Polity & Governance 1€¦ · Mullaperiyar: genesis of a dispute (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains paper II; Polity & Governance) ..... 48 32. Need for national policy on utility

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Table of Contents

Polity & Governance .......................................................... 1

1. How child rapes led to four death sentences (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;

Polity & Governance) ..................................................................................................................... 1

2. Cabinet clears Bill to restore the provisions of SC/ST Act (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS

Mains Paper II; Polity & Governance) ......................................................................................... 2

3. How India identifies citizens (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity &

Governance) ................................................................................................................................... 3

4. Prosecution under Benami Act stuck: No courts set up (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS special

Mains Paper II; Polity & Governance) ......................................................................................... 5

5. On changes in anti-corruption law (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity &

Governance) ................................................................................................................................... 7

6. Change gears: amendments to the Motor Vehicles Act (Relevant to GS Prelims, GS Mains

Paper II; Polity & Governance) ..................................................................................................... 8

7. How Parliament has amended anti-graft law (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;

Polity & Governance) ..................................................................................................................... 9

8. How is seniority decided in the SC? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity &

Governance) ................................................................................................................................. 10

9. Model Shops and Establishments Act (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity &

Governance) ................................................................................................................................. 12

10. M. Karunanidhi, 94: the end of an era (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity &

Governance) ................................................................................................................................. 13

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11. How Rajya Sabha elects Deputy Chairperson (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;

Polity & Governance) ................................................................................................................... 14

12. Why Article 35A is in the news (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity &

Governance) ................................................................................................................................. 17

13. Parliament Passes Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities)

Amendment Bill, 2018 (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity & Governance)

....................................................................................................................................................... 18

14. Reform with some concessions: What SC order means for Cricket Board (Relevant for GS

Prelims, GS Mains Paper I; Polity & Governance)) ................................................................... 20

15. North Karnataka, reeling under neglect (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity

& Governance) .............................................................................................................................. 21

16. Beyond Delhi: how law makes begging a crime (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper

II; Polity & Governance) .............................................................................................................. 23

17. In Fact: In call for separate North Karnataka, some old wounds, some new politics

(Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity & Governance) ...................................... 24

18. Kejriwal charged in assault case (Read only for understanding; Polity & Governance) ..... 26

19. Vajpayee s journey, from poetry to politics (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;


20. Atal Bihari Vajpayee s legacy shapes how India is run today (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS

Mains paper II; Polity & Governance) ........................................................................................ 29

21. How statistical information can be used (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity

& Governance) .............................................................................................................................. 31

22. Powers to SEBI against financial frauds (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains paper II; Polity

& Governance) .............................................................................................................................. 32

23. What next for the DMK after Karunanidhi (Relevant for GS Mains paper II; Polity &

Governance) ................................................................................................................................. 33








24. How, why Bill proposes to let NRIs nominate proxies to vote on their behalf (Relevant for

GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity & Governance) .............................................................. 34

25. India and Pakistan: How they differ on key constitutional questions (Relevant for GS

Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity & Governance) ................................................................... 36

26. Naga agreement: three years in the making (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;


27. Should Article 35A be scrapped? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity &

Governance) ................................................................................................................................. 40

28. What a petition on citizenship law could mean to Assam NRC update (Relevant for GS


29. How Maharashtra law defines dangerous persons (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains

Paper II; Polity & Governance) ................................................................................................... 45

30. How CJIs involved senior colleagues in benches of 3 judges and more (Relevant for GS


31. Mullaperiyar: genesis of a dispute (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains paper II; Polity &

Governance) ................................................................................................................................. 48

32. Need for national policy on utility of a second chamber in States (Relevant for GS Prelims,

GS Mains Paper II; Polity & Governance) .................................................................................. 51

33. Government announces Regulations for Drones (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper

II; Polity & Governance) .............................................................................................................. 52

34. Cap on election expenses by parties and candidates: where things stand (Relevant for GS


35. Why court acquitted two in 1981 Indian Airlines flight hijack case (Relevant for GS Mains

Paper II; Polity & Governance) ................................................................................................... 56

36. India s tightrope walk on Maldives (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity &

Governance) ................................................................................................................................. 57








37. TADA to UAPA, what India s terror laws say (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;


38. Drone regulations: how, where Indians can fly from December 1 onward (Relevant for GS


International Organizations and Relations ............ 63

1. Import of dual-use tech from US: Dual use, multiple benefits (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS

Mains Paper II; IOBR) ....................................................................................................................... 63

2. Hope in Harare? — on victory in Zimbabwe elections (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains

Paper II; IOBR) .................................................................................................................................. 65

3. 10th BRICS Summit: Analysis (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR) ............. 66

4. What lies behind India s Africa outreach? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;

IOBR) ................................................................................................................................................... 68

5. Re-imposed US sanctions on Iran kick in — what they are, what it means (Relevant for GS

Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR) .................................................................................................. 69

6. Dissent & diplomacy: on the Saudi-Canada spat (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper

II; IOBR) .............................................................................................................................................. 71

7. Tight-fisted neighbour? Indian aid to SAARC nations falls (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS

Mains Paper II; IOBR) ....................................................................................................................... 72

8. Mnangagwa, Zimbabwe s new hope (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR) ... 74

9. Why Antigua and Barbuda for citizenship? (Relevant for GS prelims, GS Mains II; IOBR) .. 76

10. On road to Mandalay, beyond (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR) ............. 78

11. Siege of Ghazni: On the Taliban offensive (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;

IOBR) ................................................................................................................................................... 81

12. Union Minister of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare proposes to United Nations Food &

Agriculture Organization to declare an upcoming year as International Year of Millets

(Relevant for GS Prelims, IOBR) ..................................................................................................... 82








13. Kofi Annan: All You Need to Know About The First Black African Who Was Appointed as

World's Top Diplomat (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR) ........................... 83

14. Reality check: On simultaneous polls (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR) . 84

15. Stay with RCEP: India (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR) ........................... 85

16. Beyond words: On Indo-Pak ties (Relevant for GS Mains Paper II; IOBR) .............................. 86

17. India-Pakistan trade: status, outlook (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR) 88

18. Contested numbers on overstayers (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR) ..... 90

19. India-Pakistan, cricket and politics (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR) .... 91

20. Kerala floods: Why India turned down UAE offer — a 2004 policy, its symbolic signal

(Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR) ................................................................... 94

21. Trump s trade wars (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR) ............................... 96

22. A year after Doklam face-off (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR)................ 97

23. Easing tensions: on U.S.-Mexico trade deal (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;

IOBR) ................................................................................................................................................. 101

24. A look at what the Two plus two upcoming India-U.S. dialogue means (Relevant for GS

Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR) ................................................................................................ 102

Geography ....................................................................... 104

1. Bermuda Triangle mystery solved? Experts claim 100-feet rogue waves behind

disappearances (Adapted from GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper I; Geography) ....................... 104

2. What a liquid water lake reveals and conceals about Mars (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS

Mains Paper I; Geography) ....................................................................................................... 105

3. Why, for only third time, Idukki dam is open (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper I;

geography) ................................................................................................................................. 107

4. The monsoon and its march so far (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper I; Geography)

..................................................................................................................................................... 108

5. In Kaziranga, a wait for floods (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper I; Geography) 110








Economics ........................................................................ 112

1. Online shopping set to change (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Economics)

..................................................................................................................................................... 112

2. Position of India s forex reserves (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Economics)

..................................................................................................................................................... 113

3. SAATHI Initiative Launched (Relevant for GS Prelims; Economics) ...................................... 114

4. Explained: The draft Model Contract Farming Act, 2018 (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS

Mains Paper III; Economics) ......................................................................................................... 115

5. Why is the Sensex on a bull run? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Economics)

..................................................................................................................................................... 117

6. Why a currency war is a worry (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Economics)

............................................................................................................................................................ 119

7. Proposed Amendments in Tariff Policy (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;

Economics) ....................................................................................................................................... 121

8. UAE top source of inward remittances in 2016-17: RBI (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains

paper III; Economics) ..................................................................................................................... 122

9. A welcome retreat: withdrawing the FRDI Bill (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper

III; Economics) ................................................................................................................................. 122

10. All you need to know about Currency wars (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;

Economics) ....................................................................................................................................... 123

11. Are foreign direct investments at an ebb? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;

Economics) ....................................................................................................................................... 124

12. What makes an airport fit for night landing: lighting, landing guidance (Relevant for GS

Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Economics) .................................................................................... 127

13. NITI Aayog launches Pitch to MOVE (Relevant for GS Prelims; Economics) ..................... 129

14. Politics and economics: The rupee s Turkish worries ........................................................... 129

15. Making NHPM work: On Ayushman Bharat (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;

Economics) ................................................................................................................................. 133








16. The data that's making growth under Manmohan Singh look so good (Relevant for GS

Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Economics) ................................................................................ 134

17. What does the falling rupee mean for you and economy? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS

Mains Paper III; Economics) ..................................................................................................... 136

18. Backstory of GDP back series and the controversy surrounding it (Relevant for GS Prelims,

GS Mains Paper III; Economics) ............................................................................................... 136

19. India s First ISTS connected Wind Power Project Commissioned (Relevant for GS Prelims,


20. Why a few hold most mutual funds assets (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;

Economics) ................................................................................................................................. 141

21. What the Warren Buffett deal means for Paytm, Indian startups (Relevant for GS Prelims,


22. Over 99% of demonetised notes were returned: RBI (Read only for understanding;

Economics) ................................................................................................................................. 144

Environment .................................................................... 146

1. River of effluents (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Environment &

Biodiversity) ..................................................................................................................................... 146

2. Nationwide State Energy Efficiency Preparedness Index released (Relevant for GS

Prelims; Environment & Biodiversity) ......................................................................................... 147

3. How do roads impact wildlife, and why should anyone bother? (GS Prelims, GS Mains

Paper III; Environment & Biodiversity) ...................................................................................... 147

4. Khangchendzonga Biosphere Reserve Becomes 11th Biosphere Reserve from India to be

Included in the World Network of Biosphere Reserves (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains


5. All you need to know: Zero Budget Natural Farming in India (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS

Mains paper III; Environment & Biodiversity) ........................................................................... 152








6. Keeping dry: On Kerala floods (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Environment &

Biodiversity) ..................................................................................................................................... 155

7. Pune tops Ease of Living index; Patna ranked lowest of 111 cities (Relevant for GS Prelims,

GS Mains Paper III; Environment & Biodiversity) ..................................................................... 156

8. Kerala s trauma (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Environment) ................... 157

9. In U.P., plans to save the Taj Mahal (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;

Environment) ................................................................................................................................... 159

10. What is a national disaster ? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Internal

Security & Disaster Management) ............................................................................................... 160

11. Kerala floods: The prescriptions for the Western Ghats (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains


12. Cyclone Warning Centre to be set up in Thiruvananthapuram within a month (Relevant

for GS Prelims; Disaster Management) ....................................................................................... 164

13. Why does Kerala need more funds? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Disaster

Management) .................................................................................................................................. 165

Science & Technology .................................................... 167

1. Lifestyle diseases in India (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Science &

Technology) ..................................................................................................................................... 167

2. Research, training needed: Why snakebites remain a burden for India (Relevant for GS

Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Science & Technology) ................................................................ 168

3. Reconsider the ban: on oxytocin (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Science &

Technology) ..................................................................................................................................... 170

4. How mosquito vs mosquito can fight dengue (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;

Science & Technology) ................................................................................................................... 171

5. Clampdown on oxytocin: why, what now (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;









6. ISRO set to launch its TV channel (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains paper III; Science &

Technology) ..................................................................................................................................... 174

7. e-cigarette ban (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Science & Technology) ...... 175

8. Gaganyan: How to send an Indian into space (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;


9. Why is retail sale of oxytocin banned? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;


10. What Cosmos Bank s Rs 94 crore online fraud says of bank security (Read only for

understanding, Science & Technology) ....................................................................................... 182

11. How Chandrayaan-1 helped confirm and reconfirm water on the Moon (Relevant for GS

Prelims, GS mains Paper III; Science & Technology) ................................................................ 183

12. Why biofuel for aircraft holds out promise, but isn t ready to fly yet (Relevant for GS

Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Science & Technology) ................................................................ 185

13. How Johnson and Johnson hip implants system went wrong (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS

Mains Paper III; Science & Technology)...................................................................................... 187

Social Issues .................................................................... 191

1. Who are Dhangars, why demand for ST status is a challenge for Maharashtra (Relevant

for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper I; Social Issues) ........................................................................ 191

2. Indians online: One in five harassed, here is how, why (Relevant for GS Mains Paper I;

Social Issues) .................................................................................................................................... 192

3. In the running of children s homes, the rules that apply — or do not (Relevant for GS

Mains Paper II; Social Issues) ....................................................................................................... 194

4. Why are the Marathas so restive? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper I; Social

Issues) ................................................................................................................................................ 196

5. Who is Indra Nooyi? Everything you need to know about PepsiCo s departing CEO

(Relevant for GS Prelims, GS mains paper I; Social Issues) ...................................................... 197

6. What is Sikh pilgrim corridor to Pakistan (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper I;

Social Issues) .................................................................................................................................... 200








7. Retrograde move: On Punajb's proposed law on sacrilege (Relevant for GS mains Paper I;

Social Issues) .................................................................................................................................... 201

Internal Security ............................................................ 203

1. Strategic Partnership guidelines for participation of private sector (Relevant for GS

Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Internal Security) ......................................................................... 203

Miscellaneous ................................................................. 204

1. Indian-origin mathematician Akshay Venkatesh gets prestigious Fields Medal (Relevant

for GS Prelims) ........................................................................................................................... 204

2. Beware the SMS on I-T refunds (Read only for understanding) ........................................... 204

3. Maths that won Fields Medal: number theory diversified, optimal transport (Relevant for

GS Prelims) ....................................................................................................................................... 206

4. PARIVESH – an environmental single window hub for Environment, Forest, Wildlife and

CRZ clearances launched (Relevant for GS Prelims) .............................................................. 207

5. Restoring dignity: on stigma attached to leprosy (Relevant for GS Prelims) ...................... 207






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Polity and Governance

1. How child rapes led to four death sentences (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains

Paper II; Polity & Governance)

Change in criminal law?

In the three months since April 21, when the government promulgated the Criminal Law (Amendment) Ordinance providing for the death penalty for the rape of girls below age 12 — the Ordinance has been replaced by the Criminal Law (Amendment) Bill, 2018, passed by Lok Sabha — courts in at least two states have already sentenced four convicts to death under the provisions of the Ordinance. Corresponding state laws

These states are Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, both of which had also passed their own laws with the same provision. Their Bills were pending central clearance when the Ordinance took effect. Haryana and Arunachal Pradesh, too, had passed similar laws providing for the death sentence for the rape of girls below age 12. The Madhya Pradesh Assembly unanimously passed its Dand Vidhi (Madhya Pradesh Sanshodhan) Vidheyak on December 4, 2017, proposing amendments to sections of the IPC and CrPC, and was waiting for the President s assent when the Centre passed the Ordinance. The Rajasthan government had passed its Criminal Laws (Rajasthan Amendment) Bill in March. It introduced sections 376AA (rape for girls up to age 12) and 376DD (gangrape for girls up to age 12), with both offences punishable with death. On July 21, special judge Jagendra Kumar Agarwal of Alwar s SC/ST court convicted Pintu, 19, for raping a seven-month-old child on May 9 this year, and sentenced him to death under Section 376AB of the central Ordinance. Haryana and Arunachal Pradesh too had passed their Bills in March, with similar provisions. After the Ordinance came, Haryana informed the Centre that the state was adopting the law, DGP B S Sandhu said. Application of new law

This month, courts in the state have passed two death sentences under provisions of the Ordinance. On July 7, a court in Rehli of Sagar district sentenced Bhaggi alias Narayan Patel, 40, to death for the rape of a nine-year-old child in a temple on May 21. Bhaggi was arrested on May 22, and the chargesheet was filed within 72 hours. On July 27, Rajkumar Kol, 35, an autorickshaw driver, was sentenced to death by a POCSO court for the rape of a kindergarten student in Katni town. She had told her mother that the auto wale bhaiyya had kissed her, penetrated her with his finger, beaten her, and asked

not to disclose it to anyone. Kol, who drove the six-year-old girl to school, was arrested on






2



July 7, and the chargesheet was filed on July 18. He was sentenced to death under IPC section 376 AB, introduced by way of the amendment. Also on July 27, Jitendra Kushwah, an ice candy vendor, was given a double death sentence by a Gwalior court for raping and killing a six-year-old girl he had lured from a wedding hall in the intervening night of June 20 and 21. He was arrested on June 22, the chargesheet was filed 10 days later. The double death sentence was handed under sections 376AB as well as 302. Besides these, there have been four more death sentences in rape cases in Madhya Pradesh this year. Two verdicts came before the Ordinance came into effect. While the other two came after the Ordinance, they related to rapes that predated the Ordinance. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

2. Cabinet clears Bill to restore the provisions of SC/ST Act (Relevant for GS Prelims,

GS Mains Paper II; Polity & Governance)

Facing pressure from Dalit leaders within the ruling alliance as well as from the Opposition, the Centre has decided to introduce a Bill to restore the original provisions of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, which the Supreme Court had struck down in a March ruling. What does the amendment bill include?

The Amendment Bill seeks to insert three new clauses after Section 18 of the original Act. The first stipulates that for the purposes of the Act, preliminary enquiry shall not be required for registration of a First Information Report against any person. The second stipulates that the arrest of a person accused of having committed an offence under the Act would not require any approval. The third says that the provisions of Section 438 of the Code of Criminal Procedure — which deals with anticipatory bail — shall not apply to a case under this Act, notwithstanding any judgment or order of any Court.

Background

On March 20, the Supreme Court issued a slew of guidelines to protect people against arbitrary arrests under the Act, directing that public servants could be arrested only with the written permission of their appointing authority, while in the case of private employees, the Senior Superintendent of Police concerned should allow it. A preliminary inquiry should be conducted before the FIR was registered to check if the case fell within the ambit of the Act, and whether it was frivolous or motivated, the court ruled. Reaction to ruling by dalit groups

The ruling was greeted by a storm of protest from Dalit groups, which said the order diluted the law. On April 2, violence during a nationwide bandh left at least nine people






3



dead and hundreds injured. However, the court refused to stay its ruling, leading to the demand from Dalit groups that the government introduce an ordinance or an Amendment Bill to restore the provisions. Protests intensified when the government appointed Justice A.K. Goel, who authored the March 20 verdict, as the Chairman of the National Green Tribunal on his retirement. Protests increased when the government appointed Justice A.K. Goel, who authored the March 20 verdict, as chairman of the National Green Tribunal upon his retirement from the Supreme Court. While Mr. Paswan and his party had demanded Justice Goel s removal from the NGT, he said the issue had now been resolved with the proposed amendment. He also indicated that the need for a Bharat bandh on August 9 had become unnecessary. (Adapted from The Hindu)

3. How India identifies citizens (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity &

Governance)

The issue of citizenship has been dominating the public discourse since Monday, when Assam released the draft of an updated National Register of Citizens (NRC) leaving out 40 lakh of 3.29 crore applicants for inclusion. What determines who is or is not a citizen of India? And what are the special circumstances in Assam, the only state with an NRC? How is citizenship determined in India?

Indian citizenship can be acquired by birth, descent, registration and naturalisation. A person domiciled in India as on November 26, 1949 — the date when the Constituent Assembly adopted the Constitution — automatically became a citizen if he or either of his parents was born in India, or if he had been in India for at least five years until that date. For those born in India after the Constitution came into effect, the Citizenship Act, 1955, grants citizenship by birth based on birth dates. Anyone born between January 26, 1950 and July 1, 1987 is a citizen by birth; a person between July 1, 1987 and December 3, 2004 is a citizen by birth if either of his parents is a citizen of India at the time; those born on or after December 3, 2004 is a citizen by birth if both parents are citizens of India at the time, or if one parent is a citizen and the other is not an illegal migrant — defined as a foreigner who entered India without valid documents, or stayed beyond the allowed period Citizenship by registration can be acquired by persons of Indian origin who have lived in India for 7 years before applying, persons of Indian origin who live in any country outside undivided India, persons married to a citizen of India and who have lived in India for 7 years before the application. Any minor child can be registered as a citizen if the government is satisfied that there are special circumstances. Is it possible for a foreigner with no connection to India (marriage, descent etc) to

become a citizen of India ?






4



This is citizenship by naturalisation. Any foreigner, provided he is not an illegal migrant, can acquire citizenship, provided he has stayed in India for 12 consecutive months preceding the date of application, and for 11 years out of the preceding the 14 years. Is citizenship permanent?

Under Section 9(1) of the 1955 Act, a person ceases to be a citizen if he or she voluntarily acquires the citizenship of another country or renounces Indian citizenship. India does not allow dual citizenship. Under Section 10, anyone who has become a citizen of India by naturalization or by registration due to marriage to an Indian citizen can be deprived of the citizenship by the Home Ministry for certain reasons. How is Assam different? Why a separate National Register of Citizens?

This is because of a history of migration. During British rule, Assam was merged with Bengal Presidency for administrative purpose. From 1826 to 1947, the British continuously brought migrant workers to Assam for cheap labour in tea plantations. Two major waves of migration came after British rule — first after Partition, from East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), and then in the aftermath of the liberation of Bangladesh in 1971. This eventually led to an agitation during 1979-85, led by the All Assam Students Union. It culminated in the 1985 Assam Accord signed with the Rajiv Gandhi government, under which illegal migrants were to be identified and deported. Clause 6A was inserted in the Citizenship Act with special provisions for Assam. What are those provisions?

These take into account two cutoff dates — January 1, 1966 and March 25, 1971. Anyone who was a resident of Assam before the first date is a citizen. Migrants who entered on any day between these two dates, and remained there, would need to register with a Foreigners Tribunal. For 10 years, they would have all rights of a citizen except the right to vote, which would be granted at the end of 10 years. Finally, migrants who entered Assam on or after March 25, 1971, are not eligible for citizenship.

Is this not the cutoff date for NRC, too?

Yes. For inclusion, applicants need to prove that they — or their parents, grandparents etc — were citizens before March 25, 1971. Those who could not prove this, as well as their offspring, have been excluded. Assam already has an NRC, prepared in 1951 with 80 lakh citizens, on the basis of that year s Census. In 2003, the Citizenship (Registration of Citizens and Issue of National Identity Cards) Rules were amended for updating the NRC in order to identify genuine citizens. What was the mechanism for identifying migrants earlier?

When Indira Gandhi was Prime Minister, the government introduced the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunal) Act, applicable only to Assam. Against the Foreigners Act that was in force elsewhere, the IMDT Act was seen as ineffective as the burden of proof of someone being a foreigner was on the accuser and not on the state or the accused. In 2005, the Supreme Court struck down IMDT Act on a petition filed by Sarbananda Sonowal, then an AGP leader, now Assam Chief Minister and a BJP leader.






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Before the NRC update, Assam was witnessing protests over the Citizenship

Amendment Bill. What was this about?

In 2016, the Centre introduced amendments to the Citizenship Act to grant citizenship to religious minorities (mostly Hindus and including other non-Muslims) from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan who took shelter in India. The Bill relaxes norms for granting them citizenship by decreasing the residency requirement from 11 years to six years. In Assam, where the agitation was against migrants irrespective of religion, this has led to protests. The Bill is currently pending with a Joint Parliamentary Committee. Is there a similar situation for migrants in any other state?

In Arunachal Pradesh, a demand for citizenship to Chakmas has been pending for decades. While the Centre is keen to grant them citizenship, it is being opposed by the state government. In Kashmir, West Pakistan refugees are allowed to vote in national elections but not in Assembly elections. Assam s updated National Register of Citizens, which has listed 2.89 crore citizens, has left out 40 lakh others who could not prove their citizenship. How did the 2.89 crore prove that they were citizens? NRC officials verified two kinds of evidence — legacy data , or any one of 12 admissible documents. Legacy data is a collective term for a set of legacy documents , comprising Assam s 1951 NRC and electoral rolls up to 1971. Anyone named in any of these legacy documents, as well as their descendants, were eligible for the updated NRC. Legacy data were available in photocopies (area-specific) at NRC Seva Kendras, which also had digitised legacy data (all-Assam). For every entry in these documents, a unique 11-digit legacy data code was generated; every applicant had to submit either her own legacy data code, or that of an ancestor. For those who could not link their ancestry to these legacy records, the option was to submit any one of 12 documents — land/tenancy records; citizenship certificate; permanent residential certificate; refugee registration certificate; passport; LIC policy; govt licence/certificate; govt service certificate; bank/post office accounts; birth certificate; board/university educational certificate; court records — provided that the document was dated before the 1971 cutoff. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

4. Prosecution under Benami Act stuck: No courts set up (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS

special Mains Paper II; Polity & Governance)






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No special courts set up for the purpose yet

The prosecution of accused persons in almost 100 confirmed cases instituted under the Benami Transactions (Prohibition) Act has been scuttled as the special courts meant for the purpose have not yet been set up across the country. Assets worth more than Rs. 5,000 crore have been attached by the Income-Tax Department under the law. What is the provision under the act?

The Act provides that the Central government, in consultation with the Chief Justice of the respective High Courts, will establish special courts through notification. Such courts are to be constituted to ensure that the trials are conducted as expeditiously as possible . Every endeavour shall be made by the special court to conclude the trial within six months

from the date of filing of the complaint, says the Act. However, an official said, the required special courts have not been set up yet. Therefore, despite the fact that investigations in almost 100 cases have been completed by the I-T Department in different States, including confirmation of attachment of properties by the Adjudicating Authority, the prosecution of accused persons has not started. (Adapted from The Hindu)






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5. On changes in anti-corruption law (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;

Polity & Governance)

Why Section 13 (1)d is in news?

The amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988, adopted recently by both Houses of Parliament, are a mixed bag. Moves to make changes in this law, aimed at combating corruption in government, were initiated during the UPA s second term in office and largely centred on the misuse of one provision — Section 13 (1)d. Former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had criticised this section, under which public servants are culpable for securing a pecuniary advantage for another without any public interest , for ignoring a foundational principle of criminal law: mens rea. This resulted in many honest officials being prosecuted even when they gained nothing and merely exercised their power or discretion in favour of someone. Implication of amendment

In so far as it had a chilling effect on governance and deterred bold decision-making, the amended form may have a liberating effect on honest officials. Besides, it is more concise and restricts criminal misconduct to two offences: misappropriating or converting to one s own use property entrusted to a public servant or is in his control and amassing unexplained wealth. There was concern initially with the wording, intentionally enriches himself illicitly during the period of his office , as it raised a doubt whether the intention to amass wealth would also have to be proved. Now an explanation has been added that a person shall be presumed to have intentionally enriched himself if he cannot account for his assets through known sources of income. Citizens liable for offering bribe

By making citizens liable for offering a bribe to a public servant, the anti-corruption law has been brought in line with the UN Convention Against Corruption. The only exception to this rule is when one is forced to give a bribe. This exception kicks in only when the fact that one was forced to pay a bribe is reported to a law enforcement authority within seven days. The penal provision can empower people by allowing them to cite it to refuse to pay a bribe. Prior approval to start an investigation

At the same time, what happens when the police or any other agency refuses to register a complaint? People may be left in the lurch with no redress. Further, it may render them vulnerable to threats from unscrupulous public servants who collect money to speed up public services but do not deliver. The most unacceptable change is the introduction of a prior approval norm to start an investigation. When a prior sanction requirement exists in law for prosecution, it is incomprehensible that the legislature should create another layer of protection in the initial stage of a probe. Public servants need to be protected against unfair prosecution, but a genuine drive against corruption needs a package of legislative measures. These should contain penal provisions, create an ombudsman in the form of a Lokpal or Lokayukta, as well as assure citizens of






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time-bound services and whistle-blower protection. Laws to fulfil these objectives are either not operational or are yet to materialise. (Adapted from The Hindu)

6. Change gears: amendments to the Motor Vehicles Act (Relevant to GS Prelims, GS

Mains Paper II; Polity & Governance)

Need for amendment

India s law governing motor vehicles and transport is archaic, lacking the provisions necessary to manage fast motorisation. The lacunae in the Motor Vehicles Act, 1988, require to be addressed to improve road safety, ensure orderly use of vehicles and expand public transport. About the bill

The Motor Vehicles (Amendment) Bill, passed by the Lok Sabha last year, seeks to do this, but it has now run into opposition in the Rajya Sabha because of its perceived shift of power from the States to the Centre. The issue is not one of legislative competence; as the subject is in the Concurrent List, Parliament can make a law defining powers available to the States. What are the concerns of the State Governments?

Some State governments are concerned about the new provisions, Sections 66A and 88A, which will empower the Centre to form a National Transportation Policy through a process of consultation, and not concurrence. The changes will also enable Centrally-drafted schemes to be issued for national, multi-modal and inter-State movement of goods and passengers, for rural mobility and even last-mile connectivity. Since all this represents a new paradigm that would shake up the sector, several States have opposed the provisions as being anti-federal. Why the opposition of State governments is not justified?

Doing nothing, however, is no longer an option. The passenger transport sector operating within cities and providing inter-city services has grown amorphously, with vested interests exploiting the lack of transparency and regulatory bottlenecks. With a transparent system, professional new entrants can enter the sector. As things stand, State-run services have not kept pace with the times. Major investments made in the urban metro rail systems are yielding poor results in the absence of last-mile connectivity services. What are the requirements?

Creating an equitable regulatory framework for the orderly growth of services is critical. This could be achieved through changes to the MV Act that set benchmarks for States. Enabling well-run bus services to operate across States with suitable permit charges is an imperative to meet the needs of a growing economy. Regulatory changes introduced in Europe over the past few years for bus services have fostered competition, reduced fares and increased services operating across European Union member-states. Other aspects of the proposed amendments deal with road safety. These, however, are likely to achieve little






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without strong enforcement by the States. The effort to curb institutionalised corruption at Regional Transport Offices by making it possible for dealers to directly register new vehicles and enabling online applications for driving licences is welcome. Care is needed to see that other measures, such as sharply enhancing fines for rule violations, do not only result in greater harassment. It is the certainty of enforcement, zero tolerance and escalating penalties that will really work. There are some new provisions to harness technology, including CCTV monitoring, to improve road safety, but these cannot produce results when there is no professional accident investigation agency to determine best practices. (Adapted from The Hindu)

7. How Parliament has amended anti-graft law (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains


Parliament last month passed crucial amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988, changing definitions and giving the anti-graft law more teeth. In the nearly five years since The Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill, 2013 was introduced in Rajya Sabha, the proposed amendments have been discussed by a Parliamentary Standing Committee, which submitted its report in 2014, the Law Commission, which gave an extensive report in 2015, and finally a Select Committee of Rajya Sabha, which studied the amendments over 15 sittings and several field visits before finalising its recommendations in August 2016. The content, tone and tenor of The Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill, 2018, passed by Rajya Sabha on July 19 and by Lok Sabha on July 24, reflect these detailed deliberations. Bribe, bribe-giver

The Bill describes bribe as an undue advantage , an expression used by the United Nations Convention Against Corruption, which India ratified in 2011. Any gratification other than legal remuneration (official salaries and perks) received by a public servant can be construed as an undue advantage. Gratification would include things that can t be measured in money, as well as gifts . While endorsing the expression undue advantage , however, the Select Committee cautioned that enforcement/probe agencies may misuse the said expression to harass public servant as well as members of civil society in corruption cases , and advised that adequate precautions be taken. As per the changed law, a collusive bribe giver can be punished with up to seven years in jail, and fined. The Select Committee wanted courts to decide the minimum punishment for bribe givers on the merits of the specific case. Someone who is forced to give a bribe to avail of a service — a coercive bribe giver — is treated differently, however. During the discussion in Lok Sabha, the Congress gave the example of a father who is forced to bribe a government doctor to have his child admitted to hospital. Under the changed law, anyone who is forced to give such a bribe can inform the authorities within seven days to escape punishment. Minister Jitendra Singh assured Lok Sabha that the government would consider increasing this window, given that its beginning may change depending on the






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circumstances of the bribe-giving. Activists have warned that corrupt officials may delay providing services until seven days after taking the bribe, to escape this provision. Punishment, faster

Punishment for corruption has been enhanced to a minimum three years in jail, extendable up to seven years with fine, from the earlier 6 months with an extension up to three years. Repeat offenders will attract 5-10 years in prison, with a fine. A corruption case must be ordinarily concluded between two and four years from the date of filing the case. The

Select Committee had found cases often went on for 20 years currently. The use of the word ordinarily is intended to provide for situations in which the judiciary may feel an extension is required, the government told Lok Sabha. Permission first

A new provision says government functionaries at all levels, including those who are retired, can be prosecuted only with the permission of the competent authority . Earlier, this immunity was available only to officials of the level of Joint Secretary and above. The request for permission (granted or denied) must be processed within three months. The government has argued that this provision would mitigate corruption and check undue harassment of honest public servants. A public servant who is found to be in possession of assets disproportionate to his/her legal sources of income will be deemed to have committed criminal misconduct , and will have to explain the sources of those assets. Law enforcers have been empowered to immediately attach the illegal property of a public servant, invoking provisions of the Prevention of Money Laundering Act. Possession of illicit property is cause for investigation/prosecution.A new provision criminalises corporate bribery by bringing in superior functionaries of a commercial organisation into the ambit of direct

accountability, if an employee/agent is found to have bribed with their approval, for advancement of the organisation s interests. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

8. How is seniority decided in the SC? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;


What was the significance of the Supreme Court Collegium recommending Justice K M Joseph first among three judges for elevation? What changes after government placed him third in its list? On Monday, a day ahead of the swearing-in of three new judges in the Supreme Court, a section of sitting judges met Chief Justice of India Dipak Misra and lodged their protest against the lowering in seniority of one of the three new judges in the government notification on the appointments. The government has placed Justice K M Joseph last in seniority, after Justices Indira Banerjee and Vineet Saran, although the SC Collegium had recommended his name ahead of the other two.






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How is the seniority of judges in the Supreme Court decided?

It is decided on the basis of date of induction in the Supreme Court. A judge who takes oath earlier becomes senior to another who takes oath later. In cases where warrants for appointment of judges to Supreme Court are issued by the government on different dates, the seniority is automatically decided by virtue of the dates of swearing-in by the CJI. There is no stated rule, whether in the current Memorandum of Procedure (MoP) or the draft MoP that is under finalisation, to decide the seniority of judges whose warrants of appointment are issued on the same date. As the warrants are issued by the government in a sequence, the practice has been for the CJI to administer the oath in the same order. For example, the warrants for appointment of current CJI Misra and now retired Justice J Chelameswar were issued on the same day but, as Misra s warrant was numbered above that of Justice Chelameswar, he was sworn in first. This ensured that he became CJI, deemed as senior to Justice Chelameswar. On what basis are the warrants issued by the government?

These are on the basis of the recommendation of the Collegium, which comprises the five most senior SC judges. The Collegium s recommendations for any name can be returned by the government, but if the Collegium reiterates the name, the government is bound to issue the warrant of appointment. The procedure for this is laid down in the MoP. Article 124(2) of the Constitution says: Every Judge of the Supreme Court shall be appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal after consultation with such of the Judges of the Supreme Court and of the High Courts in the States as the President may deem necessary for the purpose and shall hold office until he attains the age of sixty-five years. Provided that in the case of appointment of a Judge other than the Chief Justice, the Chief Justice of India shall always be consulted. What does the Collegium consider while making the recommendation?

As per the judgment in the Second Judges case which led to the current Collegium system, it is a subjective process that doesn t just follow the seniority list. The Collegium, along with merit, is also supposed to consider the suitability of a person for elevation to the Supreme Court, and as stated in the MoP, it looks at seniority of judges in the All India High Court Judges Seniority List and broadly tries to ensure balanced representation of various high courts. For example, Justice J S Khehar was junior to both Justices Misra and Chelameswar in the High Court seniority list but was elevated to the Supreme Court a few months before them. This led to him becoming the CJI, which would not have been possible if he had been elevated along with the other two, who came to the High Court before him. What is the current controversy around Justice Joseph s seniority?

The Collegium had recommended the name of Justice Joseph, Chief Justice of Uttarakhand High Court, on January 10 for elevation to the Supreme Court, along with the name of then senior advocate Indu Malhotra. In April, the government issued the warrant of appointment for (now Justice) Malhotra but returned the name of Justice Joseph. On July 16, the Collegium reiterated Justice Joseph s name. The same day, it also recommended the






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names of Justices Banerjee and Saran for elevation but segregated the reiteration of Justice Joseph s name from the two new recommendations, making it the first file, so that his case remains separate and first in the list. On Friday, the government issued the three warrants, with Justice Joseph s seniority placed after Justices Banerjee and Saran in the order in which warrants were issued. This means he will be junior to the two judges, whose names were recommended in July while his name was originally recommended in January. Why are some SC judges upset about it?

As per the unanimous Collegium resolution of January 10, Justice Joseph was found to be more deserving and suitable in all respects than other Chief Justices and senior Puisne

Judges of High Courts for being appointed as Judges of the Supreme Court of India . Some judges of the Supreme Court feel that the established procedure for determining seniority of judges has been violated by the government, to deliberately slight the judiciary, a position which should not be acceptable to the CJI. While none of these three judges are in a position to become the CJI, if the principle of seniority is followed while appointing the CJI, it does affect the membership of the Collegium. If more senior to his two colleagues, Justice Joseph would have started heading benches earlier. What is the government s argument about placing Justice Joseph third in seniority?

The government stand is that as it received all three names — one reiteration and two recommendations — on the same day, it treated all of them as equal, going by the principle of their inter-se seniority in the All India High Court Judges Seniority List. It did not consider the original dates of recommendation as having a bearing on the warrants. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

9. Model Shops and Establishments Act (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;


About the act

Model Shops and Establishments act, which proposes to allow malls, cinema halls, restaurants and other retailing establishments to remain open on all days. The Cabinet approval, however, does not mean it has become a law as the onus will be on the state governments to adopt the central government s proposed model Act for retailing. The act will also not go to the Parliament as it is just a model legislation and is not binding on states. View of retailers

Retailers say that when fully adopted, it will give a boost to retailing in India. What are the salient features of the Model Act?

The salient features of the Model Shops and Establishments (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Bill, 2016 are:






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(i) The Model Bill applies to shops and establishments employing ten or more workers except manufacturing, (ii) freedom to operate 365 days in a year and opening/closing of establishments, (iii) women to be permitted during night shift, if the provisions of shelter, rest room, ladies toilet, adequate protection of their dignity and transportation etc. exist, (iv) no discrimination against women in the matter of recruitment, training, transfer or promotions, (v) online one common Registration through a simplified procedure, (vi) power to appropriate Government to make rules regarding adequate measures to be taken by the employer for the safety and health of workers, clean and safe drinking water, first aid, lavatory, crèche and canteen by group of establishments, in case it is not possible due to constraint in space or otherwise by individual establishments, (vii) five paid festival holidays in addition to national holidays etc. A shop or an establishment may work on all days in a week subject to the conditions that every worker shall be allowed weekly holiday of at least twenty-four consecutive hours of rest. If workers is denied weekly holiday, the compensatory leave in lieu thereof shall be given within two months and if the workers is required to work on a day of rest, he shall be entitled to wages at the rate of twice his ordinary rate of wages. No Adult workers shall be required or allowed to work in a shop or establishment for more than 48 hours in any week and nine hours in a day and no worker shall be asked to work continuously for more than 5 hours unless he has been given a break of not less than half an hour. Sufficient penalty provisions have been made in the Bill for non-compliance of these provisions. No women shall be required or allowed to work in a shop or establishment for more than 48 hours in any week and except between hours of 6 A.M. and 9 P.M. Women workers to be permitted to work during night shift if the State Government is satisfied that adequate provisions of shelter, rest room, ladies toilet, night crèche, adequate protection of their dignity, honour and safety and transportation etc. exist. (Adapted from PIB)

10. M. Karunanidhi, 94: the end of an era (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;


Political career of Karunanidhi

The life story of Muthuvel Karunanidhi is also a history of Tamil Nadupolitics. A five-time Chief Minister, and the longest serving legislator, winning 13 terms in the Assembly and not losing even once, Karunanidhi was the engineer of many of the progressive measures adopted by the State since Independence. As head of DMK

As the leader of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, an offshoot of the rationalist social reform movement, the Dravidar Kazhagam, he was an influential figure at both State and national levels, whether in or out of power. He excelled as both administrator and






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organiser, adopting different styles, but always displaying a clinical efficiency while interacting with bureaucrats and party workers. Social welfare

Although his administrative acumen was often contrasted with the welfarism of his political rival, M.G. Ramachandran, Karunanidhi was not beyond the draw of populism. Extending the Public Distribution System and increasing food subsidies were coupled with efforts at generating employment and encouraging industrial investment. Towards the latter part of his political career, he emulated his political opponents, MGR and Jayalalithaa, in handing out freebies indiscriminately to every household, rich or poor. Supporter of federalism

He was a crusader for federalism, often standing up to the Centre for the State s rights. He was one of the foremost opponents of the Emergency. In 1976 and 1991, his governments were dismissed by the Centre, the first time citing corruption charges, and the second time citing support to the terror outfit, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. Family members

In his home State, he ran the DMK with an iron hand; at the same time, he provided some space for the second rung, even indulging the odd dissenter now and then, as long as there was no threat to his leadership. District secretaries and ministers had a long reign under him. His longevity permitted him the leeway to promote his immediate family members to positions of power within the party and the government. His designated successor, his younger son M.K. Stalin, had to work his way up the party ladder — from ordinary worker and youth wing leader before being accommodated in the top rungs of the party and government. But elder son M.K. Alagiri and grand-nephew Dayanidhi Maran were rewarded with Cabinet berths in their very first terms in the Lok Sabha. Remembering Karunanidhi

Karunanidhi will be remembered for being an astute politician, one with a quick wit and ready repartee; an able administrator with an uncanny eye for detail and a keen sense of the occasion; and as an elder statesman who could take the long-term view of events and issues. He straddled different generations and contrasting worlds with a reflexive ease. With his passing, less than two years after his rival Jayalalithaa succumbed to illness, Tamil Nadu is staring at a huge political void, one that that will be very hard to fill. (Adapted from The Hindu)

11. How Rajya Sabha elects Deputy Chairperson (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains


The new Deputy Chairperson of Rajya Sabha will be elected Thursday. The Deputy Chairman is a constitutional position created under Article 89 of the Constitution, which specifies that Rajya Sabha shall choose one of its MPs to be the Deputy Chairman as often as the position becomes vacant. The office becomes vacant either by resignation or removal






15



from office or when the Rajya Sabha member s term gets over. The last Deputy Chair of Rajya Sabha was Prof P J Kurien, whose tenure in Rajya Sabha ended on July 1. Procedure

The process of electing the Deputy Chair is straightforward. Any Rajya Sabha MP can submit a motion proposing the name of a colleague for this constitutional position. They have until Wednesday afternoon to do so. The motion has to be seconded by another MP. Additionally, the member moving the motion has to submit a declaration signed by the MP whose name s/he is proposing stating that the MP is willing to serve as the Deputy Chairperson if elected. Each MP is allowed to move or second only one motion. On Wednesday, the valid motions will be taken up in the House a little after 11 am when the House convenes. If there are motions that propose the names of more than one MP, then the majority of the House will decide who gets elected as the Deputy Chairperson. But if the political parties arrive at a consensus candidate, then that MP will be unanimously elected as the Deputy Chair. Elections so far

Since 1952, there have been 19 elections for the post. On 14 of these occasions, there was no contest in the election. 1969 was the first time that two MPs were in contention for the position of the Deputy Chair. By then, S V Krishnamoorthy Rao, the first Deputy Chair, had already served for a decade, followed by Violet Alva, the first woman Deputy Chair, who held the position for seven years. It was her resignation in 1969 that led to the contest between Dr Bhaurao Dewaji Khobragade and Godey Murahari. The motion for Dr Khobragade to be elected as the Deputy Chair was passed with 128 votes in favour and 60 against. It was the first time that a non-ruling party MP (Dr Khobragade represented Republican Party of India) became the Deputy Chair of Rajya Sabha. When Dr Khobragade s term ended three years later in 1972, Murahari was elected unopposed twice and served until 1977. He then resigned and contested the Lok Sabha election and was elected the Deputy Speaker of the sixth Lok Sabha. He and Krishnamoorthy are the only two individuals who have held the position of Deputy Chair of Rajya Sabha as well as Deputy Speaker of Lok Sabha. Ram Niwas Mirdha was the next Deputy Chair, elected in 1977 during the Prime Ministership of Morarji Desai. His election was unanimous. It was also the last time that an MP who was from the Opposition (Mirdha was a Congress MP) became the Deputy Chair of Rajya Sabha.






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The next contested election happened in 1980. It was between Shyam Lal Yadav, who was from the ruling Congress party and had been Parliamentary Affairs Minister in Uttar Pradesh, and Arvind Ganesh Kulkarni whose name was proposed by Bhupesh Gupta, L K Advani and Piloo Modi. A tally of 134 votes carried the motion in favour of Yadav, with 81 against him. Yadav held the position until the end of 1984. It was in 1985 that Dr Najma Heptulla became the second woman Deputy Chair of Rajya Sabha. During her election, Opposition MPs stated that the ruling party had not consulted them while deciding the candidate and walked out of the House in protest. Her first stint as the Deputy Chair was for a year.






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Her successor was M M Jacob, who was Deputy Chair for less than a year and was succeeded by Pratibha Devisingh Patil who became the third woman Deputy Chair in the Upper House. In 1988, Dr Heptulla was re-elected as the Deputy Chair. And it was her subsequent re-election in 1992 that saw the last contest for the Deputy Chair s position. The motion in her favour received 128 votes with 95 votes against her. The candidate on the other side was Renuka Chowdhury (then TDP). Dr Heptulla continued as the Deputy Chair until 2004. She has been the longest serving Deputy Chair of Rajya Sabha. Since then, K Rahman Khan and Prof P J Kurien have both been elected unopposed. Although the Shiv Sena had given a motion for a candidate against Khan for his first election in 2004, the motion was not moved, following a consensus. The Deputy Chair is the one position that is elected solely by members of Rajya Sabha. It is a critical position not just because s/he steps in when there is a vacancy in the office of Chairperson/Vice President but also because s/he plays a critical role in ensuring the smooth running of the House. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

12. Why Article 35A is in the news (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity

& Governance)

As the Supreme Court begins looking into the validity of Article 35A, protests erupted in Jammu and Kashmir against the Article being altered. A look at what the Article is about. What is it?

Article 35A is a provision incorporated in the Constitution through a Presidential Order, and not by parliamentary debate, giving the Jammu and Kashmir State Legislature a complete say in deciding who the permanent residents of the State are. The State Legislature can grant its permanent residents special rights and privileges in public sector jobs, acquisition of property, scholarships and other public aid and welfare programmes within the State. How did the Article come about?

It was incorporated into the Constitution in 1954 by an order of President Rajendra Prasad on the advice of the Jawaharlal Nehru Cabinet. The Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order of 1954 followed the 1952 Delhi Agreement entered into between Prime Minister Nehru and Jammu and Kashmir Prime Minister Sheikh Abdullah extending Indian citizenship to the State subjects of Jammu and Kashmir. Article 35A was added to the Constitution as a testimony of the special consideration the Indian government accorded the permanent residents of Jammu and Kashmir. The Presidential Order was issued under Article 370(1)(d), which allows the President to make certain exceptions and modifications to the Constitution for the benefit of Jammu and Kashmir. However Article 368(i) of the Constitution mandates that only the Parliament can amend the Constitution by introducing a new article.






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Why is it in the news?

Over 60 years after the Article came into existence, the Supreme Court has decided to go into the question whether the provision violates the Basic Structure of the Constitution. Writ petitions filed in the Supreme Court argue that the Article is violative of fundamental rights of equality and equal treatment enshrined in the Constitution as it restricts citizens from other States from getting employment or buying property within Jammu and Kashmir. The writ petitions also point out that any act of the State Legislature made under Article 35A is final and binding. A three-judge Bench is currently hearing whether the petitions challenging Article 35A should be referred to a Constitution Bench for an in-depth examination. If referred, the Constitution Bench would look into questions like whether the President acted outside his jurisdiction or whether the fact of non-consultation with the Parliament renders the Article invalid. The J&K government banks on a 1961 judgment by a five-judge Bench of the Supreme Court in Puranlal Lakhanpal v. The President of India. This verdict concludes that the President has the power to modify the Constitution when making it applicable to Jammu and Kashmir. (Adapted from The Hindu)

13. Parliament Passes Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of

Atrocities) Amendment Bill, 2018 (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity

& Governance)

What is the status of the bill?

The Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Bill,2018 which was passed by the Lok Sabha on 6th August 2018, has been passed by the Rajya Sabha today. What are the provisions?

Section 18A has been inserted to nullify conduct of a preliminary enquiry before registration of an FIR, or to seek approval of any authority prior to arrest of an accused, and to restore the provisions of Section 18 of the Act. Section 18A, inserted in the Act, states that:-

(1) For the purpose of the PoA Act,- (a) preliminary enquiry shall not be required for registration of a First Information Report against any person; or (b) the investigating officer shall not require approval for arrest, if necessary, of any person, against whom an accusation of having committed an offence under the PoA Act has






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been made and no procedure other than provided under the PoA Act or the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973, shall apply. (2) The provision of section 438 of the Code shall not apply to a case under the Act, notwithstanding any judgment or order or direction of any Court. Background

The directions of Hon ble Supreme Court in their judgment dated 20.03.2018 in Criminal Appeal No. 416 of 2018(Dr. Subhash Kashinath Mahajan Vs the State of Maharashtra and Another) amount to amending the PoA Act and have diluted the provisions of the PoA Act. The directions of the Hon ble Court to conduct a preliminary inquiry within seven days by the Dy. S.P. concerned to find out whether the allegations make out a case under the PoA Act and that arrest in appropriate cases may be made only after approval by the S.S.P., would delay registration of First Information Report (FIR) and will impede strict enforcement of the provision of the POA Act. It may also be difficult to get the preliminary inquiry conducted within seven days as sufficient number of Dy. S.P level officers are usually not in place. Typically, the Dy. S.P. are located at the district level and not at taluk/block level. Other repercussions of the said directions of the Hon ble Court are that delay in registration of FIR would result in delay in payment of admissible relief amount to the victims of atrocities admissible only on registration of FIR. All this would adversely affect the very objective of the Act to prevent commission of atrocities against members of SC and ST and be severely detrimental especially in heinous offences like sexual exploitation of SC/ST women including rape, gangrape, acid attacks and murder etc. This matter being of very sensitive nature had caused a lot of unrest and a sense of disharmony in the country. As such, a Review Petition dated 02.04.2018, was filed by the Union of India in the Hon ble Court praying for recalling and reviewing their Order but no relief had so far been granted. Hence, it was considered expedient and meaningful to reaffirm the reliance and trust of members of SCs and STs on the provisions of the PoA Act. Rationale behind Supreme Court judgement

The Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Bill, 2018 overrides a March 20 judgment of the Supreme Court, which restricted the powers of the police under the Code of Criminal Procedure to arrest a suspect. The verdict also read down a specific bar in the Atrocities Act of 1989 against anticipatory bail. Accused persons were not allowed to seek anticipatory bail to thwart arrest. The judgment reasoned that many false cases are foisted on innocent persons under the 1989 Act and that the fundamental right of an innocent person to be protected from arbitrary arrest should be protected. For this, the court ordered that a Deputy Superintendent of Police should conduct a preliminary inquiry into every complaint of






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atrocity committed against an SC/ST member. Subsequently, the arrest of the accused persons should be approved by the Senior Superintendent of Police concerned. The judgment had led to widespread violence and loss of lives across the country, following which the government moved the Supreme Court for a review. (Adapted from PIB and The Hindu)

14. Reform with some concessions: What SC order means for Cricket Board (Relevant

for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper I; Polity & Governance)

The Supreme Court Thursday approved a new draft constitution for the BCCI, with a few tweaks. A look at what it means What is the SC order about?

The order was passed following a comprehensive exercise that involved the amicus curiae taking suggestions from all stakeholders involved with the Board, including the Committee of Administrators (CoA), state associations and office-bearers. The CoA s original draft constitution was prepared in accordance with the recommendations of the Justice Lodha committee that had looked at the functioning of the Board. After the SC approved these in 2016, the BCCI raised a number of objections and even had a review petition dismissed. The slight modifications to the final draft — with relation to the one state, one vote and cooling period issues —that were approved Thursday indicate that the BCCI s objections have been addressed. What is the cooling off issue? According to the Lodha panel report, no officer-bearer either at state or BCCI level was eligible to contest for a succeeding election and would have to serve a three-year cooling period following each term. The BCCI had raised many objections, stating that every office-bearer needed some form of continuity to apply his knowledge and experience to the administration of the game , or to strengthen the BCCI s clout within the ICC. The new constitution has found middle ground, allowing all office-bearers to serve two consecutive terms (six years) before they serve a necessary cooling-off period, but sticking to the maximum cumulative term of nine years. These include terms at both state and BCCI level, and/or a combination of both. What does this mean to the current BCCI leadership?

It means there will be a new-look BCCI — all the present office-bearers, including Amitabh Choudhary, Anirudh Chaudhry, Rajeev Shukla and Anurag Thakur, have served nine or more years either on the various committees or as office-bearers. It also means that Sourav Ganguly, one of the prominent office-bearers in the Cricket Association of Bengal, can be in the running for a top BCCI position. And what is one state, one vote ?

Under the one state, one vote recommendation by the Lodha panel, the idea was to ensure representation for every state in the BCCI. The panel had also asked for only one association from each state to be considered a full member and have voting rights.






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Maharashtra and Gujarat, for example, have three associations each. The BCCI had argued that their geography was different, brought up how some of the smaller states had no cricketing culture, and argued that one state, one vote might end up compromising the influence of established cricketing bastions such as Mumbai and Baroda. Eventually, the BCCI had its way with the new draft constitution restoring full membership to all three associations in both states. What are the other major takeaways from the ruling?

A key one concerns the full membership status for Railways, Services and the Universities. The Lodha panel had recommended stripping them of full membership with a view that this would mean the end of government influence on the BCCI s functioning. A widely held view is that the party in power in New Delhi has control over these institutional votes. The BCCI argued against stripping of full membership, on the ground that the Railways had employed more cricketers than any other institution in the country. The Supreme Court has agreed with the Board s view.

What next for the BCCI and the CoA? The BCCI CEO will present the new constitution to the Registrar of Societies under the Tamil Nadu Societies Registration Act. The Registrar will then register them with the court within four weeks. The state associations then have 30 days to register their respective constitutions and provide a compliance report to the CoA. The CoA will conduct elections at state level, and the newly elected bodies will send their nominees to the BCCI. The new BCCI will adopt the new constitution and then elect their representatives. The CoA had said earlier that this whole process from now on should be completed within 120 days. What does the new structure broadly mean?

At no point has the BCCI had a holistically professional setup, with paid employees executing the decisions adopted by elected members. Even now, part-time office-bearers were performing executive roles. And it s this professional makeover that Justice Lodha and his panel were keen on bringing in. The new structure will allow employed professionals to execute the decisions made by the Apex Council, which for the first time will have well-rounded representation, including players and women cricketers. Will the BCCI finally have more transparency?

It is likely, with the BCCI set to come under the RTI Act based on the Lodha panel recommendations and with the appointment of an ombudsman, an election officer and an ethics officer. If you want to ensure accountability and transparency in such an organisation, information must be available to the public at large, Lodha had said on the RTI Act. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

15. North Karnataka, reeling under neglect (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper

II; Polity & Governance)






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Thirteen districts of north Karnataka recently raised a fresh cry for a separate State, pointing out that Chief Minister H.D. Kumaraswamy s budgetary allocations favoured only the southern districts. The crisis has blown over and Mr. Kumaraswamy has clarified that he has big plans for the development of the region. Historical neglect during the pre-Independence era, coupled with apathy after unification of Karnataka, has often been cited as the reason for backwardness of north Karnataka. Almost on all markers of development, there is a marked lag. A symbol of this has been the Krishna. People of the region have always argued that the river and projects related to it never get the attention that the Cauvery in south Karnataka does. In recent times, the delay in solving the long-pending inter-State Mahadayi river row has been cited as another pointer to the apathy. Has no government taken note?

In 2000, the S.M. Krishna-led Congress government constituted a high-powered committee for redress of regional imbalances led by D.M. Nanjundappa. After an exhaustive study, the committee, in its report in 2003, listed 39 taluks as the most backward. As many as 26 of them were from seven districts of north Karnataka. The committee also indicated the quantum of resources required to ensure these taluks caught up with the others in development. Along with a special development plan of ₹ , crore over eight years, the committee pleaded for an optimal 60:40 ratio in favour of the northern region as a basis for additional resource allocation. However, despite acknowledging that implementation of the recommendations holds the key to the development, successive governments have paid only lip-service to the issue. Why is it difficult?

There are imbalances within the region. The 13 districts are further categorised into Hyderabad Karnataka and Bombay Karnataka (of Bombay Presidency). Compared with Bombay Karnataka, developmental lag is worse in Hyderabad Karnataka, the region which was under the Hyderabad Nizam s domain till its liberation in 1948. The identification of two of the districts of the region, Bidar and Kalaburagi (earlier Gulbarga), as the poorest districts in the country in the National Sample Survey in 2005 and their subsequent inclusion in the food for work programme are indicative of the state of affairs. What has been done so far?






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Amendment to the Constitution that gave special status to the Hyderabad Karnataka region under Article 371(J) has been seen as a big move towards development. However, the downside is that the Hyderabad Karnataka grouping has discouraged employees from other regions from working here. Over 1.30 lakh posts are still vacant in the region and development projects, particularly related to infrastructure and irrigation, often find lower or little allocation. As per official data, ₹ , crore of the ₹ , crore recommended by the Nanjundappa Committee has been spent between 2006-07 and 2014-15. However, development is not palpable, say people of the region. What is the way ahead?

Lack of political will is often cited as the biggest reason for backwardness, though the region has sent five Chief Ministers so far. But reasons are deeper, point out some studies. The Centre for Multi-Disciplinary Research (CMDR), based in Dharwad, came out with a Critical analysis of Dr. D.M. Nanjunadappa Committee Report and its implementation by

Shiddalingaswami V. Hanagodimath in 2014. It says: This regional imbalance is the product of plans, because plan makers have concentrated on overall development than the potential and availability of resources in different regions and its optimum utilisation. Hence, regional disparity has increased. The Siddaramaiah government had asked the CMDR to review the implementation of the Nanjundappa committee report. It submitted a draft report earlier this year, and the Kumaraswamy government must take it forward. (Adapted from The Hindu)

16. Beyond Delhi: how law makes begging a crime (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains


Last week, Delhi High Court decriminalised beggary by striking down, as unconstitutional, certain sections of the Bombay Prevention of Beggary Act, 1959, as extended to Delhi. There being no central Act on beggary, many states and Union Territories have used the Bombay Act as the basis for their own laws. The order, on a petition by Harsh Mander and Karnika Sawhney, is the first in the country to strike down provisions of the 1959 Act. The order

Among the 25 provisions struck down are those permitting the arrest, without a warrant, any person found begging, taking the person to court, conducting a summary inquiry and detaining the person for up to 10 years. People beg on the streets not because they wish to, but because they need to… The government has the mandate to provide social security for everyone, to ensure that all citizens have basic facilities, and the presence of beggars is evidence that the state has not managed to provide these to all its citizens, ruled the Bench of Delhi Acting Chief Justice Gita Mittal and Justice C Hari Shankar. The roots

The Act was formulated with the objective of keeping the streets of then Bombay clear of the destitute, leprosy patients or the mentally ill so they could be sent into institutions. Section 10 (struck down) gives a chief commissioner powers to order the immediate,






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indefinite detention of any person detained in a certified institution who is considered blind, a cripple or otherwise incurably helpless .

What does not change

The court has not struck down provisions that do not treat beggary per se as an offence, including Section 11, which deals with penalty for employing or causing persons to beg. This addresses forced begging or begging rackets , which are used to justify retaining the Act. Activists advocating repeal of the Act, however, say that these can be dealt with existing provisions in the Indian Penal Code. Precedents

The Centre made an attempt at repealing the Act through the Persons in Destitution (Protection, Care and Rehabilitation) Model Bill, 2016, with provisions including doing away with the Beggary Act and proposing rehabilitation centres for the destitute in each district. Some provisions allowed detention. Discussion on the Bill was halted in 2016. Campaign against the law

Mohammed Tarique, director of Koshish, the field action project of Tata Institute of Social Sciences, says the Act violates the fundamental rights of the citizen. He calls for intervention in states such as Maharashtra, where the Census categorises 24,307 persons as beggars but where activists believe many more come under the purview of the Act. There are 14 homes in the state for detention of beggars. Many of these homes remain

without superintendents, probation officers or doctors. A few months ago, many were detained in Nashik and sentenced to one year imprisonment without proper trial showing disregard even to the existing law, Tarique said. While repealing the Act would require legislative and judicial intervention, Tarique suggests immediate alternative steps such as the Bihar government s Mukhyamantri Bhikshavriti Nivaran Yojana, where Koshish is a knowledge partner. Instead of detaining persons under the Act, open homes were set up and community outreach for destitute persons was put in place. Now, rehabilitation centres have been set up, with facilities for treatment, family reintegration and vocational training. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

17. In Fact: In call for separate North Karnataka, some old wounds, some new politics

(Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity & Governance)

Three months into his term, Karnataka Chief Minister H D Kumaraswamy has faced the accusation that his is a government of South Karnataka, for South Karnataka. Flagging the alleged discrimination to the North in the state Budget, a couple of organisations raised a demand for a separate state of North Karnataka last month. BJP legislators B Sriramulu and Umesh Katti joined the clamour, before the party leadership moved in to swat away the idea and distance itself from the demand.






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So, is there such a thing as a North Karnataka subnationalism? And what explains the

divide, if any, between South and North Karnataka?

History, background

In 1954, at the height of the debate over the unification of Karnataka, Mysore Chief Minister Kengal Hanumanthaiah set up a committee to survey the Kannada-speaking areas scattered across the Bombay Presidency, Hyderabad, and Coorg. Its task was to assess the levels of development in these areas with respect to education, irrigation, and industrialisation. As historian Janaki Nair narrates in her book Mysore Modern: Rethinking the Region under Princely Rule (2011), the committee returned a stark assessment: though united by language, a large chunk of these areas were decades behind the State of Mysore. Under the rule of the Wodeyar king and his dewans, Mysore had achieved many impressive feats. In 1806, it was perhaps the first state to take up vaccination against smallpox. According to the first Human Development Report prepared by the government of Karnataka in 1999, the first two birth control clinics in the world were set up by the government of Mysore in 1930. Its emphasis on education and health, and its aid to industries laid the foundations for the state s many public sector institutions. Agriculture boomed thanks to its big dam projects. Mysore became the first state to use electric power to light up a city (Bengaluru). In contrast, the area under the Nizam — which is now known as Hyderabad-Karnataka — remained a feudal and desperately poor place. Bombay-Karnataka, where the demand for a united Kannada-speaking state first emerged in the 20th century, also lagged behind. Both these areas felt alienated from the political regimes that ruled them; unification was a way to seek a new, fairer deal. But for Mysore, the calculation was different: would this model state not be dragged down by embracing the backward regions to its north? Many leaders of Mysore, including Sir M Visvesvaraya, architect of the modern princely state, shared this fear, and were opposed to adding on political units. There was also the question of caste — the Vokkaligas, who were concentrated in the South, feared that a united state would give Lingayats, their rival dominant caste in the northern regions, unprecedented political power. Nevertheless, Hanumanthaiah, also a Vokkaliga, argued that a bigger state would bring about greater and varied development. In 1956, the newly unified state, called Mysore, was formed. It was renamed Karnataka in 1973. Old, new demands

The first demand for a separate state of North Karnataka was made in 2000. Why would the people of the region want to reverse something they had fought for? The reality is that in the decades since 1956, the arid and drought-prone regions of Hyderabad-Karnataka (comprising the districts of Bidar, Gulbarga, Yadgir, Raichur, Koppal and Bellary) and Bombay-Karnataka (Bijapur, Hubli-Dharwad, Belagavi, Gadag and Bagalkote districts) have not kept pace with the South. Hyderabad-Karnataka, especially, has areas with alarmingly low HDI indicators, resulting in stunting and malnourishment in






26



children. These are also areas characterised by great inequality. They haven t been able to pull up every section of the society, economist Narendra Pani said. In 2000, Chief Minister S M Krishna s Congress government formed a high-powered committee headed by economist D M Nanjundappa to look into the regional imbalance in the state. The committee confirmed that the northern regions were some of the most backward, and recommended spending Rs 2,000 crore on their development every year, for eight years. In 2012, the UPA government awarded special status to Hyderabad-Karnataka under Article 371J, allocating more funds to the region, and reservation in jobs and education to its residents. Why fresh demand?

Ever since the Kumaraswamy government took oath, there have been rumblings that a Vokkaliga Chief Minister would not do justice to the North. Some of the criticism has come from Lingayat leaders in the Congress, who have found themselves out of the Ministry. Certain statements by Kumaraswamy have not helped either. On the BJP side, former Chief Minister Jagadish Shettar, while saying that his party is against a separate state, has emphasised that the neglect of the northern regions will be an issue in the coming Lok Sabha election . Said Muzaffar Assadi, professor of political science at Mysore University: The sense of underdevelopment in the region is very real and is felt by everyone irrespective of caste. And so, it will be played up again and again. On the ground, in fact, there is no fire of separatism to fan. The statehood demand has few takers among writers, intellectuals and artists of North Karnataka — as well as farmer leaders. Karnataka Pradesh Congress president Dinesh Gundu Rao has said that the BJP tried but failed to polarise people . The Congress, he has said, is the only party that is

present across the state, and we do not discriminate against any region . By stirring the pot, the BJP hopes to cash in on the old Lingayat resentment and prevent Kumaraswamy from positioning himself as a pan-Karnataka leader. The BJP is worried that the farm loan waiver is making him popular beyond Old Mysore, said N H Konareddi, the former JD(S) MLA from Navalgund in Dharwad district. How this divide, as old as Karnataka, plays out electorally remains to be seen. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

18. Kejriwal charged in assault case (Read only for understanding; Polity &

Governance)

Alleged assault on Chief Secretary

The Delhi police charge-sheeted Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal and his deputy Manish Sisodia in the case of alleged assault on his Chief Secretary Anshu Prakash in February this year.






27



The probe agency filed the charge sheet in the court of Additional Chief Metropolitan Magistrate Samar Vishal at the Patiala House courts who fixed August 25 as the date for hearing arguments on taking cognisance of the charges and summoning the accused persons. View of Delhi ministers

Five Delhi Ministers — Satyendar Jain, Kailash Gahlot, Gopal Rai, Rajendra Pal Gautam and Imran Hussain — have termed the charge sheet bogus. It is the latest example of the Central government s ongoing unprecedented witch-hunt against the Delhi government, they said in a joint statement. Who else charge sheeted?

Besides the Chief Minister and the Deputy Chief Minister, the police have also named as many as 11 AAP MLAs as accused in the charge sheet. These MLAs are Amanatullah Khan, Prakash Jarwal, Nitin Tyagi, Rituraj Govind, Sanjeev Jha, Ajay Dutt, Rajesh Rishi, Rajesh Gupta, Madan Lal, Praveen Kumar and Dinesh Mohania.

What are the charges?

According to the FIR, the Chief Secretary was allegedly assaulted at the camp office at Mr. Kejriwal s residence at midnight on February 19. The Chief Minister had called the meeting to discuss certain burning issues. The accused have been charge-sheeted, among other offences, for criminal intimidation (506), criminal conspiracy (120B), wrongfully confining any person (342), voluntarily causing hurt to deter public servant from his duty (332) and if an offence is committed by any member of an unlawful assembly, every other member of such assembly shall be guilty of the offence (149) of the IPC. (Adapted from The Hindu)






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19. Vajpayee s journey, from poetry to politics (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains


A parliamentarian for 47 years, Atal Bihari Vajpayee was an accomplished writer, penning several books and poems during his lifetime

The son of a school teacher, former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee was born on 25 December 1924 in Gwalior. ■ As an 18-year-old, he joined the Quit India Movement in 1942. ■ In 1951, he joined the Bharatiya Jan Sangh (BJS). ■ He was an accomplished writer, penning several books and poems during his lifetime. ■ Vajpayee was a journalist before being appointed as the political secretary of Shayma Prasad Mookerjee. ■ He entered the Lok Sabha in 1957 after winning the Balrampur seat in UP. ■ Vajpayee remained a member of parliament for 47 years. He was elected 11 times to the Lok Sabha, and twice as a Rajya Sabha member.






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■ In 1977, he became the external affairs minister in the Janata Party government. ■ Vajpayee was instrumental in forming the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 1980. ■ His first term as prime minister in 1996 lasted just 13 days. Two years later, in 1998 he headed the government for 13 months, and then for a full five-year term from 1999. ■ Under him, India successfully carried out the nuclear test, or Operation Shakti, in Pokhran on 13 May, 1998. ■ He started the Delhi-Lahore bus service, Sada-e-Sarhad (Call of the Frontier). ■ The Kargil War with Pakistan broke out during May-July 1999 with Vajpayee as the PM. ■ In 2004, the NDA lost in the general elections and he resigned as the prime minister. ■ Vajpayee announced his retirement from politics at the end of 2005. ■ In 2014, he was awarded the Bharat Ratna. He was also a recipient of the Padma Vibhushan. (Adapted from Livemint)

20. Atal Bihari Vajpayee s legacy shapes how India is run today (Relevant for GS

Prelims, GS Mains paper II; Polity & Governance)

From foreign policy to economic reforms, former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee has left a lasting impression on governance in India. The former prime minister died at All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) at 5.05pm on Thursday, bringing an end to an unparalleled political legacy. Disinvestment

Atal Bihari Vajpayee created a separate disinvestment department in the finance ministry in 1999 and subsequently made it a ministry under Arun Shourie in 2001, despite opposition. Earlier, under Vajpayee in 1998, finance minister Yashwant Sinha said in his 1998-99 budget that the government intended to hold only 26% in non-strategic public sector undertakings (PSUs) while keeping the majority stake in strategic PSUs. With 30 strategic sales between 1999 and 2004, including Balco, Hindustan Zinc, Videsh Sanchar Nigam Ltd and many government-run hotels, Vajpayee s record of disinvestment remains unsurpassed. Foreign policy






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Foreign policy under Vajpayee saw many innovations, particularly his attempts to reset India-Pakistan ties. An agreement to launch an India-Pakistan bus link connecting New Delhi to Lahore was signed in 1999. Vajpayee himself travelled to Pakistan on the inaugural service and the two sides signed a pact agreeing to inform each other ahead of missile tests as a major confidence building measure. The Kargil incursion by Pakistani army regulars just weeks later put paid to that effort as did an attack on India s Parliament in December 2001 that saw India mobilise its troops on the border with Pakistan. But Vajpayee made another effort in 2003 to extend a hand of friendship to Pakistan. India and Pakistan then agreed to stop cross-border firing, an understanding that is held up as a major confidence-building measure between the two countries even now. These two came after the unsuccessful Agra Summit in July 2001 when Vajpayee hosted the then military ruler of Pakistan general Pervez Musharraf. In 2004, Vajpayee travelled to Pakistan for the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation summit where Pakistan agreed not to allow its soil to be used for anti-India activities. India-China ties

India and China named special envoys to demarcate their unsettled border in 2003. This came after India recognised Tibet as being part of China and China recognised Sikkim as a state of India. India-US ties

Vajpayee can be credited with putting the India-US relations on course for the strategic partnership that exists today. Ironically, it was India s nuclear tests in 1998 that gave both sides the opening to rework their ties. The initial US aim was cap, roll back and eliminate India s nuclear programme, which was successfully resisted. The dialogue then concentrated on the removal of acrimony from the relationship and cooperation that led to the Next Steps in the Strategic Partnership . The nuclear tests and the talks that followed laid the foundations for the landmark India-US nuclear deal that was clinched in 2008. Freeing fuel prices

The idea of dismantling the administered price mechanism (APM) for petroleum products was first proposed by Congress Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao and set in motion by the United Front government led by Prime Minister I.K. Gujral. In April 2002, the Vajpayee-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government dismantled the APM that had been in existence since 1975, giving pricing power on petrol and diesel to the state-run oil marketing companies. However, with crude oil prices beginning to see increasing volatility, political support rapidly evaporated. Petrol prices were finally deregulated in June 2010 by the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government, with the Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led NDA government decontrolling diesel prices in October 2014. Infrastructure






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Vajpayee laid the foundation for India s next generation infrastructure ahead of its time. His vision of joining the North-South and East-West gave birth to India s most memorable road project called the Golden Quadrilateral, which connects Chennai, Kolkata, Delhi and Mumbai through a network of highways. Another feat of his tenure was the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana to connect villages across India with all-weather roads for unconnected villages across India. Housing

Vajpayee was one of the chief architects of India s housing boom. Under his leadership, finance minister Sinha made the politically bold and difficult decision to reduce administered interest rates—the interest rate guaranteed on provident fund investments and small savings. Aadhaar

The idea of Aadhaar was first mooted after the Kargil war. According to the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), a report with a proposal for citizens in border regions to be issued identity cards was submitted to Vajpayee. A group of ministers led by L.K. Advani accepted the recommendation. Later the ministry of external affairs proposed that a national identity be issued. (Adapted from Livemint)

21. How statistical information can be used (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper


On the Collection of Statistics (Amendment) Act, 2017

The Collection of Statistics (Amendment) Act of 2017 authorises the Centre to decide the manner in which statistical information collected can be used. The original Act of 2008 had restricted the data collected to be used only for statistical purposes. What are the provisions under the amendment?

The Act passed in August 2017 empowers the Central government to make rules on the powers and duties of a nodal officer who may be designated to coordinate and supervise statistical activities in the Central government or a State government or Union Territory administration. It empowers the Central Government to make rules relating to the manner of using any information by the statistics officer or any person or agency under Section 6 of the Act for statistical purpose . The Act also extends the jurisdiction of the Collection of Statistics Act, 2008, to Jammu and Kashmir on statistics relevant to any matters under any of the entries specified in List I (Union List) and List III (Concurrent List) in the Seventh Schedule to the Constitution, as applicable to Jammu and Kashmir under the Constitution (Application to Jammu & Kashmir) Order, 1954. The amendment will strengthen the data collection mechanism in Jammu and Kashmir.






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Why was 2008 act passed?

The Collection of Statistics Act, 2008, was enacted to facilitate the collection of statistics on economic, demographic, social, scientific and environmental aspects, among others. The Act had originally extended to the whole of India, except Jammu and Kashmir. The Jammu and Kashmir State Legislature enacted the Jammu and Kashmir Collection of Statistics Act, 2010, which extends to the whole of Jammu and Kashmir and is almost a replica of the Central legislation. The Collection of Statistics Act, 2008, and the Jammu and Kashmir Collection of Statistics Act, 2010, were not applicable to statistical subjects falling in the Union List, as applicable to Jammu and Kashmir under the Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order, 1954. This had created a legislative vacuum. Moreover, the concurrent jurisdiction to be exercised by the Centre in Jammu and Kashmir has also not been provided for in the Collection of Statistics Act, 2008. The amendment statute fills the vacuum. (Adapted from The Hindu)

22. Powers to SEBI against financial frauds (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains paper


Why the powers need to be given?

India s stock markets are booming, with the BSE Sensex touching new highs. The regulation of securities markets has evolved over the last two and a half decades since the setting up of the Securities and Exchange Board of India, but it is still a work in progress. Front-running, insider trading, shady accounting practices that are tantamount to window-dressing firms performance, and other shenanigans to manipulate share prices continue. What are the recommendations?

A panel headed by T.K. Viswanathan, a former Lok Sabha Secretary General, has now submitted recommendations to curb illegal practices in the markets and ensure fair conduct among investors. A key recommendation is that the stock market watchdog be granted the power to act directly against perpetrators of financial statements fraud . In essence, this means SEBI can act not only against listed entities under its extant powers but also against those who aid or abet financial fraud — including accountants and auditors. The panel has suggested that SEBI, rather than the Central government, be given the power to grant immunity to whistle-blowers who help uncover illegal activities. It has mooted new ideas to address market manipulation, from better scrutiny of price-sensitive information to the creation of processes to expedite investigation into cases. It goes to the extent of recommending that SEBI be given powers to tap phone calls. What is the rationale?






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Greater executive powers, it is being suggested, can help the regulator take swifter action against offenders instead of relying on government bodies such as the Ministry of Corporate Affairs. Ostensibly, this could also free SEBI from various manifestations of political influence. Since SEBI is better placed to understand the complex nuances that financial market fraud entails, compared to other investigative agencies or even those in charge of implementing the Companies Act, it may also be better placed to enforce the law. A strong regulator serves as a good deterrent to truants in the market, but banking on fear too much could also scare away genuine investors. SEBI is widely considered to be one of the more efficient regulators, but it is not faultless. Last year, its order to impose restrictions on the trading of shares of 331 companies suspected of laundering money was seen as a hasty move taken under pressure from the government without a formal investigation. Given that SEBI is now considering a cap on trading by retail investors based on their assessed net worth , the committee s suggestion that it may consider any trading by players beyond their known financial resources as fraud could lead to undue harassment of investors. Granting more teeth to enable the market regulator to fulfil its primary role of protecting investors is fine. But it is equally critical to empower it with the right tools so that a sledgehammer is not deployed to crack a nut. (Adapted from The Hindu)

23. What next for the DMK after Karunanidhi (Relevant for GS Mains paper II; Polity

& Governance)

Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam leader M. Karunanidhi led the party for 50 years, won all the elections he contested and occupied the seat of Chief Minister for five terms. When he died last week, experts said that an era in Dravidian politics had drawn to a close. For Karunanidhi, his meticulously cultivated image loomed over others, contributing to the sidelining of democracy even in party affairs. The same can be said of M.G.Ramachandran and Jayalalithaa, the former leaders of the AIADMK. Karunanidhi s death has left a vacuum and there is likely to be problems in succession, though the situation is vastly different from what had happened in the AIADMK after the death of Jayalalithaa. How did it come about?

In the DMK, Karunanidhi was able to outmanoeuvre all his contemporaries after the death of party founder C.N. Annadurai and gradually gained control. It put an end to a team of leaders — V.R. Nedunchezhian, N.V. Natarajan and K.A. Mathiazhagan — who had enjoyed an equally privileged status in the organisation. A few of the sidelined leaders threw their weight behind MGR when he launched the AIADMK. For many years, district secretaries held the key to the DMK, and their importance is explained by Tiruchi district secretary Anbil Dharmalingam s response to the district magistrate. When asked to reveal his identity, he just told the magistrate that he was the district secretary of the DMK. I am like a District Collector, he said.






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But the DMK had to change its tactics after 18 district secretaries rallied behind Vaiko following his expulsion from the party in 1993. It evolved a strategy that effectively limited the clout of district secretaries. DMK working president M.K. Stalin started controlling the jugular vein of the organisation even when his father was alive, and the district secretaries are his staunch loyalists. He called Mr. Stalin as the embodiment of hard work, but Karunanidhi s delay in handing over the mantle to him left him at a slight disadvantage. Though a handful, including his elder brother Alagiri, pose a challenge to his leadership, Mr. Stalin has to prove his mettle as many factors play out on the ground. Why does it matter?

The DMK is facing a situation akin to the one that existed during MGR s rule. As long as MGR was alive, the DMK was not able to capture power in the State. The AIADMK has kept the DMK out of power for seven years, and if the present government completes its term, it will be a decade. The DMK is also not part of the government at the Centre, as it was between 1999 and 2004 and again between 2004 and 2009, when its presence at the Centre compensated for its lack of power in the State.The party s defeat to T.T.V. Dinakaran in the R.K. Nagar byelection, despite the negative image of his family background, cannot be brushed under the carpet. Actor Kamal Haasan s plunge into politics and Rajinikant s decision to launch his party and the presence of fringe Tamil nationalist groups have crowded the political landscape. What next?

The 2019 Lok Sabha election will be crucial for the DMK, especially for Mr. Stalin. While knitting together a winnable combination is a challenge, the future government at the Centre will also play a crucial role in shaping the party s future. The status of an undisputed leader will be an advantage for Mr. Stalin, but his strategy will have to factor in and overcome all the hurdles in his path in his first election as the leader of the DMK. (Adapted from The Hindu)

24. How, why Bill proposes to let NRIs nominate proxies to vote on their behalf


During the recent monsoon session, Lok Sabha passed a Bill that proposes to allow non-resident Indians to use proxies to cast votes on their behalf in Indian elections. How have NRIs been voting so far, and what does the Bill propose to change? What proxy voting means

Voting in an Indian election can be done in three ways — in person, by post and through a proxy. Under proxy voting, a registered elector can delegate his voting power to a representative. This was introduced in 2003 for elections to the Lok Sabha and Assemblies, but on a limited scale. Only a classified service voter — a definition that includes members of the armed forces, BSF, CRPF, CISF, General Engineering Reserve Force and Border Road Organization — is allowed to nominate a proxy to cast vote on his behalf in his absence. A classified service voter can also vote by postal ballot.






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The Bill

The Representation of the People (Amendment) Bill, 2017, proposes to amend Section 60 and extend the facility of proxy voting to Indian voters living abroad. Introduced in Lok Sabha last December and passed last week, it now needs Rajya Sabha s approval. … The said rules (Registration of Electors Rules, 1960) stipulate the physical presence of the overseas electors in the respective polling station in India on the day of polling. This causes hardship to the overseas electors in exercising their franchise by being present in India on the day of polling, reads Law Minister Ravi Shankar Prasad s statement on the objective of the Bill. According to a UN report of 2015, India s diaspora population is the largest in the world at 16 million. Registration of NRI voters, in comparison, has been low. In 2014, 11,846 people were registered as overseas electors , of whom 11,448 were registered in Kerala. According to figures tabled by the government during the winter session of Parliament, the number of NRI voters has risen to 24,348, including 23,556 in Kerala. Nomination of proxies

It is not clear yet how NRIs will nominate their proxies. The Election Commission will lay down the procedure by amending the Conduct of Election Rules, 1961, after the Bill is passed by both Houses of Parliament. A classified service voter belonging to the armed forces or a paramilitary force, on the other hand, can appoint a proxy as long as the proxy, too, is a registered voter in the same constituency. The proxy is appointed through Form 13F, signed by the classified service voter and the appointed proxy before a first class magistrate or notary or the commanding officer of the service voter. The form has to be submitted to the returning officer of the seat before the nomination of candidates closes. The proxy will continue to represent the service voter for all polls until the service or the appointment is revoked. Overseas voting, elsewhere

Many countries allow expatriates to vote, with different rules. For instance, a British citizen living abroad can either travel back to the UK to vote in person, or vote by post, or nominate a proxy to do so, but this is subject to eligibility rules that factor in the expatriate s period of stay abroad and the period for which the voter was registered in the UK. Those who were minors at the time of leaving the country can also vote as long as their parent or guardian was registered to vote in the UK. American expatriates can vote for federal office candidates in primary and general elections, irrespective of how long they have been living abroad. Once registered, an overseas Amercian voter will receive a ballot paper by email, fax, or download, depending on the US state. This has to be returned the same way as received. How Bill came about

The Election Commission decided to look for options to enable NRIs to vote from overseas after it received several requests, including from former Rajya Sabha MP and industrialist Naveen Jindal and the Ministry of Overseas Affairs, while three writ petitions were filed by






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NRIs in the Supreme Court in 2013 and 2014. A 12-member committee was set up in 2014 to study mainly three options — voting by post, voting at an Indian mission abroad and online voting. The committee ruled out online polling as this could compromise secrecy of voting . It also ruled out the proposal to vote at Indian missions abroad as they do not have the resources to organise polling. In 2015, the panel finally recommended that NRIs be given the additional alternative options of e-postal ballot and proxy voting , apart from casting their

vote in person. E-postal ballot is a ballot paper that is sent to the voter electronically and returned to the returning officer by post. The Law Ministry accepted the recommendation on proxy voting and the Cabinet passed the proposal to amend the law last August. How parties stand

In 2014, the 12-member Election Committee committee consulted six national parties, of which four attended — BJP, Congress, CPI(M) and CPI. Only the BJP was in favour of proxy voting. Others feared that the proxy voter may not vote as per the wishes of the overseas voter. Further it suffers from an inherent problem of trust deficiency and violates the principle of secrecy of voting and free and fair elections , states the EC report quoting views of political parties opposed to the idea. The government responded to this fear in Parliament stating that the EC will frame rules in such a way that if proxy voting is misused, it will lead to cancellation of the mandate. Former election commissioners too have expressed apprehensions in the past that proxy voting for NRIs could prove a logistical nightmare for the EC. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

25. India and Pakistan: How they differ on key constitutional questions (Relevant for

GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity & Governance)

In his first address to the nation after taking oath Saturday, Prime Minister Imran Khan promised a naya Pakistan that would follow the path envisioned by Jinnah and Iqbal . Jinnah saw Pakistan as a liberal and democratic nation state with equal rights for all citizens, rather than an orthodox Islamic state. As Pakistan begins a new experiment in constitutional democracy, how does its national experience differ from India s with regard to key aspects of government and law? The Constitution

While the preamble to the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan begins with an invocation of Almighty Allah and mentions the Founder of Pakistan, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah , the Constituent Assembly of India had rejected any reference to God or to the Father of the Nation, Mahatma Gandhi. The preamble to Pakistan s constitution promises adequate provision to safeguard the legitimate interests of minorities and backward and depressed classes , and the independence of the judiciary . The preamble to the constitution of India is more compact — it encapsulates, but doesn t explicitly mention, the rights of minorities and independence of the judiciary.






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Pakistan s constitution, unlike India s, recognises the right to privacy (which was declared a fundamental right by the Supreme Court last year), and the right to education for children from ages 5 to 16. (The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009, gave this right to Indian children between ages 6 and 14.) Pakistan s constitution guarantees the right to information (India passed The Right to Information Act in 2005), and declares human dignity as inviolable. Unlike the Indian constitution, it specifically mentions the freedom of the press, but this freedom is subject to the glory of Islam . Pakistan has a regressive and widely abused blasphemy law that carries mandatory death penalty; also, its freedom of religion is conditional, and unlike in India, available only to citizens. The Judiciary

Pakistan s government has no role in the appointment of the country s Chief Justice. Article 175A(3) of the Pakistani constitution says the President shall appoint the seniormost Judge of the Supreme Court as the Chief Justice of Pakistan . While India s Supreme Court in October 2015 struck down the National Judicial Appointments Commission — which was intended to decide appointments and transfers of judges of the higher judiciary — Pakistan has had its version of the commission since 2010. There are six judges, a senior advocate, and two government nominees on it, and its recommendations go to an eight-member committee of Parliament — comprising two members each from the government and opposition in both the National Assembly and Senate — which confirms nominations by majority vote. To deal with alleged judicial misconduct — a hot-button issue in India currently — Pakistan s constitution provides for a supreme judicial council consisting of the Chief Justice, two seniormost judges of the Supreme Court, and two seniormost Chief Justices of High Courts. If this council concludes that a judge is incapable of performing his duties or is guilty of misconduct , impeachment by the President follows. This process is different from India s, where the key role in impeachment is that of Parliament, and the grounds for action are more stringent: proved misbehaviour or incapacity . Elections

The Pakistani Prime Minister resigns ahead of elections, and the Leader of Opposition and he together select a caretaker PM. If they cannot agree, each will send two names to the Speaker, who will refer it to a parliamentary committee with equal representation from the ruling party and the opposition. On May 28, former CJP Nasir-ul-Mulk was chosen caretaker PM to replace Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi and lead the country until the elections of July 25. While India s Election Commissioners are picked by the government and are generally IAS officers, the process in Pakistan is more complex. The Chief Election Commissioner has to be a sitting or retired judge of the Supreme Court or a High Court, or be qualified to be appointed as an SC judge. The PM in consultation with the Leader of Opposition forwards three names to a 12-member parliamentary committee that has equal representation from the government and opposition. The Election Commission has four other members, each a judge from one of the four provincial High Courts of Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan and Khyber






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Pakhtunkhwa. The Election Act of 2017 gave the Election Commission of Pakistan financial autonomy as well, which India s EC does not have. Muslim candidates in Pakistan s elections have to be of good character, sagacious, righteous, honest, and non-profligate, have adequate knowledge of Islam, and should not have committed any major sin. Nawaz Sharif was disqualified under this provision, as he had failed to declare in his nomination papers that he was entitled to receive money from his son s offshore company. The Government

The PM and provincial Chief Ministers are elected by the newly constituted House; unlike in India, the President or Governors have no role even if no party has a clear majority. If two candidates are tied, voting continues until one secures a majority. Imran Khan was elected PM on August 17 after he defeated Shahbaz Sharif by 176 votes to 96 in the National Assembly. The Pakistani constitution has no provision for a confidence vote as the PM/CM is elected by the new House. A motion of no-confidence can be moved by 20% of members and will succeed if passed by a majority of the total membership of the House (unlike in India, where it must be passed by a simple majority of those present and voting). Reservations

Of the 342 seats in the National Assembly, 272 are filled by direct elections. Sixty seats are reserved for women and 10 for religious minorities, which are filled by proportional representation among parties that get more than 5% of the popular vote. The four provincial assemblies have their own quantums of reservations for both women and minorities. Parties must give 5% of tickets to women candidates in the general seats, and if less than 10% women voters cast their votes in any constituency, the result there is nullified. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

26. Naga agreement: three years in the making (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains


A little over three years ago, on August 3, 2015, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the signing of a historic framework agreement to end the decades-old Naga insurgency. However, the peace accord is yet to be finalised — even though all stakeholders other than the government appear keen on a conclusion. Many details of the 2015 agreement are shrouded in mystery — while Naga groups have given up the demand for sovereignty and redrawing of boundaries, issues like a separate passport, flag and army are still unresolved. Framework agreement

The agreement was signed nearly 18 years after the government s ceasefire 1997 deal with Naga armed groups. While neither the Centre nor the Naga groups have been forthcoming






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with details, the framework agreement did accept special status for the Nagas. There was an understanding on a settlement within the Indian federation, with due regard to the uniqueness of Naga history. In a recent submission before a Standing Committee of Parliament, the Centre s interlocutor for the Naga talks, R N Ravi, said it was implied in the agreement that some special arrangement would be made for the Nagas. On being asked what the special arrangement will be, the Committee was told that with respect to Nagaland there is already a special arrangement. Article 371A of the Constitution makes it very clear that they are special and a special status has been accorded to them, states the report of the Committee, which was tabled in Parliament on July 19. Some progress

Former Intelligence Bureau officer Ravi was appointed interlocutor in August 2014. The Nagas initially insisted on the unification of Naga inhabited areas — no integration, no solution — but have now reached an understanding with the government that current boundaries of Northeastern states will not be touched. Interlocutor… submitted that the negotiations were proceeding towards a situation, where boundaries of any State will neither be changed nor altered, says the report of the House panel. Besides the NSCN-IM, the government held discussions with six other groups. The NSCN-K, which violated the ceasefire in 2015, was not part of the peace process. Role of NSCN-IM

On November 11, 1975, the Shillong Accord was signed between the government and a section of the Naga National Council (NNC), under which this NNC faction and the underground Naga Federal Government (NFG) laid down arms. A 140-strong group led by Thuingaleng Muivah refused to accept the Accord and, in 1980, formed the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN). With Muivah were his comrades Isak Chishi Swu and S S Khaplang. In 1988, the NSCN split into two groups, led by Isak and Muivah, and Khaplang. After NNC leader Angami Zapu Phizo died in London in 1991, the NSCN-IM came to be seen as the predominant Naga rebel outfit. Peace efforts

The efforts for peace started soon after the NNC declared Nagaland an independent state on August 14, 1947. It took until August 1997, however, for the first ceasefire agreement to be signed between the government and the NSCN-IM. The security situation in Nagaland and neighbouring states, however, remained grim, and the ceasefire was violated by both the NSCN-IM and NSCN-K. The NSCN-K unilaterally broke the agreement in March 2015, and was subsequently declared an unlawful association under The Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. The NSCN-IM dropped its demand of sovereignty after several rounds of negotiations with the government. Demand for Greater Nagalim






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In the NSCN s conception, Greater Nagalim consisted of Nagaland and all contiguous Naga-inhabited areas , which included several districts of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur, and a part of Myanmar. While the area of Nagaland in 16,527 sq km, Greater Nagalim sprawled over 1,20,000 sq km. The demand for Nagalim has always agitated Assam, Manipur and Arunachal. Delay in finalising accord

Political parties and Naga groups had pressed for the finalisation of the accord ahead of the Nagaland Assembly elections last year. The framework agreement was signed with the NSCN-IM, which had threatened to pull out if the government engaged with any other group. After several rounds of discussions, however, the NSCN-IM agreed to involve smaller groups, and six groups besides NSCN-IM are now formally part of the peace process. Delays were also caused by the demand for a separate flag and passport, and the question of the armed Naga battallions. With barely months to go for the Lok Sabha elections, it now seems unlikely that the accord will be finalised in this term of the central government. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

27. Should Article 35A be scrapped? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;


Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) was an integral part of the Dominion of India, according to the Instrument of Accession which was signed by Maharaja Hari Singh on October 26, 1947 and subsequently ratified by the Constituent Assembly of J&K. Article 35A of the Constitution is now being vigorously contested with its constitutional validity being challenged before the Supreme Court. It has managed to create widespread legal and political controversy, despite it not even finding a mention in the regular sequential text of the Constitution. As Article 35A is reflected only in an Appendix of the Constitution, it is often missed by many legal experts. Explaining Article 35A

Article 35A was born through a Presidential Order, the Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order of 1954. Therefore, it was added to the Constitution without undergoing the procedure for constitutional amendments as laid down in Article 368. The Presidential Order was issued in exercise of the power conferred under Article 370 (1) (d) of the Constitution. Whether such power also extends to inserting a new Article in the Constitution is contentious. The heading of Article 35A reads: saving of laws with respect to permanent residents and their rights . Article 35A declares that any law enacted by the J&K State Legislature on the issues of permanent residence, or special privileges and rights, or imposition of restrictions, or employment, acquisition of immovable property and settlement in the State, or aid from the State government shall not be void on the ground that it is inconsistent with






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any rights conferred on other citizens of India. In short, such laws granting special rights to permanent residents would not be deemed a violation of the fundamental rights of other citizens. Classification of citizens

The classification created by Article 35A has to be tested on the principle of equality as it treats non-permanent residents of J&K as second-class citizens. Such persons are not eligible for employment under the State government and are also debarred from contesting elections. Meritorious students are denied scholarships and they cannot even seek redress in any court of law. The major sufferers are women who marry outside J&K. Though they retain their Permanent Resident Certificate, their children cannot be permanent residents. This restricts their basic right of inheritance. Further, the issues of refugees who migrated to J&K during Partition are still not treated as State subjects under the J&K Constitution. This matter requires the active participation of all stakeholders. It is necessary to give confidence to the residents of J&K that any alteration in status quo will not take away their rights but will boost J&K s prosperity as it will open doors for more investment, resulting in new opportunities. Article 35A, which was incorporated about six decades ago, now requires a relook, especially given that J&K is now a well-established democratic State. Bhupender Yadav is a BJP member of the Rajya Sabha

There is a reason why Article 35A is not found in the main body of the Constitution

The challenge to Article 35A rests on two constructs. The first is that it was inserted unconstitutionally, bypassing Article 368 which empowers only Parliament to amend the Constitution. The second is that the laws enacted in pursuance of Article 35A are ultra vires of the fundamental rights conferred by Part III of the Constitution, especially, and not limited to, Articles 14 (right to equality) and 21 (protection of life). The Instrument of Accession

Unlike other princely States that started making choices after the Partition Plan was announced on June 3, 1947, J&K dithered. On August 12, 1947, Maharaja Hari Singh signed a Standstill Agreement with both India and Pakistan. Pakistan did not honour it. It invaded J&K in the third week of October. Confronted with the absorption of his State into Pakistan, the Maharaja signed the Instrument of Accession on October 26, 1947. The schedule attached to the Instrument of Accession specified that the Dominion of India could only make laws relating to Defence, External Affairs, Communications, and ancillary matters. With the issue of plebiscite under UN auspices still hanging, India moved to consolidate its relationship with the State by enacting Article 370 on October 17, 1949. Article 370 (1) (d) reads as follows: Such of the other provisions of this Constitution shall apply in relation to that State subject to such exceptions and modifications as the President may by order specify: Provided that no such order which relates to the matters specified in the Instrument of Accession of the State referred to in paragraph (i) of sub clause (b) shall be






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issued except in consultation with the Government of the State: Provided further that no such order which relates to matters other than those referred to in the last preceding proviso shall be issued except with the concurrence of that Government. This Article empowers the President of India to extend with requisite exceptions and modifications the other provisions of the Indian Constitution to J&K as may be necessary. The Delhi Agreement of 1952 followed Article 370. Clause 2 of the agreement stated, It was agreed between the two Governments that in accordance with Article 5 of the Indian Constitution, persons who have their domicile in Jammu and Kashmir shall be regarded as citizens of India, but the State Legislature was given power to make laws for conferring special rights and privileges on the state subjects in view of the State Subject Notifications of 1927 and 1932: the State Legislature was also empowered to make laws for the State Subjects who had gone to Pakistan on account of the communal disturbances of 1947, in the event of their return to Kashmir. Clause 6 stated: With regard to the fundamental rights, some basic principles agreed between the parties were enunciated; it was accepted that the people of the State were to have fundamental rights. But in the view of the peculiar position in which the State was placed, the whole chapter relating to Fundamental Rights of the Indian Constitution could not be made applicable to the State. Please note that it said special rights for State subjects and not fundamental rights. Implications

It was pursuant to this agreement that the Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order of 1954 was promulgated by the President of India. It contains Article 35A, which empowers the State Legislature to define permanent residents. That is why Article 35A is not found in the main body of the Constitution; it is in the Presidential Order having exclusive application to J&K. Therefore, striking it down will have implications for other constitutional amendments contained in the 1954 Presidential Order. Manish Tewari is a lawyer and a former Information and Broadcasting Minister

Article 35A is a recognition of the conditional accession of J&K into India

Article 35A says that no law in J&K regarding restrictions imposed on employment under the State government, or acquisition of immoveable property, or settlement in the State, or scholarships and aid given by the State government shall be void on the ground that it is inconsistent with any fundamental rights in the Constitution. Introducing Article 370

Though this Article came in through a 1954 Presidential Order, it was in furtherance of the Instrument of Accession which the J&K government had signed with the Indian government. The Instrument of Accession gave only limited rights to the Centre to interfere with the autonomy of J&K. That is why Article 370 was introduced, to recognise the special status of J&K. It said that the power of Parliament to make laws in J&K shall be limited to those






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matters in the Union List and the Concurrent List which, in consultation with the State government, are declared by the President to correspond to matters specified in the Instrument of Accession. Land, rights over land, and settlement in the State are the main issues. Land is a State subject. Because of the limited accession of the State of J&K and the relatively greater autonomy given to the State, Article 35A is only a recognition of the conditional accession of J&K into India and the restrictions placed on both Parliament and the Constitution that the normal powers of Parliament to make laws will not apply to J&K. It is Article 370 that restricted the application of certain provisions of the Constitution to J&K. It is pursuant to Article 370 that Article 35A was inserted by way of the 1954 Presidential Order. All that it says is that the laws made by the state regarding settlement and acquisition of property will prevail and not be struck down on the ground that they violate fundamental rights. Incidentally, Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand have laws which say that no outsider can buy land. Strictly speaking, these laws are unconstitutional and violate two fundamental rights — the freedom to reside and settle in any part of the territory of India and the freedom to practise any profession, trade and business. Those laws are void. But because the accession of J&K was conditional to their being given their rights, their sovereignty with regard to matters concerning land and settlement are preserved. Therefore, it cannot be challenged on the ground that it violates fundamental rights or the basic structure of the Constitution because it is pursuant to an original part of the Constitution and pursuant to the limited accession signed with J&K. Kashmir never acceded fully to India. Therefore, it is a quasi-sovereign State. It is not like any other State. Article 35A follows the Instrument of Accession and the guarantee given to the State of J&K that the State s autonomy will not be disturbed even by the Constitution. Discrimination against women

It is for the J&K to decide, according to its laws, on the issue of discrimination against women with regard to property rights. Such a law is discriminatory according to the Indian Constitution, and is repugnant to the issue of gender equality. But under the Instrument of Accession and the autonomy given to the State of J&K, this will also have to be decided according to laws and the Constitution of the State. Prashant Bhushan is an advocate in the Supreme Court of India (Adapted from The Hindu)

28. What a petition on citizenship law could mean to Assam NRC update (Relevant

for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity & Governance)

A petition pending before the Supreme Court and expected to come up before a five-judge Bench, could potentially affect the way the National Register of Citizens (NRC) is being updated in Assam. What is this petition, and how does it relate to the NRC?






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The petition

It was filed in 2012 by a group of organisations in Assam. They have challenged Section 6A, inserted in the Citizenship Act in 1986 and applicable only to Assam. This is relevant to the NRC update because it is being carried out in accordance with Section 6A. While this section grants citizenship to those who entered Assam before March 25, 1971, the reference date for the rest of India is July 19, 1948. In 2014, a two-judge Bench headed by Justice Ranjan Gogoi referred the petition to a five-judge Bench. The Bench headed by Justice Madan B Lokur held a hearing on April 19, 2017, but it got dissolved on the retirement of Justice P C Pant in August 2017. In February this year, Chief Justice of India Dipak Misra assured that he would soon constitute a new Bench. Citizenship in Assam

Applicable only to Assam, Section 6A defines as citizens every person of Indian origin who came to Assam before January 1, 1966 and are ordinary residents of Assam. Those who came after January 1, 1966 but before March 25, 1971, and have been ordinary residents of Assam and got themselves registered, will not have the right to vote for 10 years from the date of their detection as foreigners, but will have all other rights available to citizens. All others who entered Assam after March 25, 1971 would be considered illegal immigrants and deported after due process under the Illegal Migrant Determination Tribunal (IMDT) Act. This Act was later scrapped by the Supreme Court. Citizenship in India

Under Article 6 of the Constitution, anyone who migrated to India before July 19, 1948, from territory that had become part of Pakistan, automatically became a citizen if either of their parents or grandparents was born in India. But those who entered India after this date needed to register themselves. Again, under the original Citizenship Act, 1955, anyone born in India or whose parents were born in India, could claim Indian citizenship. But after the 1986 amendment, a person born on or after July 1, 1987, can become an Indian citizen only if he was born in India and if either of his parents was a citizen of India at the time of his birth. In 2003, the then NDA government made the condition more stringent, by adding that those born in India on or after December 3, 2004, can become citizens only if both their parents were Indian citizens or one parent was a citizen and the other was not an illegal immigrant. Past judgments

In three judgments —2005, 2006, 2014 — the Supreme Court had expressed displeasure about the citizenship law, in respect of foreigners who had entered Assam, being different from the law in the rest of the country. 2005: On a petition by Sarbananda Sonowal (now Chief Minister of Assam), a three-judge Bench struck down the IMDT Act as unconstitutional since it applied only to Assam and was at variance with the Foreigners Act, 1946. The court ignored the fact that there is variance in the rest of the country too: while for Western Pakistan the cut-off date is July 19,1948, for Eastern Pakistan the Nehru-Liaquat Pact had pushed it to 1950. The judgment is problematic as no law can be struck down on the ground that it was less efficient than an earlier law. If this were so, then the original provision of the Citizenship Act, 1955, giving






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citizenship on birth in India is certainly better than the 1986 and 2003 amendments. Moreover, special law can be at variance with general law. 2006: Following the scrapping of the IMDT Act, the government issued the Foreigners (Tribunal) for Assam Order, 2006, which amended the Foreigners (Tribunal) Order, 1964. On a petition by Sonowal, the Supreme Court struck down such subordinate legislation on the ground that these orders were issued to nullify its judgment of 2005. The court ruled that a mandamus issued by the court cannot be nullified by a subordinate legislation particularly when the parent Act remains in force and applicable. 2014: In the Asom Sanmilita Mahasangha judgment, the Supreme Court discussed NRC in just one sentence while laying down that it be completed by 2016. This led to a number of orders and supervision of the NRC process by the Supreme Court. The judgment quoted from a book in which immigrants had been termed as vast horde of land hungry immigrants mostly Muslims and vultures who will gather wherever there is a carcass ; it seems this carcass means Assam. The court also relied on former Governor S K Sinha s controversial report of November 8, 1998, where he talked about Indian and Bangladeshi secularism and then said that it will then only be a matter of time when a demand for their merger will Bangladesh may be made . What it may mean

If the Constitution bench declares Section 6A unconstitutional, then the entire exercise of NRC may become redundant. Since the petitioners are asking for a uniform cutoff for the entire country, it could mean that many people already included in the NRC would no longer be eligible. In the 2014 judgment, the court discussed at length Section 6A, which had been inserted in 1986 as a result of the Assam Accord. Also, the court accepted the challenge to the constitutionality of Section 6A and referred to a Constitution Bench as many as 13 questions, such as whether Section 6A is constitutional when it prescribes a different cutoff date for Assam from the one prescribed for the rest of the country; whether singling out of Assam in Section 6A violates the right to equality; whether Section 6A dilutes the political rights of citizens in Assam; whether Section 6A violates the right to life of people of Assam under Article 21 who have been adversely affected by the massive influx of illegal migrants from Bangladesh; and whether Section 6A violates rule of law in that it gives way to political expediency rather than to government according to law. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

29. How Maharashtra law defines dangerous persons (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS


Aurangabad Police recently detained a city corporator, Sayyed Mateen Rashid of the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), under the stringent Maharashtra Prevention of Dangerous Activities of Slumlords, Bootleggers, Drug Offenders and Dangerous Persons Act (MPDA), 1981. What is this stringent law about?






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Passed by the state government, it came into effect on June 11, 1981. The Act empowers the district magistrate and the commissioner of police to exercise provisions under MPDA to detain a person who in their view is acting in manner prejudicial to the maintenance of public order. Either of these two authorities can pass an order under the Act directing that such a person be detained. In Rashid s case, Aurangabad Commissioner Chiranjeev Prasad said, Serious offences like arson, rioting, inciting mob for breach of communal harmony, creating alarm in society… hence left with no choice but to book him under MPDA. Other preventive actions failed to check him. The corporator

Rashid had reportedly opposed a resolution to pay tribute to former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, and was allegedly beaten by some BJP corporators. In the past, he had reportedly opposed singing of the national anthem in the Aurangabad Municipal Corporation. After he reportedly opposed the resolution on Vajpayee, some BJP corporators allegedly beat him up and filed a complaint under the IPC, accusing him of promoting enmity between members of communities. Rashid was granted bail in the IPC case Tuesday. However, minutes after being released, he was served the Commisioner s notice under MPDA and sent back to judicial custody in Harsul jail. When & how

The Act states that an order under it can be issued against a person who uses his influence and resources to clandestinely organise and carry out dangerous activities in violation of law. These include slumlords, bootleggers and drug offenders. People who directly or indirectly cause or calculate to cause any harm, danger or alarm or a feeling of insecurity among the general public or a section of it could be detained. Senior police officers described how the law came about: the mafia in Maharashtra, particularly Mumbai, was making much of its earnings from bootlegging in the 1980s and drugs in the 1990s. During this period, slumlords too were flexing their muscle in Mumbai. Today, the police use the law mainly during a buildup to a protest, or when they feel that an activity or event could affect law and order. In the recently concluded monsoon session of the Assembly, Minister of State for Home (Urban) Ranjit Patil said the government was looking at a proposal to bring human traffickers under the realm of MPDA so as to deal effectively with the issue of missing girls. Detention rules

In the first instance, an order under MPDA passed by the district magistrate or the police commissioner cannot exceed three months. The person against whom the order is issued could challenge his detention before a higher court and, if the court is satisfied with his/her plea, the order can be revoked or set aside.






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(Adapted from The Indian Express)

30. How CJIs involved senior colleagues in benches of 3 judges and more (Relevant

for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity & Governance)

Allegation against Chief Justice Dipak Misra

Chief Justice Dipak Misra s role as Master of the Roster was called into question by the other four judges in the Supreme Court collegium in January. While their complaint was






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about cases being assigned selectively to benches of preference , how have members of the collegium been represented in major cases (those with bench sizes of three or more)? Low representation to Collegium in CJI Misra term

A look at the numbers since January 1999, when the collegium was expanded to five judges, is revealing. It shows that the representation of collegium members other than the CJI — that is, those ranked two to five — is among the lowest during Chief Justice Misra s term. Until January 12, when Justices J. Chelameswar, Ranjan Gogoi, Madan B. Lokur and Kurian Joseph held their unprecedented press conference, collegium members (two to five) were involved only in 29.3% of the judgments delivered. How was representation of collegium during other CJIs tenure?

Of the 17 CJIs since January 1999, it was only during Justice G.B Pattanaik s term as CJI that the representation of the four collegium members was less. At 29.2%, it was less only by the smallest of fractions. Also, Justice Pattanaik was CJI only for just a little over a month, during which 24 judgments with benches of three or more judges were delivered. At the other end of the spectrum, former CJIs H.L. Dattu (68%), R.M. Lodha (67.5%), K.G. Balakrishnan (55.1%) and A.S. Anand (63.5%) used other collegium members most in cases involving three judges or more, going by the judgment percentages. In Justice Misra s case, the involvement of other collegium judges increased after the January 12 press conference; overall, as of July 31, it went up to 33.9%. A comparative assessment of Chief Justices in terms of involvement of other collegium members in judgments involving bench sizes of three or more is presented in the accompanying table. There were over 2,400 such judgments between January 1999 and July 2018, of which 224 were delivered by Constitution Benches — those with five judges or more. The average representation for collegium judges (barring the CJI) in major cases was 52.1% for this period. (Adapted from The Hindu)

31. Mullaperiyar: genesis of a dispute (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains paper II;


What does Kerala say?

The colonial-era Mullaperiyar dam has again become a source of friction between Tamil Nadu and Kerala. Though the original dispute was over the appropriateness of the dam s water level, Kerala, already reeling under severe adverse impact from floods, has surprised everyone this time by accusing Tamil Nadu of having carried out sudden releases of water. This, Kerala says, forced it to discharge more water from the downstream Idukki reservoir, about 40 km away from Mullaperiyar, which has been cited as one of the causes for the deluge . In Kerala s assessment, Tamil Nadu should have heeded its request immediately and lowered the water level in Mullaperiyar to 139 ft for moderating floods.






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Defence by Tamil Nadu

Tamil Nadu, on its part, has defended its position and stated that, well before shutters of the Mullaperiyar were opened in the early hours of Independence Day (August 15), excess water was being discharged through the flood gates of several dams in Kerala. Besides, compared to about 36 thousand million cubic feet (TMC) of water released from the Idukki and Idamalayar dams in the Periyar basin from August 14-19, the amount of water released from Mullaperiyar at the same time was hardly 6.65 TMC, which was far less than the quantities of water that flowed from the other two dams. Mullaperiyar, the safety of which has been confirmed by experts on several occasions, has enough provision to handle flood flows: this is how Tamil Nadu justified its stand, and denied the charge made by its neighbour. About Mullaperiyar dam

For those uninitiated into the history of the Mullaperiyar, here are some facts: the dam, located in the Idukki district of Kerala, is operated and maintained by Tamil Nadu for meeting the drinking water and irrigation requirements of five of its southern districts. As a sequel to an agreement signed between the then Travancore and Madras governments in October 1886, about 8,000 acres was leased by the former to the latter for the execution of the dam project. The dam was built over the period from 1887 to 1895. Troubles begin

Everything went smoothly for nearly 80 years. But, in 1979, a row erupted over the safety of the dam. Consequently, in November 1979, a tripartite meeting chaired by the then head of the Central Water Commission, K.C. Thomas, decided that water level had to be brought down from the full reservoir level of 152 ft to 136 ft, in order to enable Tamil Nadu carry out dam strengthening works. By mid-1990, Tamil Nadu started demanding restoration of the water level in the Mullaperiyar as it had completed the task assigned to it. When no consensus was reached through negotiations, the Supreme Court was approached. In two separate judgements, in 2006 and 2014, the apex court held that the water level be raised to 142 ft. It is against this background that the latest controversy has to be viewed. An element of uneasiness has entered the ties between Tamil Nadu and Kerala on the subject of water. The equation between the two States is far more complex than those of Tamil Nadu with Karnataka. With Kerala, Tamil Nadu has issues on several river waters, such as Parambikulam-Aliyar, Siruvani of the Bhavani sub-basin, Neyyar, and the proposal for linking the Pamba and Achankovil rivers of Kerala with Vaippar of Tamil Nadu. But, in the case of Karnataka, Cauvery is the only river to be considered. As for events concerning the present Kerala floods, there has been criticism in certain quarters that the authorities in the State delayed the release of surplus water until the end. Officials of Tamil Nadu, too, are of the view that it was their counterpart that had mismanaged the release of water from its reservoirs, and only a negligible amount of

water flowed from the Mullaperiyar to Kerala.






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Overlooked

What is being overlooked in the current discourse is that Kerala, after a gap of five years, is experiencing a bountiful southwest monsoon (June-September). As a matter of fact, between 2010 and 2017, there was only one excess monsoon — in 2013. There were three deficit years (2012, 2015 and 2016), while the remaining four years had a normal monsoon . Even in the normal years, two years recorded a negative value of departure for rainfall. So, Kerala s water managers were under enormous pressure to store as much water as possible. This could have possibly come in the way of their judgement in commencing the release of water even at the beginning of August, when the storage in two important dams — Idukki and Idamalayar — was a little more than 90% of their capacity. According to an August 19 report by the Meteorological Department, in all of 35-odd major reservoirs in Kerala, storage was close to the full reservoir level (FRL) by the end of July, and there was no buffer storage left to accommodate heavy inflows from August 10.

Tendency to store

Indeed, the tendency to store water to almost the full level of reservoirs is becoming a norm among water managers across States. In mid-July, Karnataka, too, started releasing






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surplus waters from the Kabini and Krishnaraja Sagar dams on the Cauvery system only when it knew that it could not hold any more water. Fortunately, the Mettur dam in the Salem district of Tamil Nadu is big enough to accommodate all the flood flows. For the last one month, Mettur, too, has been releasing excess water flows. In December 2015, Tamil Nadu also faced criticism for delaying the release of surplus water from the Chembarampakkam tank, causing floods in Chennai. In the current battle over the Mullaperiyar, the Supreme Court has come Kerala s rescue by telling Tamil Nadu to keep the water level in the dam at 139 ft till the end of August. But Kerala and Tamil Nadu must introspect seriously over their respective positions and avoid acrimony while protecting their interests. (Adapted from The Hindu)

32. Need for national policy on utility of a second chamber in States (Relevant for GS

Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; Polity & Governance)

If there was any real benefit in having a Legislative Council, all States in the country should, and arguably would, have a second chamber. The fact that there are only seven such Councils suggests the lack of any real advantage, apart from the absence of a broad political consensus on the issue. What is Odisha s stand?

Now Odisha wants to join the group of States that have an Upper House. The State Cabinet has approved a 49-member Legislative Council, accepting the report of a committee set up in 2015 to study the functioning of the second chamber in other States and make recommendations. What is the process to create legislative council?

The process of creating an Upper House is lengthy. The State Assembly has to pass a resolution for the creation of the Council by Special majority of its total membership. Thereafter, Parliament has to enact a law to create it. Two Bills introduced in the Rajya Sabha in 2013 for establishing Legislative Councils in Assam and Rajasthan are still pending, indicating the lack of support for such a move. A parliamentary committee that went into these Bills cleared the proposals, but struck a cautionary note. Need for national policy

It wanted a national policy on having an Upper House in State legislatures to be framed by the Union government, so that a subsequent government doesn t abolish it. It also favoured a review of the provision in the law for Councils to have seats for graduates and teachers. Pros and cons

The advantages of having a bicameral legislature are well-known. An Upper House provides a forum for academicians and intellectuals, who are arguably not suited for the






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rough and tumble of electoral politics. At least on paper, it provides a mechanism for a more sober and considered appraisal of legislation that a State may pass. The objections to the second chamber are varied. Rather than fulfilling the lofty objective of getting intellectuals into the legislature, the forum is likely to be used to accommodate party functionaries who fail to get elected. It is also an unnecessary drain on the exchequer. Another issue is that graduates are no longer a rare breed; also, with dipping educational standards, a graduate degree is no guarantee of any real intellectual heft. And then again, why should graduates be privileged as people s representatives in a democracy? Way forward

Today, legislatures draw their talent both from the grassroots level and the higher echelons of learning. There are enough numbers of doctors, teachers and other professionals in most political parties today. The Rajya Sabha s case is different as it represents the States rather than electoral constituencies. It is also a restraining force against the dominance of elected majorities in legislative matters. Legislative Councils are subject to varied and inconclusive discussions around their creation, revival and abolishment. Given all this, Odisha s proposal may give the country at large an opportunity to evolve a national consensus on Legislative Councils. (Adapted from The Hindu)

33. Government announces Regulations for Drones (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS


Drones are a technology platform which has wide-ranging applications from photography to agriculture, from infrastructure asset maintenance to insurance. Drones range in size from very small and those that can carry multiple kilograms of payload. Regulations have taken years

The Ministry of Civil Aviation has been working for several years to establish a world leading drone ecosystem in India. To that end, it was necessary to develop global standard drone regulations that would permit, will appropriate safeguards, the commercial application of various drone technologies. The preparation of these drone regulations through a Civil Aviation Requirement (CAR) has taken multiple years because: (1) drone technologies have been evolving very rapidly; (2) many countries are still experimenting with their drone regulations and no ICAO stands have been developed; and (3) India s security environment necessitates extra precautions. What are the regulations?

Instead of simply digitizing a paper-based process for registering and operating drones, India has formulated an all-digital process. The Digital Sky Platform is the first-of-its-kind national unmanned traffic management (UTM) platform that implements no permission, no takeoff (NPNT). Users will be required to do a one-time registration of their drones, pilots and owners. For every flight (exempted for the nano category), users will be required






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to ask for permission to fly on a mobile app and an automated process permits or denies the request instantly. To prevent unauthorized flights and to ensure public safety, any drone without a digital permit to fly will simply not be able to takeoff. The UTM operates as a traffic regulator in the drone airspace and coordinates closely with the defense and civilian air traffic controllers (ATCs) to ensure that drones remain on the approved flight paths. The Union Minister of Civil Aviation Shri Suresh Prabhu announced the Drone Regulations 1.0 at a press conference here today. He said, these regulations will enable the safe, commercial usage of drones starting December 1, 2018. Drone Regulations 1.0 are intended to enable visual line-of-sight daytime-only and a maximum of 400 ft altitude operations. Air space has been partitioned into Red Zone (flying not permitted), Yellow Zone (controlled airspace), and Green Zone (automatic permission). Key features of Drone Regulations 1.0 are:

Notification of Final Regulations for Civil Use of Remotely Piloted Aircraft System

The Directorate General of Civil Aviation has issued today the Civil Aviation Requirements (CAR) for civil use of Remotely Piloted Aircraft System (RPAS) commonly known as drones. The regulation was developed after extensive consultations among various stakeholders, and will be effective from 1st December, 2018. As per the regulation, there are 5 categories of RPAS categorized by weight, namely nano, micro, small, medium and large. Operational/ Procedural Requirements:

All RPAS except nano and those owned by NTRO, ARC and Central Intelligence Agencies are to be registered and issued with Unique Identification Number (UIN). Unmanned Aircraft Operator Permit (UAOP) shall be required for RPA operators except for nano RPAS operating below 50 ft., micro RPAS operating below 200 ft., and those owned by NTRO, ARC and Central Intelligence Agencies. The mandatory equipment required for operation of RPAS except nano category are (a) GNSS (GPS), (b) Return-To-Home (RTH), (c) Anti-collision light, (d) ID-Plate, (e) Flight controller with flight data logging capability, and (f) RF ID and SIM/ No-Permission No Take off (NPNT). As of now, RPAS to operate within visual line of sight (VLoS), during day time only, and upto maximum400 ft. altitude. For flying in controlled Airspace, filing of flight plan and obtaining Air Defence Clearance (ADC) /Flight Information Centre (FIC) number shall be necessary. Minimum manufacturing standards and training requirements of Remote Pilots of small and above categories of RPAS have been specified in the regulation.






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No Drone Zones:

The regulation defines No Drone Zones around airports;near international border, Vijay Chowk in Delhi; State Secretariat Complex in State Capitals, strategic locations/vital and military installations; etc. Operations through Digital Platform:

Operations of RPAS to be enabled through Digital Sky Platform. The RPAS operations will be based on NPNT (No Permission, No Take off). The details including links for the digital sky platform shall be available in DGCA website from 1st December, 2018. There will be different colour zones visible to the applicant while applying in the digital sky platform, viz, Red Zone: flying not permitted, Yellow Zone (controlled airspace): permission required before flying, andGreen Zone (uncontrolled airspace): automatic permission. Enforcement Actions:

The enforcement actions are, (a) suspension/ cancellation of UIN/ UAOP in case of violation of regulatory provisions, (b) actions as per relevant Sections of the Aircraft Act 1934, or Aircraft Rules, or any statutory provisions, and (c) penalties as per applicable IPCs (such as 287, 336, 337, 338, or any relevant section of IPC). Going forward, the Drone Task Force under the chairmanship of the Minister of State Shri Jayant Sinhawill provide draft recommendations for Drone Regulations 2.0. These regulations will examine, inter alia, the following issues: • Certification of safe and controlled operation of drone hardware and software, • Air space management through automated operations linked into overall airspace management framework, • Beyond visual-line-of-sight operations, • Contribution to establishing global standards, • Suggestions for modifications of existing CARs and/or new CARs. (Adapted from PIB)

34. Cap on election expenses by parties and candidates: where things stand


At an all-party meeting called by the Election Commission Monday, all major parties except the BJP pushed for a cap on election expenditure by parties. Argument for a cap






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Limits on campaign expenditure are meant to provide a level-playing field for everyone contesting elections. It ensures that a candidate can t win only because she is rich. The 255th Report of the Law Commission on electoral reforms argued that unregulated or under-regulated election financing could lead to lobbying and capture, where a sort of quid pro quo transpires between big donors and political parties/candidates . Ceiling applicability

The Election Commission (EC) imposes limits on campaign expenditure incurred by a candidate, not political parties. Expenditure by a Lok Sabha candidate is capped between Rs 50 lakh and Rs 70 lakh, depending on the state she is fighting from. In Assembly elections, the ceiling is between Rs 20 lakh and Rs 28 lakh. This includes money spent by a political party or a supporter towards the candidate s campaign. However, expenses incurred either by a party or the leader of a party for propagating the party s programme are not covered. Candidates must mandatorily file a true account of election expenses with the EC. An incorrect account, or expenditure beyond the ceiling can attract disqualification for up to three years under Section 10A of The Representation of the People Act, 1951.

Effectiveness of cap

There is evidence to suggest that candidates may be spending beyond their ceilings. An analysis of expenses for the 2014 Lok Sabha elections by the nonprofit Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) found that even though candidates complained that the EC s limits were too low and unrealistic, as many as 176 MPs (33%) had declared election expenses that were less than 50% of the limit in their constituency — indicating that candidates may not be providing true accounts of their poll expenses to the EC. Capping party spends

The Law Commission was against identifying a ceiling for expenditure by parties. The 255th Report on electoral reforms said: It is recommended that the law on this point does not change, namely that there are no caps on party expenditure under the RPA given that it would be very difficult to fix an actual, viable limit of such a cap and then implement such a cap. In any event, as the experience with section 77(1) [which asks candidates to keep correct accounts of all election-related expenditure]… reveals, in the Lok Sabha elections, on average candidates showed election expenditures of 59% of the total expenses limit. There is no reason why the same phenomenon of under-reporting will not transpire amongst parties. It added: Our previous experience in prohibiting corporate donations in 1969 did not lead to a reduction in corporate donations. Instead, in the absence of any alternative model for raising funds, it greatly increased illegal, under the table and black money donations. EC view on party spends

The EC has asked the government to amend the R P Act and Rule 90 of The Conduct of Elections Rules, 1961, to introduce a ceiling on campaign expenditure by political parties in the Lok Sabha and Assembly polls. It should be either 50% of or not more than the






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expenditure ceiling limit provided for the candidate multiplied by the number of candidates of the party contesting the election, the EC has told the Law Ministry. The limit… will ensure level playing field for all political parties and curb the menace of unaccounted money in elections. …It will also control the money power used… by political parties and their allies. Reaction of the parties

The EC s proposal to the Law Ministry on party expenditure was on the agenda of Monday s meeting. All major parties barring the BJP pushed for a cap on their election-related expenses, saying only this could ensure a level playing field. The BJP has argued that since all parties have to mandatorily file their income and expenditure accounts with the EC, there is no need for a ceiling on expenses during elections. The Congress, too, supported a cap on party expenditure, even though it was not as vocal as the regional parties. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

35. Why court acquitted two in 1981 Indian Airlines flight hijack case (Relevant for

GS Mains Paper II; Polity & Governance)

A Delhi court Monday acquitted Tajinderpal Singh and Satnam Singh — two of the five men from the radical Sikh organisation Dal Khalsa who hijacked the Delhi-Srinagar Indian Airlines flight IC423, with 117 on board, to Lahore on September 29, 1981. The trial was initiated under unusual circumstances, which the court described as unique . Satnam s case

Tajinderpal, Satnam, and the other three hijackers — Jasbir Singh Cheema, Gajinder Singh, Karan Singh — were arrested by the Pakistanis on September 30, 1981, tried, and jailed. Upon their release in 1994, the men knocked on the doors of several national governments. Satnam finally returned to India in 1999, and surrendered before an Additional Chief Metropolitan Magistrate (ACMM). He submitted details of the Pakistani trial, and pleaded that since he had already served jail time in that country from September 30, 1981 to October 31, 1994, he could not be criminally prosecuted again. On February 11, 2000, the court, after seeking opinion from Indian government prosecutors, ruled that if put on trial, the case would be hit by double jeopardy , and ordered Satnam s discharge . Tajinderpal s case

In July 2000, Tajinderpal, who had returned to India in December 1997, moved an application for discharge on grounds of parity with Satnam s case. But when the court asked for full records of the case, it was informed that the file had been destroyed, and the police submitted that there was nothing to suggest that Tajinderpal Singh had, in fact, been chargesheeted. The ACMM then directed police to investigate further, especially under the charges of sedition as they were not the charges framed by the Lahore Special Court . On October 1, 2011, police filed a supplementary chargesheet, accusing all five of sedition and waging war against the state, and said they had raised slogans such as Khalistan






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Zindabad , Indira Gandhi Murdabad , Sant Baba Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale Zindabad , and Bharat Sarkar Murdabad . After the court issued non-bailable warrants against the men, Satnam and Tajinderpal moved Delhi High Court (Jasbir, Gajinder and Karan are abroad), which directed them to seek bail from the trial court. Hearings started last year, and the prosecution argued that the case against the accused had been proved through their own admission in their discharge applications. Additional Prosecutor S K Kain told the court that the accused could no longer resile or backtrack from the admissions voluntarily made by them . Counsel for accused Maninder Singh argued that the prosecution must stand on its legs , and mere filing of applications by accused… does not relieve the prosecution to prove its case . The verdict

The court focused on three main points. * Whether the prosecution could prove proper application of mind in the grant of sanction to file a supplementary chargesheet: The police letter for sanction said they had the chargesheet, FIR and other records; however, It has come in the order sheets of the courts that even the main chargesheet, FIR was not available and it could not have been sent to any authority seeking sanction , the court said. * Whether conviction in the absence of records and main chargesheet would be unjustified: The court described the case as unique in that prosecution proceedings were not launched by police, but had rather been initiated by the filing of the discharge application. The court said it was clear that the main chargesheet was not available with police or the court, and even the Ministry of Home Affairs had been unable to trace the documents relating to the first sanction for prosecution. Several things could be verified from the main chargesheet alone, and in its absence, it would be unjustified to convict the accused, the court said. * Whether admissions of the accused in their applications could be acted upon: The court said it was not bound by the Pakistan court s judgment — and even that record was unavailable. Intention and purpose of filing of application for discharge was not to make confessions but was limited to seek discharge of the applicant. Reference of the earlier conviction by the Pakistan Court does justify reasoning in the order of conviction, but was only to highlight that the accused may not be subsequently tried in the court at India and is not proof of positive facts required to proved by prosecution, the Delhi court held. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

36. India s tightrope walk on Maldives (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;


The summoning of the Indian High Commissioner to Maldives, Akhilesh Mishra, by Maldives topmost diplomat, Foreign Secretary Ahmed Sareer, is the latest sign of a lack of trust that has developed between New Delhi and Malé over the last few years.






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The provocation for Sunday s summoning was a tweet by BJP s Rajya Sabha MP Subramanian Swamy on August 24: India should invade Maldives if rigging of election takes place . The tweet included a link to a Maldivian news report on a meeting between Swamy and exiled former Maldives President Mohamed Nasheed in Colombo last week. The Ministry of External Affairs official spokesperson Raveesh Kumar made it clear that Swamy s tweeted opinion is personal , and does not reflect the views of the Indian government. How distance grew

Maldives has emerged as the latest theatre of the geopolitical tussle between India and China, and Malé has been carefully using its newfound proximity to Beijing to make New Delhi wary. With Maldivian elections due on September 23, India does not want to be seen to be as interventionist. The current controversy rings a bell with what Nasheed had sought in February this year, after Emergency was declared by President Abdullah Yameen. Nasheed had tweeted then, seeking India s military intervention to release dissidents in prison. We would like the Indian government to send an envoy, backed by its military, to free the judges and the political detainees, including former President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, from their detention and to bring them to their homes. We are asking for a physical presence. While many in the strategic community recalled the events of 1988, when the Maldives with the help of Indian troops had successfully fended off an attempted invasion by foreign mercenaries, South Block was this time cautious about not heeding such requests for intervention. The Emergency proclamation was seen by New Delhi as an attempt to quell opposition in Maldives. Back then, the Maldives Supreme Court had ordered the release of high-profile prisoners including Nasheed and former Vice President Ahmed Adeeb. It had also reinstated 12 MPs earlier stripped of their seats — in effect giving the Opposition coalition a majority, and making Yameen vulnerable to impeachment. Yameen reacted by ordering the arrest of Supreme Court judges and former President Gayoon, who is also his half-brother. Following this, India constantly urged Maldives to restore democracy, but Emergency continued for 45 days before it was lifted. As relations between the two governments frayed, Malé asked New Delhi to take back two helicopters stationed for medical evacuation and rescue work. Rules were also tightened for Indian workers in the Maldives tourism sector, and work visas are being tightened, causing some worry in Delhi. In June, a prominent leader from the Maldives ruling party, Ahmed Nihan, considered close to Yameen, was not allowed to enter India, prompting Malé to raise the issue with New Delhi. India concerns






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While for the western community, the top priority is restoration of full-fledged democracy where the judiciary and political opposition are not jailed, for India what ranks high is the geopolitical stakes in the island. With the Chinese expanding their footprint in Maldives through the Belt and Road Initiative, as they build massive infrastructure in and around Malé, India also faces an economic challenge with Maldives signing a Free Trade agreement last December during Yameen s visit to China. However, suspicions in Maldives on New Delhi s role have grown after India expressed concern over the announcement of elections without allowing democratic institutions, including Parliament and the judiciary, to work in a free and transparent manner. India said it wanted credible restoration of the political process and the rule of law before the elections are conducted. From India s perspective, it would rather not get drawn into a interventionist role, although it has not objected to targeted sanctions on the Yameen regime imposed by the European Union. India believes it is a responsible power in the region, and as it urges major powers in the world to follow rules-based order , it cannot be seen as not following those rules. We are an aspiring member of the United Nations Security Council. And our record in following the rules-based order will be dented, if we do not follow international rules and decide to intervene in some way in Maldives political situation. That is why we have steered clear of intervening in Maldives, a top government functionary said. For now, India will be watching the elections, where joint opposition candidate Ibrahim Solih will be contesting against Yameen. As the campaign heats up, India expects to be dragged more into the election rhetoric, but it wants to not be a factor in the polls — and that is the reason it chose to distance from Swamy s tweet calling on India to invade if elections are rigged. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

37. TADA to UAPA, what India s terror laws say (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains


Pune Police have said that five prominent human rights activists are being investigated for offences under The Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), 1967, a tough anti-terror law that was last amended in 2012 to give sweeping powers to law-enforcement agencies. Here is how India s central laws against terrorism have evolved over the years. TADA

The Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act, 1987, was at one time the main law used in cases of terrorism and organised crime, but due to rampant misuse, it was allowed to lapse in 1995. The Act defined a terrorist act and disruptive activities , put restrictions on the grant of bail, and gave enhanced power to detain suspects and attach






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properties. The law made a confession before a police officer admissible as evidence. Separate courts were set up to hear cases filed under TADA. POTA

In wake of the 1999 IC-814 hijack and 2001 Parliament attack, there was a clamour for a more stringent anti-terror law, which came in the form of The Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA), 2002. A suspect could be detained for up to 180 days by a special court. The law made fundraising for the purpose of terrorism a terrorist act . A separate chapter to deal with terrorist organisations was included. The Union government could add or remove any organisation from the schedule. However, reports of gross misuse of the Act by some state governments led to its repeal in 2004. UAPA

In 2004, the government chose to strengthen The Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. It was amended to overcome some of the difficulties in its enforcement and to update it in accordance with international commitments. By inserting specific chapters, the amendment criminalised the raising of funds for a terrorist act, holding of the proceeds of terrorism, membership of a terrorist organisation, support to a terrorist organisation, and the raising of funds for a terrorist organisation. It increased the time available to law-enforcement agencies to file a chargesheet to six months from three. The law was amended in 2008 after the Mumbai attacks, and again in 2012. The definition of terrorist act was expanded to include offences that threaten economic security, counterfeiting Indian currency, and procurement of weapons, etc. Additional powers were granted to courts to provide for attachment or forfeiture of property equivalent to the value of the counterfeit Indian currency, or the proceeds of terrorism involved in the offence. The Union Home Secretary told a Parliamentary Committee in 2012 that the proposed amendment in the principal Act was in order to comply with the guidelines of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), an inter-governmental organisation set up in 1989 to develop policies to combat money laundering and terrorist financing. India got FATF membership in 2010 on the assurance that it would make suitable amendments in the Act by March 31, 2012. Non-compliance would lead to diminution of India s stature, and the country could be placed under the enhanced follow up procedure , which would require giving a progress report every four months to the FATF, the 160th Report of the Department-related Committee on Home Affairs noted. The report was tabled on March 28, 2012. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

38. Drone regulations: how, where Indians can fly from December 1 onward


Civil aviation regulator DGCA this week published final guidelines for operating drones or remotely piloted aircraft systems by ordinary citizens. The guidelines come into effect on






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December 1, the date when the civilian use of drones becomes legal in India, subject to various requirements and clearances. Drone types

DGCA has identified multiple categories of drones, which can be broadly classified as Nano (weighing up to 250 g), Micro (more than 250 g but less than 2 kg) and Small and above (weighing 2 kg or more). Before flying

Every drone bigger than Nano must obtain a unique identification number (UIN) from the aviation regulator (similar to the registration number for a car), which must be displayed on the aircraft. A UIN will be issued once, against a fee of Rs 1,000, and will not be issued to a foreign citizen or entity. Users of bigger drones will be required to obtain a Unique Air Operator s Permit (UAOP), similar to a driver s licence. The permit will cost Rs 25,000 and will be valid for five years. Renewals will cost Rs 10,000. The UIN and UAOP can be obtained from the online platform Digital Sky that will go live on December 1. The permits will be issued in less than a week, DGCA officials have said. Flying conditions

All drones other than those in the Nano category must meet mandatory equipment requirements such as GPS, anti-collision light, ID plate, radio-frequency identification (RFID) and SIM facilities with software that ensures no-permission, no-takeoff , among other features. Before flying a Small or bigger drone, an operator has to file a flight plan, and inform the local police, so that the machine can reach a height of 400 ft or more, and use both controlled and uncontrolled airspace. Micro drones will be required to submit a flight plan only if using controlled airspace; the operator must, however, inform the local police in all cases. Many drones used for amateur photography fall in this category. These aircraft will need a UIN but no UAOP, and will be allowed to climb only to a height of 200 ft. Nano drones will be able to operate freely, without any registration or permit, but their operations will be restricted to 50 ft above the ground, and to uncontrolled airspaces and enclosed premises. All those requiring a UAOP must undertake a five-day training programme that will expose them to regulations, basic principles of flight, air traffic control procedures, weather and meteorology, emergency identification and handling, etc. These operators will also have to take written tests and flight simulator tests before they are issued permits. Only during day

All categories of drones must be flown in the visual line of sight, and only during daytime. An item in the DGCA s FAQs says: I am a wedding photographer… Most of the marriages in Northern India happen after sunset. Can I use my (Micro) drone for covering marriages at night? The regulator has replied that while all drone operations are restricted to daylight






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hours, photography using drones is allowed in well-lit enclosed premises. But it would still be mandatory to inform the local police before flying. No-fly zones

The regulator has listed 12 categories of no-drone zones . These include the area up to 5 km from the perimeters of the high-traffic airports of Mumbai, Delhi, Chennai, Kolkata, Bengaluru and Hyderabad. For other airports, the no-drone zone extends up to 3 km. Drones cannot fly closer than 25 km of international borders, including the Line of Control and Line of Actual Control. The area within a 5-km radius of New Delhi s Vijay Chowk is a no-drone zone; this, however, is subject to any additional conditions/restrictions that local law enforcement agencies/authorities may impose for security reasons. A drone can t be flown within 2 km from the perimeter of strategic locations and vital installations notified by the Ministry of Home Affairs, unless cleared by the Ministry; within a 3 km radius of secretariat complexes in state capitals; and from a mobile platform such as a moving vehicle, ship or aircraft. (Adapted from The Indian Express)






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International Organizations & Relations 1. Import of dual-use tech from US: Dual use, multiple benefits (Relevant for GS

Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR)

After 1½ years of negotiations, the US has eased controls on high-technology dual-use exports to India, granting exemption under the Strategic Trade Authorisation-1 list. What is the significance of this move? The background

One of India s key objectives in signing the civil nuclear deal with the United States in 2008 was to gain access to high technology that it had been denied, especially from the 1970s through the 90s. Towards the end of Barack Obama s term as President, the US recognised India as a Major Defence Partner , and committed itself to sharing technology to the same level as its closest allies and partners, and to collaboration for defence co-production and co-development. The status of Major Defence Partner is, however, unique to India. The US either has military alliances such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) or bilateral defence treaties. Indian and American negotiators had to thus sit down to draw up the framework of what the status of a Major Defence Partner would entail. As things stand, the export of defence and dual-use technology by the US is almost always a political call — what Washington DC insiders refer to as political determination . Two factors — US national security, and the recipient s regional stability — are key to the political determination of whether the US will give or deny to another country an item or technology that can be put to both military and civilian use. The US has traditionally had a very restrictive export licensing regime. The Munitions List, which contains defence items and technology, is controlled by the State Department; the Commerce Control List, which has items of dual-use technology, is with the Department of Commerce. In August 2009, Obama announced a comprehensive review of the US export control system with the aim to simplify Cold War era practices that were intended mainly to prevent technologies from falling into Soviet hands, and to make the American tech industry more competitive and create more jobs. Gradual changes have been under way ever since. STA-1 and STA-2

In 2011, as part of the export control reforms initiative, the US government came up with the concept of Strategic Trade Authorisation (STA) — a move towards a licence-free or license exemption regime. Two lists were created — STA-1 and STA-2 — and countries that were not part of either list had to apply for a licence for every item on the Commerce Control List (of dual-use items). STA-1 and STA-2 established a hierarchy among those the US was willing to certify as good countries that would not contribute towards proliferation in the world.






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The STA-1 list has 36 countries — including NATO allies and bilateral treaty allies like Japan, South Korea, and Australia — whose non-proliferation controls the US considers to be the best in the world. These countries are also among those that are part of the four multilateral export control regimes — the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), Australia Group and the Wassenaar Arrangement. STA-1 countries, America s most trusted allies, have licence-free access to almost 90% of dual-use technology, and are eligible to import items that are controlled for reasons of national security, chemical or biological weapons, etc., irrespective of whether the technology or item impacts regional stability or American national security. Countries in the STA-2 list enjoy some form of licensing exemption, but cannot access dual-use items/technology that may impact regional stability, or contribute to nuclear non-proliferation, etc. Before being elevated to STA-1 this week, India was in this list, along with seven other countries — Albania, Hong Kong, Israel, Malta, Singapore, South Africa, and Taiwan. It is important to flag some points here:

* A vast majority of countries remain outside both STA-1 and STA-2, and cannot access high technology from the US without specific licences. * Albania is a NATO member, but is still in STA-2. Israel, a major US ally, is not in STA-1. The Philippines, another major non-NATO ally, is on neither list. * China and Pakistan, too, are on neither list. Expectedly, Russia isn t either. Coming closer

For India s government, scientific community, and the defence and high-technology industry, the move from STA-2 to STA-1 is a leap. New Delhi considers the STA-1 list as the holy grail of the Indo-US defence partnership. Membership of this elite club of US allies is

expected to lead to greater high-technology trade and commerce. According to US estimates, India s not being part of STA-1 has resulted in a lost opportunity worth $10 billion over the last seven years since 2011. For the Indian high-tech industry, being part of STA-1 could open up doors for both sales and manufacturing in India. Industry can set up manufacturing bases in India without worrying whether the licence will come through. Even third countries seeking to set up high-technology manufacturing units that require import of dual-use equipment from the US, will not have to go through the process of obtaining a licence, a source said. This, the source said, was important in boosting confidence — earlier, one would not even go for an exam because one feared one would fail. The fact that India is now part of STA-1, despite not being member of all four multilateral export control regimes, is a testament to its non-proliferation credentials. (China has been blocking India s entry into the NSG.) Ahead of the 2+2 dialogue between the Indian and US Foreign and Defence Ministers on September 6, this is a major takeaway, as India inches






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closer to realising the potential of being a Major Defence Partner of the US. Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Raveesh Kumar has described the decision to put India in STA-1 a logical culmination of its 2016 designation as Major Defence Partner, and a reaffirmation of its impeccable record as a responsible member of multilateral export

control regimes. In the longer arc of India-US relations, another step has been taken to overcome the hesitations of history , and to forge closer defence and commerce partnerships, notwithstanding the political change in Washington DC. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

2. Hope in Harare? — on victory in Zimbabwe elections (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS

Mains Paper II; IOBR)

President election result

Mnangagwa's victory as President in general election confers popular legitimacy on Emmerson Mnangagwa, Zimbabwe s military-installed leader since November 2017. The two-thirds majority for the ruling Zanu-PF party in Parliament will tighten its control over state institutions. There had been palpable relief in Harare when the 37-year-long dictatorship of the veteran liberation leader Robert Mugabe was brought to an end in a soft coup last year. Why are the elections important? : The first since Mugabe

This election is the first in decades without Robert Mugabe, 94, Zimbabwe s ruler for 37 years who once declared he could be removed from power only by God, but who was forced to resign in November last year following moves to impeach him. For many years, Mugabe s main opponent was Morgan Tsvangirai, Prime Minister from 2009 to 2013, and who contested for President against Mugabe in 2002 and 2008. Following Tsvangirai s death this February, Monday s election was fought between 75-year-old Mnangagwa (who succeeded Mugabe as President) and Nelson Chamisa, 40, the new leader of the MDC. Another 21 minor candidates were also in the fray. Fifty-five parties contested the election for Parliament. There were over 56 lakh voters, 43.5% of whom were under age 35. International scrutiny

Unlike Mugabe, Mnangagwa allowed international and regional observers for the election. This was the first time in 16 years that representatives from the European Union, US and the Commonwealth — countries that the former President thought were hostile to him — monitored a Zimbabwean vote. On Wednesday, the observers were divided in their assessment of the election — the EU delegation said there was an improved political climate, but un-level playing field and lack of trust and underlined bias in the media and intimidation of voters, while the African Union team and the Southern African Development Community observers said the elections had been peaceful and lawful, the BBC reported. Impact on economy

Tawanda Majoni, national coordinator at the media advocacy group Information for Development Trust, told The New York Times that irrespective of the outcome, the vote could potentially help transform Zimbabwe s economy, as long as the results were not






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contested. If the ruling post-Mugabe establishment wins to form a government on its own, the results may be contested, meaning that the resulting government may lack legitimacy among key international powers and aid providers, Majoni was quoted as saying. On the other hand, if the opposition wins and the current government, in which the military has a high stake, accepts the outcome, this may also encourage international investors, development agencies and embassies to render substantial economic, social and political support . Mugabe faced widespread international criticism for alleged electoral fraud, and its struggling economy suffered further as a result of the sanctions it faced.

(Adapted from The Hindu and The Indian Express)

3. 10th BRICS Summit: Analysis (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR)

The 2018 BRICS summit is the tenth annual BRICS summit, an international relations conference attended by the heads of state or heads of government of the five-member states Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. The summit was held in Johannesburg, South Africa, the second time the South Africa has hosted the summit after the 2013 summit. This years theme 'BRICS in Africa' As the BRICS Summit completes 10 years, it is time to look back at the impact, economic clout and the political heft that the group has gained in the last 10 years while looking at ways to consolidate it. What leaders of five countries said and ignored?

1. Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa

The very fact that Cyril Ramaphosa has extended a State Visit invitation to Chinese President Xi Jinping, but not to Putin and Modi clearly indicates the way South Africa is veering towards. In fact, Ramaphosa, during the BRICS meet, conveyed to Russia their intent of not going ahead with the nuclear deal. The nuclear deal was signed between Russian President Vladimir Putin and former South African President Jacob Zuma, but Ramaphosa obviously wants a more diversified energy mix. The South African economy is stagnating and its GDP is unlikely to expand in a big way going forth. For now, South Africa appears to be riding the Chinese bandwagon and does not intend to dismount any time soon. While Ramaphosa has spoken extensively about a larger BRICS cooperation, it is quite clear that South Africa will prefer the Chinese leadership for now. 2. Xi Jinping of China – Singular agenda on American unilateralism

Xi Jinping, perhaps, came to Africa with a huge advantage. With China offering a blank checkbook plus a virtually captive market for all minerals from Africa, Xi s hold was almost unassailable. His problems were elsewhere and that was apparent in his speech.






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Xi s problem is the trade war. Judging from the way he ranted against American unilateralism, it was clear that Trump had surely hit China where it hurts. Trump realizes that with the US running a trade deficit of $376bn with China, they are fighting a battle where Trump can certainly outlast Xi. And that desperation was evident in the manner in which Xi called upon the BRICS nations to rise against the US. Xi, perhaps, realizes that closer cooperation within the BRICS is not possible if there is a trust deficit with India. Surprisingly, there was little mention of counter-terrorism or the commitment to curb terrorist groups in neighboring Pakistan. Xi s silence on these matters makes it clear that China does not desire to compromise on its expansionist aspirations, either in the South China Sea or via the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). 3. Prime Minister Narendra Modi – Spoken word and the unspoken message

Modi s eight-minute speech was almost entirely devoted to being eloquent about the Fourth Industrial Revolution . Modi s point was that the BRICS had missed the earlier

industrial revolutions and could not afford to miss the fourth revolution that is being driven by big data, artificial intelligence, machine learning, robotics, and digital platforms. Modi realizes that with services accounting for over 60% of India s GDP, the country stands the best chance of leveraging on this industrial revolution 4.0. Not surprisingly, his entire speech was focused on the nuances of the new idea and the urgent need for re-skilling in a dynamic world. But what Modi left unsaid was more critical. There was virtually no mention about the trade war, making it clear that while he was all for free trade, he would do little in the trade war between the US and China. At least, the message to Xi was that he could expect little cooperation from India unless there was tangible evidence of China respecting India s sovereignty and its borders. That message, though unsaid, was heard loud and clear. 4. Vladimir Putin of Russia – The Said and the Unsaid

While Putin did pay lip service to the trade war and the need for free trade, Russia did not seem overly worried about the United States trade war. Putin significantly spoke about expanding the BRICS Bank s presence well beyond China, obviously seeking to limit Chinese influence in the group. Putin realizes that two of the BRICS economies (Brazil and South Africa) are overly dependent on China s gluttonous appetite for resources. Chinese demand and Chinese investments will continue to be the primary drivers for Brazil and South Africa in the foreseeable future. Putin has subtly hinted at India and Russia acting as a counterweight to Chinese influence. Putin obviously had a much bigger agenda as well. The recent US sanctions have made Russia almost a pariah in the US and across most of Europe. Putin is obviously looking at a powerful bloc with whom he can share warm relations. The BRICS offers him exactly that. Putin would be more interested in finding buyers for his two principal exports, viz. energy and arms, and that has been a disappointment for Putin at the BRICS summit.






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5. Michel Temer of Brazil – Dealing with Economic Troubles

Meanwhile, Brazilian President Michel Temer has enough problems of his own, including weak commodity prices, US trade tariffs, and rising inflation, among others, to deal with. His primary focus would be to consolidate the national economy and get guarantees on trade from large economies, especially China. As the BRICS Summit completes 10 years, it is time to look back at the impact, economic clout and the political heft that the group has gained in the last 10 years while looking at ways to consolidate it. That could be the agenda for the next decade of BRICS! (Adapted from www.indiainfoline.com)

4. What lies behind India s Africa outreach? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper

II; IOBR)

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping have visited Rwanda within a few hours of each other, before going for BRICS meet last month. Modi went on to Uganda, while Xi is visiting Senegal and Mauritius. Why Rwanda, the country Modi became the first Indian Prime Minister (and Xi the

first Chinese President) to visit?

It is one of Africa s fastest growing economies, and President Paul Kagame is chair of the African Union. India signed two loan agreements worth $ 100 million each for investments in agriculture and the development of special economic zones; China gave a loan of $126 million to build two roads. After the end of its civil war, Rwanda is moving steadily on the path of recovery and national reconciliation. About 3,000 Indian nationals and PIOs live in the country — its only sugar refinery, only modern textile mill, and a soap and cosmetic factory are all PIO-owned. The Rwandans have always had a positive attitude towards the Indian community. During the infamous 1994 genocide — in which an estimated 500,000 to a million Rwandans, mostly Tutsis, were massacred in a window of 100-odd days — no Indian was killed or injured, and neither the government forces nor Kagame s Rwandan Patriotic Front interfered with the evacuation of Indian nationals by the Indian government from Rwanda to Bujumbura (Burundi) and Nairobi (Kenya). India-Rwanda bilateral relations have been cordial and have grown steadily over the years. In 1999, Rwanda officially opened its mission in New Delhi and posted a charge d affaires; in 2001, it appointed its first resident ambassador in New Delhi. India has taken a decision to open a diplomatic mission in Kigali, the capital of Rwanda, and the modalities are being worked on. Relations with Uganda





http://www.indiainfoline.com/


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In Uganda, India established its diplomatic presence in 1965, even though the countries relationship dates back to the era when traders ferried goods in dhows across the Indian Ocean. Eventually a number of Indians settled in East Africa, and many made Uganda their home. India s freedom struggle inspired early Ugandan activists to fight colonialism, and the country achieved freedom in 1962. Under President Idi Amin in the early 70s, nearly 60,000 Indians and persons of Indian origin were expelled from Uganda. President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, who came to power in 1986 and continues to rule Uganda, however, reversed his country s anti-Indian policies. Modi s visit to these countries is a reflection of the intensity and seriousness of New Delhi s engagement with Africa, which got a fillip with the visit of more than 40 Heads of State and Government for the 3rd India-Africa Forum Summit in October 2015, and of several other Heads during the International Solar Alliance (ISA) Founding Conference this March. President Kagame visited India to participate in the Vibrant Gujarat Global Summit 2017, and again the following year for the ISA conference. Uganda is currently chair of the East African Community. There are over 30,000 Indians/PIOs in the country, and President Museveni is credited with inviting back many Indians and assuring them of their safety and security. He has also been hosting the Indian community for Diwali dinners in the State House. With both Rwanda and Uganda, India signed defence cooperation agreements — a

key takeaway from Modi s visits.

While India s structured outreach to Africa began in 2008, China was quicker — President Jiang Zemin began the process in 2000, with the first ministerial meeting of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in Beijing. Africa, in many ways, has been a learning ground for China s international role. What China has been doing in the continent must be watched closely as it showcases the future of Chinese power… It was the Sudan conflict where China first took a proactive position on an internationally significant conflict; it was in Mali that China sent its first combatant unit under the UN peacekeeping framework in 2013; and Djibouti will be the first location of the People s Liberation Army s overseas base, researcher Avinash Godbole wrote in a 2015 paper, China s Deepening Engagement with Africa and Its Implications, for the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA). (Adapted from The Indian Express)

5. Re-imposed US sanctions on Iran kick in — what they are, what it means (Relevant

for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR)

On May 8, President Donald Trump took the United States out of the nuclear deal between Iran and the P5+1 — formally the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) reached in July 2015 and implemented from January 2016 — and announced a phased reimposition of sanctions at the end of two wind-down periods of 90 and 180 days. The 90-day window closed Monday, and the first set of sanctions was to snap back at 12.01 am EDT (9.31 am India time) Tuesday.






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Which sanctions, when

In the National Security Presidential Memorandum issued May 8, Trump directed the Secretary of State and the Secretary of Treasury to draw up a roadmap for a return to a full-sanctions regime. According to an explanatory document posted on the website of the Treasury Department, updated June 27, the following sanctions will snap back starting Tuesday: * On Iran buying/acquiring US dollars; * On Iran s trade in gold/precious metals; * On direct or indirect sale or supply from or to Iran of graphite, aluminum, steel, coal, software for integrating industrial processes; * On significant transactions related to purchase or sale of Iranian rials, or maintenance of significant funds or accounts in rials outside Iran;

* On buying or facilitating the issuance of Iranian sovereign debt; and * On Iran s automotive sector. The import of Iranian carpets and foodstuffs will also be stopped after Tuesday. The second wind-down window of 180 days closes on November 4. The additional three months are available to companies in Iran s energy, infrastructure and financial sectors. Thereafter, sanctions will return on:

* Iranian port, shipping and shipbuilding operations; * Purchase of petroleum and petroleum products from Iran; * Transactions by foreign financial institutions with the Iranian central bank and financial institutions; * Providing underwriting, insurance, or reinsurance services in Iran; and * Iran s energy sector. Impact of sanctions

The sanctions re-imposed are extraterritorial — they apply to not just American individuals and businesses, but to non-American businesses or individuals as well. Their aim is to penalize trade and investment activity related to Iran by everyone who is not specifically excluded from the sanctions.






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Many big international companies have shuttered their Iranian businesses already or are preparing to do so. The European guarantors of the JCPOA issued a joint statement Monday saying they regretted Trump s decision to pull out of the deal, and Tehran declared that American efforts to isolate Iran had ended up isolating Washington DC, instead. We deeply regret the re-imposition of sanctions by the US… the JCPOA is working and

delivering on its goal, namely to ensure that the Iranian (nuclear) program remains exclusively peaceful, as confirmed by the International Atomic Energy Agency, the statement, signed by the EU s High Representative for Foreign Affairs Federica Mogherini, and the French, German and British Foreign Ministers, Jean-Yves Le Drian, Heiko Maas, and Jeremy Hunt respectively. Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif said while American bullying and political pressures may cause some disruption, the fact is that in the current world, America is isolated . The Europeans statements of outrage notwithstanding, many economists and strategic affairs experts question their ability and determination to stand by Tehran in a direct with-us-or-against-us confrontation with the US, more so if that means joining hands with

China and Russia. Iran s economy, which is heavily dependent on oil exports, has taken a hit since May as companies have called off deals and cancelled investments, and the rial has crashed to half of its April value. The US has told third countries they must halt imports of Iranian oil or face US sanctions. During a meeting in June, US Ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley asked Prime Minister Narendra Modi to lessen India s dependence on Iranian oil. India s official position so far has been that it can get oil from anywhere depending on geopolitics and the national interest.

What happens next

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo declared Sunday that the US was going to enforce the (reimposed) sanctions until there is enormous change on the part of the Iranian regime . Iran, he said, was being led by bad actors who were engaged in malign activity , and demanded that they ve got to behave like a normal country . Wire services quoted unnamed European diplomats as saying such language was essentially code for a regime change demand by the US. They expressed apprehensions that should Iran s government really collapse, the outcome could be catastrophic, and could include civil war or a total or partial takeover by radicals — similar to what happened in Syria or Iraq — and a massive new refugee crisis for Europe. Pompeo said the Iranian people were unhappy not with the Americans but with their own leadership . (Adapted from The Indian Express)

6. Dissent & diplomacy: on the Saudi-Canada spat (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains

Paper II; IOBR)

Saudi-Canada spat






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Saudi Arabia s furious response to Canada s criticism of the arrest of rights activists in the Kingdom once again calls into question Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman s professed commitment to reform. Having ascended last June to be second in line to the throne, he had promised progressive economic and political change. Since then, Saudi Arabia has allowed women to drive, cracked down on hardliners among the clergy and projected itself as a moderate Islamic country that respects people s rights, compared to extremist Iran . What has happened recently?

But when Canadian Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland called for the release of Samar Badawi, a Saudi women s rights activist who was detained last week, and her brother Raif Badawi, Riyadh took a series of unilateral steps. Terming Ms. Freeland s appeal as interference in its domestic affairs, it expelled the Canadian Ambassador, called back its envoy from Ottawa, froze trade with Canada and said it would transfer out some 12,000 Saudi citizens studying in Canadian universities. Ms. Badawi has long campaigned against Saudi Arabia s guardianship laws that require all Saudi women to have a male guardian. Riyadh is yet to give reasons for the arrest. Her brother, who ran a website critical of the Saudi religious establishment, was sentenced to 10 years in jail and 1,000 lashes in 2014. Against the reformist agenda of Saudi Arabia

On overseas visits, Prince Mohammed has dwelt on his plan to improve women s rights and strengthen the economy. He is also obliquely critical of the guardianship laws, saying they did not exist in Saudi Arabia before 1979 — the year of the Iranian revolution and the siege of the Grand Mosque at Mecca. But despite this rhetoric on rights, the palace has shown little tolerance of political criticism at home. Since May, many women s rights activists have been detained. In addition, dozens of lawyers, human rights defenders and intellectuals have been arrested since September 2017. What is the stand of Canada?

Interestingly, while most Western governments refrain from commenting on the crackdown against dissent in Saudi Arabia, Canada has given refuge to Mr. Badawi s wife and children. For Canada, the spat could prove costly. Saudi Arabia is its second largest export destination in West Asia. The two countries have signed a $12 billion arms deal, which is still in the works. But despite the aggressive Saudi response, Ottawa had stood by its Foreign Minister, saying it will continue to back the protection of human rights, including women s rights . For Prince Mohammed, the diplomatic crisis is an opportunity to rethink the Kingdom s approach towards dissent and diplomacy. If he is indeed serious about reform, Riyadh should be lenient towards its advocates. Taking vengeful action against those who stand by rights activists will neither help Saudi Arabia s image nor attract investment into the country. (Adapted from The Hindu)

7. Tight-fisted neighbour? Indian aid to SAARC nations falls (Relevant for GS Prelims,

GS Mains Paper II; IOBR)

Level of financial assistance to neighbours






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Going by government data, assistance fell from Rs. 5,928.6 crore for 2013-14 to Rs. 3,483.6 crore for 2017-18; but Maldives has been an outlier, despite the dip in ties India s financial assistance to SAARC neighbours declined considerably in the past five years, a reply by the government in Parliament this week showed. According to the figures, the GA actually fell from Rs. 5,928.6 crore for 2013-14 to Rs. 3,483.6 crore for 2017-18 for Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, the Maldives, Nepal and Sri Lanka combined. Trend over the years

Significantly, the drop for most SAARC countries was most steep in 2014, the year the NDA government launched its tenure with the Neighbourhood First slogan. The one exception was the Maldives, to which Indian assistance has been consistently increasing year on year since 2013, despite the dip in bilateral ties. The Maldives is the only country of the grouping that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has not yet visited, and despite rising tensions between New Delhi and Male over the conduct of elections this year and the crackdown on the Opposition parties by President Abdulla Yameen, Indian largesse appears to have increased ten-fold to the islands: from Rs. 9.67 crore in 2013-14 to Rs.109.24 crore.

Explanation by officials

However, officials gave a number of explanations for the downtrend. Our commitment to the neighbourhood has never been as strong, said an Indian diplomat now serving in the region, explaining that the GA figures did not include the lines of credit extended to Nepal,






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Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. These lines of credit are given at the minimal interest rates of 1-2%, the official explained, compared with loans offered by China at 6-7%. Another South Block official strongly denied the contention that the declining figures showed a flagging interest in the government s neighbourhood policy. The official said financial assistance had a cyclical nature, and the GA figures for 2018-19 were expected to be higher for each of the countries involved. When asked, officials conceded that one of the major reasons for the decline was that many projects had been completed in the neighbourhood, and there were fewer projects started in the period since 2014. Where was aid utilized?

In Afghanistan, India has shifted to work on small development projects (SDPs) rather than the ambitious highways, dams and big building projects that were started in 2008-09. In Bangladesh, the main grant for land acquisition for the Akhaura-Agartala rail last link project has now been completed. In Bhutan, which has always received the largest share of Indian assistance, the assistance required for major hydroelectric power plants like Punatsanghchu 1 and 2 and Mangdechu has been disbursed 75-90%, said officials, while Indian assistance to Bhutan s 11th five-year plan (2013-2017) has been handed over nearly fully. In Sri Lanka, the decline was explained by delays in land acquisition for 15,000 homes to be built by India in the plantation areas, though the work on 45,000 homes in the north and east of the island has been completed. India is still completing three main projects in Maldives: a police academy, a coastal radar project, and the refit of MNDF ship Huravee. An offer to build a new Defence Ministry building is pending, which explains why the Maldives alone the outlier to an otherwise declining trend in neighborhood aid is. (Adapted from The Hindu)

8. Mnangagwa, Zimbabwe s new hope (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;

IOBR)

Zimbabwe s newly elected President, Emerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa of the Zanu-PF party, has seldom shrunk from the rough and tumble of realpolitik. Born in a family of farmers, the septuagenarian veteran had come ominously close to being executed for plotting to blow up a rail line during the nation s liberation struggle from Britain. The sentence was commuted to a prolonged jail term because he was a minor at the time. How did he replace Mugabe?

Last November, when Mr. Mnangagwa was dismissed as Vice-President of the southern African nation by the deposed dictator of 37 years, Robert Mugabe, history was merely repeating itself. He was elevated to that position in late 2014, in a sequel to the removal of Mr. Mugabe s No. 2 at the time and a potential heir-apparent. In a strange irony, the victory against Joice Mujuru also meant a recompense for Mr. Mnangagwa s failed bid for the vice-






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presidency a decade earlier. When the 2017 version of Harare s palace intrigue began to unfold, it was also time for independent Zimbabwe s history to be rewritten. Mr. Mnangagwa went briefly into exile, but returned as the popularly hailed, even if army-installed, President, dealing a decisive blow to the machinations of the former first lady. Why is he controversial?

The long career of President Mnangagwa, a known hardliner and Mugabe loyalist, is inevitably intertwined with Harare s descent into authoritarianism under his mentor. As the country s intelligence chief in the 1980s, critics hold Mr. Mnangagwa accountable for the Gukurahundi massacre of thousands of civilians by Mr. Mugabe s Fifth Brigade. His role in the appropriation of agricultural land from the white minorities has also come under sharp criticism. In more recent years, Mr. Mnangagwa has nurtured his presidential ambitions through the Team Lacoste faction — an allusion to the liberation army — within the Zanu-PF, against the rival Generation 40 group. On assuming charge last November, Mr. Mnangagwa assured a hopeful nation that his writ would be the people s will, assuaging concerns that the new President might end up being a prisoner of the past. He invited international observers, expelled for years, to monitor the general election, which he promised would be free and fair. In a positive signal to investors, the government agreed to ease the requirement for overseas firms to give a 51% stake to local partners. Mr. Mnangagwa also stressed that all other sectors, except diamonds and platinum, were open for foreign investment. The new narrative was broadly corroborated by evidence of a transparent voter registration system, freedom of expression and absence of intimidation of the Opposition. The climate in the run-up to the July 29 vote fuelled expectations that the election would bestow popular legitimacy on the new President, handing him a mandate to implement political and economic reforms. But the post-poll scenario has been marred by violence and fatalities familiar from the Mugabe era. The Opposition Movement for Democratic Change and international monitors have alleged that the defence forces were behind the atrocities. What s the way forward?

Against this backdrop, the President s urgent priority is to live up to the trust reposed in him by millions only months ago to liberate the nation from dictatorship and lift them out of poverty. For his part, Mr. Mnangagwa is keen to reopen the country to foreign investment, to re-engage with multilateral lenders and rejoin the British Commonwealth. Western capitals have been enthusiastic about building bridges with Harare, once a regional export hub and home to a vast educated population. But they have insisted on adherence to democratic standards and respect for human rights as preconditions for debt relief. Over these many years, Mr. Mnangagwa has burnished his credentials as a more pragmatic than ideological politician, unlike his strongman predecessor. Count on him to renew ties with the West, but without compromising the close economic bonds built with China. The latter, after all, comes with fewer strings attached. (Adapted from The Hindu)






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9. Why Antigua and Barbuda for citizenship? (Relevant for GS prelims, GS Mains II;

IOBR)

Fugitive Mehul Choksi has paid for and got citizenship in Antigua and Barbuda, with which India has now notified an extradition deal. Will it help bring Choksi back? Where else can the wealthy buy citizenship? India last week notified an extradition arrangement with Antigua and Barbuda, where fugitive businessman Mehul Choksi, an accused along with his nephew Nirav Modi in the Rs 13,600-crore PNB scam, has acquired citizenship. There have been other Indian businessmen who, wanted by law, have obtained citizenship of countries with which either there is no extradition treaty or the legal process is so tedious that the fugitive cannot be extradited after acquiring citizenship. To what extent does such citizenship protect a fugitive from Indian law? What options does India have in getting the fugitive back? What is attractive about an Antigua and Barbuda passport?

Citizenship there can be easily obtained by investment, either in the country s National Development Fund with a contribution of $100,000, or in real estate and approved business projects. The applicant cannot change his/her name, according to a 2014 decision by the country s cabinet. As per a 2018 ranking by Henley s Global Residence and Citizenship Program, Antigua s passport is the 25th most powerful and provides visa-free access to 149 countries. A citizenship-by-investment request is processed in less than 3 months, and anyone who has stayed for 5 days in 5 years is eligible. Choksi applied in November 2017 and took oath in January. Citizens of Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, North Korea, Somalia, Yemen and Sudan cannot obtain citizenship of Antigua and Barbuda.

Where else can citizenship be bought?

Five other countries are listed in a 2015 report by the International Monetary Fund (see map). Among these is Malta, whose passport is among the most powerful (Henley s rank 7,






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with visa-free access to 182 destinations). Many other countries offer residency — rather than citizenship — in return for investment, including Australia, Bulgaria, the US, the UK and New Zealand. The qualifying period for residency varies (see table).

Why do countries offer such options?

It can encourage investment. For example, in St Kitts and Nevis, the money flowing into the public sector from the economic citizenship programme grew to nearly 25% of the country s GDP in 2013.

How popular is this option with Indians?

Many Indians have obtained foreign citizenship for various reasons. Only a handful of them have been fugitives from law — in 2013, Winsome group owner Jatin Mehta, accused of bank frauds amounting to Rs 7,000 crore, and his wife acquired citizenship of St Kitts and Nevis. Common reasons for migration of wealthy individuals, according to a 2018 AfrAsia Global Wealth Migration review, include safety, climate, financial concerns, opportunities for education and work/business, and standard of living. A large number who get residency in a country, however, never actually move there. When someone like Choksi takes citizenship abroad, does he not lose his Indian

citizenship automatically?

India s Citizenship Act does not allow dual citizenship. If a Person of Indian Origin (PIO) acquires foreign citizenship, the Act requires that s/he surrenders his/her Indian passports.






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Can India not act against them?

It is difficult for authorities to keep a tab on a person who has not surrendered his/her Indian passport after becoming a citizen in another country. Such cases come to light only if a probe is on. Even after acquiring citizenship abroad, many PIOs continue to use Indian passports, and others apply for fresh passports by suppressing the fact that they are citizens elsewhere. These are offences under the Indian Passport Act, 1967. Under the Renunciation of Citizenship Rules, the Indian passport must be surrendered within 90 days of obtaining a foreign naturalisation certificate. Penalties depend on the number of trips made on the Indian passport after acquiring foreign nationality, and for retention of the Indian passport for more than three years after. In Choksi s case, he lost his Indian citizenship the moment he became a citizen of Antigua and Barbuda. However, as per a 2009 circular from the Consular, Passport and Visa division of the External Affairs Ministry, such a PIO may use the Indian passport for three months unless it is revoked by the authorities. Will the new extradition arrangement help India get Choksi back?

Although Interpol has issued a red corner notice (RCN) against Choksi, and Antigua and Barbuda is an Interpol member, this does not ensure his arrest by member countries. India has thousands of RCNs pending against fugitives yet to be arrested. While an extradition treaty would allow India to push for custody of Choksi, extradition is a judicial process and may take years since the accused has the right to appeal in court. On the other hand, deportation is a quicker process if New Delhi can use its diplomatic clout. India does not have extradition treaties with the other five countries where citizenship can be bought instantly. However, being member of the Commonwealth, New Delhi can rely on various laws in seeking to bring back a fugitive from another member nation. Can citizenship by investment be revoked?

Rules on revocation differ from one country to another. Citizenship can be revoked if it has been obtained by false representation or concealment of facts. Some countries also cancel citizenship if the person has been convicted of an offence. However, the individual whose citizenship has been revoked has the right of appeal to the court of that country. In 2015, gangster Chhota Rajan was traced by Interpol after he had applied for a visa and a resident permit, and furnished his fingerprints. Invesigators in Australia sent fingerprints to India through Interpol, and the gangster was arrested. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

10. On road to Mandalay, beyond (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR)

India and Myanmar opened two land border crossings last week. But weren t these

crossings already open?

On August 8, the two countries operationalised a Land Border Crossing Agreement that had been in the pipeline for long, and which they signed on May 11 during External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj s visit to Myanmar. The key change as a result is that any Myanmarese or Indian national with a valid passport and visa can now cross over without requiring special permission. The two crossing points are at Moreh in Manipur, opposite






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Tamu in Myanmar s Sagaing division, and Zokhawthar in Mizoram, opposite Rhikhawdar in Myanmar s Chin state. Earlier, these crossing points were meant only for people of the border villages on either side — for family visits, buying and selling in the border markets and, from the Myanmar side, to consult doctors or get diagnostic tests done. Border passes valid for up to three days were issued for these visits, and travel was restricted to 16 km from the crossing point. Passes were issued to other citizens, but they could not stay overnight across the border. Indian citizens could travel to Tamu for a day visit with a pass costing Rs 20. To travel further on either side, cross-border visitors needed special permits. For Indians, the process had to be initiated by a Myanmar-based travel agent and, in many cases, needed approval from no less than the President of Myanmar. Under the new regime, local residents will continue to have the right to cross over with a border pass within 16 km. For all others with a passport and visa, the crossing points will be open routinely to travel anywhere in the other country. Does that mean you can now drive across to Myanmar in your own vehicle?

Not until the two countries sign a Motor Vehicles Agreement. The Land Border Agreement is 50% of the work done, the other 50% is the Motor Vehicles Agreement, India s Ambassador to Myanmar Vikram Misri told The Indian Express. The Motor Vehicles Agreement, first proposed in 2015, is envisaged to include Thailand, too — India is building a Trilateral Highway connecting the three countries as a key element of its Act East policy. The Trilateral Highway is aimed at increasing trade, tourism and people-to-people contact with ASEAN, through Myanmar and Thailand. V S Seshadri, a former Ambassador to Myanmar, told The Indian Express that the operationalising of the Land Border Agreement was a signal to tour operators to get their act together on travel groups, especially for pilgrimage to Indian Buddhist sites. During Prime Minister Manmohan Singh s 2012 visit to Myanmar, he and then Myanmar President Thein Sein had agreed on an Imphal-Mandalay bus service, and a trial run was held in December 2015. Last year, during Prime Minister Narendra Modi s visit, the modalities of the cross-border service were discussed. However, finalisation has to flow from a Motor Vehicles Agreement — until then, officials said, bus services up to the border on either side, depending on the numbers of travellers, could serve the purpose. India has a 1,643-km border with Myanmar in four Northeastern states. Myanmarese Buddhist pilgrims, medical tourists, and students travel to India. Thousands of Manipuris live in and around Mandalay; going to Imphal for them until now meant taking a flight from Yangon to Kolkata. With the opening of the border crossing, the 110-km journey from Imphal to Moreh will take about three hours, and from Tamu to Mandalay another four. A pilgrim from Mandalay need not go to Yangon anymore, and instead could head to Imphal by road and then fly to Bodhgaya. Where does the work on the Trilateral Highway stand?






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First proposed in 2002 by India, the Trilateral Highway was intended to connect India to Thailand, and beyond to Cambodia, Laos through Myanmar, and promote trade, business, tourism and people-to-people contacts, and spur the economic development of the Northeast. It was scheduled to open in 2016, but is now expected to be completed only by 2021. The road goes from Moreh/Tamu, and across Myanmar to Mae Sot in Thailand, covering a distance of nearly 2,000 km.

In March, Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs V K Singh told Rajya Sabha that on a section of the Trilateral Highway — the Tamu-Kyigone-Kalewa (TKK) Road, also known as Friendship Road, constructed and upgraded by the Border Roads Organisation






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and handed over to the government of Myanmar in 2009 — India is repairing 69 bridges. It is also constructing/upgrading the Kalewa-Yagyi section of the highway in Myanmar. Both these projects pass through challenging geographical terrain that prolonged the

process of project design and selection of executing agencies, the Minister said. The second land border crossing at Zokhawthar-Rhikhawdar will be connected to the Trilateral Highway at Kalemyo, near Kalewa. Besides the Trilateral Highway, India is also executing the ambitious $484 million Kaladan Mutlimodal Transport Project, to link the Indian mainland to the Northeastern states via Myanmar. Under this project, loaded freight ships will leave Kolkata port and dock at Sittwe, a port in Myanmar s Rakhine province. There, the goods will be loaded on barges that will transport them upstream on the Kaladan river to Paletwa. From Paletwa to Zorinpui on the Mizoram border, and further inland into the Northeast, the goods will be transported by road. While the dredging of the Kaladan, the construction of the unloading and loading terminals at Sittwe port and Paletwa have been completed, and seven barges readied and handed over to the Myanmar government, the road remains a work in progress. The 109-km road construction project from Paletwa to Zorinpui began only in April this year, and given the challenging terrain, the deadline of 2019 is unlikely to be met. The road from Zorinpui to the nearest National Highway also needs to be upgraded. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

11. Siege of Ghazni: On the Taliban offensive (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains

Paper II; IOBR)

The massive Taliban assault on the strategically important Ghazni city in southeastern Afghanistan has exposed the vulnerabilities of Afghan troops once again. If the city falls, it could alter the balance in the stalemated war, rendering the government in Kabul more vulnerable. Importance of Ghazni

Ghazni is about 150 km from Kabul, and is close to a major highway connecting the capital to the south, the Taliban s stronghold. Some neighbouring provinces border the tribal areas of Pakistan, from where militants travel freely to and from Afghanistan. About Ghazni attack

The assault was not unexpected. For months, Taliban fighters have been surrounding the city, and had even started collecting taxes on its outskirts. Yet, the government failed to make the first move, boost the city s defences or prepare it for the eventual assault. On August 10, when about 1,000 Taliban fighters advanced into Ghazni, the security forces did not put up a strong enough fight. They retreated to defend the main government buildings, allowing the militants to take positions elsewhere. They are now fighting back, with help






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from the U.S. Air Force. But since the assault began, and with at least 100 security personnel and over 20 civilians dead, government troops are yet to make any major progress in beating back the Taliban. Reduction in chances of peace

Curiously, the attack has happened at a time when the Afghan and U.S. governments have been pushing for talks with the Taliban. Recently, American diplomats met Taliban representatives in Doha, and Kabul was preparing for a second ceasefire after a brief truce by both sides for Id. The Taliban s strategy, as it is emerging, is to make maximum military gains before entering into talks. Rising Taliban

On the other side, the challenge before the Afghan government and the U.S. is to reverse the Taliban s momentum. If they want to extract compromises from the Taliban, they need to first increase military pressure on the group. The Trump administration has boosted American troop presence in the country, which now stands at 14,000. It has also stepped up its air campaign against the militants. But despite these measures, government troops have failed to make any breakthrough. In recent months the Taliban has captured several districts and carried out attacks almost on a daily basis across the country — almost 44% of Afghanistan s 398 districts are controlled or contested by the insurgents. They may have failed to capture any major urban centre, but that hasn t deterred them from trying. Over the past two years, the Taliban carried out suicide attacks on Kunduz and Farah. And now, Ghazni is under attack. President Ashraf Ghani s government, grappling with infighting and corruption among other problems, appears clueless about how to prevent a Taliban advance. Kabul might take Ghazni back with U.S. assistance, but the question is whether the government can change the status quo. If it cannot, more urban centres could come under attack. (Adapted from The Hindu)

12. Union Minister of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare proposes to United Nations

Food & Agriculture Organization to declare an upcoming year as International Year

of Millets (Relevant for GS Prelims, IOBR)

The Union Minister of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare, Shri Radha Mohan Singh has written to the Director General, United Nations Food & Agriculture Organization (FAO) and proposed the declaration of an upcoming year as International Year of Millets . In a letter to Mr. Jose Graziano da Silva, Director-General, United Nations Food & Agriculture Organization, Shri Singh said that to garner wider global attention and action, India has mooted a proposal for declaration of an upcoming year as International Year of Millets. Reasons for suggestion






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The Union Agriculture Minister stated that India is celebrating 2018 as the National Year of Millets and is promoting cultivation by amending cropping pattern of areas which are especially susceptible to climate change. He further added that government under the leadership of Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi has been actively promoting millets. Millets are highly nutritious and useful in various lifestyle diseases, enhancing resilience and risk management in face of climate change especially for small and marginal farmers. Shri Singh further added that the government recently increased the MSP of millets by more than 50 per cent of cost of production which is an important component of efforts to achieve the national commitment of doubling farmers income by 2022. (Adapted from PIB)

13. Kofi Annan: All You Need to Know About The First Black African Who Was

Appointed as World's Top Diplomat (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;

IOBR)

Kofi Annan, former secretary general of the United Nations and Nobel Peace Prize winner passed away today. He was 80. The former secretary died on Saturday in Switzerland after battling a short illness. The demise of the top diplomat was announced by the Kofi Annan Foundation on a microblogging site Twitter. It stated, It is with immense sadness that the Annan family and the Kofi Annan Foundation announce that Kofi Annan, former Secretary General of the United Nations and Nobel Peace Laureate, passed away peacefully on Saturday 18th August after a short illness. Kofi Annan reached out people at the time of suffering, and touched many hearts with his deep compassion and empathy. He selflessly placed others first, radiating genuine kindness, warmth and brilliance in all he did. He will be greatly missed by so many around the world, as well as his staff at the Foundation and his many former colleagues in the United Nations system. He will remain in our hearts forever. Let s trace his life in 10 points.

1) He served as the Secretary-General of the United Nations from January 1997 to December 2006. It must be noted that he was the first black African man to achieve the highest position of world s top diplomat. 2) Kofi Annan founded the Kofi Annan Foundation. 3) Kofi Annan later worked with the Economic Commission for Africa in Addis Ababa, the UN Emergency Force (UNEF II) in Ismailia, the United Nations, High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Geneva. 4) Mr. Annan also served as Special Representative of the Secretary-General to the former Yugoslavia from 1995 till 1996. He also initiated the repatriation from Iraq of more than 900 international staff and other non-Iraqi nationals (1990).






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5) During his term with the UN, he made a significant effort to set up the Global Fund to fight deadly diseases like AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis. His contribution to the UN s first-ever counter-terrorism strategy cannot be fogotten. 6) In 1999, he Global Compact initiative became the world s largest effort to promote corporate social responsibility. 7) In 1999, he went to Iraq to solve issues concerning weapons inspections, to avoid further war and destruction. In the same year, he played a key role and emerged a siginificant figure to help Timor-Leste gain independence from Indonesia. 8) He was felicitated Nobel Peace Prize in 2001 for his humanitarian work. Notably, he has various honorary degrees and many other national and international prizes, medals and honours to his name. 9) Kofi Annan was born on April 8, 1938, in Ghana. 10) Mr. Annan spoke English, French and many African languages fluently. He is survived by his wife, Nane and three kids- Ama, Kojo and Nina. (Adapted from http://www.india.com/)

14. Reality check: On simultaneous polls (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;

IOBR)

Chief Election Commissioner O.P. Rawat s view that it is not possible to hold simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and the State Assemblies soon is a realistic assessment of the humongous task ahead of the Election Commission before it can embark on such an ambitious venture. Mr. Rawat has, in particular, ruled out the possibility of holding elections to the Lok Sabha this December along with polls to the Assemblies of four States. Legal and logistical challenge

In addition to the basic requirement of a legal framework under which the extension or curtailment of the term of any Assembly is constitutionally permissible, simultaneous elections would demand a massive increase in the number of electronic voting machines (EVMs) and voter-verifiable paper audit trail (VVPAT) units. Mr. Rawat has pointed out that altering the term of an Assembly needs an amendment to the Constitution. Moreover, ensuring the availability of VVPATs everywhere poses a logistical challenge. Upcoming elections

Mizoram is due for elections in December, as the term of the Assembly ends on December 15. This will be followed by Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, with the terms of their Assemblies ending on January 5, 7 and 20, respectively. A new batch of VVPAT units is expected only by the end of November, and it takes a month for first-level checking, rendering the possibility of using them in the next round of elections remote. The logistics are bracing, too. Simultaneous elections will require the use of 24 lakh EVMs, needing the





http://www.india.com/


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procurement of 12 lakh EVMs and an equal number of VVPAT units, according to its estimate. These figures ought to give pause to the clamour to hold simultaneous Assembly elections with the next Lok Sabha polls. Chances of political resistance

It goes without saying that a wide political consensus, as well as legislative cooperation from various parties at the Centre and in the States, is required for holding simultaneous elections. It is natural that parties that control legislatures constituted in recent months or years would resist any curtailment of their tenures, while those in the Opposition may prefer simultaneous polls if it means Assembly elections being advanced. Need for simultaneous polls

Bharatiya Janata Party president Amit Shah has written to the Law Commission favouring simultaneous polls, giving a fillip to the idea. The crux of the argument in favour of the concept is that the country is perpetually in election mode, resulting in a lack of adequate focus on governance. The second contention is that scattered polling results in extra expenditure. What is the dilemma?

The question before India is, in order to address these two issues, can legislature terms be curtailed without undermining representative democracy and federalism? Given the procedural and logistical challenges that holding of simultaneous elections pose, it would be far more productive for political parties to focus on basic electoral reforms and find ways to curb excessive election expenditure. (Adapted from The Hindu)

15. Stay with RCEP: India (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR)

Negotiations on RCEP towards end

Negotiations on the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, among 16 Asian and Pacific Ocean countries, have entered a decisive phase. Most potential member-countries of the grouping, that comprises the 10 ASEAN members and their Free Trade Agreement partners, Australia, China, India, Japan, New Zealand and Republic of Korea, would like to see a substantive agreement on the trade deal by the end of this year. Recent meeting on RCEP

At a meeting in Singapore, which is driving the effort as the current ASEAN chair, countries which still have issues with the outline of the agreements reached so far may be told politely to step aside and allow a smaller group to go ahead with finalising the RCEP, with the option to join it at a later date. India s position

India is among the countries that will have to take a call at this point, and the government s decision to set up a group of four ministers to advise Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the






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path ahead indicates the seriousness of the situation. India s concerns with RCEP negotiations thus far are manifold, but some have been addressed. 1. The first is the greater access Chinese goods will have to the Indian market, a problem given India s massive trade deficit. To circumvent this, given that India is the one country that doesn t have an FTA with China, the government has proposed a differential market access strategy for China, which others are inclined to accept. After the Wuhan summit, India and China have made progress on addressing the trade deficit, with China increasing access for Indian goods such as pharma and agricultural products. 2. The second concern is about demands by other RCEP countries for lower customs duties on a number of products and greater access to the market than India has been willing to provide. 3. On the other hand, the more developed RCEP countries such as Australia and Singapore have been unwilling to accommodate India s demands to liberalise their services regime and allow freer mobility of Indian workers. What are possible ramifications?

Naturally, none of this is made easier by the fact that some of the RCEP countries, including India, are headed for elections next year, a point where governments traditionally turn protectionist. Despite these concerns, the government must take into account the deeper strategic pitfalls of either slowing down India s RCEP engagement or walking out of the talks at this stage. Doing so would cut India out of the rules-making process for the RCEP and give China further space in the regional trade and security architecture. At a time when the U.S. has broken from the global concord on multilateral trade agreements, an Indian walkout would endanger the united message that RCEP countries, which represent 40% of the global GDP, would wish to send out. It would also be a sharp departure from India s Act East slogan and its extended outreach to ASEAN. What is RCEP?

REGIONAL COMPREHENSIVE ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP is a proposed free trade agreement (FTA) between the ten-member states of the ASEAN and six other nations, namely Australia, China, India, Japan, South Korea and New Zealand. (Adapted from The Hindu)

16. Beyond words: On Indo-Pak ties (Relevant for GS Mains Paper II; IOBR)

Recent developments in Indo-Pak relations

In the midst of the inane controversy over Punjab Minister Navjot Singh Sidhu s presence at Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan s swearing-in ceremony, there have been more substantive exchanges between New Delhi and Islamabad.






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1. In his first statement after the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf emerged as the single largest party, Mr. Khan singled out India as a foreign policy relationship he hoped to work on, offering to walk two steps for every one step that India took. 2. Narendra Modi responded with a phone call, and they spoke of a shared vision of peace and development . 3. Next, the Indian High Commissioner called on Mr. Khan and presented him a cricket bat with the signatures of the Indian team members. 4. Mr. Khan s new appointee on the Pakistan Cricket Board has said that resuming bilateral cricket is high on the leader s agenda for improving people-to-people ties. 5. Last week, a delegation led by a Minister in Pakistan s caretaker government came to Delhi to attend Atal Bihari Vajpayee s funeral. 6. Pakistan s new Foreign Minister, Shah Mehmood Qureshi, said Mr. Khan had received a congratulatory letter from Mr. Modi calling for the two countries to pursue constructive engagement . 7. Mr. Khan tweeted that trade and resolution of differences through dialogue are the best way to uplift the people in the subcontinent . All these gestures confirm that both the Prime Ministers are at least sticking by diplomatic courtesy against the backdrop of an otherwise acrimonious relationship. What needs to be done?

Well-chosen words, however, will not be enough. To begin with, there appears to be very little trust in any quarter of both capitals. Political scenario

Both leaders face political realities that could inhibit them from taking any major risks. Mr. Modi, who dealt with the Pathankot airbase attack just days after his visit to Lahore in December 2015, may well prefer to avoid such overtures, especially with Lok Sabha elections due in less than a year. Mr. Khan, who commands a thin majority in Parliament, and has frequently criticised his predecessors for close ties with India, may choose to remain conservative. Even so, the steps needed are clear. From where the relations should build?

To begin with, the situation at the Line of Control urgently needs attention, and a restoration of the ceasefire would be a major move forward for both countries. Mr. Khan could earn Pakistan an economic breather if he adheres to the international Financial






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Action Task Force s demands on ending terror financing; he would earn more goodwill by directly addressing India s concerns on the support to terrorists in Pakistan, and those being pushed over the LoC. These actions could set up an even bolder move, no matter how unlikely it currently seems: for Mr. Modi to agree to restore the SAARC process by attending the long-delayed summit due in Islamabad this year. Much work, preferably behind the scenes, is needed if Mr. Modi and Mr. Khan hope to realise any of the objectives they have spoken of over the past month. (Adapted from The Hindu)

17. India-Pakistan trade: status, outlook (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;

IOBR)

Pakistan s new Prime Minister Imran Khan posted on Twitter Tuesday that the best way to alleviate poverty and uplift the people of the subcontinent is to resolve our differences through dialogue and start trading . Where do India-Pak trade ties stand, and why? Minuscule numbers

Trade between the neighbours jumped nearly three-and-a-half times between 2000-01 and 2005-06 (from $251 million to $869 million per annum), but progress was slower in the decade that followed, with volumes rising a little over three times. India s trade with much smaller Bhutan is over half that with Pakistan (In 2016, total India-Bhutan bilateral trade was Rs 8,723 crore; with Pakistan, it was around Rs 17,200 crore.) Back in 2007, the Indian Council of Research on International Economic Relations (Icrier) had projected a bilateral trade potential of $11.7 billion (Rs 46,098 crore), if both neighbours took proactive measures to exploit untapped areas of economic cooperation. But in FY17, India-Pakistan trade was a mere $2.29 billion, or about 0.35% of India s overall trade.

Potential vs reality

The Icrier study had identified export potential of $2.2 billion from Pakistan to India, and $9.5 billion from India to Pakistan per annum. Of the top 50 potential export items from Pakistan at the time, India was importing 45 from countries other than Pakistan. This situation remains largely unchanged even now.






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There has been minimal increase in Indian exports to Pakistan after Islamabad changed its import policy in 2012. According to fresh estimates by Icrier, in 2016-17, new exports accounted for only 12% of India s total exports to Pakistan. The bulk (88%) of Indian exports is still made up of commodities that were being traded earlier, too. Policy bottlenecks

Article 1 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), 1994, requires every WTO member country to accord Most Favoured Nation (MFN) status to all other member countries. India accorded Pakistan MFN status in 1996; a Pakistani cabinet decision of November 2, 2011 to reciprocate this, however, remains unimplemented. In March 2012, Pakistan substituted a Positive List of a more than 1,950 tariff lines permitted for import from India, by a Negative List of 1,209 lines that could not be imported. In August 2012, India announced a 30% reduction in its SAFTA Sensitive list for Non-Least Developed Countries (NLDCs), including Pakistan, allowing for peak tariff on 264 items to be cut to 5% within three years. At the Commerce Secretary-level talks in Islamabad on September 20-21 that year, a roadmap was established to move towards full normalisation of bilateral trade. However, Indian officials say, Pakistan s failure to take the first step of permitting all importable items through the Wagah-Attari land route (only 137 items are allowed currently), the roadmap has remained unimplemented. At their meeting in New Delhi on January 18, 2014, the Indian and Pakistani Commerce Ministers reaffirmed their commitment to expedite normal trading relations, and to provide Non-Discriminatory Market Access (NDMA) on a reciprocal basis. While both governments have facilitated a degree of industry outreach in recent years, progress on the ground has been subdued. These restrictions notwithstanding, India continues to maintain a substantial trade surplus with Pakistan. Industry pressure

An influential grouping of businesses in Pakistan has recently sought a moratorium on new trade agreements, and renegotiation of the trade agreement with China. The 100-Day Economic Agenda of the Pakistan Business Council (PBC) has called upon the new government to not pursue proposed trade agreements with countries such as Turkey and Thailand, and to ensure complete transparency of costs, benefits and financial flows associated with the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) projects, Dawn reported. Instead, the grouping has urged increased trade with immediate neighbours such as India, Iran and Afghanistan. In a presentation in Kathmandu last year, the Islamabad-based think tank Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) identified obstacles in the way of normalising India-Pakistan trade relations, including weak logistics and customs processing, and technical barriers to trade such as sanitary or phytosanitary (SPS) restrictions, visa and travel restrictions, and lack of financial intermediation and telecommunication connectivity.






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There is pressure on Prime Minister Khan because Pakistan s annual trade deficit, which was $20.435 billion when the Nawaz Sharif government came to power in 2013, has been rising steadily, according to Pakistan Bureau of Statistics data. The deficit has been driven by the rising import bill of capital goods, petroleum products, and food products, and a steep fall in exports. The external balance of payments position is expected to be one of the top concerns for Khan s government. Beyond goods

While India s electricity diplomacy with Bangladesh has broken new ground, a similar initiative with Pakistan continues to hang fire. Under a proposal that was actively discussed until early 2015, Pakistan wanted to hook up a portion of Lahore with the Indian side, enabling the capital of its Punjab province to draw electricity from the Indian grid. Pakistan made the proposal to an Indian government expert group that visited the country in June 2013, and met then Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif in Lahore and then federal Minister for Water and Power Khawaja Muhammad Asif in Islamabad. The idea then was to transfer 250-300 MW from India as a short-term fix for Pakistan s power crisis, and there is potential to revive it yet. Illegal trade

In the absence of full trade relations, illegal trading is rampant, mostly routed through West Asian countries and Nepal. Two years ago, India had received information on illegal transfer of funds from Pakistan through import of California almonds via Trade Facilitation Centres in Jammu and Kashmir. The National Investigation Agency (NIA) registered a case on December 16, 2016. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

18. Contested numbers on overstayers (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;

IOBR)

How the controversy has affected India-U.K. ties

What is the issue?

Britain has long insisted that too many Indians have been overstaying their visas. It has cited this as a reason for not relaxing visa rules for Indians. In 2016, British Prime Minister Theresa May had said that Britain would consider giving India an improved visa deal if, at the same time, we can step up the speed and volume of returns of Indians with no right to remain in the U.K. India acknowledged the problem and cooperated in the U.K. s crackdown on bogus colleges that enrolled international students but did not have the required standing. However, it has challenged the U.K. on the extent of the issue, and has asked why Britain would allow this one issue to stand in the way of better bilateral ties. How many students are alleged to have overstayed?

There are no official figures on Indian overstayers.






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In 2017, a senior official suggested that Indians represented the largest number (more than 100,000). However, Britain s process of assessment itself came under question later when figures from exit checks revealed that around 4,700 international students (from across non-EU countries) had overstayed their visas in 2016-2017, as against the previous government estimates of 100,000 annually. Is there sign of a resolution?

Earlier this year, a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on the return of illegal immigrants was set to be signed during Prime Minister Narendra Modi s visit to the U.K. However, Indian concerns over Britain s demand that Indian authorities would have only 15 days to verify the antecedents of an undocumented migrant resulted in the MoU being shelved for the time being. Nevertheless, even without the MoU, individuals continue to be returned to India, once their details are verified. Where do things stand?

Things got more tense in June when Britain excluded India from relaxed visa norms for students, and International Trade Secretary Liam Fox linked it to the MoU issue. India s demands for easier norms as part of a constant conversation between the two countries cannot be dealt with if India does not address the issue of overstayers, he said. I am sure there are many [overstayers], but where did this figure of 100,000 come from?

asked the Indian High Commissioner to the U.K., Y.K. Sinha, in June. It is clear that the issue will remain atop the agenda for some time. (Adapted from The Hindu)

19. India-Pakistan, cricket and politics (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II;

IOBR)

Imran Khan is keen on India and Pakistan resuming bilateral cricket, and he had taken this up with Prime Minister Narendra Modi on his visit to India in December 2015. India s condition for playing again is that Pakistan must stop cross-border terror. Except in tournaments organised by the International Cricket Council (ICC), cricket s global governing body, the Asian giants haven t played each other since Pakistan toured India for ODIs and T20s in December 2012-January 2013. The game has, in fact, been hostage to politics since the mid-1960s. The early years

A year before Independence and Partition, the cricket team of undivided India travelled from Karachi to England for three Tests. The team was led by Iftikhar Ali Khan, the Nawab of Pataudi, and had a swashbuckling allrounder, Abdul Hafeez Kardar. In 1952-53, when Pakistan came to India for their first-ever Test series, Kardar was captain, and India was led by Lala Amarnath. From then until 1961, when cricket ties froze for the first time, the countries played three five-Test series. The entry of politics






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In 1955, when an team led by Vinoo Mankad was touring, Pakistan s Prime Minister Muhammad Ali Bogra said in London: It must be a matter of the utmost concern to the conscience of the free world that after seven long years the four million inhabitants of Kashmir should still (be) denied the right of self-determination. Despite that provocation though, the tour was a great success. In his A Corner of a Foreign Field: The Indian History of a British Sport, historian Ramachandra Guha wrote how the Maharajkumar of Vizianagaram (Vizzy), speaking for the Indian cricket board, had said: Where politicians had failed, we (cricketers) succeeded by coming nearer to each other. Vizzy proposed that India and Pakistan play each other every alternate year on the Ashes model, for an urn containing soil from the two countries. A Pakistani fan named Syed Khan Bahadur wrote to the editor of a publication suggesting the two countries play for a Gandhi-Jinnah Trophy . On the field, Polly Umrigar, Vijay Manjrekar and Pankaj Roy shone with the bat for India, and G S Ramchand and Subhash Gupte with the ball. War interruption

After Pakistan toured India in 1960-61, India were supposed to go for a return tour in 1964. But by then, political relations between the two countries had deteriorated significantly. Pakistan had been planning Operation Gibraltar, which involved infiltrating forces into Jammu and Kashmir to start a rebellion against India. Skirmishes began in April 1965, and war in August. The Tashkent peace agreement was signed on January 10, 1966, but persisting tensions ensured that no cricket was played between the two countries for the next few years. War broke out again in 1971, and this time the hostilities ended in the humiliating defeat and dismemberment of Pakistan. Resumption aborted

In 1975, the cricket boards started discussions on reviving bilateral cricket. In 1976, during the Emergency, the boards met again to discuss the possibility of a full series in 1977. But Gen Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq s coup d état of July 1977 hurled Pakistan into turmoil. Goodwill and cricket

Morarji Desai, who became Prime Minister in 1977, decided to extend an olive branch to Zia and, as Bishan Singh Bedi wrote some years ago, it was us cricketers he chose to send to Pakistan on a goodwill tour . Bedi was captain of the side that travelled for three Tests and three ODIs in October-November 1978, ending a 17-year freeze. It was not pleasant, Bedi wrote: We had never experienced anything like that… There were social do s just about every evening, but did we ever see a charming feminine face? Our lads quickly became disillusioned… And on the cricket field we were destined to be even more disillusioned. Pakistan won the Tests 2-0 and the ODIs 2-1 after Bedi conceded the third game to protest shortpitched bowling by the home side (the so-called Sahiwal fiasco). Five Pakistanis — Mushtaq Mohammad, Asif Iqbal, Majid Khan, Zaheer Abbas and Imran Khan — had joined Kerry Packer s World Series Cricket, but Zia s government ordered the board to lift its ban on them so a full-strength side could be fielded against India.






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Asif s Pakistanis played six Tests in India in 1979-80, a series that Sunil Gavaskar s men won 2-0. In 1982-83, Imran blew Gavaskar s team away, picking up 40 wickets in the six-Test series that Pakistan won 3-0. Pakistan also won the four-match ODI series 3-1. In September-October 1983, Zaheer Abbas led Pakistan to India, drawing all three Tests, but losing the ODI series 0-2 to Kapil Dev s side. A series cut short

On October 31, 1984, India were batting in an ODI in Sialkot, when the deputy commissioner, Ismail Qureshi, received information that Indira Gandhi had been shot dead. The official was told that the game should be abandoned immediately. I sat there…, thinking, This cannot be implemented ! Qureshi was quoted as saying by Cricinfo s The Cricket Monthly. India was playing Pakistan, 25,000 people in the stands were cheering every ball. How could I step in and tell everyone to pack up and go home in the middle of the innings? I decided it was beyond what I could handle, so for the moment I let the match go on. After India had batted out their 40 overs, Qureshi broke the news to captain Gavaskar and manager Raj Singh Dungarpur. India returned immediately, abandoning the rest of the tour. When the crowd was informed why the game was being called off, people started clapping (and then) melted away, peacefully, out of the stadium , Qureshi was quoted as saying. Indira Gandhi was deeply unpopular in Pakistan, but this was a reaction I could never have predicted. In January-March 1987, Imran led a team to India for five Tests and six ODIs, which Pakistan won 1-0 and 5-1 respectively. Zia showed up during the series, met with Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, and watched a match in Jaipur. In November-December 1989, India played four Tests and four ODIs in Pakistan, drawing the Test series 0-0, and losing the ODIs 0-2 with no result in two games. Kashmir and Kargil

Through the 90s, as the Kashmir insurgency raged, India and Pakistan mostly played each other in neutral venues like Sharjah and in tournaments like the World Cup. The countries hosted the 1996 World Cup, along with Sri Lanka. In September-October 1997, Sachin Tendulkar led India to Pakistan for three ODIs, which Pakistan won 2-1. In January-February 1999, Pakistan toured India for the Asian Test Championship and a triangular ODI series. On June 8, 1999, as the Kargil War raged, India and Pakistan played a World Cup match in Old Trafford. But Kargil ensured there would be no bilateral cricket between India and Pakistan for the next five years. When the teams faced each other at Centurion in the 2003 World Cup, it wasn t just another match . Lata Mangeshkar sent a message to Sourav Ganguly, urging him to lead India to victory. Tournament director Ali Bacher requested both teams to send out a friendship message to avoid untoward incidents in the stands. Match referee Mike Procter had a chat with the captains, telling them it was a huge opportunity to perform, and also a great responsibility . India won, riding on Tendulkar s scintillating 75-ball 98. He called home after the match and his wife Anjali took to the phone near the window so that he could hear the firecrackers outside.






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Dil bhi jeetiye

Bilateral cricket resumed in 2004, mainly because of the efforts of Jagmohan Dalmiya and his PCB counterpart Shahryar Khan. Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee gave the go-ahead months before he demitted office, sending the side off to Pakistan with the message, Khel bhi jeetiye, dil bhi jeetiye (win matches, and win hearts, too). Bilateral cricket relations were relatively normal for the next few years. India visited Pakistan in June-July 2008 for the Asia Cup. And then 26/11 happened. Almost five years later, in 2012-13, India hosted Pakistan for a short limited-overs series, but the two countries haven t played any bilateral cricket since. Current position

A couple of years ago, when he was helming the BCCI, BJP MP Anurag Thakur had tweeted: Dawood (Ibrahim) in Karachi. NSA wants to meet separatists here. Are you really serious

about peace and you expect we ll play cricket with you? Over the last year, the BCCI has approached the government several times to know its stand on India-Pakistan bilateral cricket, but the replies have always been negative. Because of Pakistan s participation, this year s Asia Cup has had to be shifted from India to the UAE. The Pakistan board, meanwhile, has taken the bilateral cricket issue to the ICC dispute resolution panel, demanding a $60-million compensation from the BCCI for not honouring the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) that required the two countries to play five bilateral series between 2015 and 2023. The matter will be heard in October. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

20. Kerala floods: Why India turned down UAE offer — a 2004 policy, its symbolic

signal (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR)

On Wednesday, India turned down the UAE s reported offer of Rs 700 crore as aid for flood relief in Kerala. While this came despite a 2016 National Disaster Management Plan (NDMP) that provides for accepting foreign assistance, the NDMP is different from the policy followed by New Delhi since December 2004, soon after the tsunami. The NDMP, finalised in May 2016, says, The Government of India does not issue any appeal for foreign assistance in the wake of a disaster. However, if the national government of another country voluntarily offers assistance as a goodwill gesture in solidarity with the disaster victims, the Central Government may accept the offer. It says the Home Ministry is required to coordinate with the External Affairs Ministry, primarily responsible for reviewing foreign offers of assistance and channelising these. While the 2016 guidelines have been mostly on paper, the government has been following the policy on disaster aid decided in 2004, when then PM Manmohan Singh said, We feel that we can cope with the situation on our own and we will take their help if needed. Since then, New Delhi has decided to follow a policy of not accepting aid from foreign governments.






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How policy began

Prime Minister Singh was taking forward the NDA-I government s broader policy on foreign aid. The idea that India had become a large economy, and that accepting small aid moneys from countries was not in keeping with the times, had taken root during Atal Bihari Vajpayee s first full term in office as Prime Minister. Jaswant Singh, who was External Affairs Minister for three years, held a worldview that aid from the rich to the poor in a globalising world had become irrelevant. Within his first six months as Finance Minister after taking over in mid-2002, he was determined to send a symbolic signal to end India s dependence on concessional debt. India had already graduated to become a less indebted country in the IMF ranking. There were some doubts whether such a move would be perceived as a rude gesture in diplomatic circles. Besides, the External Affairs Ministry was miffed since its explicit concurrence was not sought — it had to deal with countries bilaterally, and manage the fallout of an abrupt change in aid receiving policy. Nevertheless, a political call was taken riding on strong macroeconomic fundamentals. India had registered a surplus in its current account in 2001-02 and its foreign exchange reserves had topped $75 billion by February 2003. Jaswant Singh proposed to actually pre-pay $10 billion of India s external loans. Since 1956, India had severe foreign exchange constraints, but 2003-04 was a different year, and the Finance Minister was preparing the ground for the India Shining campaign for the 2004 Lok Sabha elections. In his last Budget speech in 2003-04, he said it was time to review India s dependence on external donors. The government not only pre-paid a part of its external debt but also decided to provide debt relief to highly indebted poor countries that owed India substantial sums. In his speech, Singh announced that India would ask its bilateral partners that provided small assistance packages to route it through non-governmental organisations. He did not abruptly stop funding for agreed programmes, saying they would be allowed to complete their due course. In May 2005, in reply to a Parliament question, then MoS (Home) S Regupathy said, Government has decided to negotiate external assistance from multi-donor agencies viz

World Bank, ADB and UN agencies for long term rehabilitation and reconstruction for mainland States/UT of Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry. Bilateral assistance could also be accepted if routed through the multi-donor agencies. The negotiations for US $465 million for Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry have been completed with the World Bank and assistance of US $200 million has been approved by the ADB for Kerala and Tamil Nadu. The shortfall, if any, after final negotiations with the multi-donor agencies, will be met from internal resources. Before & after 2004

After the tsunami, the government might have felt that India had the capacity to handle disasters like these. And secondly, accepting from any one government opens the






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floodgates for others as well, and it would be diplomatically difficult to refuse from some while accepting from others, an official said. However, this policy is limited to foreign governments and does not extend to individuals and charity organisations. Until then, India had accepted aid from foreign governments — for the Uttarkashi earthquake (1991), Latur earthquake (1993), Gujarat earthquake (2001), Bengal cyclone (2002) and Bihar floods (July 2004). In the last 14 years, it has refused aid from Russia, the US and Japan for the Uttarakhand floods in 2013, the Kashmir earthquake in 2005 and Kashmir floods in 2014. Clarifying the grounds for refusal of foreign aid for Kerala floods, External Affairs Ministry spokesperson Raveesh Kumar said, In line with the existing policy, the Government is committed to meeting the requirements for relief and rehabilitation through domestic efforts. Maldives, Qatar and Thailand, besides the UAE, have offered monetary support for relief operations in Kerala. For multilateral assistance, the 2016 NDMP guidelines say, An offer of assistance from UN agencies, India will accept the offer only if the government considers it necessary, based on various factors. If accepted, GoI will issue directions to the respective Ministry or State Government to coordinate with the concerned UN agency. Any financial assistance offered by UN financial institutions involving foreign exchange will require the approval of the Department of Economic Affairs. India will allow UN agencies and international NGOs already operating in the country at the time of the disaster event to continue their humanitarian assistance to people in the affected area in coordination with the relevant Central Ministries/Departments and the State Government as per applicable norms and protocols. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

21. Trump s trade wars (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR)

What is it?

On August 23, the U.S. and China imposed new tariffs on $16 billion imports from each other, completely carrying out the threats and counter threats made in April. Now, China and the U.S. have tariffs on imports of $50 billion from each other. More is coming. On July 10, the U.S. announced plans to have tariffs on $200 billion of Chinese imports, and on July 20 President Donald Trump said he was ready to impose tariffs on all imports from China. The U.S. imports from China totalled $504 billion in 2017. The Trump administration believes that since the U.S. imports from China are more than its exports to China, it would win any tariff war. That is an untested claim. How did it come about?

What is clear is that the administration of President Donald Trump is clearly in the grip of the nationalists, who have outsmarted the globalists in it. Commanding the trade war on Mr. Trump s behalf is Peter Navarro, White House s Director of Trade and Industrial Policy. His main target is China, whom he accuses of economic aggression, but the war is total.






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Key military allies of the U.S. — Canada, Germany, South Korea, Japan, and Turkey — are today locked in multiple trade disputes with it, being fought at multiple forums. So are countries such as Mexico and India, close partners of America, though not military allies. Mr. Trump and Mr. Navarro claim they are both free traders. For this administration, free trade means trade that is free, fair, reciprocal and balanced. And in a world where we have free, fair, reciprocal and balanced trade, we would have zero tariffs. We would have zero non-tariff barriers. We would have zero subsidies to industry. We would have zero incidents of currency manipulation and currency undervaluation, Mr. Navarro said, explaining the rationale for expanding restrictions on trade and investment by the U.S. at a discussion in the American capital recently. He accused China, Japan, Germany and South Korea, among others, of being in violation of the above principles. Why does it matter?

In January, the administration-imposed tariffs on import of washing machines and solar panels to America. China and South Korea took the issue to the World Trade Organisation (WTO). The U.S. would respect decisions by the WTO when they are in its favour and reject the rest, National Economic Council (NEC) Director Larry Kudlow said in June. Tariffs of 25% on steel and 10% on aluminium on all trading partners, announced in March citing national security grounds, in an unprecedented move, have also kicked in. The EU, Canada and Mexico, which supply around half of all steel and aluminium imports to the U.S., retaliated with their own tariffs. The U.S. has filed WTO complaints against several countries that imposed retaliatory tariffs. What lies ahead?

While the trade war is widely seen as a Trump initiative, there is bipartisan support in the U.S. Congress for tough measures against China. The U.S. s annual trade deficit is around half a trillion dollars. China accounts for 50% of this, according to Mr. Navarro. The EU accounts for 20% and Japan and Mexico combined make 18%. Mr. Trump and Mr. Navarro believe that this has nothing to do with competitive advantage of others but happens only because of the unfair practices of America s trading partners. The surplus earned by China comes back to the U.S. economy as investments. The Trump administration is also cracking down on Chinese investments in U.S. companies. Bringing traditional manufacturing back to America is a difficult task, and American policy makers are conscious of that fact. The trade war appears more focussed on stopping China from commanding the lead in technologies of the future. The National Defense Authorization Act for 2019 has provisions on monitoring some foreign investments in the U.S. and outbound transfers of technology. (Adapted from The Hindu)

22. A year after Doklam face-off (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR)

When, and why, did the face-off begin?






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The faceoff on Dolam plateau in Doklam area of Bhutan between Indian and Chinese soldiers started on June 16, 2017, when a large construction party of the Chinese Army entered the area with road construction equipment and tried to build a road in Southern Doklam region to Jampheri ridge. The Bhutanese patrol initially confronted them but they turned the patrol away. Indian soldiers from Doka La, an Army post overlooking the area, sought to dissuade the Chinese personnel from their attempt to alter the status quo. The Chinese did not agree, leading to a face-off between soldiers of the two sides deployed in the close vicinity, as Indians physically stopped any Chinese construction attempt. Did Bhutan raise it with China?

The Bhutanese Ambassador to India publicly stated that they had lodged a protest on June 20, 2017, with the Chinese government through their Embassy in New Delhi. On June 29, Bhutan s Foreign Ministry issued a statement underlining that the construction of a road inside Bhutanese territory was a violation of the 1988 and 1998 agreements between Bhutan and China. It also urged a return to the status quo as before June 16, 2017. What were India s concerns?

India s concerns emanated from Chinese action to change the status quo on the ground by building a road in violation of China s existing understanding with both India and Bhutan. This had implications for the determination of the tri-junction point demarcating India, China and Bhutan — India says it is at Batang la while Chinese claim it to be at Gymochen — and the alignment of the India-China boundary in the Sikkim sector. India was working in close coordination with Bhutan at various levels, and was equally concerned about the violation of its 1988 and 1998 agreements with China; these do not allow any change in status quo while boundary negotiations were in progress.






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Road construction would have brought the Chinese military close to the India border in West Bengal and exposed the Jampheri ridge to the possibility of Chinese presence, creating serious security vulnerability for the Silguri Corridor. This became a red line for New Delhi. When did negotiations between India and China to resolve the crisis begin?

Prime Minister Narendra Modi met Chinese President Xi Jinping on July 7, 2017 on the sidelines of the G-20 summit in Hamburg, where he said such matters can only be resolved through diplomatic channels. India initiated diplomatic communications with the Chinese side in Beijing to seek a resolution: 13 rounds of negotiations were held, led by then Indian Ambassador to China Vijay Gokhale, the current Foreign Secretary. From time to time, officials from the External Affairs Ministry assisted him in these discussions. What arguments did India put forth in these negotiations?

One, India contested the Chinese claims of sovereignty over this region as it is part of Bhutan. Two, India argued that the Chinese attempt to alter the status quo amounted to a unilateral determination of the tri-junction of the three countries. Moreover, the India-China boundary in Sikkim sector had not been settled as the Anglo-Chinese convention of 1890. Three, China was violating the 2012 written common understanding between the two countries that the tri-junction would be finalised in consultation with all concerned countries. Four, having a basis of alignment of the India-China boundary is not the same as






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finalisation of boundary, as corroborated by the Chinese request for an early harvest to finalise the boundary. Five, China selectively quoting Nehru on the Sikkim boundary was against a full and accurate account of his letter. Six, settlement of India-China boundary questions was best left to the two Special Representatives. Seven, continuation of the faceoff was not in the mutual interest of India and China and prolonging it would only give others an opportunity to take advantage. Finally, India reminded the Chinese side of the Astana Consensus wherein both sides had agreed that differences should not become disputes. What led to a breakthrough?

Both sides were conscious of the importance of ending the face-off before the BRICS Summit in Xiamen, scheduled that September. India also said that on its part, as a gesture of goodwill, it was willing to take the first step to break the impasse. After six weeks of diplomatic persuasion, India got the Chinese side to reach an agreement to resolve the situation with the disengagement of border personnel at the site on August 28, 2017. The Chinese removed troops, equipment and tents by 150 m from the site, while Indian troops returned to their original positions. This addressed the challenge of the Chinese building a road and concerns about them pushing the tri-junction point southwards. But it did not bring the Chinese troops back to the status quo as before June 16, 2017 as they remained deployed in northern Doklam where they were earlier absent. Had China entered Doklam earlier?

As per External Affairs Ministry records, Chinese troops have been entering Bhutan areas since as far back as 1966, when India sent a protest note as it was handling the foreign policy for Bhutan. In Doklam, this has been happening regularly in the last two decades, where the Chinese have been coming down from Batang la, Merugla Sinchala ridge line. The Bhutanese usually stop them when they come up to the Torsana la. Usual Chinese patrols comprised less than 10 soldiers, but this time there were 80 people with a lot of construction equipment. This was with a declared purpose of extending a road they had built over the last 15 years in northern Doklam up to the point of face-off. This track was preceded by the Chinese coming over the ridge line in 1999-2000. In 2007, a Chinese patrol came and destroyed Indian self-help bunkers in Doklam. But 2017 was the first time a Chinese transgression was meant to alter the tri-junction and threaten India s national security. What has happened in the one year since?

Tensions have subsided to a great extent following an informal summit between Modi and Xi in Wuhan four months ago. The two leaders agreed to provide strategic guidance to their militaries, which has since led to both armies working actively to avoid any confrontation. In June, Foreign Secretary Gokhale said India and China would be holding a series of dialogues, including the 21st round of talks on the unsettled boundary between their special representatives, besides separate talks involving their defence and home






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ministers. Chinese Defence Minister Wei Fenghe was on a four-day visit to India last week that focused on stepping up strategic communication between the two countries. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

23. Easing tensions: on U.S.-Mexico trade deal (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains

Paper II; IOBR)

Trade deal between US and Mexico

Amid rising global trade tensions, there are some signs to hope that all is not lost. The United States and Mexico reached a breakthrough bilateral trade agreement replacing the decades-old North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) after Mexico agreed to concessions demanded by the Donald Trump administration. What are the terms of the deal?

According to the new agreement, 75% of all automobile content must be made regionally, which is higher than the current level of 62.5%. Further, 40-45% of such content must be manufactured using labour that costs at least $16 an hour. The U.S. hopes that this will discourage manufacturers from moving their facilities to Mexico, where labour is available at rates lower than in the U.S. Possibility of new terms with Canada

It has also invited Canada to join talks for a renegotiation of trade terms in favour of U.S. interests. Notably, the U.S.-Mexico bilateral trade deal comes in the aftermath of President Trump s statement in June that he might enter into separate trade agreements with Canada and Mexico, thus effectively junking the tripartite NAFTA deal. Impact of US economy

U.S. stocks rallied after news of the deal, with the Nasdaq Composite index moving above the 8,000 level for the first time ever and the Dow Jones index breaking above 26,000. The market reaction was probably a sign of relief, riding on hopes that tit-for-tat tariff wars between the U.S. and its trade allies could now draw to a close. It is worth noting that Mexico had earlier joined hands with other economies such as Canada, China and the European Union to impose retaliatory tariffs against the U.S. What are the new possibilities now?

Mexico s decision could set an example for other countries which have resorted to retaliatory tariffs to deal with Mr. Trump s aggressive trade war against them. China has been at the forefront of this approach, slapping tariffs on several U.S. goods, together worth billions of dollars. There can be no doubt that Mr. Trump s protectionist trade policy,including the current deal which increases restrictions on cross-border trade in order to protect U.S. jobs, is bad for the global economy. However, the best way to win the trade war against the U.S. may simply be to accept defeat by refusing to double down on retaliatory tariffs. The reason for such a response is

simple. Retaliatory tariffs can only cause further harm to the world economy by increasing






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the burden of taxes on the private sector, which is crucial to spur growth and create jobs. Further, there is no reason for America s trading partners, in an attempt to protect their domestic producers, to repeat Mr. Trump s mistake of depriving domestic consumers of access to useful foreign goods. The right response to Mr. Trump s trade war will be to abstain from any mutually destructive tit-for-tat tariff regimes while simultaneously pushing for peace talks. (Adapted from The Hindu)

24. A look at what the Two plus two upcoming India-U.S. dialogue means (Relevant

for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper II; IOBR)

India will host the inaugural round of the two-plus-two dialogue with the United States on September 6. What is the purpose of the 2+2 dialogue next week?

The India-U.S. 2+2 dialogue will see the External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj and Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman meet U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Defence Secretary James Mattis on September 6 in Delhi. The purpose is to get four key policymakers on the same page. This stems from the idea that India-U.S. ties are increasingly strategic, and in recent years, there have been concerns that while military ties and exercises have increased rapidly, diplomatic convergences aren t keeping pace. Conversely, despite close diplomatic exchanges, key defence agreements have not yet been completed. Several deals and high technology purchases require U.S. Congress clearance too, so it was felt necessary for the defence and diplomatic arms of Delhi and Washington to meet. The talks will also review the U.S. s South Asia policy on Afghanistan and its Indo-Pacific strategy, both of which give India centre stage. Why is it taking place now?

The idea for the meeting was discussed when Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Washington in June 2017 and was subsequently announced by U.S. President Donald Trump. However, scheduling the four principals, each of whom has independently busy schedules, has been difficult. The two sides were finally able to agree on a date in April 2018 in Washington, but the meeting was put off after former Secretary of State Rex Tillerson was fired. Another date in July was cancelled at the last minute as Mr. Pompeo had to fly to North Korea instead. Officials hope the September date in Delhi will prove third time lucky and end commentary that the U.S. administration was not giving the meeting due priority. What are some of the achievable outcomes from the visit?

Ahead of the talks, a senior U.S. official said the 2+2 will discuss how to operationalise India s status as a major defence partner . Apart from discussions on various defence purchases ranging from missile systems (NASAMS-II) to helicopters (24 Sikorsky MH-60 Romeo maritime helicopters) to drones (predator-B), the two sides are expected to sign the






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Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) that has been pending for some years due to objections in India over sharing critical information. U.S. restrictions on defence purchases from Russia under the new CAATSA law will also be on the table for talks. Reports indicate that India may also be prepared to set up a direct hotline on Defence between Ms. Sitharaman and Mr. Mattis. Cooperation on fighting terrorism is expected to be a major issue for discussion and India is likely to push for the UNSC designation of Jaish-e-Mohammad chief Masood Azhar as a terrorist. Mr. Pompeo will fly into Delhi directly from Islamabad, and his engagement with the new Pakistani government will be watched closely. The U.S. is also likely to push for India s support in its campaign against Iran, although its demand that the Modi government cut its Iranian oil imports have thus far not borne fruit. Will trade issues come up?

Trade is increasingly seen as a strategic issue in India-U.S. ties, and many of the economic irritants in the relationship are expected to be discussed, including the U.S. demands on lowering tariffs and subsidies, India s impending action at the WTO against the U.S., the Reserve Bank of India s data localisation order, and price caps on medical devices. India is also awaiting Mr. Trump s response to an invitation to visit India sometime later this year or early next year, possibly even for the Republic Day parade. (Adapted from The Hindu)






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Geography

1. Bermuda Triangle mystery solved? Experts claim 100-feet rogue waves behind

disappearances (Adapted from GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper I; Geography)

Also known as the Devil s Triangle, the region between Florida, Puerto Rico and Bermuda has reportedly claimed hundreds of lives and dozens of ships/planes in the last century itself. (File) The mystery of Bermuda Triangle – a 5,00,000 km square patch in the Atlantic Ocean – has baffled many for decades. At least 75 planes and hundreds of ships have reportedly disappeared under mysterious circumstances while crossing the Bermuda Triangle. This has also given birth to a number of conspiracy theories including that of sub-sea pyramids to hexagonal clouds and alien bases. Also known as the Devil s Triangle, the region between Florida, Puerto Rico and Bermuda has reportedly claimed the lives of 1,000 people in the last 100 years. Now, a Channel 5 documentary claims that these mysterious disappearances could have been caused by 100 feet rogue waves . What are rogue waves?

Scientists often refer rogue waves as extreme storm waves . These waves can reach a height of up to 100 feet and are very spontaneous. Rogue waves were first observed in 1997 by a satellite off the coast of South Africa, The Sun reported.






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The waves are more than twice the size of surrounding waves, are very unpredictable, and

often come unexpectedly from directions. Daily Mail quoted National Ocean and Atmospheric Administration in its report. In the channel 5 documentary, The Bermuda Triangle Enigma , researchers re-created the monster water surges by using indoor stimulators. The Southampton-based research team built a model of the USS Cyclops which went missing in 1918 claiming 300 lives. The Cyclops was a 542-feet vessel which was used to ferry fuel during World War 1 and vanished while on its way from Bahia to Baltimore in 1918. No evidence of the wreckage or the 306 member crew has ever been found. Some experts argue that the Cyclops met with a supernatural end. Possibly the biggest loss in US Naval history, the ship could have disappeared anywhere and not necessarily in the Triangle itself. The infamous area in the Atlantic can see three massive storms coming together from

different directions – the perfect conditions for a rogue wave , DailyMail quoted an ocean and earth scientist, Dr Simon Boxall, as saying. He further added that such waves could even snap the Cyclops in two. Another scientist, Dr Karl Kruszelnicki, told News.com.au that according to Lloyds of London and US Coast Guard, the number of planes which go missing in Bermuda Triangle is just like everywhere in the world. Yet, the Bermuda Triangle remains a mysterious place with a high number of disappearances. The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) agrees with Krusnelnicki and said that Bermuda Triangle has the same degree of air and sea traffic like any other place. The ocean has always been a mysterious place to humans, and when foul weather or poor navigation is involved, it can be a very deadly place, the NOAA told DailyMail. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

2. What a liquid water lake reveals and conceals about Mars (Relevant for GS

Prelims, GS Mains Paper I; Geography)

In The Things that Live on Mars, which appeared in Cosmopolitan in March 1908, H G Wells asked, Is it probable that evolution has gone upon exactly parallel lines on the two planets (Earth and Mars)? Intelligent beings could not be present in isolation, he wrote; they can be but a part of the natural history of Mars in just the same way that man is but a part of the natural history of the earth . The discovery by an 11-member Italian team led by Prof Roberto Orosei of the Istituto Nazionale di Astrofisica in Bologna of a 20-km lake a kilometre and a half under the






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southern polar ice cap of Mars concludes in some ways a decades-old debate over the presence of a persistent body of liquid water on the planet. Does it also make it more likely for life to be present on Mars? Water of life?

Life as we know it on Earth is kind of tied up with water. Our definition of life is based on how it is on Earth. But why does that have to be (the same) elsewhere? said Dr Amitabha Ghosh of NASA s Mars Exploration Rover Mission. Our fascination with Mars is partly because there is evidence of water and partly because of popular imagination. For example, some of the satellites of Jupiter and Saturn apparently have underground oceans, which also might have past or present life… However, Dr Ghosh said, We don t think of Jupiter as a hospitable planet. By chance, the more we explored Mars, the more we found evidence of past water, present water… the more we explore, there does seem there is evidence of water, all over. The repeated missions to Mars in search of life coincided with the search for life in extreme environments on Earth, Dr Ghosh said. A couple of decades back at NASA, we started looking at extreme environments on Earth. We perhaps don t think life can exist in very hot conditions, in oceans, in the Antarctic. (But) In absolutely unexpected places, in extreme conditions, people find life. It helped broaden our sense of where life can survive. Martian salts

Dr Anil Bhardwaj, Director of the Ahmedabad-based Physical Research Laboratory, said atmospheric pressure on the Martian surface is almost a hundred times less than on Earth, ensuring that water will not be in liquid form, but rather, as ice or vapour. What this means is that the presence of water is much beneath the surface, said Dr

Bhardwaj, who previously worked on ISRO s Mars Orbiter Mission (MOM). Now, this observation (by the Italian scientists) is based on a very large number of datasets collected over a three-year-period which previous researchers had an inkling about, but the finding was not conclusive. Dr Bhardwaj said it is possible the water is mixed with other compounds including salt, which reduces the temperature and helps it retain liquid form. Dr Ghosh agreed: The atmospheric pressure is so low that water doesn t survive. The perplexing thing here is how does this persistent body of water survive? That we might have to probe. The way we do it on Earth is we add a lot of salt. What is the composition of water? Is it water, is it combined with salts? Mission technology

While this isn t the first-time water has been found on Mars (Dr Orosei and his team said evidence of lakes, rivers, and deltas had been reported by the Viking Mission Orbiter 40 years ago, and findings from NASA s Mars Reconnaissance Orbiter last year provided evidence of intermittent flows of liquid water on present-day Mars), the discovery of the underground lake is still important.






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We have gotten water in different forms, subsurface water, this is perhaps the persistent

stagnant lake, but see, it is like, you find water at a lake near Delhi and then you have underground water from a well. Both are equally interesting, Dr Ghosh said. The Italian researchers surveyed the Planum Australe region, or the southern polar plains of Mars, using the Mars Advanced Radar for Subsurface and Ionosphere Sounding (MARSIS) instrument, a low-frequency radar on board the European Space Agency s Mars Express Orbiter. However, MARSIS could not detect the composition of the water, Dr Orosei said at the press conference where he announced the discovery. There was no technology yet to investigate the discovery, he said. Dr Ghosh concurred that All missions start with technology that needs to be developed to an extent, (and) an entire mission cannot be put together by existing technology. It was perfectly conceivable , he said, that the technology would be developed once a space

agency thinks this is a kind of mission they want to do . Humans on Mars

Dr Bhardwaj said the discovery was very significant because of its implications for human exploration of Mars. India s MOM, launched in November 2013, has been in orbit around the planet since September 24, 2014, and has picked up its surface features. Our belief is that there will be more areas where liquid water could be, it so happens it has not be discovered so far, he said. Dr Ghosh made the point that while water is important for the journey to Mars and its colonisation, it is also important to rationalise the cost structure of going to Mars . Referring to SpaceX founder Elon Musk s push to get humans to Mars, he said: One of the core things is the generation of fuel. He (Musk) talks about fuel depots on Mars, and water is a very important part of that story. We have just found evidence of water. (It is a) minute example… and it is not economically viable to extract it, so you have to show that Martian water can be extracted, converted… The game of space exploration is also in large part (about) doing things at a rational cost. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

3. Why, for only third time, Idukki dam is open (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains

Paper I; geography)

For only the third time since the Idukki dams system in Kerala was commissioned in 1975, one of the five shutters at Cheruthoni was opened recently (the earlier occasions were in 1981 and 1992) after water in the reservoir rose to 2,399.04 ft, precariously close to its full storage level of 2,403 ft. Even after a discharge of 50 cubic metres per second, the reservoir has continued to rise, and the discharge will be increased to 100 cubic metres per second from 7 am Friday. Rain and reservoir






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The lake sprawls across Kerala s lifeline Periyar river, and was created by the arch dam of Idukki, and the smaller Cheruthoni and Kulamavu dams. Incessant rain since the onset of the monsoon has left Idukki and other reservoirs downstream brimming. While Kerala as a whole has received 15% excess rain, Idukki district got 41% excess until August 8. Full and overflowing

The Idukki arch dam has no shutters. The Kulamavu dam has penstock pipes that carry water to an underground power station at Moolamattam 43 km away. The water from the reservoir is used to run six generators with a total installed capacity of 780 MW. Shutters of Cheruthoni dam are opened when the dam reaches full reservoir level. At Panamkutty downstream from Cheruthoni, a tributary of the Periyar called Mudirapuzhayar joins the flow from the dam. At Kallarkutty on the Mudirapuzhayar stands a power generation dam with a storage of 457 ft above sea level — this dam is currently overflowing, boosting the flow in the Periyar. A little ahead stands the Lower Periyar dam, which, too, is overflowing. Further on its journey towards the sea, the Periyar is joined by a tributary called Edamalayar, which has a dam by the same name. The shutters of Edamalayar dam were opened Thursday. Next along the route is the Bhoothathankettu dam in Ernakulam district. The Periyar then winds its way through Kalady and Aluva on the last leg of its journey to drain into the Arabian Sea 24 km north of Kochi. Another branch of the river flows from Aluva to Kochi s Udyogamandal before merging with the backwaters.

Threat to Kochi airport In its journey to the sea, the Periyar comes within 2 km of Kochi s international airport, the runway of which was built after reclaiming a paddy field. A stream called Chengalthodu drains water from the airport into the Periyar. When the Edamalayar dam was opened in 2013, water had flooded the runway; fears that the rising Periyar would also lift the Chengalthodu led to operations at the airport being suspended temporarily Thursday afternoon. A first this monsoon

On both earlier occasions, the Idukki dam was opened in October, during the northeast monsoon. This is the first southwest monsoon that has seen the dam being opened, and when the Edamalayar dam too, has been opened. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

4. The monsoon and its march so far (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper I;

Geography)

What is it?

For 2018, the monsoon is past the crucial half-way mark. As of August 9, the seasonal rain, which decides the fate/extent of the kharif crop acreage, has run up a deficit of 10%. But it is not so much the deficit figure as the spatial and temporal spread (across space and time)






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of rain, that is important from the view point of monsoon performance. And, here, the 2018 monsoon has delivered reasonably well, according to top officials of the India Meteorological Department (IMD), who have stuck to the original forecast of a normal season (96-104% of the long-period average) this year. This is despite alarmist call-outs from certain quarters about it likely delivering less than par during August, the second rainiest of the four monsoon months. This was attributed to creeping fears about the dreaded break monsoon phenomenon — an inevitable phase when rains shut out over large parts of the country for a prolonged period. It has a tendency to rear its ugly head in August. How did it come about?

Monsoon 2018 has had a typical roller coaster ride during June and July, the first two months. They set the tone for the four-month season, in that June basically witnesses the Arabian Sea arm of the monsoon progress steadily along the west coast and into central India, while the Bay of Bengal arm lunges in from the east to meet with it. The combined entity takes the Indian monsoon, among the largest and most spectacular on the face of the planet, into northwest India. July is also the rainiest of all four months and must also ensure the spatial and temporal spread. But after June delivered less than optimal with a 5% deficit, July disappointed, yielding only 94% against the IMD s forecast of 101%. This was mainly because of a lean patch from June 12 to 27, after which the monsoon revived. But it ran into minor trouble in July as well. Otherwise, the spread of rain has been mostly on par, despite deficits in east India, northeastern India, Saurashtra and Kutch, parts of Gujarat, and a few Met subdivisions in the south peninsula. Why does it matter?

There is no better a feel good factor that one can hope for in the domestic economy than the very palpable one emerging from a successful southwest monsoon. It can literally lift the spirits of the farming sector, not forgetting the fact that it contributes less than 15% to the GDP these days. The feel good spills over into the stock market and into the macro economy since a bumper crop helps douse fears over food inflation and could favourably influence the setting of policy rates by the Reserve Bank of India. The feel good comes also from major rivers and reservoirs flowing bank-to-bank, as is the case now in many Met subdivisions, with capacities exceeding the 10-year average already. Most of these rivers in the south peninsula are critically rain-fed, and surplus rain during June and July have sent them early into spate. This is a major relief for the political class and the administration at large especially in the riparian states of Karnataka and Tamil Nadu where emotions run high seasonally over sharing of river waters. What next?

A successful monsoon also comes with the collateral damage in loss of lives, flooding, landslides, and massive destruction to property and infrastructure. This year has not been an exception, which is a telling comment on our state of disaster preparedness. The IMD has already forecast a higher rainfall during August (96% of the long period average). An evolving positive phase of the Indian Ocean Dipole (IOD, the equivalent in the Indian Ocean, of El Nino-La Nina in the far-off equatorial Pacific) could boost the monsoon further, as has been proved in the past. What is needed is an early warning system, backed up with men,






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equipment and material, to correctly anticipate and effectively deal with monsoon-triggered disasters. (Adapted from The Hindu)

5. In Kaziranga, a wait for floods (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper I;

Geography)

Every year, the Brahmaputra takes away chunks of land from Kaziranga National Park that on paper is 1,030 sq km in area. The park now measures 884 sq km and is shrinking. But the river gives more to the address of the world s largest population of one-horned rhinos than it snatches from — mostly hog deer, swamp deer, wild boar and a few other animals that fail to reach higher ground in time. This year, though, the 117-year-old park — a UNESCO World Heritage Site since 1985 — hasn t been inundated, and this is worrying for the park authorities. Why are floods necessary?

Floods, Central Water Commission data say, cost Assam an average Rs. 128 crore annually. The deluge happens up to four times a year between April and October. Unlike farmlands across the Brahmaputra floodplain, monsoon floods are essential to Kaziranga s ecosystem. The national park s vast grasslands and beels (wetlands) are revitalised annually by the Brahmaputra s overflow. According to park director Akashdeep Baruah, Kaziranga s plant and animal life are intrinsically linked to the floods that help recharge its wetlands and deposit mineral-rich alluvial soil to facilitate growth of grass and shrubs that are the main source of fodder for herbivores. Besides, the floodwaters, while receding, flush out aquatic weeds and unwanted plants from 92 permanent and about 250 seasonal beels besides Difolu, a stream almost bisecting the portion of the park on the southern bank of the Brahmaputra. The beels together account for 5.6% of Kaziranga s total area. What are the challenges?

Park officials say Kaziranga experiences a relatively dry spell or insufficient rainfall every four years. The floods that hit the park in 2016 were said to be the worst in a decade but 2017 was worse with more than 85% of Kaziranga inundated, displacing thousands of animals. Some 400 animals, including 31 rhinos, perished in last year s deluge. The Brahmaputra appeared threatening in May, but the flow was not sustained mainly because Arunachal Pradesh upstream has had 40% less rainfall this year. It takes two days for the Brahmaputra to inundate the Kaziranga region after its tributaries in Arunachal Pradesh overflow. Assam, too, has had 35% less rainfall, though it has been just enough for the park s channels and wetlands — watering holes for the animals — to be filled up. At this rate, 25-30% weeds (primarily water hyacinths) and animal wastes are expected to be flushed out naturally. Officials are keeping their fingers crossed, as there s still time till September and early-October for floods to drain out the natural trash . If not, the Kaziranga landscape could face a problem vis-à-vis regrowth of vegetation, specifically in the grasslands that cover 60% of the park. An added worry has been the poor burning of






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grass around spring this year due to pre-monsoon rainfall. The burning is necessary for creating space for fresh grass. Where is the real threat from?

During the not-so-devastating floods, animals in Kaziranga flee to higher grounds within the park. These include 111 highlands built in the late 1990s, each 12 ft high and large enough to accommodate up to 50 large animals. There are 33 more being built, each 16 ft high, with a total area of 22 hectares. But when 70-80% of Kaziranga is under water, the animals usually flee to the hills of Karbi Anglong south of the park beyond a National Highway running along its edge. Speed of vehicles is regulated during floods, but some animals invariably get killed. Of greater worry for wildlife officials and green activists is the destruction of the hills because of indiscriminate stone quarrying. An assessment by officials reveals some of the major quarries are on animal corridors and thus affect the movement of Kaziranga s denizens. The quarrying has increased over a year, and extracted materials have been dumped at 38 sites along a 10 km stretch adjoining the park. If the floods happen in the next few weeks, Kaziranga s animals could find their escape route blocked or altered. (Adapted from The Hindu)






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Economics

1. Online shopping set to change (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;

Economics)

The recommendations of a Commerce Ministry task force — if accepted and written into policy — can significantly affect e-commerce in India. It could change the way you buy and pay at online marketplaces A task force of the Commerce Ministry has submitted its recommendations on a draft national e-commerce policy. The suggestions, if accepted by the government, could impact consumers online shopping experience in multiple ways, including how discounts are given, the availability of newer products, and the redressal of complaints. Why does India need an e-commerce policy to begin with?

India s e-commerce sector, currently estimated to be worth around $25 billion, is expected to grow to $200 billion over the next 10 years. Much of the growth in the sector is on account of cheaper smartphones and data tariffs, along with enhanced connectivity. Having covered the metros and large cities, the bigger e-commerce firms expect their next phase of growth to come from tier-II and tier-III towns, where the expansion of 3G and 4G networks have put consumers online. This is seen as resulting in job creation, productivity improvement, and increased consumer presence on online platforms. The task force has said that for India to fully benefit from these opportunities, it is important for policymakers to be cognizant also of the underlying challenges — which makes it imperative to have clearly laid-down rules for electronic commerce in the country. Many of these rules currently exist in some or the other form, and are enforced by a multiplicity of government departments and regulators. A national e-commerce policy will be an attempt at creating a one-stop shop for the norms and regulations under which online retailers will be covered. And what is this task force that has put forward recommendations for the new e-

commerce policy?

A 70-member think tank was set up in April this year, headed by Minister for Commerce and Industry Suresh Prabhu, and comprising the secretaries of ministries including Commerce, Information Technology, Communications, Consumer Affairs, etc., and various industry representatives. The think tank set up a task force under Commerce Secretary Rita Teaotia to suggest a framework for the national policy on e-commerce. Now that the task force has submitted its recommendations, the think tank will work on creating a draft policy, which will be taken up by the government. What does the task force say about the inventory model of marketplace operations?

The government does not currently allow foreign direct investment (FDI) in e-commerce companies that hold their own inventories. Online retailers with foreign investments can only operate as marketplaces — letting sellers list their products on the platform. However, given that the lion s share of investments in e-commerce firms came from abroad, the e-tailers found a way around the government s norm by setting up seller entities that sold






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their products on the platforms. Later, in 2016, the government mandated that no platform should have more than 25% of its sales coming from a single seller. Due to the restrictions on the inventory-based model, e-commerce companies have not been able to offer their in-house brands extensively. The task force has recommended that FDI may be allowed in inventory-based e-commerce companies up to 49%, with the condition that the e-tailer sells 100% Made-in- India products. This will allow e-commerce firms to offer their own brands — as long as they are made in India. On the other hand, for online marketplaces, the task force has suggested imposing restrictions on group companies of such platforms to prevent them from directly or indirectly influencing the prices of goods and services. The marketplaces will not be able to offer deep discounts through their in-house companies listed as sellers. Why is a Central Consumer Protection Authority needed for e-commerce?

There have been several incidents across the country of customers expressing dissatisfaction with products they purchased online. In some cases, bricks and soaps have been delivered instead of mobile phones. This is an inherent flaw of the marketplace model, where platforms do not have full control over the supply chain. Customers have also complained of prices being artificially jacked up higher than the maximum retail price (MRP), and of problems with the delivery of purchased products. The Consumer Affairs Ministry s National Consumer Helpline is currently the only redressal mechanism available for such grievances. Between April and November last year, the National Consumer Helpline received 54,114 complaints related to the e-commerce sector. To provide a forum for consumers, the task force has suggested the setting up of a Central Consumer Protection Authority (CCPA), which, besides helping consumers, will also act as the nodal agency for intra-government coordination, and provide a platform for e-commerce operators regarding complaints of fraudulent activities. Will the ways in which payments are made for online purchases change?

If the task force s recommendations finally go through and become policy, e-commerce platforms will have to mandatorily provide the government s RuPay payment option. The task force has also suggested that foreign e-commerce websites should be brought on a level playing field with their Indian counterparts by making them follow the same rules for payment systems such as two-factor authentication. With the aim to make online payments safer, the task force has also suggested creating a fraud intelligence mechanism, using artificial intelligence-based authentication systems, for early detection of frauds. Currently, a large chunk of payments for online purchases is made through the cash-on-delivery option. (Adapted from The Indian Express) 2. Position of India s forex reserves (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;

Economics)






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India s foreign exchange reserves have been falling steadily over the last many weeks, possibly due to intervention by the Reserve Bank of India to stem the rupee s slide and also because of capital outflows from the debt market. The forex reserves were $405.14 billion as on July 20, a decline of $19.40 billion from the March 30 figure of 424.36 billion, and $20.94 billion from the highest value of $426.08 billion (April 13). The forex reserves had crossed the $400-billion mark for the first time in September 2017. obligations. Another factor to which the decline in forex reserves can be attributed is a rise in the trade deficit on account of rising crude prices and electronic imports. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

3. SAATHI Initiative Launched (Relevant for GS Prelims; Economics)

SAATHI initiative

Ministry of Textiles and Ministry of Power have joined hands under the initiative SAATHI (Sustainable and Accelerated Adoption of efficient Textile technologies to Help Small Industries) in order to sustain and accelerate the adoption of energy efficient textile technologies in the powerloom sector and cost savings due to use of such technology. What does the initiative involve?

Energy Efficiency Services Limited (EESL), a Public Sector entity under the administrative control of Ministry of Power, will replace old inefficient electric motors with energy efficient IE3 motors which will result in energy and cost saving up to 10-15% in the first phase.






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The use of these efficient equipments will result in energy savings and cost savings to the unit owners at no upfront cost. Powerloom clusters at Ichalkaranji, Bhiwandi, Erode, Surat, Bhilwara and Panipat have been identified for pilot study. (Adapted from PIB)

4. Explained: The draft Model Contract Farming Act, 2018 (Relevant for GS Prelims,

GS Mains Paper III; Economics)

Recently, the Ministry of Agriculture released a draft Model Contract Farming Act, 2018. The draft Model Act seeks to create a regulatory and policy framework for contract farming. Based on this draft Model Act, legislatures of states can enact a law on contract farming as contracts fall under the Concurrent List of the Constitution. In this context, we discuss contract farming, issues related to it, and progress so far. What is contract farming?

Under contract farming, agricultural production (including livestock and poultry) can be carried out based on a pre-harvest agreement between buyers (such as food processing units and exporters), and producers (farmers or farmer organisations). The producer can sell the agricultural produce at a specific price in the future to the buyer as per the agreement. Under contract farming, the producer can reduce the risk of fluctuating market price and demand. The buyer can reduce the risk of non-availability of quality produce. Under the draft Model Act, the producer can get support from the buyer for improving production through inputs (such as technology, pre-harvest and post-harvest infrastructure) as per the agreement. However, the buyer cannot raise a permanent structure on the producer s land. Rights or title ownership of the producer s land cannot be transferred to the buyer. What is the existing regulatory structure?

Currently, contract farming requires registration with the Agricultural Produce Marketing Committee (APMC) in few states. This means that contractual agreements are recorded with the APMCs which can also resolve disputes arising out of these contracts. Further, market fees and levies are paid to the APMC to undertake contract farming. The Model APMC Act, 2003 provided for contract farming and was released to the states for them to use this as reference while enacting their respective laws. Consequently, 20 states have amended their APMC Acts to provide for contract farming, while Punjab has a separate law on contract farming. However, only 14 states notified rules related to contract farming, as of October 2016. What are the issues with the current structure, and how does the draft Model Act

seek to address them?

Over the years, expert bodies have identified issues related to the implementation of contract farming. These include: (i) role of APMCs which are designated as an authority for registration and dispute settlement in most states, (ii) provisions of stockholding limits on






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produce under contract farming, and (iii) poor publicity of contract farming among the farmers about its benefits. Role of Agricultural Produce Marketing Committees/Marketing Boards

The NITI Aayog observed that market fees and other levies are paid to the APMC for contract framing when no services such as market facilities and infrastructure are rendered by them. In this context, the Committee of State Ministers on Agricultural Reforms recommended that contract farming should be out of the ambit of APMCs. Instead, an independent regulatory authority must be brought in to disengage contract farming stakeholders from the existing APMCs. In this regard, as per the draft Model Act, contract farming will be outside the ambit of the state APMCs. This implies that buyers need not pay market fee and commission charges to these APMCs to undertake contract farming. Further, the draft Model Act provides for establishing a state-level Contract Farming (Promotion and Facilitation) Authority to ensure implementation of the draft Model Act. Functions of the Authority include (i) levying and collecting facilitation fees, (ii) disposing appeals related to disputes under the draft Model Act, and (iii) publicising contract farming. Further, the sale and purchase of contracted produce is out of the ambit of regulation of the respective state/UT Agricultural Marketing Act. Registration and agreement recording

The Model APMC Act, 2003 released to the states provides for the registration of contract farming agreements by an APMC. This was done to safeguard the interests of the producer and the buyerthrough legal support, including dispute resolution. The procedures for registration and recording of agreements vary across states. Currently, registration for contract farming has been provided with the APMC in few states, and with a state-level nodal agency in others. Further, market fee on purchases under contract agreements is completely exempted in few states and partially exempted in others. The Committee of State Ministers on Agricultural Reforms recommended that a instead of a APMC, district-level authorities can be set-up for registration of contract farming agreements. Further, any registering authority should verify the details such as the financial status of the buyer. Under the draft Model Act, every agreement should be registered with a Registering and Agreement Recording Committee, which will be set up consisting of officials from departments such as agriculture, animal husbandry, marketing, and rural development. Such a Committee can be set up at the district, taluka or block levels. Disputes between the producer and the buyer

The Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare observed certain risks related to upholding the contract farming agreement. For example, producers may sell their produce to a buyer other than the one with whom they hold a contract. On the other side, a buyer may fail to buy products at the agreed prices or in the agreed quantities, or arbitrarily downgrade produce quality. The Committee of State Ministers on Agricultural Reforms






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recommended that dispute redressal mechanism should be at block, district or regional-level state authorities and not with an APMC. Under the draft Model Act, in case of disputes between a producer and a buyer, they can: (i) reach a mutually acceptable solution through negotiation or conciliation, (ii) refer the dispute to a dispute settlement officer designated by the state government, and (iii) appeal to the Contract Farming (Promotion and Facilitation) Authority (to be established in each state) in case they are not satisfied by the decision of the dispute settlement officer. Stockholdings limits on contracted produce

Stockholding limits are imposed through control orders as per the Essential Commodities Act, 1955. Such provisions of stockholding limits can be restrictive and discourage buyers to enter into contracts. It was recommended that the buyers can be exempted from stock limits up to six months of their requirement in the interest of trade. Under the draft Model Act, limits of stockholding of agricultural produce will not be applicable on produce purchased under contract farming. Other recommendations

While contract farming seeks to provide alternative marketing channels and better price realisation to farmers, several other marketing reforms have been suggested by experts in this regard. These include: (i) allowing direct sale of produce by farmers, (ii) removing fruits and vegetables out of the ambit of APMCs, and (iii) setting-up of farmer-consumer markets, (iv) electronic trading, and (v) joining electronic National Agricultural Market for the sale of produce. (Adapted from http://www.prsindia.org)

5. Why is the Sensex on a bull run? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;

Economics)

What is the rally about?

India s benchmark equity index, the 30-share Sensex, is on a record-breaking spree this year. The recent past saw the index regularly touching a new high with ease as it breached the 37,000-mark for the first time ever on July 26. Incidentally, the index took only 13 trading sessions to clock 1,000 points rally while moving from 36,000 to 37,000. Market participants attribute the current rally to a revival in earnings growth that was in the doldrums for the past few quarters due to the impact of the Goods and Services Tax and demonetization. This is corroborated by the June quarter results of many of the large caps that beat analyst estimates and saw the stock rising significantly. For instance, Sensex heavyweights like Reliance Industries and Tata Consultancy Services have gained nearly 30% and 45% respectively, contributing a major chunk to the ongoing rally. Incidentally, a stronger dollar and revival in the U.S. economy has benefited most leading IT services companies.






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Apart from earnings revival, investor sentiment has been boosted by the strong liquidity support provided by domestic institutional investors, or DIIs, like mutual funds, insurance companies, banks and pension funds. In the current calendar year, DIIs have put in nearly $10 billion in Indian equities, the highest ever in the January-July period in any single year. What about small companies?

The kind of euphoria that one saw in years like 2012 or 2014 is still not visible on the street due to the structure of the current rally. Interestingly, while the Sensex has been touching new highs, the euphoria is missing as most of the mid cap and small cap stocks are yet to participate in the rally. In the current year, while the Sensex is up more than 10%, the BSE Midcap and BSE Smallcap indices are down 9.07% and 12.50% respectively. This trend is hurting a large number of investors, especially retail, who trade in such side counters. Last year, when the Sensex rose nearly 28%, the BSE Midcap and BSE Smallcap indices gained 48% and 60% respectively. Why are they lagging behind?

The subdued performance of the side counters is partly due to a regulatory decision, apart from the fact that investors are choosing to bet on fundamentally strong large caps. Early this year, the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) decided to reclassify mutual fund schemes based on investment objectives that led to most mutual funds reallocating their portfolios from the mid and small caps to the large caps. While most of the reallocation has been completed, market participants believe that the sell-off in the side counters is far from over and so they expect the current trend to continue for some more time. What about foreign investors?

Foreign portfolio investors, or FPIs, are often looked upon as the prime drivers of any bull run in the Indian equity market. This year though, they have largely remained silent and are, in fact, net sellers at over ₹ , crore at a time when the markets are at record levels. Data show that FPIs were net sellers in four out of the first seven months of 2018. Between April and June, they sold shares worth more than ₹ , crore, a trend reversed in July with a nominal net buying of ₹ , crore. What is the outlook?

Most market participants are optimistic about the equity market and believe that the bull run is here to stay. A large section of the market is betting big on infrastructure sectors like cement and heavy engineering, along with consumer-oriented ones like FMCG and durables. Interestingly, with a few State elections due later this year, along with the general election next year, analysts believe the government will push harder on large infrastructure projects related to roads, ports and affordable housing. Large consumer durable products are now seeing the benefits of the GST and have, in many cases, started






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passing on the benefits to consumers. While side counters may still take some time to join the rally, the consensus view is that the benchmarks will continue to scale new highs. (Adapted from The Hindu)

6. Why a currency war is a worry (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;

Economics)

Last week, Reserve Bank of India Governor Urjit Patel warned that trade wars among various countries may lead to a currency war. What does this expression mean, what leads to a currency war, and what are its implications on economies around the world, including India s? When did the world first hear of a currency war?

In the immediate aftermath of the financial crisis that started with the collapse of Lehman Brothers in the US in September 2008, fears of a global contagion followed. The biggest concern of countries then was to avert a sharp slide in their respective economic growth curves; decelerating growth means job losses, and slow growth means no new jobs. In view of the enormity of the situation, then US President George W Bush announced the G20 (Group of 20) Summit, the first to be held, in Washington DC in November 2008. India, the 13th largest economy then, was a member of the G20, a grouping that represented almost four-fifths of the world economy. The single most important decision by the summit leaders in DC was to coordinate efforts and strive for a broad revival of the global economy. Developed countries — the US and members of the European Union — embarked on expansionary fiscal and monetary policies (spending more and keeping interest rates low). Worried about their individual growth prospects, some countries turned protectionist in due course by introducing non-tariff barriers, and also occasionally imposing higher duties on imports. A potent weapon wielded by many countries was to either devalue their currencies, or deliberately keep the value suppressed so that their exports remained cheaper and competitive in the world market. The US and key European countries adopted several measures to keep interest rates low and stoke demand. China, the fourth largest economy and a major global exporter even in 2008, deliberately kept the renminbi value low, and Japanese and South Korean central bankers stepped into the currency markets to keep their currencies low too. Then finance minister of Brazil (also a G20 member) Guido Mantega described such competitive lowering of currency values using monetary and exchange rate instruments as international currency wars . Why talk about a currency war now?

Global trade skirmishes have intensified since March this year, when US President Donald Trump threatened to slap tariffs on Chinese goods. China refused to blink, and the war has only intensified in the past few months. The US tariffs on Chinese imports that are actually in effect are less than 10% of total $506 billion US imports of Chinese products. But the war may escalate given the shrill voices of the currently dominant power, the US, and the rising power, China. Higher tariffs make Chinese products more expensive, but a weakening of the






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yuan partly offsets the impact. In the last three months, the yuan has depreciated almost 8% vis-à-vis the US dollar. While this may be due to fundamental changes in the Chinese economy (slower growth), it has left Trump frustrated, leading him him to announce more measures. Similarly, a war between the US and Europe too has escalated after Trump imposed tariffs on European steel and aluminum in the beginning of June, and the EU retaliated three weeks later. Such protectionist measures (higher customs duties on EU steel and aluminum make these expensive in the US and protect domestic US producers) entail the risk of countries using various exchange rate and monetary policy instruments competitively to weaken or devalue their currencies. This is what RBI Governor Patel meant on August 1 when, after a meeting of the monetary policy committee, he said: We are possibly at the beginning of a currency war. Does India need to worry about this currency war?

In the last 10 years, the Indian economy has grown rapidly, from being the 13th largest in 2008 to the sixth largest in 2018. It has integrated more and more with global markets. When world trade is robust and the global economy is on an upswing, India s growth rate gets a booster. This happened during 2003-08 when the Indian economy grew almost in double digits. Rising crude oil prices (around $68-70 a barrel now), however, do not bode well for India. The country is a net importer of energy and higher prices will put pressure on key macro-economic variables such as fiscal deficit and current account deficit. There is also this fear of capital flight if the macroeconomic situation worsens. Flight of capital may not be restricted to institutions pulling out money from the markets. Indians have been remitting more and more money abroad over the last few years. In 2017-18, these outward remittances totalled $11.33 billion. Just a decade ago, it was just $1.58 billion. This will adversely impact currency, inflation and interest rates. In the calendar year 2018, the Indian rupee has already depreciated or weakened 6.77% against the dollar. Patel s warning on increasing external risks and a currency war should be seen in the context of the global trade skirmishes that have intensified since March when Trump first threatened tariffs on Chinese goods. China has refused to blink and so has the European Union. Countries are looking inward, and have become more protectionist in trade. The US, and India as well, may be growing at a faster clip now. But fears of a global trade war loom large unless countries retreat from their current positions of remarkable brinkmanship. The current 25-basis-points increase in policy rate, that came quickly on the back of a similar hike in June, in part, addresses the problem of currency too. Higher interest rates and stable inflation make a country more attractive for foreign investment. This helps the rupee strengthen. An international currency war due to heightened tariff tensions can hurt the global economy, and in the process hurt India s growth prospects too. This is worrisome for India, because it would curtail the central bank s flexibility in use of instruments to address problems of high inflation, slowing growth and weakening rupee.






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7. Proposed Amendments in Tariff Policy (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper

III; Economics)

The Central Government in the proposed draft amendments to the National tariff policy, 2016 has included the provision for imposition of penalties on the Distribution companies for power cuts other than force majeure conditions or technical faults by Appropriate Commission. In the draft amendments to the tariff policy, it has been proposed to stipulate that the State Electricity Regulatory Commissions and Joint Electricity Regulatory Commissions shall not consider AT&C losses exceeding 15% for determination of tariff after 31.03.2019. The proposed Amendments in Tariff Policy include amendments in provisions related to Generation, Transmission and Distribution of electricity. The focus is to make 24x7 uninterrupted power supply to all consumers, improve efficiency in the operation of distribution business, addressing certain constraints faced in implementing change-in-law provisions, issues in open access, compliance and related aspects, Tariff design related issues including simplification of tariff categories and rationalization of retail tariff.

Highlights of certain key proposed amendments are as follows: • Consumer should not be asked to pay the price of inefficiencies of the Discom, therefore AT&C Losses in excess of 15% shall not be passed on to the consumers but shall be borne by Discom. • hours supply of adequate and uninterrupted power may be ensured to all categories of consumers by March, 2019 or earlier. In case of power cuts other than in force majeure conditions or technical faults an appropriate penalty, as determined by the SERC shall be levied on the Distribution Company and credited to the account of the respective consumers. • Standards of performance for Distribution Licensee to include continuity and reliability of supply, quality of supply, timeframe for disposing application for connection/ disconnection/enhancement or reduction of connected load and complaints of disruption in supply • Subsidy to any category of consumers would be required to be given through Direct Benefit Transfer i.e. directly in the bank account of such consumers. • Appropriate Commission would ensure that cross-subsidies are reduced and the tariff for all consumer categories are brought within ±20% of the average cost of supply effective from 1st April 2019 or earlier. • Simplification of tariff categories and rationalization of retail tariff.






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• Suitable provisions for promotion of Electric Mobility- No license would be required for setting up any charging stations for Electric Vehicles. The proposed amendments are under finalisation on the basis of comments received from various stakeholders. (Adapted from PIB)

8. UAE top source of inward remittances in 2016-17: RBI (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS

Mains paper III; Economics)

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has emerged as the top source of inward remittances, while Kerala has received the maximum funds sent from abroad, according to the Reserve Bank of India s survey of inward remittances for 2016-17. Source of remittances in India

UAE s share in total remittances was 26.9%, followed by the United States (22.9%), Saudi Arabia (11.6%), Qatar (6.5%) and Kuwait (5.5%). According to the survey, 82% of the total remittances received by India originated from eight countries — UAE, the U.S., Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, Oman, the United Kingdom and Malaysia. Who are the recipient states?

Among destinations, Kerala has the highest share with 19%, followed by Maharashtra (16.7%), Karnataka (15%), Tamil Nadu (8%) and Delhi (5.9%). Kerala, Maharashtra, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu together received 58.7% of total remittances. How were remittances utilized?

More than half of remittances received by Indian residents were used for family maintenance, i.e., consumption (59.2%), followed by deposits in banks (20%) and investments in landed property and shares (8.3%), the survey said. (Adapted from The Hindu)

9. A welcome retreat: withdrawing the FRDI Bill (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains

Paper III; Economics)

Fate of FRDI bill

In just under 12 months since its introduction in Parliament, the Centre has quietly withdrawn the Financial Resolution and Deposit Insurance Bill, 2017. The decision to seek the Lok Sabha s approval to withdraw the legislation this week is a clear acknowledgement by the government that it had underestimated the extent and intensity of public opposition to the proposed law.






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What was the controversial provision in bill?

One provision in the Bill had, in particular, generated the greatest debate and attracted the fiercest criticism and ultimately proved to be its very undoing: the bail-in clause. That banks, by the very nature of their business, are essentially dependent on the funds lent to them by depositors to serve as the pool of lendable resources from which they provide credit to borrowers is well known and requires no elaboration. So when a depositor apprehends that her hard-earned savings placed in a bank may be at risk from a law that forces her to partake in the pain of financial losses in case her bank is forced into resolution on account of distress, she will naturally fear such a legislation. Problem still unresolved

However, the need for a specialised dispensation to cope with large financial corporations on the verge of going bust cannot be overstated, especially given the contagion risk that a bank failure can pose to overall financial stability. The withdrawal of the FRDI Bill should therefore be used as an opportunity by policymakers to reappraise the existing framework for resolving bankruptcy scenarios among financial entities. While such a review ought to include an evaluation of the progress made by the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code in addressing the crucial issue of debt resolution in the banking sector, it must also look at ways to strengthen the Deposit Insurance and Credit Guarantee Corporation. Set up in 1978 in the aftermath of the collapse of two banks, the DICGC, which guarantees repayment of bank deposits up to Rs. 1 lakh in case a bank is liquidated, has not reviewed the amount under guarantee since 1993. This anomaly must be addressed, especially at a time when several state-run public sector banks have been roiled by a series of frauds and high levels of bad loans. Any measure that helps prevent further erosion of public faith in the beleaguered banking system would undoubtedly be very welcome. (Adapted from The Hindu)

10. All you need to know about Currency wars (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains


Nations letting currency weaken can spur instability

Recently, RBI Governor Urjit Patel warned that the global trade war could escalate into a currency war. Trade wars erupt when countries impose tit-for-tat tariffs on imported goods, ostensibly to protect domestic manufacturers. What is a currency war?

Currency wars are triggered when nations either allow their currencies to weaken appreciably or devalue them to gain a competitive advantage over trade rivals. If other countries react by devaluing their respective currencies to retain competitiveness, this could lead to instability in markets.






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What is devaluation?

Devaluation is a policy tool to reduce the value of a currency, relative to other currencies, in a fixed exchange rate. It is used to set the relative prices of domestic and international goods and services at a new footing. Devaluation is different from depreciation, which is a decrease in the currency s value due to market forces of demand and supply when the exchange rate of the currency is floating. Does devaluation help?

Governments may resort to devaluation for any one of three major reasons: To boost exports. The lowered value of the domestic currency will make it less expensive for foreign buyers (holding the currency whose value has become relatively stronger) to obtain the local currency to buy locally produced goods or services. In principle, more goods and services would be sold abroad, helping domestic businesses reliant on export markets such as software services companies, pharma firms and seafood exporters. To shrink a trade deficit — a devaluation while making exports more competitive also makes imports more expensive and hence less affordable. This helps reduce the volume of non-essential imports thus helping to narrow the trade gap. To reduce the debt servicing burden — nations with significant sovereign debt sold domestically may find it advantageous to let the currency weaken as it helps lower the notional cost of debt servicing. Was the rupee ever devalued?

In June 1966, hit by drought after two major wars (with China and Pakistan), India devalued the rupee by 36.5%. Again, in July 1991, a Balance of Payments crisis exacerbated by the sharp spike in oil prices in the wake of the Gulf War spurred India to devalue the rupee in a two-step downward adjustment of 18-19%. (Adapted from The Hindu)

11. Are foreign direct investments at an ebb? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains







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Debate rages, but a look at 5-year patterns shows there is little cause for concern.

Focus on an 8% GDP growth is all that matters

Have foreign direct investors warmed up to India under the NDA regime, or are they cold-shouldering it? A heated debate is now on, with the government claiming that total Foreign Direct Investment flows scaled a new record in FY18. Detractors argue that, on FDI as a proportion of GDP, NDA is yet to match the UPA s achievements in 2008.






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But a study of patterns in FDI flows into India over the last fifteen years suggests that they really have little to do with the political dispensation at the Centre. UPA-2 started off on a high note and fell victim to policy paralysis at the end of its tenure. But it kicked off its term with two consecutive years of sharp declines in FDI inflows and witnessed a bounceback in FDI in its final year. The NDA, seen as business friendly, flagged off with 20% plus FDI growth rates in its first two years. But despite implementing reforms such as the GST, it has had to contend with slumping FDI flows lately. So what really drives FDI? We studied UNCTAD data on cross-country FDI flows for the last fifteen years to arrive at some takeaways. Economic, not political

FDI flows into India seem to track its economic fortunes more closely than its political fortunes. In the last ten years, strong GDP growth prints in India have inevitably been followed by an upsurge in FDI. The largest annual jump in FDI till date, from $7.6 billion in 2005 to $20.3 billion in 2006 came about after India improved its GDP growth from 7.8% to 9.3% in 2005. Similarly, 2008 s record flows of $47 billion followed a GDP growth print of 9.8% in 2007. The FDI revival in 2015 unfolded after the economy returned to 8% growth after a long sluggish spell. Given the lumpy nature of FDI, evaluating these flows on five-year averages makes more sense than dissecting annual growth rates. On this score, the news is good. From an average of $5 billion a year from 1998 to 2002, the annual flow vaulted to $12 billion in 2002-2007, climbed further to $34 billion in 2007-2012 and stood at $38 billion in the latest five years to 2017. Punching below weight

The larger an economy and the size of its consumer market, the more interested foreign investors are likely to be to set up shop in it. This makes it important to evaluate FDI flows into a country as a proportion of its GDP. According to the World Bank, FDI as a proportion of India s GDP hovered at 1-2% for many years before shooting up to 3.6% in the immediate aftermath of the global financial crisis in 2008, probably driven by the impression that India was decoupled from the crisis. But as reality sank in in 2009, India s growth collapsed and FDI flows dwindled, bottoming out at 1.3% of GDP by 2012.






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In the five years to 2017, they have staged a mild recovery to 1.5%. Globally, FDI flows average 2.4% of GDP. Clearly, India continues to punch below its weight on FDI, given its size and prospects. FDI flows into countries depend not just on local economic prospects, but also on the total capital that global investors are willing deploy overseas in any given year. This pool is decided by global financial market conditions. Share of pool

World Bank data tells us that after a stellar show in 2008 when India managed to grab 3.2% of the global FDI pool, its share fell steadily to 1.5% in 2012. That was incidentally the year in which GDP growth hit a nadir of 5.5%. Since then, India s share of the global FDI pool has charted a smart recovery, getting back to 2.8% by 2017. This suggests that the slump in India s FDI flows in the last couple of years was driven more by the shrinking global FDI pool than by domestic factors. Overall, for FDI to keep flooding into India, it needs to maintain a single-minded focus on sustaining 8%-plus growth. The political dispensation doesn t matter that much. (Adapted from The Hindu)

12. What makes an airport fit for night landing: lighting, landing guidance (Relevant

for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Economics)






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Last week, a test flight landed at Srinagar airport after sunset, demonstrating that the airport is safe for night landing. Once all the regulatory procedures are completed, passengers will be able to take night flights to the summer capital of Jammu & Kashmir. When, and how, is an airport suitable for night landing? In Srinagar s case, two main factors came together to make it possible – and upgrade of the runway lighting system at the airport, and an extension of watch hours by the Indian Air Force, to which the airport belongs. India has 101 airports; until last year, about 35 did not have night landing facilities. These were primarily smaller airports that saw lower passenger traffic. According to a Civil Aviation Ministry source, it is usually the Airports Authority of India, which manages most of the airports in India, that takes up a particular one for consideration for providing night landing facilities, once airlines have shown an interest in post-sunset operations. The facilities

The main requirement for night landing is that the runway approach lighting system include a series of light bars with strobe lights installed at the end of the runway. Such a system serves a runway that is equipped with an instrument landing system, or ILS. With modernisation of aircraft and airport equipment, ILS is replacing the traditional approach, under which pilots landing aircraft depended on what was visible to them. ILS uses a series of navigational aids to help pilots land the aircraft if they cannot establish visual contact with the runway. As per the International Telecommunication Union, ILS is a system which provides the aircraft with horizontal and vertical guidance just before and during landing and, at certain fixed points, indicates the distance to the reference point of landing . It is also important for airport operators to have lighting along the runway edge, so that pilots landing at night are able to make visual contact and align the aircraft with the centre of the runway. ILS versions

Instrument approach operations in India are classified on the basis of the lowest operating minimum range , below which approach to the runway requires a visual reference. At the low end is the CAT-I category, under which the touchdown zone cannot be lower than 550 metres; in other words, the landing aircraft can make contact with the tarmac only when the pilot can see at least 550 m ahead. Under CAT-II, this can go down to 300 metres. Under CAT-IIIA and CAT-IIIB, the touchdown zone can be as low as 175 metres and 75 metres, respectively. Currently at Indian airports, CAT-IIIB is the most modernised version of ILS installed. Usually, the system is installed at airports that are expected to experience low-visibility conditions during the winter, due to fog. At present, CAT-IIIB systems are installed at Delhi, Lucknow, Jaipur, Amritsar and Kolkata airports.






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Simply installing the system at airports, however, is not enough. Airlines also have to use aircraft that are compliant with the latest systems and engage pilots who are trained to make instrument-based landing. Most major airlines flying frequently out of airports that experience low-visibility conditions, in fact, do have the relevant aircraft. Generally, however, they tend to train only those pilots who will be flying to these airports regularly. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

13. NITI Aayog launches Pitch to MOVE (Relevant for GS Prelims; Economics)

NITI Aayog has launched Pitch to MOVE - a mobility pitch competition that aims to provide budding entrepreneurs of India a unique opportunity to pitch their business ideas to a distinguished jury. Startups working in the various fields of mobility can pitch their ideas to industry leaders and Venture Capitalists for raising investments. Winners of the event will be felicitated by Hon ble PM during the Global Mobility Summit. About Pitch to MOVE

Pitch to MOVE is organised by NITI Aayog in collaboration with Invest India and Society of Indian Automobile Manufacturers (SIAM) as a part of a series of engaging featured events in the run up to the main event. The Summit is scheduled to be held on 7th and 8th Sep 2018 at Vigyan Bhawan, in New Delhi and is being inaugurated by the Hon ble Prime Minister of India. The competition aims to identify and reward the start-ups offering innovative solutions for shared, connected, and environment friendly mobility. The Startups can be from the domain of Public Mobility, Electric Vehicles, Shared Transport, Last Mile Connectivity, Passenger Transportation, Battery Technology, Automotive IoT, Freight & Logistics, Powertrain/Drivetrain, Experiential, Travel, Mobility Infrastructure and Automotive Electronics etc. The Mobility Pitch Competition is open to primarily startups from various parts of India who are interested in showcasing their business ideas to jury members. The winners of the mobility pitch will receive support from the VCs and additionally have the opportunity to be felicitated by the Hon ble Prime Minister on the 8th September 2018 during the Valedictory session of MOVE Summit. (Adapted from PIB)

14. Politics and economics: The rupee s Turkish worries

Recently, the rupee breached the 70-mark for the first time against the US dollar, hitting a new low of 70.08 in intra-day trading. A day earlier, the Indian currency had recorded its biggest intra-day fall in five years, hitting 69.93 against the greenback, amid rising concern that the precipitous slide of the Turkish lira could spark fresh turbulence in global currency markets. The falling lira






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The lira has been in free fall following political and economic problems in Turkey, combined with fresh trouble on the external front. President Donald Trump s doubling of US import tariffs on Turkish steel and Aluminium has further strained the already wobbly relations between the NATO allies. The primary reason for the ongoing rout in the lira, though, is poor economic management by the government of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The Turkish economy is overheating due to soaring inflation, which reached an annual rate of nearly 16% in July, mounting levels of foreign debt, and a very high current account deficit. Both the Turkish government and central bank are facing a serious loss of credibility. There are signs of a massive bubble in the construction sector, further threatening the country s already fragile banking system. Even before Trump s tariff hit sparked the current crisis last week, the lira had been the world s worst performing currency, having slid by almost 50% against the dollar in the past one year. After the US move, the lira has fallen by a fifth against the dollar during the past week alone. Political trigger

Behind the trade dispute is a standoff over Andrew Brunson, an American Christian pastor who has been detained in Turkey since October 2016 on charges of terrorism, espionage, and of helping plan the failed coup d état against Erdogan. Turkey is also holding an American NASA scientist, and three Turkish nationals working for US consulates in the country. The countries had appeared to come close to an agreement last month, but the deal collapsed at the final stage, infuriating Trump who on July 26 threatened large sanctions if Brunson was not released immediately. The tariffs and the crash of the lira followed, and the two countries were plunged into what is being described as the worst bilateral crisis since the US arms embargo on Turkey following its invasion of Cyprus in 1974.






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Erdogan has remained defiant amidst the currency crisis, and threatened Tuesday to boycott all American-made electronic products. The lira pulled back from a record low it hit a day earlier, helped by the Turkish central bank s new liquidity measures. Reports from Ankara, though, suggested Turkey s options were shrinking. According to estimates by the International Monetary Fund, Turkey has the least adequate level of reserves of the major emerging market economies, which makes it particularly vulnerable to speculative attacks , The Guardian reported. There are concerns about political interference with the independent central bank, especially after the President appointed his son-in-law the country s Finance Minister. The Turkish central bank has been reportedly restrained from raising interest rates to quell surging inflation — the last time it raised rates was at an emergency meeting back in January 2014. On Monday, German Chancellor Angela Merkel urged Ankara to ensure the independence of its central bank as a way out of the crisis. Impact on rupee

The rupee has been on the downslide this year, having slipped 9% in 2018 (it started the year at 63.67 to a dollar) as foreign investors sold $6.8 million and $5.15 billion in equity and debt markets respectively. Turkey s currency crisis has been the trigger for fresh selling across emerging markets, and the rupee has reacted sharply. The rupee has been among the hardest hit in Asia from the Turkey-led selloff in emerging assets, largely due to a wide current account deficit (CAD, or the difference between the country s imports and its exports) that is already strained by higher oil prices. The Finance Ministry has blamed external factors for the rupee s fall; Economic Affairs Secretary Subhash Chander Garg said Tuesday that the external factors may ease going forward, and that there was nothing at this stage to worry . SBI Chairman Rajnish Kumar said all






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currencies have weakened against the dollar, and the Indian currency has not weakened very much in comparison to other currencies.

After the rupee breached the 70-mark Tuesday, traders indicated that the currency recouped some of the losses as state-run banks sold the dollar on behalf of the Reserve Bank of India. The rupee climbed back to 69.90 at the close of the day s trading. Analysts maintain that the rupee extended losses Tuesday on account of panic demand from importers, who are buying dollars aggressively. The capital markets brushed off the panic in the currency market, with the BSE Sensex closing 207 points higher Tuesday. Going forward, analysts expect factors such as the broader trend of currency movements in key emerging markets, the trend in crude oil prices, and the trajectory of the greenback strengthening against other currencies to drive the outlook for the rupee in the short term. Mixed bag ahead

A falling rupee is very good news for exporters, as it turns exports more competitive. Despite the slide in the value of the rupee relative to the dollar, it needs to be kept in mind that the fallout has negatively impacted most major currencies, especially those from emerging markets. There was a similar selloff at the time the crisis in Greece in 2009, mainly on account of contagion fears across the Euro currency union, but a majority of analysts don t see the Turkey situation cascading into a crisis of those proportions. Also, what the rupee is experiencing is a correction of sorts, given that between 2013-14 and 2017-18, its real effective exchange rate or REER — currency s weighted average in






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relation to a basket of 36 major currencies that is adjusted for the effects of inflation with regard to the countries concerned — appreciated by 15.9%. The US dollar is likely to strengthen further in the months to come, with the expected rate hikes by the US Federal Reserve in the coming quarters. According to the investment information and credit rating agency ICRA, the RBI is likely to assess the trend in the rupee vis-à-vis the emerging market currency pack, and if all emerging market currencies are depreciating, the rupee must weaken to protect export competitiveness. A weaker currency does, however, make imports costlier. High oil prices (India is the world s third biggest oil importer and ships in about 80% of its crude oil requirements) exert further pressure. The RBI has already hiked interest rates twice in its last two reviews to check inflationary pressures. It has also been intervening in the currency market using its foreign reserves to check currency volatility. In a recent report, the IMF had flagged global risks such as high oil prices and trade tensions among the factors weighing on India s growth outlook. There will also be an impact on product prices. Manish Sharma, president and CEO, Panasonic India and South Asia, said that continual strengthening of the US dollar is putting pressure on the overall input costs , and that if this trend continues, it will have an impact on prices within the white goods industry ahead of the festive season. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

15. Making NHPM work: On Ayushman Bharat (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains


PM Independence Day speech focus

Prime Minister Narendra Modi s announcement on Independence Day that Ayushman Bharat, or the National Health Protection Mission, will be launched formally on September 25 sends out the signal that the government is finally recognising the linkages between health care and economic development. Need for NHPM

Political parties have not yet made the right to health a campaign issue, and the National Health Policy does not recommend such a right since it cannot be fulfilled. But there is increasing awareness that it is unsustainable for a country of 1.3 billion people to rely on household savings to pay for health care.

What is Pradhan Mantri Jan Aarogya Abhiyan or NHPM?

The NHPM is an ambitious initiative, providing a coverage of Rs.5 lakh per family a year to 10 crore families chosen through the Socio-Economic Caste Census, mainly rural poor and identified urban workers. State governments, which will administer it through their own agency, will have to purchase care from a variety of players, including in the private sector, at pre-determined rates. What are the pre-requisites?






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1. Reaching a consensus on treatment costs through a transparent consultative process is vital for a smooth and steady rollout. 2. A large-scale Information Technology network for cashless treatment should be set up and validated. Since a majority of the families will be rural, and the secondary and tertiary public hospital infrastructure suffers from severe efficiency and accountability problems, State governments should upgrade the administrative systems. 3. National schemes on health provide an overarching framework, but the responsibility of executing them falls on the State governments. It is widely recognised that there are nations with the nation in India, given the population sizes, disease burdens and the

development levels of different regions. 4. Clearly, the NHPM has a problem with the distribution of hospitals, the capacity of human resources, and the finances available for cost-sharing. Addressing these through the planned increase in public health spending to touch 2.5% of GDP, and 8% of State budgets, is the immediate challenge. Way forward

With steady economic growth, meeting that policy commitment through higher investments will be a test of political will. Yet, it is also an opportunity to tap into a large labour pool for the new jobs that will be created, and to raise skill levels. Reducing the cost of universal health coverage is imperative, and it requires parallel investments in the neglected public sector. Private insurance can only be a short-term option, and it clearly has limitations. Less ethical institutions have been found ordering unnecessary treatments to claim insurance compensation. An ombudsman to deal with complaints from NHPM users should, therefore, be a priority. The Centre should extend the scheme to all children and senior citizens, and cover out-patient consultation and essential drugs to sharply reduce out-of-pocket spending.

(Adapted from The Hindu)

16. The data that's making growth under Manmohan Singh look so good (Relevant

for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Economics)

The Narendra Modi government has just handed the opposition Congress party an important data point that it can use to redeem the tarred image of the UPA rule, which has been accused of grossly mismanaging the economy. The revised GDP numbers show that the Manmohan Singh government did far better than earlier thought. The GDP growth touched double digits during its tenure, the second time in the history of India. The new numbers have emerged after a committee set up by the National Statistical Commission calculated the GDP with the base year of 2011-12 instead of the earlier base year of 2004-05. The committee has issued adjusted numbers for the 1994-2014 period. The revised back-series data of the GDP growth rate shows 0.3 to 0.5 percentage points increase for each






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year. The Congress party said growth numbers were better under the UPA. It proves that like-for-like, the economy under both UPA terms (10-year avg: 8.1%) outperformed the Modi Govt (avg 7.3%), the party s official handle tweeted. What the government did

From January 2015, the Central Statistics Office updated the base year for GDP calculation to 2011-12, replacing the old series base year of 2004-05, as per the recommendations of the National Statistical Commission. The Commission had initially suggested 2009-10 as the new base year, but it was dropped as the year was considered abnormal as the economy was still recovering from the global financial crisis of 2008. Base year is carefully selected because of the impact it has on the numbers and is usually choses as one in which no serious anomaly was present. The new series includes corporate information from the MCA21 database of the Ministry of Corporate Affairs instead of the results obtained from the RBI study on company finances, which means a more comprehensive inclusion of corporate data in GDP numbers. It also helped improve accuracy, particularly for the services sector, which accounts for about 60 per cent of GDP. Why government changed the base year

Change of base year to calculate GDP is done in line with the global exercise to capture economic information accurately. Ideally, the base year shoud be changed after every five years to capture the changing economy. GDP based on 2004-05 did not reflect current economic situation correctly. The new series is also compliant with the United Nations guidelines in System of National Accounts-2008. It takes information for the corporate sector and has better estimates of the unorganised sector from 2010-11 National Sample Survey on unincorporated enterprises and data on sales and service taxes. What it meant

The overhaul of the GDP was expected to expand the size of the economy due to broadening of coverage of unorganised sectors, agriculture and corporate sector. According to the revised numbers, average growth in first five-year term of the Congress-led UPA, FY05-09, goes up under the new series to 8.37% from 8.03% earlier in terms of market prices. In terms of factor cost, the increase is from 8.43% to 8.87%. Average growth during the preceding Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance government is down marginally from 5.89% to 5.73%. In terms of factor cost, the decline was from 6.01% to 5.83%. In the first three years of UPA-2 (FY10-12), the average growth rate goes up from 8.46% to 8.86%. In terms of factor cost, the revision is up from 8.06% to 8.49%. Growth data based on the old series is available till FY12 while the revised series is till FY14. The committee said the deviations were not significant and attributed these to discrepancies. The statistics office has not yet taken a call on the numbers. (Adapted from The Economic Times)






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17. What does the falling rupee mean for you and economy? (Relevant for GS

Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Economics)

Exports may receive a boost while imports could flag

With the rupee recently weakening past Rs.70 to a dollar and hovering about that level since, concerns over the impact of the devaluation on economic indicators are intensifying. Here is what happens when the rupee falls: What happens to inflation?

One of the first visible effects of currency depreciation is the country s imports become more expensive and exports cheaper. The reason is simple. It takes more rupees to pay for the same quantum of imports and fewer dollars for a buyer to pay for the same quantity of exports. More expensive imports are likely to drive inflation upward, especially in India where input products constitute a large part of our imports. In addition, a depreciating rupee also impacts the oil import bill since it costs more rupees per barrel of oil, which plays its own part in pushing inflation up. What happens to GDP growth?

This is a more complex question given the number of factors that affect GDP growth. On the one hand, costlier inputs and the subsequent increase in the prices of finished goods should have a positive impact on GDP. But the consequent decrease in demand due to higher prices could nullify this. This is best explained using the textbook formula of aggregate demand equalling the sum of household consumption of goods and services, investment, government expenditure on goods and services, and exports minus imports. A depreciating rupee certainly affects the exports and imports, since exports are likely to receive a boost while imports could flag somewhat. It remains to be seen what impact a reduction in household consumption would have on demand, especially when the festive season is nearing. What does this mean for you?

A depreciating rupee means higher prices of goods and services, costlier petrol and trips abroad turning more expensive. On the flip side, the domestic tourism could grow as more tourists visit India since their currency now buys more here. In the medium term, export-oriented industries may also create more jobs. (Adapted from The Hindu)

18. Backstory of GDP back series and the controversy surrounding it (Relevant for GS







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Why has a report suggesting that the Indian economy grew faster under the UPA than during the last four years, triggered a controversy? What goes into making statistical estimates such as these? In January 2015, the government moved to a new base year of 2011-12 from the earlier base year of 2004-05 for national accounts. The base year of national accounts had been revised earlier in January 2010. In the new series, the Central Statistics Office (CSO) did away with Gross Domestic Product (GDP) at factor cost, and adopted the international practice of valuing industry-wise estimates as gross value added (GVA) at basic prices. With the move to the new base year, the growth rate of the economy for 2013-14 was estimated at 6.9%; it was 4.7% on the 2004-05 base. Similarly, the growth rate for 2012-13 was revised upwards to 5.1% from 4.5%. Growth of the manufacturing sector also became higher in the new series. Apart from using establishment-based datasets of the Index of Industrial Production (IIP) and Annual Survey of Industries (ASI), the CSO started to use the enterprise-level corporate database of MCA-21 — an e-governance initiative of the Ministry of Company Affairs that was launched in 2006 to allow firms to electronically file their financial results — and advance filing of corporate accounts, to calculate national accounts. For years preceding 2011-12, however, the CSO faced issues for evaluating GDP with the new base year — due to the lack of availability of the MCA-21 database. In 2017, then Chief Statistician of India T C A Anant said that the back series was proving to be a major statistical challenge in the absence of data for earlier years, and declared it s not going to happen that quickly . NSC Committee report

According to a report prepared by a Committee on Real Sector Statistics appointed by the National Statistical Commission (NSC), the autonomous body that helps in collection of data by India s statistical agencies, the economy grew at a faster pace under the UPA government from 2004-05 to 2013-14, compared with the average growth during the first four years of the current government.






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The average GDP at factor cost was 8.87% during UPA-I (2004-05 to 2008-09), and 7.39% during UPA-II (2009-10 to 2013-14), the Committee said. In contrast, average growth rate in the first four years of the NDA government (2014-15 to 2017-18) was calculated at 7.35%.






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In 2006-07, growth reached 10.08%, then fell to 7.16% in 2008-09, as the global financial crisis affected financial markets and economies. In 2012-13 and 2013-14 — the last two years of the UPA government — growth rate fell to 5.42% and 6.05% respectively. The Committee noted that the difference between the rates of economic growth in the old series (2004-05 base) and the new back series (2011-12 base) was minimal. It has presented its estimates to the NSC for consideration. As per the new methodology followed by the CSO, GDP is calculated by adding product taxes to the GVA at basic prices and removing subsidies. The data also show the GDP and GVA series to be broadly in tandem. GDP, which incorporates indirect tax collections net of subsidies, should normally be higher than GVA. But if net indirect tax collections grow slower than subsidies, GVA could be higher than GDP. In its latest research report, the State Bank of India says the new series shows that on at least 12 occasions out of 18 until 2011-12, GDP lagged GVA, possibly because fertiliser subsidy was scaled up significantly from 2005-06 following poor agricultural growth. Also, in FY09, GDP was higher then GVA by a massive 301 basis points on the back of huge a fiscal stimulus. (Subsidies grew by a massive 83%.) The fiscal stimulus did push up the growth rate to 10.8% in FY11 from 4.2% in FY09 but it did not sustain for long with a jump in inflation, SBI said. Methods of estimation

Back series can be generated in three ways, the Committee on Real Sector Statistics said — one, based on the new GDP methodology by using the base data wherever available; two, based on a production shift approach; and three, by projecting the old series using the base year 2004-05 forward, and then adjusting it to the 2011-12 base by comparing with the new series. The third approach is yet to be tried, the Committee said. As per the revised methodology approach, the CSO prepared tentative estimates of growth rates of GVA and GDP from 2004-05 to 2011-12 at current and constant prices. Estimates of GVA were compiled separately for different institutional sectors. Public corporations and the general government sector were backcasted (a method of planning that defines a future, and then works backwards to identify policies to connect that defined future to the present) by splicing (which is a way to combine multiple index numbers with different bases into a single series). Because reliable Ministry of Company Affairs datasets were not available, the private corporate sector was backcasted using data from the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy, a leading business information company. The unincorporated sector was backcasted by indicators used in the new series. MCA-21 data, available 2006-07 onward, were used to estimate the corporate segments of the economy in the new series. Findings based on this method need to be deliberated upon by the Advisory Committee on National Accounts Statistics, and were not a part of the NSC Committee s report. The Committee used the production shift method to convert the old GDP series consistent with the new series, wherein a quantum correction factor was used instead of the usual






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splicing method. Simply put, the difference in output at 2011-12 between two series occurred due to an upward or downward shift in the production curve, that included new economic activities and/or excluded older activities that became extinct. To get the new back series on the base year 2011-12, it was assumed that this shift in production did not occur in a single year — and the difference in output was then redistributed asymptotically backward with an annual declining rate up to the year 1993-94. Prof N R Bhanumurthy of the National Institute of Public Finance and Policy, who was a member of the panel set up by the NSC, said that since the new GDP revision represents value addition in goods, it eliminates redundant goods. So, for instance, since computers replaced typewriters, the latter are taken out of back series calculations in this approach. Government s response

As the Congress used the report to underline higher economic growth under Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, the government clarified Sunday that the Committee s estimates on back series data were not official — but were meant only to facilitate a decision on the appropriate approach for calculating back series data. The NSC, too, clarified that various alternatives were being discussed to finalise the GDP back series data, and the calculations were still a work in progress . The recommendations will be examined by the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MOSPI) and other experts, the government said. The Committee itself added a disclaimer saying These Reports are not final and the figures/estimates are also not final and should not be quoted anywhere. The Reports have not been approved by National Statistical Commission or MOSPI. Issues with other datasets

Since the release of the new series, there has been continuous flip-flop over the release of the back series of GDP. Other statistical tools to gauge economic development have also undergone changes over the past four years, including a revised IIP and inflation indices, and interventions such as payroll reporting based on EPFO data. But in the process, regular datasets such as the Annual Employment-Unemployment Survey have gone missing. Six rounds of the Survey, conducted by the Labour Bureau under the Ministry of Labour & Employment, have been done, but only five have been released — the last one in September 2016, for the period 2015-16. (Adapted from PIB)

19. India s First ISTS connected Wind Power Project Commissioned (Relevant for GS


Solar Energy Corporation of India Limited (SECI) conducted India s first auction of wind power projects in February 2017 in which tariff of Rs. 3.46 was discovered, which was much lower than feed in tariffs in vogue those days. This was a bid for projects to be connected on ISTS (Inter State Transmission System) wherein power generated from one state (renewable resource rich state) could be transmitted to other renewable deficient states.






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What is special?

The first auction also signified a major shift from the earlier regime of state-specific feed-in-Tariff (FiT) model to a Pan-India, market-driven mechanism. This 126 MW ISTS project marks the beginning of capacity additions in wind power based on market discovered tariffs. (Adapted from PIB)

20. Why a few hold most mutual funds assets (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains


Last week, Ajay Tyagi, Chairman of the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI), raised concerns over the concentration of assets among top mutual fund houses and said there was a need for more competition in the industry to bring down the cost for investors. Over the last four to five years, mutual funds have seen a significant jump in the pool of money they manage, on account of both a jump in incremental flows from domestic investors as well as a rise in equity markets. Top mutual fund houses (by assets under management) have emerged the biggest beneficiaries of this growth and have consolidated their market share. A look at these trends and the resultant concerns: How has the industry grown?

Over the last 12 years, the mutual fund industry has grown over 6.5 times from an average asset under management (AUM) of Rs 3.53 lakh crore in March 2007 to Rs 23.05 lakh crore in March 2018. Mutual funds are collective investment schemes run by asset management companies registered with and regulated by SEBI. They collect funds from investors to be invested in specific schemes that aim to invest the fund in stocks of companies, government and private sector bonds, gold and exchange traded funds among others, based on the nature of the scheme. A significant jump in equity markets over the last five years, along with a relatively subdued performance of other asset classes such as debt, real estate and gold, saw a large number of domestic investors diverting their focus towards equity markets through mutual funds, leading to a significant jump in assets managed by mutual funds. Between May 2014 and July 2018, the net inflow into equity schemes was Rs 3.88 lakh crore; as a result, the equity AUM of the mutual fund industry rose from 1.89 lakh crore to Rs 6.84 lakh crore in this period. What has this meant to fund houses?

The rise in the industry s assets under management brought significant gains to the fund houses. Data sourced from the Association of Mutual Funds in India show that the top five fund houses in March 2007 accounted for 52% of the industry AUM, and the top five in March 2018 account for 57.1%. Also, the top 10 mutual funds in 2007 accounted for 75% of the industry AUM, and the top 10 in March 2018 has gone up to nearly 81%. Large fund houses have gained a disproportionate share of the incremental business that came to the industry over the last five years. While this is something the regulator seems to






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be concerned about, industry experts say it is the natural form of growth and in any growing industry; companies best positioned to take advantage of the growth take the lead. So, even in the mutual fund industry, big fund houses, which had a stable management and good performance and invested in branch expansion and reach, benefited the most from this growth. It is important to note that after the industry saw the number of players rise from 34 in March 2007 to 46 in March 2013, this came down to 42 by the end of March 2016. While a few foreign fund houses exited the Indian market, the industry also witnessed some consolidation as a result of which some fund houses were taken over by others.

Should this be a cause for concern?

While it is ideal to have a healthy industry with a large number of competitors, which would benefit of the consumer, the 80-20 rule seems to apply across industries where 20% of the individuals or companies account for 80% of the income. Those watching the mutual fund industry say the large fund houses have been able to consolidate their position on the back of investment on expansion across smaller cities over the last six years, and by delivering scheme performance. Industry insiders say this is the trend in developed






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markets too. In fact, in the $4 trillion global exchange traded fund industry, the top three players (Blackrock, Vanguard and State Street) account for nearly 70% of the market share. Some say the regulator s job is to prepare guidelines and regulate the industry; within this framework, if some fund houses are more successful in growing their business on the back of performance and reach, then it should not be a cause for concern. These are the dynamics of a free market and it should not concern the regulator who has grown, if there is transparency, performance and good governance across companies within the industry, said an industry insider. What is the trend in other sectors?

If SEBI s concern is taken as valid, the situation should be seen as more alarming in the insurance sector, where the LIC alone accounts for close to 70% of the premium collection. While there are 24 players in the life insurance business, the top four players — LIC, HDFC Standard Life, SBI Life and ICICI Prudential Life — account for more than 86% of the industry market share. Private banks too are growing their market share in the banking business. According to recent report by Nomura, the large private banks have grown their market share in current accounts (CAs) by 5 percentage points between FY16 and FY18 and held nearly 41% of all such deposits at the end of the March 2018. It said private banks have also garnered nearly 65% of all new current account deposits between FY14 and FY18. Even in the automobile sector, in the passenger vehicle market, just two companies — Maruti Suzuki India and Hyundai Motor India — account for over 67% of domestic sales as per the July 2018 sales figures. So, the mutual fund industry is not a case in isolation. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

21. What the Warren Buffett deal means for Paytm, Indian startups (Relevant for GS


The deal with Warren Buffett s Berkshire Hathaway pegs Paytm s valuation at $10-12 billion, making it the country s most valuable startup With Warren Buffett picking up 3-4% in Paytm (One97 Communications Pvt. Ltd), the fintech startup s capital table reads like a list of the who s who of the biggest names in the global venture capital business. What does Warren Buffett s investment in Paytm mean for the company?

The investment is an endorsement from one of the world s biggest and most respectable investors, who, until now, had stayed away from risky, technology private stocks. His support could signal immense confidence in not only Paytm, but also the Indian tech and startup ecosystem. A deal with Buffett would value Paytm at $10-12 billion, making it the






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country s most valuable consumer internet startup. Flipkart, which was bought out by Walmart, held this distinction till May. Why is the timing of Warren Buffett s investment in Paytm important?

India has turned into a battleground for the world s biggest firms trying to stamp their dominance in the digital payments market. Backing of renowned investors such as Buffett could help Paytm differentiate itself from the crowd. Over the past year, Paytm s near-monopoly status in digital payments has been challenged by Google s Tez, Amazon Pay, Flipkart s PhonePe and the centre s UPI-based BHIM app. Newer players such as WhatsApp payments service may also pose a significant challenge. Today, Alphabet Inc. s Google said it is teaming with HDFC Bank Ltd, ICICI Bank Ltd, Kotak Mahindra Bank Ltd and Federal Bank Ltd to offer instant, pre-approved loans to customers right within Google Pay in a matter of seconds .

Any turning points?

The centre s demonetisation move in November 2016 was Paytm s biggest turning point. Investor interest in Paytm rose after that, boosting online transactions. Why does Paytm attract so much interest from investors?

Paytm retains a huge brand loyalty among consumers in the digital payments economy. It has entered the e-commerce sector with Paytm Mall and launched its own payments bank. For investors, the combined value of all its offerings makes them bet on Paytm. It already has the backing of the SoftBank Group and Alibaba, besides marquee investors such as SAIF Partners, MediaTek and Ratan Tata. What are the biggest challenges for Paytm?

Paytm is yet to come up with a long-term, sustainable business model. The company continues to burn a significant amount of capital to attract new users and retain the existing ones by offering them cashbacks and discounts. With newer challengers emerging in India s digital payments landscape, it will only become more difficult for Paytm to maintain its dominance. (Adapted from Livemint)

22. Over 99% of demonetised notes were returned: RBI (Read only for

understanding; Economics)

RBI report on returned currency

The Reserve Bank of India s annual report for 2017-18 said more than 99% of the Rs. 500 and Rs. 1,000 notes withdrawn from circulation in November 2016 had been returned to the central bank. According to the report, after verification and reconciliation, the total value of the Rs. 500 and Rs. 1,000 notes as on November 8, 2016, the day before the note ban came into effect,






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was Rs. 15.41 lakh crore. The total value of such notes returned from circulation is Rs. 15.31 lakh crore. New currency

RBI data showed that the value of banknotes in circulation increased by 37.7% over the year to Rs. 18.04 lakh crore as at end-March 2018.

More 500 notes With more Rs. 500 notes having been pumped into the system over the last one year, the share of Rs. 2,000 notes by value declined to 37.3% as on March 2018, compared with 50.2% a year earlier. The share of Rs. 500 notes, in terms of value, increased from 22.5% to 42.9% in the same period. (Adapted from The Hindu)






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Environment

1. River of effluents (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Environment &

Biodiversity)

On why the Clean Ganga project has a long way to go

What is the National Mission for Clean Ganga (NMCG)?

It is a registered trust that runs the Namami Gange mission — India s most ambitious endeavour to clean the Ganga river. The NMCG has a Rs. 20,000-crore, centrally-funded, non-lapsable corpus and consists of nearly 288 projects. The NMCG s thrust is on roping in the private sector to not only set up sewage treatment plants but also maintain them. In return, the government offers to contribute 40% of the capital costs upfront and disburse the rest — with a profit margin — over 15 years subject to performance indicators being met. The mission also has projects to clean the ghats, rid the river of biological contaminants and improve rural sanitation and afforestation. What is the scale of the pollution involved?

Most of the Ganga s pollution is due to five States on the river s main stem — Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, Jharkhand, Bihar and West Bengal. Approximately 12,000 million litres a day (MLD) of sewage is generated in the Ganga basin, for which there is currently a treatment capacity of just 4,000 MLD. Industrial pollution from tanneries in Kanpur, distilleries, paper and sugar mills in the Kosi, Ramganga and Kali river catchments is a major contributor. What is the status of the cleaning exercise?

Last week, the National Green Tribunal (which is hearing petitions around Ganga-cleaning projects) pulled up the government for its tardy job and said that the stretches between Haridwar and Unnao were unfit for drinking and bathing and that authorities should display health warnings . Union Water Resources Minister Nitin Gadkari has promised that 80% of the river will be cleaned by May 2019. His predecessor, Uma Bharti, had promised a clean river by 2018. So far, the State governments have concentrated on superficially cleaning the river by using trash skimmers and improving crematoria-infrastructure. The Union Water Resources Ministry has been focussed on ensuring a transparent tendering and bidding process. Only this year have treatment plants at Haridwar and Varanasi begun to be constructed. In May 2014, there were 31 treatment plants with a capacity of 485 MLD. As of May 2018, 94 projects, with a treatment capacity of 1,928 MLD, were under way. A financial audit in March suggested that while Rs. 20,601 crore had been sanctioned for 193 projects, only Rs. 4,254 crore had actually been spent on their implementation. (Adapted from The Hindu)






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2. Nationwide State Energy Efficiency Preparedness Index released (Relevant for GS

Prelims; Environment & Biodiversity)

Purpose of index

As part of its commitment to create awareness about energy efficiency as a resource and also to develop an action plan for energy conservation initiatives, Bureau of Energy Efficiency (BEE) and Alliance for an Energy Efficient Economy (AEEE), today released the State Energy Efficiency Preparedness Index , which assesses state policies and programmes aimed at improving energy efficiency across various sectors. The nationwide Index is a joint effort of the NITI Aayog and BEE. How will the index work?

The State Energy Efficiency Preparedness Index has 63 indicators across Building, Industry, Municipality, Transport, Agriculture and DISCOM with 4 cross-cutting indicators. States are categorised based on their efforts and achievements towards energy efficiency implementation, as Front Runner , Achiever , Contender and Aspirant . The Front Runner states in the inaugural edition of the Index are: Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Maharashtra, Punjab, and Rajasthan based on available data. The Index examines states policies and regulations, financing mechanisms, institutional capacity, adoption of energy efficiency measures and energy savings achieved. The required data was collected from the concerned state departments such as DISCOMs, Urban Development Departments, etc., with the help of State Designated Agencies (SDAs) nominated by the BEE. Apart from the data furnished by SDAs, the AEEE also collected information from various central government sources such as: Central Electricity Authority (CEA) General Review; Ministry of Road Transport and Highways (MoRTH) annual report on the performance of State Road Transport Undertakings (SRTU); BEE programme implementation reports; Petroleum Conservation Research Association (PCRA), Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE); and Energy Efficiency Services Limited (EESL). (Adapted from PIB)

3. How do roads impact wildlife, and why should anyone bother? (GS Prelims, GS

Mains Paper III; Environment & Biodiversity)

Wild animals are vulnerable to vehicular traffic passing through forests, especially at night when, blinded by bright headlights, even swift species like cats freeze. Over time, as animals learn to avoid roads, busy multilane highways become barriers that hinder wildlife movement, fragment populations, and restrict gene flow. By blocking access to potential habitats, roads, railway lines and irrigation canals act as a major contributor to habitat loss. India s policy

In September 2013, the National Board for Wildlife (NBWL), the apex advisory body to the central government on all wildlife-related matters, said no to new roads through protected forests, but was open to the widening of existing roads with adequate mitigation measures






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irrespective of the cost, only if alternative alignments were not available. The government accepted this as policy in December 2014. In February 2018, the NBWL made it mandatory for every road/rail project proposal to include a wildlife passage plan as per guidelines framed by Wildlife Institute of India, an autonomous wildlife research body under the Environment Ministry. However, features like underpasses are unlikely to suffice in dense wildlife-rich forests where too many animals compete for space. Elsewhere too

Roads have destroyed tropical rainforests in South America, Asia and Africa. Though under severe pressure, the Amazon rainforests still hold over 1 million sq km of no-go zones, including national parks and territories for indigenous peoples in voluntary isolation. In North America and Europe, where the road network is extensive and wildlife density lower, wildlife passageways are more common. These features are seen in Malaysia and Kenya as well. In many protected areas such as South Africa s Kruger National Park and Botswana s Moremi Game Reserve, night traffic is prohibited.






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Bandipur story

In July 2008, Karnataka closed night traffic on the Mysore-Mananthavadi highway passing through Nagarhole Tiger Reserve. This, and reports of frequent roadkills in Bandipur, prompted the Chamarajnagar district administration in June 2009 to restrict vehicular traffic between 9 pm and 6 am on two national highways passing through the reserve. Protests by Kerala, however, led to the order being withdrawn. After a PIL was filed, Karnataka High Court restored the ban on night traffic in July 2009. After the final order came in March 2010, Karnataka spent Rs 75 crore to repair an alternative road, but also opened the forest highway to 12 state transport buses and emergency services during restricted hours. The state s night traffic ban was subsequently replicated in Tamil Nadu (Mudumalai Tiger Reserve) and Gujarat (Gir National Park).






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After the Bandipur matter went to the Supreme Court, the court in an interim order asked Karnataka and Kerala to consider allowing convoys of goods vehicles at night — an idea which was eventually discarded. Again in 2015, the Chief Ministers agreed with an expert panel s recommendation to maintain status quo. This January, the Supreme Court gave a committee under the Road Transport Secretary, with a representative each from Kerala, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, and the National Tiger Conservation Authority (NTCA) three months to file a report. In March 2018, the NTCA recommended maintaining status quo; the following month, Karnataka wrote to the Road Transport Ministry that it wanted to continue with the existing restrictions , and that Tamil Nadu agreed. The new plan

Two days before the July 23 date of submission of its report, the Ministry Secretary asked Karnataka to consent to a proposal to open the road 24×7 with certain mitigation measures. The proposal included elevating the road over four 1-km stretches to provide wildlife passageways below, and fencing the entire highway passing through the reserve with 8-foot-high steel wire barriers. While this may work for elephants if the passageways cover their traditional routes, for territorial animals, just four openings in a 24-km stretch may not suffice. To move between two halves of its territory (split by the highway) a big cat may, for example, have to use a passageway in its neighbour s territory. If it risks it, a mortal combat is likely; if it doesn t, it loses access to a part of its hunting ground and, possibly, partners. The argument for opening up and widening the restricted road is that the alternative road is 30 km longer, and apparently passes through hilly terrain — increasing travel time, fuel consumption, and pollution. Also, it is argued, traffic through a tiger reserve endangers wildlife even during the day, so fencing and passageways are a better idea. What next

The question is whether a 30-km detour to safeguard one of India s most wildlife-rich forests is an unaffordable economic burden or a minor concession necessary in the national interest. Depending on Karnataka s response to the request from the Union Ministry, the committee will finalise and submit its report before the Supreme Court by September 10. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

4. Khangchendzonga Biosphere Reserve Becomes 11th Biosphere Reserve from India

to be Included in the World Network of Biosphere Reserves (Relevant for GS Prelims,

GS Mains Paper III; Environment & Biodiversity)

11th in World Network of Biosphere Reserves (WNBR)

The Khangchendzonga Biosphere Reserve has become the 11th Biosphere Reserve from India that has been included in the UNESCO designated World Network of Biosphere Reserves (WNBR). The decision to include Khangchendzonga Biosphere Reserve in WNBR was taken at the 30th Session of International Coordinating Council (ICC) of Man and






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Biosphere (MAB) Programme of UNESCO held at Palembang, Indonesia, from July 23-27, 2018. India has 18 Biosphere Reserves and with the inclusion of Khangchendzonga, the number of internationally designated WNBR has become 11, with 7 Biosphere Reserves being domestic Biosphere Reserves. About Khangchendzonga Biosphere Reserve

Khangchendzonga Biosphere Reserve in Sikkim is one of the highest ecosystems in the world, reaching elevations of 1, 220 metres above sea-level. It includes a range of ecolines, varying from sub-tropic to Arctic, as well as natural forests in different biomes, that support an immensely rich diversity of forest types and habitats. List of Biosphere Reserves from India under MAB • Nilgiri (2000) • Gulf of Mannar (2001) • Sunderbans (2001) • Nanda Devi (2004) • Nokrek (2009) • Pachmarhi (2009)#MP • Simlipal (2009) • Achanakmar-Amarkantak (2012) • Great Nicobar (2013) • Agasthyamala (2016) • Sikkim (2018) How Is a Biosphere Reserve Declared?

Biosphere reserves are declared by the state or central governments by notification. Unlike national parks and wildlife sanctuaries, biosphere reserves are not created under any law. Once established, the national governments can nominate them under the UNESCO s Man and Biosphere (MAB) Programme. This Programme was launched in 1971. If UNESCO accepts the proposal, the biosphere reserve would enter the World Network of Biosphere Reserves (WNBR) under the MAB Programme. Within this network, exchanges of information, experience and personnel are facilitated. The Department of Environment is a nodal agency for biosphere reserve programmes. It carries out detailed scientific investigation, maps the biogeographical regions and vegetation types and identifies the critical areas. The Botanical Survey of India and Zoological Survey of India assist in this work. The central government assumes the responsibility of meeting the costs of the set up, while the state government would set up a desired machinery. World Network of Biosphere Reserves

In order to facilitate sharing of research results among biosphere reserves, the biosphere reserves admitted into the international network of biosphere reserves under UNESCO s MAB Programme.






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This network consists of more than 600 biosphere reserves in 117 countries. A biosphere reserve is included in the WNBR subject to the fulfillment of the criteria. It is required to undertake research on flora and fauna and engage in knowledge sharing with other biosphere reserves. (Adapted from PIB and Background from PrepMate-Cengage Environment Book)

5. All you need to know: Zero Budget Natural Farming in India (Relevant for GS

Prelims, GS Mains paper III; Environment & Biodiversity)

What is it?

Zero Budget Natural Farming (ZBNF), which is a set of farming methods, and also a grassroots peasant movement, has spread to various states in India. It has attained wide success in southern India, especially the southern Indian state of Karnataka where it first evolved. A rough estimation for just Karnataka puts the figure there at around 100,000 farmer families1, while at the national level, ZBNF leaders claim that numbers could run into millions. This has been achieved without any formal movement organization, paid staff or even a bank account. ZBNF inspires a spirit of volunteerism among its peasant farmer members, who are the main protagonists of the movement. Need for Zero Budget Natural Farming

The neoliberalization of the Indian economy led to a deep agrarian crisis that is making small scale farming an unviable vocation. Privatized seeds, inputs, and markets are inaccessible and expensive for peasants. Indian farmers increasingly find themselves in a vicious cycle of debt, because of the high production costs, high interest rates for credit, the volatile market prices of crops, the rising costs of fossil fuel based inputs, and private seeds. More than a quarter of a million farmers have committed suicide in India in the last two decades. Various studies have linked farmer s suicides to debt. Debt is a problem for farmers of all sizes in India. Under such conditions, zero budget farming promises to end a reliance on loans and drastically cut production costs, ending the debt cycle for desperate farmers. The word budget refers to credit and expenses, thus the phrase 'Zero Budget' means without using any credit, and without spending any money on purchased inputs. 'Natural farming' means farming with Nature and without chemicals. Where did movement start first in India?

The movement in Karnataka state was born out of collaboration between Mr Subhash Palekar, who put together the ZBNF practices, and the state farmers association Karnataka Rajya Raitha Sangha (KRRS), a member of La Via Campesina (LVC). Many members of KRRS are also members of the ZBNF movement, which is a broader entity and includes many other farmers. Still, KRRS was instrumental in mobilizing farmers at the grassroots level and organized many massive ZBNF training camps with the help of other allies. One might say that the organizational fabric of KRRS was like the culture medium upon which the ZBNF movement grew. These are the key activities organized by the ZBNF movement at the state level. ZBNF extends well beyond KRRS and includes many other allies and members, but KRRS is a key ally at the state level.





https://prepmate.in/product/environment-biodiversity-civil-services/


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Description of the Agroecology system

The basic toolkit of ZBNF methods was put together by Palekar. He is a former agricultural scientist, disillusioned by the ill effects of the green revolution on his own family farm, who drew from extensive research to recover traditional Indian farming practices, carried out during the early 1990 s. The four pillars of ZNBF

1. Jivamrita/jeevamrutha is a fermented microbial culture. It provides nutrients, but most importantly, acts as a catalytic agent that promotes the activity of microorganisms in the soil, as well as increases earthworm activity; During the 48 hour fermentation process, the aerobic and anaerobic bacteria present in the cow dung and urine multiply as they eat up organic ingredients (like pulse flour). A handful of undisturbed soil is also added to the preparation, as inoculate of native species of microbes and organisms. Jeevamrutha also helps to prevent fungal and bacterial plant diseases. Palekar suggests that Jeevamrutha is only needed for the first 3 years of the transition, after which the system becomes self-sustaining. How to prepare jeevamrutha:

Put 200 liters of water in a barrel; Add 10 Kg fresh local cow dung and 5 to 10 liters aged cow urine; Add 2 Kg of Jaggery (a local type of brown sugar), 2 Kg of pulse flour and a handful of soil from the bund of the farm. Stir the solution well and let it ferment for 48 hours in the shade. Now jeevamrutha is ready for application. 200 liters of jeevamruta is sufficient for one acre of land. Jeevamrutha Application

Apply the jeevamrutha to the crops twice a month in the irrigation water or as a 10% foliar spray. 2. Bijamrita/beejamrutha is a treatment used for seeds, seedlings or any planting material. Bijamrita is effective in protecting young roots from fungus as well as from soil-borne and seed-borne diseases that commonly affect plants after the monsoon period. It is composed of similar ingredients as jeevamrutha - local cow dung, a powerful natural fungicide, and cow urine, a strong anti-bacterial liquid, lime, soil. Bijamrita Application as a seed treatment

Add Bijamrita to the seeds of any crop: coat them, mixing by hand; dry them well and use them for sowing. For leguminous seeds, just dip them quickly and let them dry. 3. Acchadana - Mulching. According to Palekar, there are three types of mulching: a. Soil Mulch: This protects topsoil during cultivation and does not destroy it by tilling. It promotes aeration and water retention in the soil. Palekar suggests avoiding deep ploughing. b. Straw Mulch: Straw material usually refers to the dried biomass waste of previous crops, but as Palekar suggests, it can be composed of the dead material of any living being (plants,






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animals, etc). Palekar's approach to soil fertility is very simple – provide dry organic material which will decompose and form humus through the activity of the soil biota which is activated by microbial cultures. c. Live Mulch (symbiotic intercrops and mixed crops): According to Palekar, it is essential to develop multiple cropping patterns of monocotyledons (monocots; Monocotyledons seedlings have one seed leaf) and dicotyledons (dicots; Dicotyledons seedlings have two seed leaves) grown in the same field, to supply all essential elements to the soil and crops. For instance, legumes are of the dicot group and are nitrogen-fixing plants. Monocots such as rice and wheat supply other elements like potash, phosphate and sulphur. 4. Whapasa - moisture: Palekar challenges the idea that plant roots need a lot of water, thus countering the over reliance on irrigation in green revolution farming. According to him, what roots need is water vapor. Whapasa is the condition where there are both air molecules and water molecules present in the soil, and he encourages reducing irrigation, irrigating only at noon, in alternate furrows ZBNF farmers report a significant decline in need for irrigation in ZBNF. Other important principles of ZBNF and points to note

1. Intercropping – This is primarily how ZBNF gets its Zero Budget name. It doesn t mean that the farmer is going to have no costs at all, but rather that any costs will be compensated for by income from intercrops, making farming a close to zero budget activity. Palekar explains in detail the crop and tree associations that work well for the south Asian context. 2. Contours and bunds – To preserve rain water, Palekar explains in detail how to make the contours and bunds, which promote maximum efficacy for different crops. 3. Local species of earthworms. Palekar opposes the use of vermicompost. He claims that the revival of local deep soil earthworms through increased organic matter is most recommended. 4. Cow dung- Accroding to Palekar, dung from the Bos indicus (humped cow) is most beneficial and has the highest concentrations of micro-organisms as compared to European cow breeds such as Holstein. The entire ZBNF method is centred on the Indian cow, which historically has been part of Indian rural Political space

A handful state governments in India have supported a few training camps, and while this is welcome, it amounts to very little support. One state- Andhra Pradesh, has recently announced plans to support 3000 farmers to adopt ZBNF via state support2. There are no other official policies to promote ZBNF. Outcomes of the practices






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A survey carried out by LVC suggests that ZBNF works not just in agronomic terms, but also brings about a variety of social and economic benefits. A majority of respondents reported that by adopting ZBNF, over time they saw improvements in yield, soil conservation, seed diversity, quality of produce, household food autonomy, income, and health. Most experienced reduced farm expenses and a reduced need for credit, one of the major problems plaguing Indian farmers. (Adapted from Case study provided by La Via Campesina)

6. Keeping dry: On Kerala floods (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;

Environment & Biodiversity)

Consequences of Kerala Floods

The catastrophic impact of monsoon rainfall on several districts of Kerala has come as a grim reminder that the vigil against unpredictable natural disasters must never be relaxed. More than three dozen people have died and an estimated Rs. 8,316 crore worth of economic assets have been lost in the seasonal rain, particularly over the past week. The gates of reservoirs in the Idukki system, a giant hydroelectric project, and several other dams have been opened, inundating riverside habitations downstream. At the peak of the havoc, about 60,000 people whose dwellings suffered damage were lodged in relief camps. In the northern districts, damage to houses, roads and other structures has occurred owing to landslips caused by incessant showers. There is genuine concern that a temporary respite in rainfall may be followed by another intense downpour from nascent weather systems; the India Meteorological Department has forecast rain until August 17. Support from Centre

The Centre has done well to get a first-hand estimate of the havoc from Home Minister Rajnath Singh, although the initial announcement of Rs.100 crore towards relief is incongruous with the scale of the damage. Crucial support has come from the armed forces as well to normalise the situation. What is the cause of floods?

Kerala s unusually heavy monsoon this year is in contrast to the long-period trend of rainfall. According to an analysis of data on the monsoon between 1954 and 2003 by climate researchers at the University of Cambridge, overall this part of the country had become drier in summer, but with an emerging frequency of destructive flash floods in rare events. This trend is expected to become stronger. Need for resilience planning

This points to the need for governments to strengthen their resilience planning. It should begin with a programme to relocate people away from hazard zones along the rivers that were in spate in Kerala over the past week after the shutters of more than two dozen dams were opened. Finding suitable land is, of course, a challenge in a populous, forested State, but it is an absolute necessity to prepare for the future. It is reasonable to expect that with






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its efficient primary health care network, Kerala will take all measures necessary to avoid epidemics in the wake of the floods. The spectacular disaster this year also underscores the role of the government as the insurer of last resort for the average citizen. In Mumbai last year, for instance, those who had private household insurance cover against disasters discovered the limitations of such policies, since the companies were unwilling to pay many home owners for a key risk such as costly displacement from homes since the houses were not structurally damaged. All States naturally look to Kerala, with its record of social development, for evolving best practices to handle such natural disasters. (Adapted from The Hindu)

7. Pune tops Ease of Living index; Patna ranked lowest of 111 cities (Relevant for GS

Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Environment & Biodiversity)

Ease of Living Index findings

Three cities in Maharashtra — Pune, Navi Mumbai and Greater Mumbai — top the first Ease of Living Index brought out by the Union Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs. The national capital, New Delhi, is ranked 65 among 111 cities, while Chennai is in 14th place. Kolkata did not participate in the survey. The other cities in the top ten include Tirupati, Chandigarh, Thane, Raipur, Indore, Vijayawada and Bhopal. The three cities at the bottom of the rankings are Rampur, Kohima and Patna. What is the index?

A city s ranking reflects its ability to provide data, as well as its actual performance on four different parameters — institutions or governance, social indicators, economic indicators and physical infrastructure. Senior Ministry officials told The Hindu that cities which were unable or unwilling to provide data received low scores.

Data deficient

For example, New Delhi has a score of zero on indicators regarding inclusive housing and mixed land use and compactness, and a score of just 0.12 on economy and employment. This does not mean that the capital actually performs so poorly on these indicators, according to members of the consortium which carried out the survey and produced the Index for the government. Instead, it probably means that the NDMC and the three Municipal Corporations which govern the city simply failed to provide any data on those indicators.






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The urban local bodies had been required to respond to 553 questions in 15 different categories under the four parameters. What is the need of index?

Releasing the Index, Housing and Urban Development Minister Hardeep Singh Puri said the ranking marks a shift to a data-driven approach to urban planning and management. He said future editions of the Index may also incorporate citizen and stakeholder feedback rather than relying on government data alone. A consortium member admitted that it was a challenge to collect some of this information from data-starved urban local bodies. Complications in calculations

Particular complications were seen in indicators such as health —where local governments did not have access to data from private hospitals. The consortium assisted cities in plugging the data gap with regard to certain indicators. If cities are not able to provide data, how will they be able to plan and use their resources

well? The first thing they need to learn is to get their data ecosystem aligned, pointed out a consortium member.

(Adapted from The Hindu)

8. Kerala s trauma (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Environment)






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Resue efforts so far

The unprecedented deluge in Kerala unleashed by heavy rain, overflowing rivers, brimming dams and massive landslips has overwhelmed the State government and rescue agencies, as they struggle to make a complete assessment of the devastation. More than 160 people have died since August 8, and several are missing. More efforts required

The State government faces the challenging task of rescuing people who are marooned in far-flung houses in several districts and providing them food and water until the teams get to them. About 2,23,000 people had been moved to more than 1,500 relief camps, with more waiting to join. A respite in rainfall has aided the relief efforts, but as Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan acknowledged, it will take a major effort, using a combination of boats and aircraft from the Air Force, the Navy and the Coast Guard and legions of rescue personnel, to get all the stranded people to safety. The reduction in rainfall should help the National Disaster Response Force, which has committed 55 teams, intensify its efforts to reach those who are stranded. In fact, disaster management units in other States too should assist those working on the ground to deal with Kerala s catastrophic floods; apart from helping, they will gain valuable experience as well. Way forward

Going forward, the task of reconstruction will have to be addressed, covering public buildings, residential homes, roads and other infrastructure. A subsidised housing programme may be needed in the worst-hit areas, with tax breaks offered to residents. There is an outpouring of goodwill and support from across the country and even abroad, and the State government has acted quickly to make online contributions to the Chief Minister s Distress Relief Fund possible through a dedicated portal. Liberal donations will help the government in large-scale relief and post-flood rehabilitation initiatives. Support groups from neighbouring States such as Tamil Nadu and Karnataka have begun sending relief material, although the disruption to road connectivity has left a lot of it stranded at the inter-State borders. These volunteer efforts can be better targeted if the district authorities in Kerala put out advisories on the nature of relief needed, and the locations and the modalities of transfer. More immediately, it is important to continue with the air-dropping of food, water, candles, matches and other essentials to the worst-hit areas. Many control rooms have been opened but integrating the mechanism by merging the various phone numbers into three or four, at one per region, and allocating sufficient phone lines, will help citizens use them more easily. Hopefully, the worst is over. With full dams and overflowing rivers, Kerala desperately needs a benign shift in the weather to be able to cope with a disaster on a scale it has never seen before. It indeed needs all the support it can get. (Adapted from The Hindu)






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9. In U.P., plans to save the Taj Mahal (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;

Environment)

The Supreme Court s critical observation on the preservation of the Taj Mahal has redirected focus on the deterioration of the iconic Mughal monument. While multiple agencies are responsible for preventing pollution in and around the Taj and its preservation, the Uttar Pradesh government in July submitted a draft of its Vision Document in the court to outline its plan for the monument. What does it say?

Compiled by the School of Planning and Architecture in Delhi, the 240-page document makes a number of recommendations to protect the Taj precinct, Agra city and the Taj Trapezium Zone (TTZ). Encompassing an area of 10,400 sq km, the restricted region of the TTZ includes five districts of Uttar Pradesh — Agra, Mathura, Firozabad, Hatras and Etah — and one in Rajasthan — Bharatpur. For example, the draft suggests that the entire precinct be declared a no-plastic zone, including the use of bottled water; no untreated sewage discharge be allowed throughout the stretch of the Yamuna; closure of polluting industries in the region and promotion of alternative industries with incentives, and a ban on construction on the Yamuna Flood Plains. What are the challenges?

Apart from the natural deterioration of the monument, the Taj has over the years faced an onslaught by pollutants, including that from vehicles and industries. In the recent past, activists have complained that the white marble structure was developing greenish-black patches on several parts as a result of the release of faeces and dirt by an insect identified as Geoldichironomus (Chironomus calligraphus). The activists attributed it to the rising pollution in the Yamuna. In May 2016, the then Chief Minister, Akhilesh Yadav, ordered a probe into the discolouring. To offset the discolouring, the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) has periodically been giving the monument a mud-treatment using fuller s earth. The mud is applied to the monument and left to dry for 24 hours; thereafter, it is washed out. The herbal earth absorbs all the impurities absorbed by the marble from the atmosphere. Activists termed it eyewash and criticised the government and other agencies for not being serious about preserving the monument. D.N. Dimri, a senior ASI director, says that while no issues are faced in the structural conservation of the Taj, the chemical cleaning faces hurdles created by the high footfall. The Taj remains closed only on Friday, and the ASI has adapted methods such as area segregation and tourist diversion to ensure the cleaning goes smoothly. What about visitors?

An average of 40,000-50,000 persons visit the monument daily, with the number shooting up during holiday seasons. Last year, during a visit to the Taj, Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath remarked that if the security and facility could be upgraded, the number of tourists — Indians and foreigners — visiting Agra could be increased to 2.5-3 lakh daily. In its reproach of the government, a Bench of the Supreme Court wondered which body was responsible for the preservation of the Taj and asked whether there was any need to






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recruit foreign agencies to protect the monument. Admitting that the ASI had its own limitations and its work was restricted to the monument precincts, former ASI Director K.K. Mohammad is sceptical of the Supreme Court s suggestion that foreign agencies could be roped in to maintain the Taj. He argues that they do not know Indian conditions. Rather, political will is needed to carry out the changes to reduce pollutants. What lies ahead?

The various bodies maintaining the Taj do not seem to work in sync. This was evident from the court having expressed surprise that the Uttar Pradesh government did not consult the ASI while drafting the Vision Document. Raman Bhalla, a member of the Taj Conservation Society, says the Vision Document is faulty as it does not entail any study of air or water pollution. (Adapted from The Hindu)

10. What is a national disaster ? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;

Internal Security & Disaster Management)

THE DEVASTATION caused by the floods in Kerala has led to calls from political leaders in Kerala — of the ruling Left as well as the Congress — that the floods be declared a national calamity. Congress president Rahul Gandhi made the same demand Friday, when he tweeted: Dear PM, Please declare #Kerala floods a National Disaster without any delay. The lives, livelihood and future of millions of our people is at stake. While the government has examined proposals in the past to define a national disaster, there is no fixed criterion to define any calamity as such. A look at how calamities are actually classified, and what that means on the ground: How does the law define a disaster?

As per the Disaster Management Act, 2005, disaster means a catastrophe, mishap, calamity or grave occurrence in any area, arising from natural or man-made causes, or by accident or negligence which results in substantial loss of life or human suffering or damage to, and destruction of, property, or damage to, or degradation of, environment, and is of such a nature or magnitude as to be beyond the coping capacity of the community of the affected area. A natural disaster includes earthquake, flood, landslide, cyclone, tsunami, urban flood, heatwave; a man-made disaster can be nuclear, biological and chemical. How can any of these be classified as a national disaster?

There is no provision, executive or legal, to declare a natural calamity as a national calamity. In reply to a question in Parliament during the recent monsoon session, MoS (Home) Kiren Rijiju said, The existing guidelines of State Disaster Response Fund (SDRF)/ National Disaster Response Fund (NDRF), do not contemplate declaring a disaster as a National Calamity . In March 2001, then MoS (Agriculture) Shripad Naik had told Parliament that the government had treated the 2001 Gujarat earthquake and the 1999 super cyclone in Odisha as a calamity of unprecedented severity . Has there ever been an attempt to define a national calamity?






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In 2001, the National Committee on Disaster Management under the chairmanship of the then Prime Minister was mandated to look into the parameters that should define a national calamity. However, the committee did not suggest any fixed criterion. In the recent past, there have been demands from states to declare certain events as natural disasters, such as the Uttarakhand flood in 2013, Cyclone Hudhud in Andhra Pradesh in 2014, and the Assam floods of 2015. How, then, does the government classify disasters/calamities?

The 10th Finance Commission (1995-2000) examined a proposal that a disaster be termed a national calamity of rarest severity if it affects one-third of the population of a state. The

panel did not define a calamity of rare severity but stated that a calamity of rare severity would necessarily have to be adjudged on a case-to-case basis taking into account, inter-alia, the intensity and magnitude of the calamity, level of assistance needed, the capacity of the state to tackle the problem, the alternatives and flexibility available within the plans to provide succour and relief, etc. The flash floods in Uttarakhand and Cyclone Hudhud were later classified as calamities of severe nature . What happens if a calamity is so declared?

When a calamity is declared to be of rare severity / severe nature , support to the state government is provided at the national level. The Centre also considers additional assistance from the NDRF. A Calamity Relief Fund (CRF) is set up, with the corpus shared 3:1 between Centre and state. When resources in the CRF are inadequate, additional assistance is considered from the National Calamity Contingency Fund (NCCF), funded 100% by the Centre. Relief in repayment of loans or for grant of fresh loans to the persons affected on concessional terms, too, are considered once a calamity is declared severe . How is the funding decided?

As per the National Policy on Disaster Management, 2009, the National Crisis Management Committee headed by the Cabinet Secretary deals with major crises that have serious or national ramifications. For calamities of severe nature, inter-ministerial central teams are deputed to the affected states for assessment of damage and relief assistance required. An inter-ministerial group, headed by the Union Home Secretary, studies the assessment and recommends the quantum of assistance from the NDRF/National Calamity Contingency Fund (NCCF). Based on this, a high-level committee comprising the Finance Minister as chairman and the Home Minister, Agriculture Minister, and Planning Commission Deputy Chairman as members approves the central assistance. How much funds has the Centre been disbursing under the NDRF?

According to a reply in Parliament by Rijiju last January, the Centre released Rs 3,460.88 crore in 2014-15, Rs 12,451.9 crore in 2015-16, and Rs 11,441.30 crore in 2016-17 under the NDRF to various states. In 2017-18 until December 27, it had disbursed Rs 2,082.45 crore. State-wise figures presented by Rijiju showed that the highest amounts for 2016-17 were released to Karnataka (Rs 2,292.50 crore), Maharashtra (Rs 2,224.78 crore) and Rajasthan (Rs 1,378.13 crore). How do other countries classify disasters?






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In the US, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) coordinates the government s role in disaster management. When an incident is of such severity and magnitude that effective response is beyond the capabilities of state and local governments, the Governor or Chief Executive of a tribe can request federal assistance under the Stafford Act. In special cases, the US President may declare an emergency without a request from a Governor. The Stafford Act authorises the President to provide financial and other assistance to local and state governments, certain private nonprofit organisations, and individuals following declaration as a Stafford Act Emergency (limited) or Major Disaster (more severe). (Adapted from The Indian Express)

11. Kerala floods: The prescriptions for the Western Ghats (Relevant for GS Prelims,

GS Mains Paper III; Environment & Biodiversity)

The floods in Kerala have brought the focus back on an almost forgotten 2011 report on the Western Ghats that had made a set of recommendations for preserving the ecology and biodiversity of the fragile region along the Arabian Sea coast. Its lead author, Pune-based ecologist Madhav Gadgil, has publicly argued that had the report s suggestions been implemented by the concerned state governments, the scale of disaster in Kerala would not have been as huge as it is. A look at some of the main recommendations of the Gadgil report, how these were substantially relaxed by a subsequent committee led by space scientist K Kasturirangan, and whether implementation of the first report would have made any difference to the Kerala crisis: Why was the Gadgil Committee set up?

In February 2010, then Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh attended a public meeting in Kotagiri in Tamil Nadu organised mainly by those associated with Save the Western Ghats group. Speakers pointed to threats to the ecosystem from construction, mining, industries, real estate, and hydropower. After the meeting, Ramesh set up the Western Ghats Ecology Expert Panel under Gadgil. The panel was asked to make an assessment of the ecology and biodiversity of the Western Ghats and suggest measures to conserve, protect and rejuvenate the entire range that stretches to over 1500 km along the coast, with its footprints in Gujarat, Maharashtra, Goa, Karnataka, Kerala, and Tamil Nadu. What did the Gadgil Committee say?

It defined the boundaries of the Western Ghats for the purposes of ecological management. The total area in this boundary came to 1,29,037 square km, running about 1.490 km north to south, with a maximum width of 210 km in Tamil Nadu and minimum of 48 km in Maharashtra. It proposed that this entire area be designated as ecologically sensitive area (ESA). Within this area, smaller regions were to be identified as ecologically sensitive zones (ESZ) I, II or III based on their existing condition and nature of threat. It proposed to divide the area into about 2,200 grids, each approximately 9 km × 9 km, of which 75 per cent would fall under ESZ I or II or under already existing protected areas such as wildlife sanctuaries or natural parks. construction, the report said.






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It recommended:

* Ban on cultivation of genetically modified in entire area * Plastic bags to be phased out in three years * No new special economic zones or hill stations to be allowed * Ban on conversion of public lands to private lands, and on diversion of forest land for non-forest purposes in ESZ I and II * No new mining licences in ESZ I and II area * No new dams in ESZ I * No new thermal power plants or large scale wind power projects in ESZ I * No new polluting industries in ESZ I and ESZ II areas * No new railway lines or major roads in ESZ I and II areas * Strict regulation of tourism * Cumulative impact assessment for all new projects like dams, mines, tourism, housing * Phase-out of all chemical pesticides within five to eight years in ESZ I and ESZ II The committee proposed a Western Ghats Ecology Authority to regulate these activities in the area. What was the need for the subsequent Kasturirangan Committee?

None of the six concerned states agreed with the recommendations of the Gadgil Committee, which submitted its report in August 2011 (its official public release was cancelled). Suggestions and comments were received from a number of others as well. In August 2012, then Environment Minister Jayanthi Natarajan constituted a High-Level Working Group on Western Ghats under Kasturirangan to examine the Gadgil Committee report in a holistic and multidisciplinary fashion in the light of responses received from states, central ministries and others. This committee submitted its report in April 2013. Its report revealed that of the nearly 1,750 responses it had examined, 81% were not in favour of the Gadgil recommendations. In particular, Kerala had objected to the proposed ban on sand mining and quarrying, restrictions on transport infrastructure and wind energy projects, embargos on hydroelectric projects, and inter-basin transfer of river waters, and also the complete ban on new polluting industries. So, what did the Kasturirangan Committee say?






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It broadened the definition of Western Ghats and included a total of 1,64,280 square km in it. It then classified it as comprising cultural landscape and natural landscape. It said nearly 60% of the Western Ghats was cultural landscape, where human settlements, agriculture and plantations existed. The remaining was natural landscape, of which the biologically rich area was only 37% or about 60,000 sq km. It was only this part that the committee said needed to be classified as ecologically sensitive area (ESA) Its main recommendations for ESA

* Ban on mining, quarrying and sand mining * No new thermal power projects, but hydro power projects allowed with restrictions * Ban on new polluting industries * Building and construction projects up to 20,000 sq m was to be allowed but townships were to be banned * Forest diversion could be allowed with extra safeguards What was finally decided?

Last year, the Environment Ministry notified an area of 56,285 sq km in the Western Ghats as ESA. This was slightly less than the 59,940 sq km recommended by the Kasturirangan committee. In Kerala, specifically, the Kasturirangan committee had proposed an area of 13,108 square km as part of ESA. This was brought down to 9,993.7 sq km at the insistence of Kerala government. Would implementation of the Gadgil report have lessened the impact of the Kerala

floods?

The Kerala disaster essentially has been caused by extreme rainfall. Since the 2013 Uttarakhand flooding, such extreme rainfall events have led to one disaster-like situation in India every year. The Gadgil report was submitted in 2011. Even if the state governments had begun implementing the recommendations in all seriousness immediately thereafter, it is not clear what activities would have stopped. What Gadgil seems to be arguing for is the need to learn lessons from past tragedies, and increase the resilience of disaster-struck areas through sustainable and long-term development that would involve minimal intervention in natural processes. Even in the Uttarakhand disaster, uncontrolled construction, large hydropower plants and deforestation were assessed to have aided the scale of destruction. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

12. Cyclone Warning Centre to be set up in Thiruvananthapuram within a month

(Relevant for GS Prelims; Disaster Management)

With several incidents of tropical cyclones and severe weather events striking over Kerala and Karnataka coasts in the recent times, the Union Ministry of Earth Sciences is proposing






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to set up a Cyclone Warning Centre in Thiruvananthapuram. The Ministry is planning to set up the Centre in another one month. At present, IMD has cyclone warning centres only at Chennai, Vishakhapatnam, Bhubaneswar, Kolkata, Ahmedabad and Mumbai. Relevance of Proposed centre

The Centre will cater to the needs of Kerala and Karnataka states and will be equipped with all state of the art infrastructure including forecasting tools to issue weather warnings and coastal bulletins (for fishermen,etc.).It will further strengthen the present forecasting activity in India Meteorological Department s existing office in Kerala. C-Band Doppler Weather Radar

The Ministry is also planning to set up another C-Band Doppler Weather Radar at Mangalore by end of 2019, which will cover the northern parts of Kerala. At present, there are two Doppler Weather Radars in the state, at Kochi and Thiruvananthapuram. With these 3 radars, the entire state will be covered for monitoring of rainfall and severe weather events, and adequately warn the people well in advance. IMD has developed many new models and tools right from nowcasts (2-3 hours) to extended range forecasts (15-20 days lead time). (Adapted from The Indian Express)

13. Why does Kerala need more funds? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;

Disaster Management)

What has been the damage?

As Kerala struggles to come to grips with the worst floods in its history, the reconstruction of damaged infrastructure and restoration of livelihoods pose a daunting challenge for the State government. Initial estimates put the loss at ₹ , crore but officials feel the extent of the damage could be more than twice the figure. The total loss will probably run into billions of dollars. Think about Mississippi, Katrina and the Thailand floods — they all ran into tens of billions of dollars. Finding money to recover from this level of damage is difficult, says G. Pramod Kumar, former adviser, UNDP. Where will funds come from?

Following aerial surveys of the flood-affected areas by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Rajnath Singh, the Central government announced an interim relief of ₹ crore for the State against a demand for ₹ , crore as emergency assistance. Having completed a week-long rescue operation with the help of the armed forces and the National Disaster Response Force, the State government announced a massive reconstruction programme. But mobilising resources for a project on this scale remains a challenge for the economy of the State that leans heavily on the diminishing remittances by a large diaspora. How much has the CM collected?

The Chief Minister s Distress Relief Fund has mopped up ₹ crore by way of donations by individuals, institutions and organisations across the world.






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Who suffered the most losses?

It is significant that a huge part of the destruction happened to private assets. The floods caused widespread damage to houses and property. According to Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, 7,000 houses have been destroyed and 50,000 damaged in the floods. According to Mr. Kumar, the government may not have enough resources even to rebuild public assets such as roads, hospitals, schools and bridges. The private properties will have to be rebuilt by the people. Where will they find the money? Nobody knows, he points out. Officials admit that the deluge has exposed the vulnerabilities of the middle class which took the biggest hit. With virtually no experience in handling a disaster of this magnitude, the middle and lower middle class sections will find it difficult to overcome the human tragedy, says S.N. Reghuchandran Nair, president, Trivandrum Chamber of Commerce and Industry. Unlike the lower income groups which come under the government s support mechanism or the higher income class which is capable of absorbing the impact, middle class families will find themselves incapable of rebuilding their shattered lives. It is also significant that most of these families inhabit vulnerable areas prone to floods and landslips. Traders and owners of Micro Small and Medium Enterprises are also badly affected. Apart from the damage to assets, it is the loss of livelihood support that is bound to be traumatic for thousands of these people, says Mr. Nair. He advocates a thorough revamp of the Damage And Loss Assessment mechanism to come up with authentic figures of claim and compensation. Since most traders now file GST returns, that can be taken as the base to work out the losses incurred by them, he says. What about crops? The preliminary estimate of the crop loss is pegged at ₹ , crore. More than , , farmers suffered damage to various crops spread over 56,439 hectares. The Agriculture Department has proposed an assistance of ₹ . crore to compensate farmers. The comprehensive crop insurance scheme is expected to limit the impact of the floods on the farm sector. Officials, however, point out that it will require huge sums to repair agricultural infrastructure like irrigation systems, pumps and bunds. More than the damage and loss of infrastructure, it is the impact on livelihoods, incomes and human development that will take time to rebuild, says Mr. Nair. Any recovery and reconstruction plan will need to factor this in. (Adapted from The Hindu)






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Science and Technology

1. Lifestyle diseases in India (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Science &

Technology)

What are Lifestyle Diseases?

A disease associated with the way a person or group of people lives. Lifestyle diseases include atherosclerosis, heart disease, and stroke; obesity and type 2 diabetes; and diseases associated with smoking and alcohol and drug abuse. Regular physical activity helps prevent obesity, heart disease, hypertension, diabetes, colon cancer, and premature mortality. What is the State of Lifestyle diseases in India?

Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) and other Institutes conduct studies on lifestyle disease. According to ICMR India State-Level Disease Burden Study report India: Health of the Nation s States , the estimated proportion of all deaths due to Non-Communicable Diseases (NCDs) has increased from 37.09% in 1990 to 61.8% in 2016. As per the National Family Health Survey (NFHS); 2015-16, 11% of women (1 in 10) and 15% of men (1 in 7) of age 15-49 are hypertensive. The survey has also found that about 60.4% of persons screened have ever had their blood pressure measured. As per ICMR s cancer registry data, the estimated incidences of cancer patients in India are 13,28,229, 13,88,397, 14,51,417 and 15,17,426 during the years 2014, 2015, 2016 and 2017, respectively. While estimated deaths due to cancer during these years are 670541, 701007, 732921 and 766348, respectively. What are the government initiatives to address these diseases?

The Government has formulated the National Health Policy, 2017, which aims attainment of the highest possible level of good health and well-being for all at all ages, through a preventive and promotive health care orientation in all the developmental policies, and universal access to good quality health care services without anyone having to face financial hardship as a consequence. The policy seeks to move away from Sick- care to Wellness, with thrust on prevention and Health promotion. The policy, inter alia, seeks to reduce premature mortality from cardiovascular diseases, cancer, diabetes or chronic respiratory diseases. Government of India is also implementing National Programme for Prevention and Control of Cancer, Diabetes, Cardiovascular Diseases and Stroke (NPCDCS) under the National Health Mission. The objective of the programme includes awareness generation for Cancer prevention, screening, early detection and referral to an appropriate level institution for treatment. For Cancer, the focus is on three Cancer namely breast, cervical and oral. Further, for early diagnosis, population level initiative of prevention, control and screening of common NCDs (diabetes, hypertension and cancers viz. oral, breast and cervical cancer)






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has been rolled out in over 150 districts of the country in 2017-18 under NHM, as a part of comprehensive primary healthcare. This initiative will not only help in early diagnosis but also will generate awareness on risk factors of common NCDs. Under Pradhan Mantri Swasthya Suraksha Yojana (PMSSY), 6 new AIIMS have been set up and upgradation of identified medical colleges has been undertaken which will also improve tertiary care facilities for NCDs including Diabetes. In collaboration with the Ministry of AYUSH, an initiative to use the knowledge available in AYUSH system of medicines for prevention and control of Non-communicable Diseases is being implemented in 6 districts on pilot basis. The Minister of State (Health and Family Welfare), Smt Anupriya Patel stated this in a written reply in the Rajya Sabha here today. (Adapted from PIB)

2. Research, training needed: Why snakebites remain a burden for India (Relevant

for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Science & Technology)

WHO has called for a global effort against envenoming . Some 50,000 die in India each year due to lack of trained doctors and difficulties in supply of anti-snake venom Two months ago, the World Health Organisation s (WHO s) 71st World Health Assembly in Geneva adopted a resolution to accelerate and coordinate global efforts to control snakebite envenoming — the life-threatening disease that follows the bite of a venomous snake . Between 1.8 million and 2.7 million people are bitten worldwide every year, between 81,000 and 1,38,000 of them die, and four or five times that number are disabled, according to the WHO. In India, which was a signatory to the resolution, some 50,000 die every year; however, the WHO fears this estimate may be just 10% of the actual burden. In 2017-18, 1.96 lakh cases of snakebites were recorded, with West Bengal, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu reporting the biggest numbers. This June, Maharashtra approved the setting up of a National Venom Research Centre and asked the Centre to aid the public sector Haffkine Institute in its work on snake species and poisons. Of the 300-odd species of snakes found in India, 52 are venomous, but all their poisons are different. Manufacturing problems

The high case burden, poorly trained doctors, and lack of anti-snake venom (ASV) makers hobble India s battle against snakebites. Biological E Ltd, VINS Bioproducts Ltd, Bharat Serums and Vaccines Ltd, and Premium Serums and Vaccines Pvt Ltd, are India s only private ASV manufacturers; the nearly 120-year-old Haffkine Bio-Pharmaceutical






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Corporation Ltd is the only government-owned maker. In 2015, Sanofi stopped producing ASV saying it cost too much. ASV manufacture requires a series of forest department permissions. Horses are needed

for the test, for which a large space is necessary. Private companies do not find all this financially feasible, Subhash Shankarwar, general manager at Haffkine, said. Licensed snake catchers need clearance to trap snakes in the wild, and a separate licence is issued to keep them in captivity for 90 days. The snakes are milked every week to collect a multipurpose enzyme secreted by the animals salivary glands. The diluted venom is administered to horses to immunise them; they are then bled to collect the antibodies that are generated. The plasma is separated, purified and converted into powder or liquid form to produce ASV. The manufacturing process can take a year. Each manufacturer has its own protocol, which is why the quality of ASV differs… We need

uniform guidelines, said Sampada Mehta, MD, Haffkine Bio-Pharma. Haffkine produces 24 lakh vials annually — Maharashtra purchases 3.8 lakh, West Bengal 3.5 lakh, Tamil Nadu 1.4 lakh, and Odisha 1.2 lakh. Overall, India produces some 1.5 million vials of ASV every year, Haffkine Institute director Dr Nishigandha Naik said — which is a third of the estimated annual requirement. Lack of research

A decade ago, Sri Lanka stopped importing ASV from Haffkine citing inefficacy, a company official said. We are noticing that the potency of ASV is reducing in the last few years. There is need for research to understand which combination works best, Dr Naik said. Doctors say locally produced ASVs are the most effective. A snake s venom changes with terrain, diet and environment. But most manufacturers source their venom from Irula Cooperative Venom Centre in Tamil Nadu, which houses a large number of snakecatchers. This explains why, to treat a saw-scaled viper s bite in Tamil Nadu, less than 10 vials may be required, while in Maharashtra it could be 30-80 vials, and in Jammu and Kashmir, over 80. The cost of treatment in a private hospital can be huge — a Russell s viper s bite requires 30-40 vials, which could cost upwards of Rs 20,000. Untrained doctors

In a study of 1,686 snakebite cases from 2013-16 in Maharashtra s tribal Palghar district, researchers found poor training among doctors, and high wastage of ASV. The research, funded by the Tribal Health Research Forum of the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR), showed that in most cases, primary health centres referred patients elsewhere and the golden hour was lost , principal investigator Dr Rahul Gajbhiye said. Dr Himmatrao Bawaskar, who specialises in scorpion and snake bites, said doctors often miss the small mark left by the bite of a krait, the species responsible for 40% of snakebite deaths in India. In most cases, doctors do not identify the bite mark as it is small, and the






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victim is attacked while asleep. Within hours, the victim develops neuroparalysis, Dr Bawaskar said. MBBS courses should have a separate chapter on snakebites, he said. Dr Smita Mahale, director of the National Institute of Research in Reproductive Health, which is supporting the Maharashtra government in training doctors, said, In 2009 and 2016, snake bite protocols were drafted by the central government. But the training is yet to cover all doctors. Monovalent vs polyvalent

A monovalent ASV, made from the venom of one species, can treat the bite of only that species. It is more efficient, but the purpose is lost if the snake is not identified correctly. A polyvalent combines the venoms of India s four most common poisonous snakes — cobra, common krait, Russell s viper, and saw-scaled viper. More venom is wasted in the manufacture of the ASV, and more vials are required to treat the patient. India currently manufactures only polyvalent ASV. It needs to train doctors to identify snakes by their bites before switching to the production of monovalent ASVs. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

3. Reconsider the ban: on oxytocin (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;

Science & Technology)

Criticism of Complete Oxytocin ban

The Union Health Ministry s ban on the retail sale and private manufacture of oxytocin, expected to kick off on September 1, is an extremely ill-thought-out one. What has government ignored?

The drug, a synthetic version of a human hormone, is a life-saver for women. Doctors use it to induce labour in pregnant women and to stem postpartum bleeding. So critical is its role in maternal health that the World Health Organization recommends it as the drug of choice in postpartum hemorrhage. Why has government banned Oxytocin?

The government s ban ignores this and is motivated instead by the misuse of the hormone in the dairy industry. Because oxytocin stimulates lactation in cattle, dairy farmers inject the drug indiscriminately to increase milk production. This has spawned several unlicensed facilities that manufacture the drug for veterinary use. It is a problem that needs solving. What should have been done?

But the right approach would have been to strengthen regulation and crack down on illegal production. Much is unknown about the ill-effects of oxytocin on cattle. One of the concerns was that oxytocin leads to infertility in dairy animals, and some studies show this to be true. It has also been linked to mastitis, a painful inflammation of the udder. Milk consumers worry about exposure to it through dairy products.






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The science behind some of these claims is unclear. In a Lok Sabha answer in 2015, the National Dairy Research Institute was quoted as saying there was no evidence that oxytocin led to infertility. A 2014 study by researchers at the National Institute of Nutrition concluded that oxytocin content in buffalo milk did not alter with injections. However, even if the ill-effects of oxytocin are real, a ban is not the answer. Oxytocin is simply too important to Indian women, 45,000 of whom die due to causes related to childbirth each year. Comparison with Antibiotics use

A parallel to the situation lies in the misuse of antibiotics in humans and poultry. So heavily are these drugs used that they are causing deadly bacteria to become resistant to them. Yet, despite calls for a complete ban on over-the-counter sale of antibiotics, India has been reluctant to do so. In much of rural India, more people still die due to a lack of antibiotics than due to antibiotic-resistance. This has swung the cost-benefit ratio against outright bans. In oxytocin s case, if only a single public sector unit manufactures the drug, as the government plans, this could lead to drug shortages and price hikes. Karnataka Antibiotics & Pharmaceuticals Limited, the drugmaker tasked with manufacturing oxytocin, has been asked to cap the price at Rs. 16.56 for 1 ml of a five-international unit (IU) solution. However, some private manufacturers were selling it for Rs. 4 until now. Monopolising production will remove the low-price options from the market. Such a situation may benefit cattle but will put the lives of many women at risk. (Adapted from The Hindu)

4. How mosquito vs mosquito can fight dengue (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains

Paper III; Science & Technology)

TWO YEARS ago, the head of India s top medical research organisation had said India was looking at newer strategies to combat dengue . Dr Soumya Swaminathan, then director-general of the Indian Council for Medical Research and now Deputy Director-General (Programmes), World Health Organization, had cited ongoing research on a bacterium called wolbachia that, if introduced in mosquitoes, could stop disease-spreading viruses from growing and spreading. Today, the experiment has proved remarkably effective in a small town in Australia, preventing fresh outbreaks of dengue. What was the experiment like, and what hope does it hold out for India s fight against vector-borne disease? The bacterium

Wolbachia is a tiny bacterium that is present in up to 60% of all species of insects, including several mosquito species, but not usually in the Aedes aegypti mosquito, the primary species responsible for transmitting dengue, chikungunya and Zika. Wolbachia is one of the world s most common parasitic microbes and possibly the most common reproductive parasite in the biosphere. The experiment looked at whether introducing wolbachia in Aedes aegypti could indeed reduce their ability to transmit these diseases.






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The experiment

Australian researchers were able to protect the 1.87 lakh population of Townsville, Queensland, from dengue for the last four years. Mosquitoes were specially bred to carry wolbachia and were let loose over 66 square km in places where they could naturally breed. In the four monsoon seasons since these mosquitoes were introduced, dengue ceased to be a problem. When present in the mosquito, the viruses cannot replicate as well. So, small numbers of

wolbachia-carrying mosquitoes are released in target areas. They then breed with wild mosquitoes and over time the percentage of mosquitoes carrying wolbachia grows until it remains high without the need for further releases, Prof Scott O Neill, who leads the World Mosquito Programme at Monash University, Australia, told The Indian Express by email. Once wolbachia has been established, the World Mosquito Program s self-sustaining

method offers a safe, effective and long term solution to reduce the burden of dengue, Zika and chikungunya, Prof O Neill said. India connection

This is a safe and effective approach and needs to be tested at different settings in India, Dr Soumya Swaminathan said. The ICMR is collaborating with Monash University for Phase-I laboratory studies to use these strains of Aedes aegypti for the control of dengue and chikungunya. At the National Vector Borne Disease Control Programme, officials said this approach is being tested in India. Field testing, however, is still several years away as this approach needs to be tested in large cities where a large number of mosquitoes will require to be released. As of now, mosquito eggs with wolbachia have been imported and are being bred at the Vector Control Research Centre at Puducherry. Years of laboratory and field research have shown that this method is safe for people, animals and the environment, said Prof O Neill, who feels that this strategy can work in highly populated cities of India and other countries. Last year, there were 1.9 lakh dengue cases and 325 deaths in the country. Until July this year, there have been 15,000 cases and 38 deaths. There has been a reduction due to various preventive measures and participation of the community in controlling this vector, but officials said they are also open to this new bio-control approach. Elsewhere

At present, large-scale trials are under way in Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), Medellin (Colombia) and Yogyakarta (Indonesia). According to Prof O Neill, long-term monitoring at international project sites have shown that wolbachia is self-sustaining at high levels and there has not been local dengue transmission. (Adapted from The Indian Express)






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5. Clampdown on oxytocin: why, what now (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper

III; Science & Technology)

On August 2, the central drug regulator ordered a strict vigil to stop oxytocin imports, and to ensure imported stocks were not used in any form or name . The government has banned production of oxytocin for domestic use by private companies, and its sale by private chemists from September 1. Why? Drug and its uses

Oxytocin is naturally secreted by the pituitary glands of mammals during sex, childbirth, lactation or social bonding, and is sometimes called love hormone . It is chemically synthesised and sold by pharmaceutical companies across the world. It is used as a drug during childbirth because it can contract the uterus and induce delivery, control bleeding, and promote the release of breast milk. Oxytocin can be administered to humans as an injection or a nasal solution. An oxytocin injection is generally available for Rs 3-20 at any chemist. The concerns

In October 2014, Union Women and Child Development Minister Maneka Gandhi wrote to the Health Ministry to flag the loss of livestock in the country due to illegal use of oxytocin. On March 15, 2016, Himachal Pradesh High Court passed an order listing the grave dangers oxytocin posed to humans. This judgment forms the basis of the Centre s clampdown on oxytocin production, import, and sale. …There is a grave misuse of Oxytocin by farmers and diary owners… It is not only the health of the animals, which is a matter of concern, but a greater concern lies in the fact that it is this very milk and vegetables which have been injected with Oxytocin to increase its size, that is being consumed by all of us… Oxytocin filters into the milk and… has been held responsible for breast and uterine cancers, male impotence… Its use is also considered harmful for eyes, especially in children. The hormone affects the reproductive ability of woman… Consumption of Oxytocin infected milk by pregnant woman increases risk of haemorrhage. It is also responsible for high spike in tuberculosis cases…, the court said. It directed the government to consider the feasibility of restricting the manufacture of Oxytocin only in public sector companies and also restricting and limiting (its) manufacture by companies to whom license have already been granted . The counter-view

A study commissioned by the central government and published in the June 2014 issue of the Indian Journal of Medical Research, reported that exogenous OT (Oxytocin) injections do not influence its content in milk , and that OT present in milk is rapidly degraded during intestinal digestion, ruling out its intestinal absorption and associated adverse health consequences, if any . On December 22, 2015, Agriculture Minister Radha Mohan Singh told Lok Sabha: The National Dairy Research Institute has informed that there is no scientific evidence that






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artificial use of Oxytocin has adversely affected progeny of cattle and buffaloes resulting in dwindling of livestock. However, continuous Oxytocin use could lead to a progressive addiction and lack of response to normal let down of milk. Several gynecologists told The Indian Express that no international study has so far definitively demonstrated the harmful effects of oxytocin on humans when consumed through vegetables or milk. It has uses as a drug, and regulators elsewhere have not felt it necessary to put restrictions on its production by private firms or sale by private chemists. Government action

At its meeting on February 12 this year, the Drugs Technical Advisory Board (DTAB) — a Health Ministry body that advises central and state governments on technical matters related to the provisions of The Drugs and Cosmetics Act, 1940 — agreed on a draft notification for regulating, restricting the Oxytocin formulations for human use to be supplied only to registered hospitals and clinics in public and private sector . On April 27, the central government in a gazette notification said that from July 1, private companies would not be allowed to manufacture oxytocin for domestic use, and private retail chemists would not be allowed to sell it. The government subsequently pushed the deadline back to September 1. The import of oxytocin was banned by a separate notification on April 24. Monopoly and supply

The April 27 notification did not say which PSUs could manufacture oxytocin for domestic use after September 1; it emerged only later that the public sector Karnataka Antibiotics & Pharmaceuticals Limited (KAPL) would have a monopoly. While the central government has given no reason for choosing KAPL, a senior official said it believes KAPL is the only pharmaceutical PSU that has the capacity to manufacture and supply oxytocin across the length and breadth of India . However, according to a Health Ministry guidance note to state governments, KAPL will have just 17 distribution centres across the country for oxytocin, and none at all in 19 states and UTs, including all of the Northeast, Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal, Haryana, Punjab, and Goa. A nodal centre in the vicinity will distribute oxytocin formulations to these states, the note said. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

6. ISRO set to launch its TV channel (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains paper III;


Space agency to promote scientific temper in country

The Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) will have an year-long Vikram Sarabhai centenary celebration starting in August 2019 to honour the visionary scientist and its legendary founding father.






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ISRO s tribute to Sarabhai

In a few months time, it plans to roll out a dedicated ISRO TV channel showcasing space applications, developments and science issues, targeting young viewers and people in remote areas in their language. Sarabhai, the architect of the Indian space programme, the first ISRO chief and renowned cosmic ray scientist, was born on August 12, 1919. ISRO s tributes to Sarabhai start with naming the first Indian moon landing spacecraft of the Chandrayaan-2 mission Vikram . The mission is planned for early 2019. A chair each at Sarabhai's two alma maters, Cambridge University and Gujarat University, as also at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), would be set up, apart from giving awards, scholarships and fellowships in the country and abroad, ISRO Chairman K. Sivan said at a news conference on Sunday, the 99th birthday of the legend. Sarabhai was only 28 when he sowed the seeds of a space agency around the late 1940s and 1950s. Public satellite launches

As it strengthens its public outreach, ISRO will shortly start allowing the public to watch satellite launches from its Sriharikota launch centre. (Adapted from The Hindu)

7. e-cigarette ban (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Science &

Technology)

Why e-cigarettes are again in news?






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In a recent hearing on a public interest litigation in the Delhi High Court, the Delhi government said it was planning to ban e-cigarettes. If it follows through, the NCT will join States such as Karnataka and Maharashtra in the ban. The Union Ministry of Health and Family Welfare has taken a stand against e-cigarettes. Should they be banned? Arguments in favour

But is a ban the right approach to regulate this technology, given that combustible cigarettes are freely available across India? 1. The controversy exists partly because it is a new and rapidly evolving technology. This makes it hard for researchers to study the health effects. 2. Still, the evidence so far indicates that e-cigarettes are safer than combustible cigarettes. Because they heat a liquid to generate a nicotine-containing aerosol, instead of burning tobacco, they do not produce toxic tars. Should they be banned? Arguments Against

They are not completely safe. 1. At high temperatures, e-cigarettes produce carcinogens such as formaldehyde, although these are fewer in number compared to regular cigarettes. They also increase the odds of lung disease and myocardial infarction, but to a lesser extent than normal cigarettes do. 2. In the American Annual Review of Public Health, in January 2018 a group of researchers argued that e-cigarettes must be viewed from a harm minimisation perspective. Given that combustible cigarettes are more noxious than electronic ones, switching from the former to the latter can only help addicts, they argued. Writing in the same journal issue, however, another group of researchers advocated the precautionary principle. Given that e-cigarettes are a young technology, they said, it will take time to uncover their ill-effects. Already we know some carcinogens in e-cigarettes have a non-linear effect on cancer. This means even the low doses in e-cigarette aerosols can be carcinogenic if inhaled for years. What is the so far position?

Recent surveys also show that e-cigarettes can act as a gateway drug for young people. A 2011 study of Korean adolescents found that e-cigarette users were more likely to turn into regular smokers eventually. Plus, 2004-2014 data from the U.S. National Youth Tobacco Surveys suggest that young people at low risk of taking up smoking are turning to e-cigarettes. Way forward

Against this background, India must tread carefully. Completely banning the technology, while selling normal cigarettes, could take away a promising smoking-cessation aid. A more pragmatic option would be to regulate e-cigarettes tightly, by creating standards for the aerosols and banning underage and public use. This would leave smokers with a






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therapeutic alternative, while protecting youngsters from a gateway drug. Either way, conflicting evidence makes it a tough call for policymakers. What are e-cigarettes?

ELECTRONIC CIGARETTE: An electronic cigarette or e-cigarette is a handheld electronic device that vaporises a flavoured liquid which may have a nicotine base. The user inhales the vapour. The fluid in the e-cigarette is called e-liquid. The health risks of e-cigarettes are uncertain. While they are likely to be safer than tobacco cigarettes, the long-term health effects are not known. These health effects also depend upon the e-liquid used in them.

(Adapted from The Hindu and Background from PrepMate Science & Technology

book, Page 204)

8. Gaganyan: How to send an Indian into space (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains

Paper III; Science & Technology)

With Prime Minister Narendra Modi announcing Wednesday that an Indian astronaut would go into space by 2022, the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) has finally got a definitive timeline for a project it has been working on for the last 15 years. While preparations have been going on since 2004, when the manned space mission was first endorsed by the ISRO Policy Planning Committee, there was lack of clarity on when exactly the mission would be launched, although the target initially in discussion was 2015. As recently as May 2016, the government had told Lok Sabha, as it had done earlier, that there was no plan for a manned mission to be launched in the near future . In fact, formal





https://prepmate.in/product/science-and-technology/

https://prepmate.in/product/science-and-technology/


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approval from the government is still awaited. But over the years, the government had continued to support ISRO s efforts to build its capabilities for sending a human being into space. A manned space mission is very different from all other missions that ISRO has so far completed. In terms of complexity and ambition, even the missions to the Moon (Chandrayaan) and Mars (Mangalyaan) are nowhere in comparison. For a manned mission, the key distinguishing capabilities that ISRO has had to develop include the ability to bring the spacecraft back to Earth after flight, and to build a spacecraft in which astronauts can live in Earth-like conditions in space. Over the years, ISRO has successfully tested many of the technologies that are required, but many others are still to be developed and tested. The rocket: GSLV Mk-III

One of the most important requirements is the development of a launch vehicle that can carry heavy payloads into space. The spacecraft carrying human beings, called crew module, is likely to weigh in excess of 5 to 6 tonnes. ISRO s main launch vehicle, the PSLV (Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle), which carried the Chandrayaan and Mangalyaan missions too, can carry payloads that are barely up to 2 tonnes, and that too only to orbits at about 600 km altitude from the Earth s surface. That is why the development of GSLV Mk-III, a launch vehicle with capabilities to deliver much heavier payloads much deeper into space, was necessary. After three decades of efforts, mainly concentrated at developing an indigenous cryogenic engine to power the rocket, ISRO successfully tested GSLV Mk-III, now called LVM-3 (Launch Vehicle Mark-3), in an experimental flight in December 2014. Then, in June last year, ISRO successfully launched the first developmental flight of LVM-3, which carried the GSAT-19 satellite into space. The LVM-3 is the declared launch vehicle for taking the manned crew module into space. Over the next few years, many more flights of GSLV are scheduled. These will help ISRO in perfecting the cryogenic technology for sending up heavier and heavier payloads. In fact, only on June 6, the government approved the funding for the next 10 flights of GSLV Mk-III at an estimated cost of Rs 4,338.2 crore. This was supposed to take care of GSLV Mk-III missions till 2024. Reentry & recovery tech

The satellites normally launched by ISRO, like those for communication or remote sensing, are meant to remain in space, even when their life is over. Even Chandrayaan and Mangalyaan were not meant to return to Earth. Any manned spacecraft, however, needs to come back. This involves mastering of the highly complicated and dangerous reentry and recovery ability. While reentering Earth s atmosphere, the spacecraft needs to withstand very high temperatures, in excess of several thousand degrees, which is created due to friction. Also, the spacecraft needs to reenter the atmosphere at a very precise speed and angle, and even the slightest deviation could end in disaster.






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The first successful experimental flight of GSLV Mk-III on December 18, 2014, also involved the successful testing of an experimental crew module that came back to Earth after being taken to an altitude of 126 km into space. Called the Crew module Atmospheric Reentry Experiment (CARE), the spacecraft reentered the atmosphere at about 80 km altitude and landed in the sea near the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, from where it was recovered by the Coast Guard. The external configuration of that crew module was the same as that to be used in the manned flight. Many more tests would be done over the next few years.

Crew Escape System

This is a crucial safety technology, involving an emergency escape mechanism for the astronauts in case of a faulty launch. The mechanism ensures the crew module gets an advance warning of anything going wrong with the rocket, and pulls it away to a safe distance, after which it can be landed either on sea or on land with the help of attached parachutes. Only on July 5, ISRO completed the first successful flight of the crew escape system. A simulated crew module weighing about 3.5 tonnes was launched from Sriharikota. It reached 2.7 km into space before unfurling its parachutes and floating back to the Earth s surface. The system is likely to undergo many more tests in the coming years. Life support

The Environmental Control & Life Support System (ECLSS) is meant to ensure that conditions inside the crew module are suitable for humans to live comfortably. The inside of the crew module is a twin-walled sealed structure that will recreate Earth-like conditions for the astronauts. It would be designed to carry two or three astronauts. The ECLSS maintains a steady cabin pressure and air composition, removes carbon dioxide and other harmful gases, controls temperature and humidity, and manages parameters like fire detection and suppression, food and water management, and emergency support. While the layout and design of the ECLSS has been finalised, its many individual components and systems are in the process of being tested. The design and configuration of the inside of the crew module have also been finalised. Ground testing will have to be followed by tests in the space orbit while simulating zero gravity and deep vacuum. ISRO Chairman K Sivan told reporters in Bangalore Wednesday that the first manned mission would last at least seven days. Astronaut training

In the early part of the planning process, a proposal for setting up an astronaut training centre in Bangalore was floated. Initially targeted by 2012, it is yet to take off. While ISRO still plans to set up a permanent facility, the selected candidates for the first manned mission will most likely train at a foreign facility. Candidates will need to train for at least two years in living in zero gravity and dealing with a variety of unexpected experiences of living in space. Some training would also be imparted at the Institute of Aerospace Medicine of the Indian Air Force at Bengaluru. The process of selecting candidates has not yet begun.






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Budget

During the early years of planning, the cost of India s first manned space mission was estimated at about Rs 12,400 crore. But that was for a mission to be launched in 2015. On Wednesday, Sivan told reporters in Bengaluru that the mission would now be completed for less than Rs 10,000 crore. From an idea to a plan

August 2004: ISRO Policy Planning Committee recommends manned space mission November 2006: National committee comprising 80 scientists and technocrats endorses proposal September 2007: First public announcement of the human space programme February-March 2009: Another committee, comprising Montek Singh Ahluwalia, R Chidambaram, Roddam Narasimha, M G K Menon, Yash Pal, M S Swaminathan and K Radhakrishanan, discusses the desirability and feasibility of the programme and expresses support April 2010: Failure of GSLV-D3 December 2010: Failure of GSLV-F06 December 18, 2014: Successful testing of experimental flight of GSLV Mk-III; this also successfully tests an experimental crew module, demonstrating reentry capability June 2017: First developmental flight of GSLV Mk-III July 2018: First successful flight of the crew escape system August 15, 2018: Prime Minister announces manned mission to take place before 2022 (Adapted from The Indian Express)

9. Why is retail sale of oxytocin banned? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III;


What has the govt. decided?

From September 1, the Union Health Ministry will impose a highly controversial ban on the retail sale and private manufacture of oxytocin, a life-saving drug for new mothers. The reason for the ban is the misuse of oxytocin in dairy animals, like buffaloes, to increase milk production.The government s April ban order refers to a 2016 Himachal Pradesh High Court judgment, which said daily oxytocin injections made cattle barren and reduced their lifespans. In addition, it claimed that drinking milk from oxytocin-treated cattle led to male impotence, early puberty among women and cancers.






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Does it make cattle barren?

There is little evidence that oxytocin, when used judiciously under the oversight of a veterinary doctor, harms animals. According to Prakash Nadoor, a veterinary pharmacologist at Karnataka Veterinary, Animals and Fisheries Sciences University, veterinarians use oxytocin in very few situations. One situation is to induce labour in cattle. Here, around 50-100 international units (IUs) of oxytocin is administered over the period of a day. Another situation is when a dairy animal is unable to produce milk because her calf is either dead or has been taken away. To supplement the animal s natural oxytocin, which stimulates milk production, an injection of up to 5 IUs is given twice a day for 2-3 days, says Mr. Nadoor. It is not for long-term use, he adds. At such low levels, oxytocin is not known to harm cattle. A 1991 study published in the Journal of Dairy Science found that when Holstein cows were given 20 IU injections of oxytocin daily for a 305-day period, it did not increase prevalence of mastitis, a painful inflammation of the udder. Nor did it shorten the 21-day reproductive cycle of cows, known as the estrous cycle. In a more recent unpublished study by the National Dairy Research Institute (NDRI), Haryana, buffaloes were given 2.5 and 5 IUs of oxytocin daily for 90 days. Here, too, there were no adverse effects on the buffalos estrous cycle and ability to conceive, according to Mahendra Singh, a cattle physiologist at the NDRI. However, the animals grew addicted to oxytocin and produced lesser milk when deprived of it. This is why, continuous use of the hormone is problematic. Does milk from such cattle hurt humans?

Again, there is little evidence that oxytocin injected into cows at low doses is secreted in milk. In a 2014 study by the National Institute of Nutrition, Hyderabad, researchers found that oxytocin levels were similar in milk from cows injected with up to 1 IU of the hormone and untreated cows. Plus, whatever little oxytocin was in the milk did not survive intestinal digestion. So, it is unlikely that humans would experience effects like cancer. If oxytocin doesn t hurt, why the ban?

Oxytocin can be overused in the absence of oversight by a veterinary doctor. At high doses, it can hurt animals. Also, when untrained dairy farmers are administering the injection, it can cause pain for the animals. Several investigations, both by the media and by law-enforcement officials, have found indiscriminate oxytocin use in States like Punjab and Haryana. Sometimes oxytocin is used to compensate for stressful living conditions, which interferes with milk let-down. Also, because the synthetic oxytocin available in pharmacies is expensive, farmers buy crude pituitary extract of the hormone from grey markets. Such extracts contain several other hormones like gonadotropins, which could have ill-effects too.






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What can go wrong if animals are continuously given high doses? In a 1958 study, when dairy heifers were giving over 100 IUs of the drug daily, the hormone interfered with the formation of the animal s corpus luteum, an endocrine structure critical to pregnancy. Was the ban the only solution?

No, given the drug s importance to both human and veterinary medicine, the Drugs Technical Advisory Board recommended against a ban, advocating better surveillance instead. A ban might lead to scarcity and high drug prices. (Adapted from The Hindu)

10. What Cosmos Bank s Rs 94 crore online fraud says of bank security (Read only

for understanding, Science & Technology)

Last week, Pune-based Cosmos Bank lost Rs 94 crore in a coordinated digital fraud comprising thousands of online transactions, made possible because of a malware attack on the bank s systems. A look at how the fraud was carried out, and what questions it raises of security systems: What the software did

The fraud began with a malware attack. Malware is malicious software that is normally sent as a link to the intended target; once clicked, it can install executable codes and scripts. It is normally avoided by using anti-malware and antivirus software, and firewalls. In this case, the malware compromised a digital system responsible for settling cash dispensation requests raised at ATMs. As soon as one swipes a card, a request is transferred to the core banking system (CBS) of the bank. If the account has enough money, the CBS will allow the transaction. In this case, the malware created a proxy system that bypassed the CBS and approved a series 14,800 fraudulent transactions to withdraw Rs 80.5 crore — Rs 78 crore through 12,000 transactions in 28 countries, the rest in India. Another Rs 13.5 crore was transferred to a Hong Kong-based entity using a facility called Society for Worldwide Interbank Telecommunications (SWIFT). The ATM transfers

These are suspected to have been done with cloned cards , although a senior source at National Payment Corporation of India (NPCI) said that this is not certain at this stage. Cloned debit and credit cards have been used in several cyber crimes. The fraudster collects the card details (these are sometimes even sold over the dark net, a network with restricted access) and uses a a machine to copy these on dummies, or blank plastic cards. How SWIFT works

It is a network that enables financial institutions to send and receive information about transactions in a secure environment. Earlier this year, the SWIFT system at City Union Bank, with its headuarters at Kumbakonam (Tamil Nadu) was targeted, and nearly $2 million in three lots was transferred to banks in Dubai, Turkey and China. The SWIFT system frequently releases security updates. Muslim Koser, director (product development) of Volon, a cyber security firm, suggested that banks ensure that their






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systems are patched immediately after the update. The developers at SWIFT need to understand the particular kind of exploits being used and neutralise them, he added. Former NPCI managing director and CEO A P Hota said, I think it is responsibility of individual banks to ensure that their protection measures are in place. The timing

The attack on Cosmos took place around the same time that the FBI issued a warning of an ATM cash out attack where fraudsters could compromise a bank or payment processors,

use cloned cards at cash machines across the world to withdraw money. These attacks normally take place over the weekend, and Cosmos was attacked on a Saturday. Security concerns

Hota said the RBI has clear guidelines and if these are followed, such incidents will not happen. There is a case that as far as security is concerned, attention is given more to commercial banks and cooperative banks have been sidelined. However there are 9-10 cooperative banks as big as private banks and Cosmos Bank is one of them. Maybe RBI should pay special attention to large cooperative banks, Hota said. Cyber crime investigation expert Ritesh Bhatia said security measures across Indian banks are moderate and given the high level of coordinated international attacks, all banks need to upgrade their security mechanisms. Customers money

RBI guidelines say that if banks are at fault, they are liable to pay customers. However, there is also the issue of inconvenience for account-holders. Account-holders at Cosmos Bank could not carry out Internet and mobile banking which were suspended in the aftermath of the attack… Banks form a part of the critical infrastructure and one would be sceptical about opening an account at a bank where security has been compromised, Bhatia said. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

11. How Chandrayaan-1 helped confirm and reconfirm water on the Moon (Relevant

for GS Prelims, GS mains Paper III; Science & Technology)

From first evidence of water in 2009 to latest finding on ice, a role for ISRO and NASA instruments aboard Indian spacecraft. Recently, US space agency NASA said a team of scientists, while studying data generated by an instrument that had travelled on India s Chandrayaan-1 spacecraft in 2008, had directly observed definitive evidence of water ice on the Moon s surface. NASA said the ice deposits were patchily distributed and could be ancient . M3 (NASA s Moon Mineralogy Mapper) aboard the Chandrayaan- spacecraft… was

uniquely equipped to confirm the presence of solid ice on the Moon. It collected data that not only picked up the reflective properties we d expect from ice, but was able to directly






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measure the distinctive way its molecules absorb infrared light, so it can differentiate between liquid water or vapour and solid ice, NASA said in a statement. While NASA s announcement is based on the results of a new study, published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, this is not the first time that evidence of water has been found on the Moon. Nor is it the first time that the contribution of Chandrayaan-1 is being acknowledged in establishing such evidence. First confirmation

In September 2009, data from the same M3 instrument was used to announce unambiguous evidence of presence of water across the lunar surface. That announcement

was made after the data of M3 had been corroborated by observations of NASA s EPOXI spacecraft as it passed the Moon on its way to comet Hartley 2, and a reassessment of the data produced by a spectrometer aboard Cassini spacecraft in 1999. The data from ISRO s hyperspectral imager, an instrument used for mapping minerals, also aboard Chandrayaan-1, supplemented the evidence.

Distribution of surface ice (blue) at Moon’s south (left) and north poles, detected by

NASA’s M3 instrument on board Chandrayaan-1. (Source: NASA)

That announcement was seen as the final confirmation of water on Moon, something that had been hypothesised since the first lunar missions in the 1960s and 1970s. Water molecules were found mostly in the polar regions of the Moon. Days after that announcement, ISRO said another of its instruments on Chandrayaan-1, the Moon Impact Probe or MIP, had produced compelling evidence of water on the Moon. ISRO said this evidence was available at least a few months before NASA s announcement. MIP, a






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35-kg cube-shaped instrument with the Tricolour on all sides, is the first Indian object to land on the Moon. G Madhavan Nair, ISRO chairman at the time of Chandrayaan-1 launch, explained why the agency could not publish the findings of the MIP: There was an instrument inside MIP that was supposed to assess the moisture content in Moon s surface. It gave us distinct signature (of the presence of water). But unfortunately, there were some calibration anomalies in the data because of which we could not have quantified the amount of water content. As a result, we were not in a position to publish the results. Nair said data of the hyperspectral imager, however, was very useful in establishing the presence of water. Reconfirmation

After 2009, several studies have pointed to the presence of water, in different forms. Most of these have used the same data sets as used for the 2009 announcement. In August 2013, for example, a team of US scientists looked at the same M3 data and detected magmatic water, or water that originates within the Moon s interior , on the lunar surface. A NASA statement said it represented the first detection of this form of water from lunar orbit . Last year, another team used M3 data and produced the first map of water distribution on the lunar surface, showing it was spread across the Moon and not just in polar regions. In February this year, NASA reported a new analysis of data from two lunar missions that presented fresh evidence of water being widely distributed across the surface. It said the water appeared to be present day and night, though it is not necessarily easily accessible . The latest finding, that of solid ice, takes these discoveries forward. Most of the newfound water ice lies in the shadows of craters near the poles, where the warmest temperatures never reach above -250°F (-150°C). Because of the very small tilt of the Moon s rotation axis, sunlight never reaches these regions, the NASA statement said. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

12. Why biofuel for aircraft holds out promise, but isn t ready to fly yet (Relevant for

GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Science & Technology)

An estimated 20,000 aircraft currently ferry some 3 billion passengers around the world annually, and contribute about 2% of the world s annual greenhouse gas emissions. In 20 years, more than 50,000 planes and many more passengers could be flying. The difficulty in apportioning responsibility for jet emissions among countries makes it among the more complex problems of the global climate change fight. Also, as jet fuel prices rise alongside those of crude oil, it makes sense for governments and airline companies to move towards alternative sources of fuel.






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Budget carrier SpiceJet Monday operated India s first technology demonstrator flight on biojet fuel, which Ajay Singh, the airline chief, said could reduce dependence on traditional aviation fuel by up to 50% on every flight and bring down fares . The fuel

Dehradun-based CSIR-Indian Institute of Petroleum (IIP) manufactured 330 kg of biofuel especially for Monday s 40-odd-minute Dehradun-Delhi flight. The Bombardier Q400 turboprop aircraft with 28 people on board burnt a mix of 75% traditional aviation turbine fuel (ATF) and 25% oil extracted from the Jatropha plant, sourced from nearly 500 farmer families in Chhattisgarh. Biofuel blends for jet engines can also be prepared using biomass, animal fat, vegetable oil, agricultural waste, and natural gas. The bio-oil concentration can rise to 50%, beyond which, however, the combustibility of the fuel can be impacted. Science and Technology Minister Harsh Vardhan said only three to four nations are using biojet fuel . In 2008, Virgin Atlantic flew a Boeing 747 between London and Amsterdam using fuel derived from a mixture of Brazilian babassu nuts and coconuts. In January this year, Australian flag carrier Qantas operated a 15-hour flight from Los Angeles to Melbourne using a blended fuel that was 10% derived from Brassica carinata, an industrial variety of mustard.

The significance

The International Air Transport Association (IATA) is committed to an average annual improvement of 1.5% in fuel efficiency from 2009 to 2020, a cap on net aviation carbon emissions from 2020 (carbon-neutral growth), and a reduction in net aviation carbon emissions of 50% by 2050, relative to 2005 levels. IATA has also set a target of 1 billion passengers flying on aircraft using a mix of clean energy and fossil fuels by 2025. It has noted that given the current immaturity of the supply chain of the aviation biofuel industry, these fuels have lower economies of scale and can cost almost two to three times higher than conventional ATF. So far, more than 5,000 commercial flights have been operated across the world using biofuels. The impact

An international research programme led by NASA reported last year that the use of biofuels can reduce particle emissions in jet exhaust by as much as 50%-70%. But the equation is sometimes not simple: In a 2014 analysis of biofuels for the aviation industry, IATA had noted: According to a lifecycle assessment by the Yale School of Forestry on the plant jatropha (a tropical drought-resistant, oil-rich flowering plant), just one source of potential biofuels, its use could either reduce greenhouse gas emission by up to 85%, or increase them by 60%, depending on the circumstances in which it is produced. The future

Commercial use of aviation biofuel is still some way away. The infrastructure to mass-produce biojet fuel, and to deliver it at airports, is awaited. The airport at Los Angeles is one of the few that have the relevant infrastructure to support biofuels. Fuel companies are still working out sustainable ways to manufacture biofuel for aircraft. The 2014 IATA






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analysis said that the production of the first generation of biofuels had shown that the displacement of other agricultural activity, if not monitored carefully, could become a significant long-term concern. Second generation fuels, it said, posed greater extraction challenges. The Indian government is working on ways to use biofuel in the aviation sector; Transport Minister Nitin Gadkari said Monday that a Cabinet note would be moved on a special policy in this regard.


13. How Johnson and Johnson hip implants system went wrong (Relevant for GS

Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Science & Technology)

An expert committee set up by the Health Ministry has indicted Johnson & Johnson for suppressing key facts on the harmful effects of the company s faulty hip replacement

systems, withdrawn globally after complications required many patients to undergo revision surgery. A look at the concerns raised in India and elsewhere: How is hip replacement done?

The hip joint consists of a ball and a socket, which are covered with cartilage and surrounded by a lubricating membrane to protect against wear. In total hip replacement, all components are replaced with prosthetic components. While a metal stem is placed into the hollow centre of the thighbone (femur), the prosthetic ball, socket and cartilage can be made of strong plastic, metal or ceramics. The commonest hip implants are metal on polythene, and ceramic on polythene. What kind are the implants at the centre of the current controversy?

These are metal on metal, with cobalt, chromium and molybdenum as major constituents. Called ASR (Articular Surface Replacement) XL Acetabular System and ASR Hip Resurfacing System, these were being manufactured and sold for several years by Deputy International Limited (DePuy), UK, a subsidiary of Johnson & Johnson. What problems arose with these?

When the prosthetic ball and socket rub against each other, it causes wear. If the implant is metal on metal, this can sometimes releases metallic debris into the bloodstream. This can lead to complications, sometimes requiring revision surgery. Of the 93,000 patients implanted with ASR worldwide, many experienced serious adverse reactions, some requiring revision surgery to replace the ASR implant with another kind. Because of this, the company recalled the product on August 24, 2010. To what extent has it happened in India? In India, the company got the licence to import the device in 2006. By the time it was recalled worldwide, an estimated 4,700 ASR implants had been done in the country. Amid concerns worldwide, the Health Ministry set up an expert committee in 2017 to examine issues arising out of faulty ASR implants in India. Headed by Dr Arun Kumar Agarwal, former Dean and Professor of ENT at Maulana Azad Medical College, the committee






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reviewed action taken by the company to replace faulty ASR implants, and reviewed compensation provided to those who had suffered. What did the committee find?

While more than 3,600 of the 4,700 patients could not be traced, the committee sent letters to 101, of whom 22 responded. The committee concluded that not only did patients undergo revision after first surgery, but in some cases, more than one revision surgeries have been performed .






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About the adverse effects, it observed: Some of the patients had reported that they had to undergo excoriating pain during all these and more particularly after the implant. Many patients reported general fatigue or local issues such pseudo tumour, pain walking, metallosis (increase in Cobalt and Chromium levels, Asthenozoospermia (reduced sperm motility), cyst in kidney, claudication pain. Besides physical problems, it noted: Some of them informed that they are still having difficulty in carrying out their routine activities and are confined to bed which has led them to mental turmoil and agony. These patient also informed that the cost of revision surgery was reimbursed either by the company or the insurance firms. The patients are still sceptical about their future with the implant in their body. Has the committee suggested how these issues should be addressed? The committee

has recommended that:

* The company should be made liable to pay at least Rs 20 lakh to each patient with such complications, and the reimbursement programme be extended until August 2025. * A central expert committee and a regional expert committee should be constituted by the Ministry for evaluation of patients claims in respect of disability and suffering caused due to use of faulty ASR . The regional committee will determine whether there is permanent disability, and whether such disability has affected or will affect the patient s earning capacity, and then submit its report to the central expert committee.

* The central expert committee will determine the quantum of compensation. According to the committee that examined ASR implants, the base amount should be Rs 20 lakh, and in addition to this, the patient should be given compensation on the basis of suffering on account of monetary loss due to wages and other loss and percentage of disability. It has

recommended that the maximum amount be at par with the maximum granted for clinical trial-related death and permanent disability as per rules and guidelines of the Drug Controller General of India. * With 3,600 patients yet to traced, the firm has to give due diligence to trace those remaining patients who have received ASR but have not registered with the helpline . * Health assessment of patients should be reported once a year till 2025 and compliance report periodically, preferably six-monthly, submitted to the Ministry. Follow-up should be done regularly. * An independent registry should be established for tracking usage of high-risk medical devices. Provisions for compensation should be included in Medical Device Rules if any serious adverse event or death is caused due to the sole use of a medical device. Was this the first time the government has examined the problem?

The first red flag had been raised in 2010, when the Maharashtra Food & Drug Administration (FDA) got an anonymous complaint about a patient suffering a serious adverse reaction, leading to an FDA investigation and an FIR with Mahim police. In 2012, the state FDA asked the regulator CDSCO to cancel the firm s import licence for not taking






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proper remedial measures or creating awareness about the defective . CDSCO cancelled the product s import and marketing in 2012, then issued a medical device alert on ASR implants in 2013 — three years after the global recall. How have other countries addressed issues relating to ASR?

Australia, which had approved the product in 2004, was the first to take regulatory action against it. In 2007, an analysis by Therapeutic Goods Administration suggested that the ASR Hip Resurfacing System was associated with a higher-than-average replacement rate, as shown by Australian National Joint Replacement Registry data. In 2009, ASR was removed from the Australian market, By 2016, ASR had the highest revision rate for any hip implant used in Australia. In the US, the National Institutes of Health in 2014 found that the ASR Hip Resurfacing System had the highest all-cause revision rate (24.2 % at 7 years) among resurfacing brands. It recommended continued clinical surveillance and laboratory monitoring of patients. (Adapted from The Indian Express)






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Social Issues

1. Who are Dhangars, why demand for ST status is a challenge for Maharashtra

(Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper I; Social Issues)

Dhangars are currently on the list of Vimukta Jati and Nomadic Tribes (VJNT) in Maharashtra. However, they have been demanding Scheduled Tribe (ST) status for the past several decades. As Maharashtra grapples with the Maratha agitation for quotas in jobs and education that flared up again, the state Dhangar Welfare Association has convened a meeting to discuss street protests of its own to press the community s demands. The community

The Dhangars are a shepherd community who live mostly in Western Maharashtra and Marathwada, and make up about a crore of Maharashtra s roughly 11.25 crore population (9%). They play a key role in election outcomes at four (Baramati, Madha, Solapur, Satara) of the state s 48 Lok Sabha seats, and 30-35 of the 288 Assembly seats. Their demand

Dhangars are currently on the list of Vimukta Jati and Nomadic Tribes (VJNT) in Maharashtra. However, they have been demanding Scheduled Tribe (ST) status for the past several decades. Leaders of the community claim Dhangars in Maharashtra are the same as those who are called Dhangad elsewhere in the country, and are listed as a Scheduled Tribe. A typographical error had led to the community s name being recorded as Dhangar , thereby denying them the benefits available to the ST Dhangads , they say. Of the 52% reservation in Maharashtra, SCs and STs have 13% and 7% respectively, OBCs have 19%, and the Vimukta Jati/Denotified Tribes, Special Backward Class, and Nomadic Tribes together have 13%. Dhangars are a Nomadic Tribe . Government stand

Ahead of the Lok Sabha and Assembly elections of 2014, the BJP had promised the Dhangars ST status. At the end of 2015, the state asked the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) to establish whether Dhangars met the criteria to be identified as ST. In effect, this meant establishing whether Dhangars were the same as Dhangads, so as to guard against any future legal challenge to Dhangars being moved from VJNT to ST. Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has said the study is in an advanced stage, and reiterated the government s commitment to Dhangars. The agitation

Mahadeo Jankar, chief of the Rashtriya Samaj Paksha (RSP), is the most prominent Dhangar leader in the state. Despite the RSP not winning a single seat in either Lok Sabha or the Assembly, Jankar was made an MLC and given the plum portfolio of diary development and animal husbandry with cabinet rank in the Fadnavis government. While Jankar has






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refrained from threatening to escalate the protest, BJP Rajya Sabha member Dr Vikas Mahatme has called for a street agitation. The Maharashtra State Dhangar Welfare Association, which meets Tuesday to chalk out a plan, is led by Prakash Shendge. The politics

Over the past two decades, almost all parties including the Congress, NCP, and BJP have supported the inclusion of Dhangars in the ST category. Every political party, however, has found itself facing the prospect of dealing with STs who are unwilling to allow the dilution of their quota by the inclusion of a large community like the Dhangars. ST MPs and MLAs from all parties have said that Dhangars could be included only if the overall ST quota is increased. The BJP s decision to give Mahatme a Rajya Sabha seat was part of a political move to send a signal to the Dhangars, besides an acknowledgment of his public service as an ophthalmologist. However, dealing with a possible ST backlash remains the biggest challenge to its plan to give Dhangars ST status. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

2. Indians online: One in five harassed, here is how, why (Relevant for GS Mains

Paper I; Social Issues)

ONE IN every five Internet users surveyed in India have reported having faced online harassment. This is one of the findings of surveys by the policy think-tank LIRNE Asia on the Global South and information technology; other findings were reported in The Indian Express Wednesday. Out of 919 Internet users in India in the age group 15-65, 175 (19%) reported that they had online harassment. This was more than in Pakistan or Bangladesh (12% each). Rural users in India (20%) experienced more online harassment than urban ones (17%) while males (20%) faced more harassment more than females (17%). Almost half of those who had experienced online harassment in India were called offensive names, while one-fifth were purposefully embarrassed or criticised in another way and one-sixth were cyber-stalked, or repeatedly approached by unwanted contacts. Again, 38% of those who faced online harassment did not know the motivation for the harassment, while roughly 20% each believed the motivation to be gender, religion or race, or politics. Most experienced the harassment on social media, while 29% faced it on chat applications, 16% on website comment sections and 7% in online gaming.






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The source of the harassment was split into thirds (33% each) among someone the user had met offline earlier, an online contact never encountered offline, or someone unknown online and offline.






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For almost half (48%) of those who experienced harassment, the incident(s) had no effect. Some reduced their time on the particular website (28%) while 15% deleted the app altogether. Only 5% unfriended or blocked the contact, or left the group or forum. E-commerce

Mobile money use in India was just 6% of phone owners. On the other hand, awareness and use of e-commerce platforms was higher in India than in Pakistan and Bangladesh for most sectors. That said, e-commerce participants were often not heavy users, and only completed the search or search-and-order process. Of those who did purchase online, 27% used debit cards, 22% used cash on delivery, and 18% used mobile banking or internet banking. Of those who didn t participate in e-commerce, 31% said they could already buy what they needed offline, 24% were not comfortable sharing personal details and 23% were not certain of the product s quality. Non-users

The 919 Internet users represented 19% of a pool of 5,000 Indians surveyed. Among the non-Internet users, 64% said they did not know what the Internet is. This proportion was third-highest among all 16 countries surveyed, below only that in Pakistan (69%) and Bangladesh (67%). Also, 9% of non-users, while aware of the Internet, did not know how to use it. The non-users included 68% female respondents and 68% from rural areas. Three-fourths had either no education or only studied up to primary level. Even among smartphone users, 35% were unaware what the Internet is. At 19%, Internet use in India is lower than that in Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya and Cambodia. Most other surveyed African and Asian countries, however, had lower overall penetration than India. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

3. In the running of children s homes, the rules that apply — or do not (Relevant for

GS Mains Paper II; Social Issues)

In July 2007, a decade before the sexual exploitation of girls at the Muzaffarpur and Deoria shelters came to light, a sting by the Hindi daily Hindustan had revealed that several NGO- and state-run orphanages in Mahabalipuram in Tamil Nadu were facilitating the sexual abuse of children by foreigners and Indian tourists in exchange for money. Two months later, the report became the basis of a PIL in the Supreme Court; in its order of May 2017, the court mandated sweeping institutional and procedural reform in the running of childcare institutions — from requiring them to be registered under the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act (JJ Act) to laying down provisions for social audits and inspection committees. The continuing instances of sexual exploitation of women and children in shelter homes, however, indicate the situation on the ground is yet to change.






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Child Care Institutions

The construction and running of the homes is entirely a matter for the states — done either by state governments themselves or through NGOs they appoint. Much of the funding, however, comes from the Union Ministry of Women and Child Development, which also has the power to monitor the overall working of these homes. A host of working women s hostels, one-stop centres for women affected by physical or sexual violence, Swadhar homes for widows and the destitute, Ujjawala homes for trafficked women, and Child Care Institutions (CCIs) for abandoned, rescued, or orphaned children function under the aegis of the Ministry. WCD Minister Maneka Gandhi Tuesday ordered a social audit of 9,000-odd CCIs, to be completed over the next two months. For effective implementation of the JJ Act, the Centre financially supports the running of the CCIs under the Integrated Child Protection Scheme. A mapping of CCIs across the country, carried out for the first time in 2017, showed almost half of them to be unregistered, despite the 2015 JJ Act requiring them to be registered within six months of the law coming into force. Registrations rose after the Supreme Court ordered the process to be completed by December 2017; even so, stocktaking by the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) this year found 1,339 CCIs of the total 7,189 that could be identified across the country, to be unregistered. Some 2.33 lakh children live in the CCIs. We have managed to identify 9,000 CCIs, thousands more may be operating without registration, Maneka said. There may be so many similar cases of abuse. The only way to monitor these is for MPs to regularly visit women and child homes and submit reports to us. Role of the Centre

While the Centre has no direct role in the running of these homes, it does have a supervisory role as it provides the funding. In addition to the inspection carried out by the child welfare committees and the district and state level inspection committees, the central government has the power to carry out social audits and to take action against those found to be non-compliant, juvenile law expert Anant Kumar Asthana said. Under the JJ Act, resident facilities for children in conflict with the law are to be inspected by Juvenile Justice Boards at least once in a month, and for other children, by the Child Welfare Committee at least twice a month, in addition to visits by state- and district-level inspection committees once in three months. The Supreme Court had directed that the setting up of the inspection committees should be completed by July 2017. Protocol, SOPs

The protocol for social audits and inspection committees was developed after the SC s order. The standard operating procedure (SOP) for escaped/runaway/sexual abuse/death of children in CCI was released by the NCPCR only last month. We have been urging states to put in place their inspection committees and conduct regular inspections. Many have set






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them up after repeated follow-ups, but a few are yet to comply, NCPCR chairperson Stuti Kacker said. The SOP for the first time lays down the procedure to deal with physical, sexual or emotional abuse in CCIs. Corporal punishment is punishable by up to three months in jail, and cruelty to child by up to five years. Sexual offences can attract life imprisonment under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012. Says the SOP, Every institution shall evolve a system of ensuring that there is no abuse, neglect and

maltreatment and shall include the staff who is aware of what constitutes abuse, neglect and maltreatment, and their early indication and how to respond to these abuses. And yet, whether these mechanisms are in place remains unverifiable, because several states are yet to conduct inspections or social audits of their CCIs. Also, the model social audit proforma for children s homes only examines whether there is a written child protection policy, adherence to it by staff, whether complaint systems are in place, and the measures taken to prevent such abuse — but there is no mechanism to record the lived experiences of the children themselves. (Adapted from The Indian Express)

4. Why are the Marathas so restive? (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper I;

Social Issues)

What is the trigger?

In July, while the monsoon session of the legislature was on, a group of Maratha protesters launched a sit-in against the BJP government for not fulfilling the promises made to the community, including 16% reservation. The issue, however, spilled outside the Assembly, when Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis cancelled his visit to Pandharpur for the Ashadhi Ekadashi puja. He cited police reports that pointed to the possibility of snakes being released in the crowd. It enraged the community which accused him of false allegations and announced a State-wide protest and bandhs. The Marathas also wanted clarity on the Chief Minister s statement that of the new recruitment for 72,000 posts, 16% would be reserved for the community. What did the government do?

The bandh was marked by violence in Aurangabad, Navi Mumbai and the Chakan industrial area near Pune, with Maratha leaders alleging infiltration of anti-social elements. Eight Maratha youths committed suicide. Pressure from the community resulted in MLAs from the Shiv Sena, the Congress and the NCP offering to resign. The government finally announced a stay on the recruitment. It sought time till November to resolve the issue. Why raise the demand now?

The community feels the government is dragging its feet on reservation. The struggle for special treatment has been going on for the past few years. On November 14, 2014, the






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Bombay High Court stayed the Maratha reservation granted by the Congress-NCP government. It said the State had crossed the 50% limit capped by the Supreme Court and that the Mandal Commission (1980), the National Commission for Backward Classes (2000) and the Bapat Commission (2008) had concluded that the Marathas were a socially advanced community. The Supreme Court refused to stay the order. In January 2015, the State government decided to submit additional information to the court in support of Maratha reservation. On July 13, 2016, the rape and murder of a minor Maratha girl fuelled the community s demands. Till 2017, over 58 massive silent Maratha morchas were organised across the State. To make its case stronger in court, in November 2017, Justice Maroti Gaikwad (retd.) was appointed as the head of the State Backward Class Commission. It is compiling a report to ascertain the economic and social backwardness of the community. The report will be based on the findings of a sample survey conducted in five villages in every district. It is yet to be submitted to the government. The case is pending in the High Court. Till then, no decision on reservation can be taken. Is it justified?

In 2008, the State Backward Class Commission, headed by Justice R.M. Bapat (retd.), did not endorse Maratha reservation, voicing opinion against the inclusion of the community in the OBC category as they were not socially backward. His report was neither accepted nor rejected by the State government. As the Maratha coordination committee launched a State-wide campaign called Deta ki Jata (Are you giving or going back?), with the demand for reservation from 2011, the then Congress-NCP government, headed by Prithviraj Chavan, appointed a high-powered committee under Industries Minister Narayan Rane to submit a case to grant reservation for the Marathas. The report was submitted in June 2013. A year later, the Congress-NCP government cleared 16% reservation for the Marathas. What lies ahead?

Mr. Fadnavis has promised to resolve the issue. A special legislative session will be called after the report of the Backward Class Commission, and the reservation is likely to be extended. Till then, protests are likely to continue. With elections approaching, all political parties are attempting to keep Marathas — politically one of the strongest contingents — happy. As for the Marathas, with no clear leader, cracks are visible. (Adapted from The Hindu)

5. Who is Indra Nooyi? Everything you need to know about PepsiCo s departing CEO

(Relevant for GS Prelims, GS mains paper I; Social Issues)






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Indra Nooyi, the first woman to lead the world's second largest food and drink company PepsiCo, is stepping down from her position in October 2018 - but only after accomplishing a huge amount for the American multinational. She s led the world s second largest food and drink company for the past 12 years – but who is Indra Nooyi? The 62-year-old is stepping down from her position as CEO of PepsiCo but will continue to serve as chairwoman of the industry giant until early next year. Indra, who has often featured in lists of the 100 most powerful businesswomen, will give up the top position at the New York-headquartered multinational to Ramon Laguarta, who has been with the company for 22 years. Currently president, he will take over as CEO in October. Rise to one of world s most powerful women

The long-time serving CEO has had quite the journey. Prior to her position at PepsiCo, India-born Indra worked for companies including pharmaceuticals giant Johnson & Johnson, textiles firm Mettur Beardsell, management consultancy Boston Consulting Group, electronics company Motorola and industry technology group Asea Brown Boveri – now ABB. At Asea Brown Boveri, she represented about a third of the company s $30bn (£23bn) in global sales. She joined PepsiCo, which employs about 264,000 people, in 1994 and was named CFO in 2001. Indra became the company s fifth CEO in 2006, succeeding Steven Reinemund. This made her the first woman to be at the top of the world s second-largest food and drinks company. At present, she is one of only 25 female CEOs at Fortune 500 companies the same year. Since she took over as CFO in 2001, the company s annual net profit has risen from $2.7bn (£2.1bn) to $6.5bn (£5bn) and market cap has grown by more than 50% to $167bn (£129bn). In 2007 and 2008, Indra made the Wall Street Journal s 50 Women to Watch list, and was also part of The Times 100 Most Influential People in the World rankings. Forbes named her the third most powerful woman in 2009 and 2010, while in 2015, she ranked second in Fortune s Most Powerful Women list.






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Taking PepsiCo in a healthier direction

Indra has been credited with taking PepsiCo in a new direction, in which it moved away from junk food and into healthier alternatives. However, she fought off calls from activists to separate the snack business from the rest of the company as sugary drinks became less popular. Instead, she split products into three categories – Fun for You, Better for You and Good for You, which spanned the range from high-calorie soft drinks and snacks to smoothies and oatmeal. Winning praise from PepsiCo

The married mother-of-two joined the business forum assembled by President Donald Trump to provide strategic and policy advice on economic issues. Indra holds an MBA from the Indian Institute of Management in Calcutta, and a Masters of public and private management from Yale University. Pepsi, which generated more than $63bn (£49bn) in net revenue in 2017, said in a statement: She has delivered a strong and consistent financial performance, managing with an eye toward, not only the short-run, but the long-run as well. As CEO, she grew revenue more than 80%, outperforming our peers and adding a new

billion-dollar brand almost every other year. The company offers a wide range of foods and drinks such as Frito-Lay, Gatorade, Pepsi, Quaker and Tropicana. It generates more than $1bn (£760m) in estimated annual retail sales across 22 brands. Indra posted a series of tweets saying Pepsi has made more of an meaningful impact in people s live than she could have ever imagined. She also adds that Ramon is the ideal candidate to take over and she s positive he will continue to make a success of the company. How much she s earned

In 2011, Indra earned an estimated $17m (£13.1m), which included a base salary of $1.9m (£1.5m), a cash bonus of $2.5m (£1.9m), and a pension value and deferred remuneration of $3m (£2.3m). She reportedly took home $46m (£36m) in 2016 and now has a fortune of $145m (£112m). However, her highest income has come from stock awards.






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Every time the Pepsi share price has snowballed, Indra s net worth has too. (Adapted from www.compelo.com)

6. What is Sikh pilgrim corridor to Pakistan (Relevant for GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper

I; Social Issues)

The corridor would bring Pak infrastructure right up to the Indian border. Over the past year, gurdwaras in Pakistan have been used for a pro-Khalistan campaign. Punjab minister Navjot Singh Sidhu has claimed that Pakistan Army chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa has told him that Islamabad would open a corridor to Gurdwara Darbar Sahib at Kartarpur in Pakistan s Narowal district on the 550th birth anniversary of Guru Nanak next year. The gurdwara at Kartarpur stands at the site of the final resting place of the first Sikh Guru, just across the border from Dera Baba Nanak in Gurdaspur district. Former Union Minister M S Gill told The Indian Express that the offer was a huge signal that New Delhi should welcome. The shrine

The gurdwara in Kartarpur stands on the bank of the Ravi, about 120 km northeast of Lahore. It was here that Guru Nanak assembled a Sikh community and lived for 18 years until his death in 1539. The shrine is visible from the Indian side, as Pakistani authorities generally trim the elephant grass that would otherwise obstruct the view. Indian Sikhs gather in large numbers for darshan from the Indian side, and binoculars are installed at Gurdwara Dera Baba Nanak. The pilgrims

The gurdwara was opened to pilgrims after repairs and restoration in 1999, and Sikh jathas have been visiting the shrine regularly ever since. This was one of the outcomes of the historic bus trip to Lahore by Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayeein February 1999, and there are no restrictions on visiting Gurdwara Kartarpur Sahib once a pilgrim has entered Pakistan on a valid visa. Sikh jathas from India travel to Pakistan on four occasions every year — for Baisakhi, the martyrdom day of Guru Arjan Dev, the death anniversary of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, and the birthday of Guru Nanak Dev. These Indian pilgrims are given access to all gurdwaras in Pakistan. Corridor demand

There have long been demands from the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee and political leaders to build a corridor flanked by barbed wire to allow pilgrims to cross over into Pakistan to visit the Kartarpur Sahib shrine, and return the same day. A bridge will need to be constructed over the Ravi, and there shall be no need for passports or visas. Most recently, the demand was placed before a Parliamentary Standing Committee that visited Dera Baba Nanak last year.





http://www.compelo.com/


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Complex issue

The corridor would bring Pak infrastructure right up to the Indian border. Over the past year, gurdwaras in Pakistan have been used for a pro-Khalistan campaign. Earlier this year, a gurdwara displayed posters and distributed pamphlets for the so-called Sikh Referendum 2020 , and Pakistan denied permission to the Indian envoy and diplomats to visit it. Pakistan s intent also remains suspect, and Indian officials are wary of the corridor being misused by both state and non-state actors in that country. — (With Kamaldeep Singh Brar in Amritsar) (Adapted from The Indian Express)

7. Retrograde move: On Punajb's proposed law on sacrilege (Relevant for GS mains

Paper I; Social Issues)

Life imprisonment on sacrilege

The Punjab Cabinet s decision to amend the law to make acts of sacrilege against the holy books of major religions punishable with life imprisonment is retrograde and fraught with undesirable consequences. It may also set off a needless flurry of legislation in the rest of India to pander to different groups. The current proposal is a slightly expanded form of amendments passed by the Punjab Assembly in 2016, specifically aimed at curbing acts of sacrilege targeting the Guru Granth Sahib. What is the reaction of Central government?






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The Centre had then returned the Bills, saying that protecting the holy book of only one religion would make it discriminatory and anti-secular. The proposal now cleared by the Cabinet aims to also cover the Bible, the Koran and the Bhagvad Gita. In specifics, the law will introduce a new section (Section 295-AA) in the Indian Penal Code after India s own blasphemy law , Section 295-A, which criminalises deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings . As prior permission of the Central or State government is needed to prosecute someone under such sections, a consequential amendment to the Code of Criminal Procedure will be required. Earlier bill

The earlier Bill was introduced by the Shiromani Akali Dal government following allegations of desecration of the holy book. Opposition to the Bill was then limited to the question whether holy books of other religions did not warrant the same protection. None seemed concerned about using religious sensitivities to score political points. Need for separate law?

Is there any necessity for a fresh provision to protect religious books from damage, insult and sacrilege, when Section 295-A itself covers it? While upholding its constitutional validity in 1957, the Supreme Court had clarified that the section punishes the aggravated form of insult to religion when it is perpetrated with the deliberate and malicious intention of outraging religious feelings . What is conclusion?

It is true that one limb of any blasphemy law, as Section 295-A can be termed, is aimed at preserving public order; and miscreants can fan disorder and tension by malicious acts such as damaging or desecrating a holy text. This can be invoked to jail someone for three years. Providing for a life term for the same offence in relation to religious texts would be grossly disproportionate. Sacrilege itself is a vague term, and would render the section too broad. There is a history of misuse of laws aimed to protect religious sentiments, and those that seek to punish persons who promote enmity between different groups. They have a chilling effect on free speech, and give a handle to anyone claiming to be outraged to pursue vexatious prosecutions. There is a case to read down Section 295-A and Section 153-A of the IPC that give scope to prosecute people in the name of protecting the feelings of a section of society. There is no case whatsoever to enhance jail terms. (Adapted from The Hindu)






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Internal Security

1. Strategic Partnership guidelines for participation of private sector (Relevant for

GS Prelims, GS Mains Paper III; Internal Security)

Govt. approves implementation of Strategic Partnership guidelines

In a major step towards boosting private sector participation in domestic defence manufacturing, the Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) approved the implementation of Strategic Partnership guidelines. What is the aim of guidelines?

SP model aims to revitalise defence industrial ecosystem and progressively build indigenous capabilities in the private sector to design, develop and manufacture complex weapon system for future needs of armed forces. The amplifying guidelines lay emphasis on incentivisation of transfer of niche technology and higher indigenous content, the Defence Ministry said in a statement. What do the guidelines involve?

The SP model has four segments — submarines, single engine fighter aircraft, helicopters and armoured carriers/main battle tanks — which would be specifically opened up for the private sector. Under this policy one Indian private company would be selected in each segment which would tie-up with shortlisted global equipment manufacturers to manufacture the platforms in India under technology transfer. The ambitious policy came into effect in May last year but progress was delayed due to the lack of specific guidelines. The DAC also approved platform specific guidelines for procurement of Naval Utility helicopters. Similar guidelines for the other categories will be issued soon. (Adapted from The Hindu)






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Miscellaneous

1. Indian-origin mathematician Akshay Venkatesh gets prestigious Fields Medal

(Relevant for GS Prelims)

Akshay Venkatesh, a renowned Indian-Australian mathematician, is one of four winners of mathematics prestigious Fields medal, known as the Nobel prize for math. New Delhi-born Venkatesh, who is currently teaching at Stanford University, has won the Fields Medal for his profound contributions to an exceptionally broad range of subjects in mathematics. What are Field medals?

The Fields medals are awarded every four years to the most promising mathematicians under the age of 40. The prize was inaugurated in 1932 at the request of Canadian mathematician John Charles Fields, who ran the 1924 Mathematics Congress in Toronto. Each winner receives a 15,000 Canadian-dollar cash prize. At least two, and preferably four people, are always honoured in the award ceremony. Other winners

The other three winners are: Caucher Birkar, a Cambridge University professor of Iranian Kurdish origin; Germany s Peter Scholze, who teaches at the University of Bonn and Alessio Figalli, an Italian mathematician at ETH Zurich. More about Venkatesh

Venkatesh has worked at the highest level in number theory, arithmetic geometry, topology, automorphic forms and ergodic theory. His research has been recognized with many awards, including the Ostrowski Prize, the Infosys Prize, the Salem Prize and Sastra Ramanujan Prize. (Adapted from The Hindu)

2. Beware the SMS on I-T refunds (Read only for understanding)






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Innocuous messages used to extract personal data.

Cyber crime agencies are investigating a new pan-India, cyber crime racket, involving a fraudulent message purportedly from the Income-Tax Department. Officials said the seemingly innocuous message has the potential to trigger a host of cyber crimes, including data theft and banking frauds.

How does the racket operate?

According to cyber crime officials, the racket was first discovered roughly a month ago, as the first deadline for filing IT returns was nearing, when people started getting text messages, supposedly from the IT department. The message tells the targets that their income tax refund has been approved and includes a random bank account number, and

ends by saying that if the account number mentioned is incorrect, the target should visit the link in the message and update their bank account details . As the account number is obviously wrong, the target ends up clicking on the link, which

takes him to a web page similar to the I-T Department's official website. The targets are then instructed to enter their log in id and password, which can be created on the I-T department's website. If the targets have actually created an online account with the I-T department, which any tax payer can do, they further fall for the scam. The next step is to enter their actual bank account details.

How did the racket make money?






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Just entering these details opens up a wide range of possibilities for fraudsters. The fraudsters get the target s login ID and password for the I-T department website, through which they can divert the I-T refund to their own accounts, with the targets knowledge. They can also change the target s cell phone number in the I-T department's records, so that they do not receive text message notifications about the changes. Using the same details, fraudsters can call up unsuspecting citizens posing as I-T officials

and cheat them out of money by convincing them that there have been 'irregularities' in their I-T returns and they need to pay fines. This scam does not even need to be perpetrated by the original scamsters. They can simply sell the data in bulk to gangs involved in such activities, which happens quite often on the dark net. Last year, a similar scam was busted by the Thane police, where Indians accused were cheating citizens of the U.S. by posing as officials of the Internal Revenue Service, Mr Rajput said.

(Adapted from PIB)

3. Maths that won Fields Medal: number theory diversified, optimal transport

(Relevant for GS Prelims)

Four mathematicians, including India-born Australian Akshay Venkatesh, were awarded the Fields Medal, often described as the Nobel prize of mathematics the most prestigious award in the subject, at the once-in-four-years event, International Congress of Mathematicians, in Rio de Janeiro. The Fields Medal is awarded to a maximum of four mathematicians, all below the age of 40; the 60 winners so far include one more India-born mathematician, Manjul Bhargava, in 2014. A look at the work that fetched the medal to this year s winners: Akshay Venkatesh, 36

The Stanford University professor, whose family moved from New Delhi to Perth when he was two years old, is a number theorist but has also contributed to diverse mathematics disciplines, often using amalgamated techniques. A Stanford University profile says one substantial area of his work has been finding more ways in which homogenous dynamics can be used in number theory. For example, he describes a ball bouncing inside a triangle when the ball doesn t slow down. His math asks questions about what spaces the ball avoids or prefers and how this change if the triangle s sides are curved. He then uses those ideas to solve problems in number theory. Problem solver and theory builder

Most mathematicians are either problem-solvers or theory-builders. Akshay Venkatesh is both. What is more, he is a number theorist who has developed an unusually deep understanding of several areas that are very different from number theory. This breadth of knowledge allows him to situate number theory problems in new contexts. (Adapted from The Indian Express)






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4. PARIVESH – an environmental single window hub for Environment, Forest,

Wildlife and CRZ clearances launched (Relevant for GS Prelims)

PARIVESH (Pro-Active and Responsive facilitation byInteractive, Virtuous and Environmental Single-window Hub) is a Single-Window Integrated Environmental Management System. What are the features of PARIVES?

The main highlights of PARIVESH include - single registration and single sign-in for all types of clearances (i.e. Environment, Forest, Wildlife and CRZ), unique-ID for all types of clearances required for a particular project and a single Window interface for the proponent to submit applications for getting all types of clearances (i.e. Environment, Forests, Wildlife and CRZ clearances). Highlighting that PARIVESH offers a framework to generate economic growth and strengthens Sustainable Development through EGovernance, he also stated that with automatic highlighting of non-compliance by the system, PARIVESH helps in improving the overall performance and efficiency of the whole appraisal process. (Adapted from PIB)

5. Restoring dignity: on stigma attached to leprosy (Relevant for GS Prelims)

Stigma attached to leprosy

It has long been a blot on Indian society that while leprosy is completely curable, there lingers a social stigma attached to it. Even more shocking is that colonial laws that predate leprosy eradication programmes and medical advancements remain on the statute book. These were unconscionably discriminatory from the beginning, but even in independent India, where the law has been an instrument for social change, the process of removing them has been bafflingly slow. The Lepers Act of 1898 was repealed only two years ago. It is time for concerted action to end the entrenched discrimination in law and society against those afflicted by it. Recent developments to de-stigmatise leprosy

Two recent developments hold out hope. One was the introduction of a Bill in Parliament to remove leprosy as a ground for seeking divorce or legal separation from one s spouse, and the other was the Supreme Court asking the Centre whether it would bring in a positive law conferring rights and benefits on persons with leprosy and deeming as repealed all Acts and rules that perpetuated the stigma associated with it. The Personal Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2018, is only a small step. An affirmative action law that recognises the rights of those affected and promotes their social inclusion will serve a larger purpose. It may mark the beginning of the end to the culture of ostracisation that most of them face and help remove misconceptions about the disease and dispel the belief that physical segregation of patients is necessary. It is sad that it took so long to get such proposals on the legislative agenda. Background






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Since last year, the Supreme Court has been hearing a writ petition by the Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy seeking to uphold the fundamental rights of people with leprosy and the repeal of discriminatory laws against them. The court has been approaching the issue with sensitivity and is seeking to find legal means to ensure a life of dignity for them. The 256th Report of the Law Commission came up with a number of suggestions, including the repeal of discriminatory legal provisions. It listed for abolition personal laws and Acts on beggary. The report cited the UN General Assembly resolution of 2010 on the elimination of discrimination against persons with leprosy. The resolution sought the abolition of laws, rules, regulations, customs and practices that amounted to discrimination, and wanted countries to promote the understanding that leprosy is not easily communicable and is curable. The campaign to end discrimination against those afflicted, and combating the stigma associated with it, is decades old. While governments may have to handle the legislative part, society has an even larger role to play. It is possible to end discrimination by law, but stigma tends to survive reform and may require more than legal efforts to eliminate. (Adapted from The Hindu)





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