussing places .

But, in our understanding the Flowing Night-Market in Taiwan, the space here is always not only in the process of becom-ing, but also a template where vendors, organizers, hawkers and customers like us together practices or creating. People cre-ates events, and further creates the tempo-ral existence of space where people living out.

2. Learning from the Flowing Night-MarketSandercock (2003) 10criticized the epis-temology of the Enlightenment of the modernism planning, and furthermore she suggested that the mentalities of knowing through dialogue, knowing from experi-ence and learning from local knowledge, which professions in 21st century should bear in mind.

We have learned so much by observing; interviewing, interacting with vendors and organizers of the Flowing Night-Market.

Many times if you asks them why do you do like this (kinds of arranging things)? , usually they could not directly tell the reason why, but most important thing is they just have shown you. They are not conscious of that in the Flowing Night-Market theyre all amazing planners, who sensitive to spaces. Actually I want to says that From the organizers to ev-ery vendors, they do the planning of un-planned.

During the process of field work, the

(5)

IV.

1.

patterns of events which occurs in space p.74

Fig. 12Never close up for seeing the sky

47

authors gradually recognize that what we do is a kind of learning from Flowing Night-Market (adopted the name from Learning from Las Vegas 11). We ex-perience it through immersing ourselves in the physical environment of Flowing Night-Market, and then get to know the mechanism further by dialogue with the vendors and wholesalers. In the end of this research we start to re-consider the ordi-nary phenomenon that surrounds us and easily be overlooked, and we obligate for recognizing the characters and events of Asian Urbanism.

3. Flowing Night-Market Authen-tically Reflect the Peoples Liv-ing Habits

In the process of modernization modern, clean and bright commercial space such as chain store (like 7-11), supermarket, and shopping mall (like Cosco) appear one after another. However, facing the competi-tion of them the Flowing Night-Market still operate in various villages and towns in Taiwan. The case of Flowing Night-Market in this article, which next door to Carre-four, become a semi-fixed night market which operate six times a week. At the same time, the distribution of the Carrefour rise rapidly. Each of them is interdepen-dent.

In other words, the Flowing Night-Mar-ket is not a backward symbolization, which will by no means be substituted for oth-er modern commercial space. It can also transform the lost space into a temporary but vibrant fair. Thus it can be seen, the Flowing Night-Market is chosen by con-sumers which reflect the needs and the way of life in Taiwan.

9

roots

2.

Sandercock200310 the epistemology of the Enlightenment knowing through dialogue knowing from experience learning from local knowledge, p79

tacit knowledge /

48

Venturi 197211Asian urbanism

3.

7-11 Cosco

49

/Note 1. John Freedman place-making 2008.1

John Friedmann thought these markets bounded with temples, having sense of place, and it could be a good example for place-making in Asia-cities.

2. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pasar_malam

3. 1995 391-462

Shuenn-der, Yu (1995). Space, Discourse and Pressure: The Position of Night Market in Taiwan Society. Space, Power and Soci-ety ed. by Ying-Kuei Hung. Taipei: Insti-tute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, p.393.

4. Yue-man, Yeung (1978). Traveling night markets in Singapore. Market-place Trade-Periodic Markets, Hawkers, and Traders in Africa, Asia and Latin America ed. by Robert H.T. Smith. Vancouver: Cen-ter for Transportation Studies, University of British Columbia.

5. 1993

Po-fen, Tai (1993). The Formations of Traveling Night Market and the Circulating Stalls in Metropolis-A Case study of Infor-mal Economy in Taiwan. Master Thesis: Department of Anthropology of National Tsing Hua University.

6. 1996

7. Gehl, Jan (2006). Life Between Build-ing: Using Public Space . Copenhagen : Danish Architectural Press.

8. Trancik1986 ) Finding Lost Space: Theories of Urban Design

9. Alexander, Christopher (1979). The Timeless Way of Building. NY: Oxford University Press, p.74.

10. Sandercock, Leonie (2003). Cosmop-olis II: Mongrel Cities of the 21st Century. London: Continuum, p.76-82.

11. Venturi, R., Scott Brown, D. and Ize-nour, S. (1972). Learning from Las Vegas. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press

50

sustainabiLity anD the responsibLe tour-ism: tourism pLanning anD LocaL host space Design for tibet viLLages arounD shangri-La WetLanDs

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Lawrence Halprin Lecvis plaza

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