·Power, Arabism and Islamin the Writings of

Muhib ai-Din aI-Khatib in al-Fath

Amal N. Ghazar

ABSTRACT: The writings ofMuhib ai-Din ai-Khatib r~veal a deepconcern over Muslim weakness in the face ofEuropean ddmination inthe interwar period. In his weekly newspaper al-Fath, ai-Khatib con­fronted the issues which threatened to increase Muslim division fol­lowing the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. He considered Islamthe common bond by which all Muslims could unite to resist theWest. While Arabism could fit into and uphold this unity, separatistnationalisms threatened it and caused further divisions inspired bythe West. In his editorial writing, aI-Khatib suggested various re­forms aimed at reviving Muslim control oftheir own land,S.

During the years ofthe intelWar period, Europe reached theheightofits dominion overMuslim lands, from WestAfrica to

Indonesia. The same period marked the continuing rise ofnationalities in the Muslim world, threatening its unity as onenation (Umma) and as a coherent body able to resist theEuropean challenge. Alarmed by both dangers (Europeandominionandnationalities), manyMuslim intellectualsbecameconcernedwithreuniting the Muslims to overcome theirweak­ness, division, and vulnerability to the political and culturalinfluence ofEurope. ArabMuslims were more concernedwiththe mingling identities ofIslam and Arabism, and many con­ceived ofthem as complementary ofand dependent uponeachother. TheprominentIslamistjournalistMuhibal-Din al­Khatib, troubled by the challenge from the West, tried to usethe combination ofIslam and Arabism to regenerate Muslimpower. He explained their co-relation and tended more toshow the dependency ofArabism on Islam. He concludedthatArab and Muslim solidaritycouldeffectively intelVene on

Past Imperfect. Vol. 6, 1997, pp.133-1S0·

134 Past Imperfect

behalfofvulnerable Muslims.AI-Khatib was born in Damascus in July 1886, sonofAbu·

al-Fath ai-Khatib, a Damascene'Alem.1 He completed hissecondary studies in Damascus andBeirut, where he used tomeet Arab intellectuals such as Taher al-Jaza'i~ Fares al­Khowy, Muhammad Kurd 'Ali, Rafiq at-'Azm, and 'Abd al­Rahman Shahbandar.2 In 1905, he went to study law in Is­tanbul where he again met'Arefal-Shihabi. Both ofthemwere interested in meeting the Arabs there, and teaching themArabic. After awhile, he and 'Arefestablished the SocietyofArab Awakening (Jam 'iyyat al-Nahda al- 'Arabiyya). In1907, he went to Cairo on his way to Yemen, where he metRashid Rida, who had already establishedthe Ottoman Coun­cil Society (Jam 'iyyat al-Shoura al- 'Uthmaniyya), whichai-Khatibjoined. After his two-year career in Yemen, he re­turned to Istanbul and suggested the establishment ofa clubfor the Arabs, an idea fulfilled in 1909 by founding the Liter­ary Club (al-Muntada al-Adabl) In 1913, the Decentraliza­tion Party (Hizb al-la Markaziyya) was established in Syriawith aI-Khatib as the assistant secretary, and the Arab Con­gress was held in Paris in which aI-Khatib participated. Oneyear later, he was asked by the Arab Union Society(Jam 'iyyat al-Jami 'a al- 'ArabiyyaY to go to Iraq and Najd.On his way, he was arrested in Bombay by the British anddeported to Basra. After his release in July 1916, he went toEgypt, then to Mecca, where he met SharifHussayn. From1916 to 1920, he edited al-Qibla,4 SharifHussayn's news­paper, and issued inNovember 1917 the weekly newspaperal-Irtiqa'. When he left for Damascus in 1919, he became amember in the central committee of the Arab Youth (al­'Arabiyya al-Fatat), the editor ofthe official newspaper al­'Asima, and he founded an educational center called al­Ma 'had al- 'Ilmi. With the collaboration of ShaykhMuhammad Kamel ai-Kassab, he established, in September,ber, the High National Committee (al-Lajna al-Wataniyyaal- 'Ulya) to provide Syriawith anns and to train the Syrians

Power,ArabisJil and Islam US

for war. Whentroubles arose withKing Faysal, aI-Khatib leftfor Egypt where he spent the rest ofhis life. In 1921, he be­came the editor ofal-Ahram for five years, and meanwhileestablished the Salafiyya Press. In 1934, he issued the maga­zine al-Zahra " and another weeklyjounial al-Fath in 1926which appeared until 1948. He was also the editor of theMuslim Brothers' newspaper.5 In December 1969, aI-Khatibdied.

The following studyofthe Arab and Islamic thoughtofaI­Khatib is based on his articles written in al-Fath between1927 and 1943.6 AI-Fath, a weekly Islamic-oriented news­paperedited by aI-Khatib himself, can be considered apulpitfor the dissemination ofhis political ideology, responding toevents in the Muslim world The importance ofal-Fath relieson its being amajor source for the study ofaI-Khatib's careerafter 1920, a period not fully observed by the scholars whopaid more attention to his political activities before the end ofWorld War I. However, he seems not to be as active--politi­cally-as he was before 1920, perhaps due to his associationwith the Muslim Youth Society (Jam'iyyat al-Shubban al­Muslimin) which had as one ofits main principles a prohibi­tion against interference inpolitics under anycircumstances.7

POWER: THE ULTIMATE NECESSITY

The notion ofpower was basic for aI-Khatib who frequentlyused the term 'power' (al-Quwwa) in his articles. He definedit as "the ornament ofthe world, the honour ofpeople, thestimulus for their pride, and the determinant oftheir happi­ness.''8 Power was also required as a matter ofcourse sinceit was "the respectful virtue in the eyes ofthose who controlthe world.''9 Addressing the Muslims, he asked them to bestrong in their ethics, education, wealth and money, industry,trade, order, economics, and in any field ofspecialization.The source ofthis power was Islam, which bears in itselftheseeds ofstrength since it "praises ethics, considers education

136 Past Imperfect

a kind ofworship, and recommends wealth and money."IOYetpowershould notbe read to imply military strength alone.While such strength was important, it was neither a prioritynor, in itself, an underlying principle for ai-Khatib. The vitalprinciples were power ofreligion, ethics, education, knowl­edge, industly, organization, and innovation. lJ Al-Khatib's in­terest in generating powerwas enforced by the general moodthat prevailed in the world at that time.

Most ofthese articles were written in the 1930s, when Fas­cism and Nazism had arisen, and when an arms race hadbeen set in motion indicating that another World War wasimminent As his articles show, ai-Khatib was impressed bythe German leaderAdolfHitler. He symbolised for aI-Khatib,as he did for many other Arab intellectuals and politicians atthat time, a challenge to the unacceptable status quo (like theone Hitler saw imposed on Germany as a result ofWorldWar I), and the will for change and supremacy. Though theracism that characterized Hitler's speeches and program con­tradicts Islamic teachings, his influence on the Muslim Arabsmay be explained by the appeal ofhis charismatic characterand powerful rhetoric for the average Arab. Surprisinglyenough, ai-Khatib went much further by wishing that the Ar­abs and the Muslims were led by a person like Hitler: "A daywill come when a leader similar to Hitler will unexpectedlyappear to lead the Arab Bloc and the unity ofIslam to thatwhich no eye has ever seen, no ear has ever heard, and ofwhich no Westernerhas everdreamt."12 The enmity ofGer­many to the occupying forces in most Arab countries-theFrench and the English-----caused Hitler to be regarded as asaviour. In fact, what Gennany achieved by the ability to re­cover from the unjust implementations ofthe Versailles Treatywas an ideal model which ai-Khatib thought to apply to theMuslimworld

Power,Arabism and Islam 137

POWER AND ARAB-ISLAMIC SOLIDARITY

"Unity in itselfis power."13 This was al-Khatib's underlyingstrategy. However, no Islamic unity would bepossible wtlessthe Arabs took a major part in it and unless the link betweenIslam and Arabismbecameclearand well defined. Reflectingthe continued mixing ofboth identities after the World War I,aI-Khatib tried to explain their close association and the im­possible separation ofArabism from Islam on which it wasdependent and to which it owed its glorious histol)'.

Arab nationalism for aI-Khatib did not rely on ethnic ori­gins. Blood and racial relations among the Arabs were con­sidered totally irrelevantcompared to linguistic criteria. Sinceit was difficult to unite the Arabs on an ethnic basis, languagebecame the common bond for unity. An Arab, as aI-Khatibdefmed him, was ''the one born in the Arab countries ofAra­bic-speaking parents.''14 Lineage had been lost through civi-

. lization

which is ameltingpotofakinship solidarity thathas no lifebut in the desert. The crucial point in a national civilizedcountry is its language, culture, and common goal, and thecountries that are united under one language and one cul­ture, and subscribe to one commonaim, fonn one nation. IS

This Arab nation includedEgypt, historical Syria (Bilad al­Sham), Iraq, Arabia, and North Africa. However, membersoriginally from outside this geographical setting could also beincluded on the basis oftheirknowledge ofArabic languagesince the Arab "is not the one who lives in the desert-----son offathers ofthe tribe---but the Arab is the one who knows thislanguage and participates inkeeping its integrity."16 HistoricalfiguressuchasNural-Din,17 Salah aI-Din (Saladin), and aI­Zamakhsharil8 were regarded as belonging to the Arab na­tion; the first two by their political contribution, and the latterby his theological one.19

138 Past Imperfect

The incorporation ofnon-Arab elements into the categoryofthe Arabs was not only applicable to those able to speakand write in Arabic, but also to those who were Muslim. Is­lam is intimately associatedwith the Arabs and theirheritage,because Islam

transfonned the tribal life into astate life; fanaticism based .on kinship became fanaticism based on righteousness andwelfare. And since Arabism was the key, organ, and trans­latorofIslam, it spread with it. Thus, those who embracedIslam, spontaneously embraced Arabism.2O

This direct and close connection of the Arabs to Islamprovided them with a major role in history. The rise ofIslambrought about the rise ofthe Arabs as a powerful nation witha mission to accomplish. The Arabs then became aware oftheir identity as preachers andprotectors ofthe new religion.Without Islam, according to ai-Khatib, the Arabs were worthnothing and could have never been able to reach high statusamong other nations: "Arabism and Islam are the same, theirpast is common and connected; moreover, whatpower is leftfor Arabism ifit is deprived ofIslam?"21 Thus, the star oftheArabs rose for being'Muslim' Arabs and consequently theArab nation "knows that ithas no life except in Islam byWhichitgainedground throughout history.''22

Another service Islam offered to the Arabs was that itunited them. It "brought to the land inhabited by the Semiticpeople its linguistic and national union.''23 Therefore, Arabismis indebtedto Islam for its initial unity mainlybecause the Ara­bic language was in the process ofbecoming corrupted whenthe Qur'an appeared and reunited it.

This close Arab-Islamic relationship was not only basedon the political and military role ofthe Arabs in spreadingIslam. Ithad grown much deeper and became a cultural rela­tionship that had influenced Arab history. AI-Khatib couldimagine any otherculture deprived ofa religious spirit, but he

Power, Arabism and Islam 139

could not imagine the Arab culture deprived ofthe spirit ofIslam.24 Thanks to Islam, the Arabs were able to ''provokethe greatest advancement, the most merciful administration,the mostjustlegislation, the happiest civilization, and the mostbeautiful architecture.'>25 In addition, it introduced the Arabs,through conquests, to Asian, African, and European civiliza­tions.

To revive this glorious past, the Arabs should return to theteachings ofIslam:

The Orientwill not regain its powerand life unless it goesback to the Muhamrnadian faith... and it's by Islam thatthe Orientwill recover, regain its strength, and nurture initselfthe mature ethics, and with it, it will be qualified toparticipate with the othernations incarrying the burden ofcivilization.26

This recourse to Islam was to be communal, summoning anArab alliance ofthe Arab people ''to protect the glory oftheircommonnationality.''fJ.7 An alliance would be necessary sincethe strength provided by common Arab origins had been di­vided and dispersed. When the Arabs become conscious ofthis hidden power, they would be able to carry out their dutyas preachers and defenders ofIslam:

The Arabic-speaking people should know themselves andthen knowtheirduty...this isourdefinition ofhow to reviveIslam. Islam started as alien fghariban; i.e., alien to Ara­bic society] and the Arabs embraced it during this ftrstalienation fghurbatuhu al- 'ula], but now it has again be­come as alien as it was when it started. Therefore, theArabs should go back to theirduty thatGod has appointedthem for.''28

AI-Khatib chose Palestine as a particularcase ofMuslim vul­nerability, onbehalfofwhichArabandMuslimsolidarityshouldintervene. He defined Palestine as "aMuslim Arab

140 PastI",perject

country which will remain as such,''29 and wrote that "eachfoot ofground in Palestine is a sacred Muslimplace."30 In his .eyes, the question ofPalestinewas not a local affair, itwas­or should have been-amatter ofconcern for all Arabs andMuslims.

Seventy million Arabic-speaking people, and three hun­dred million believers in the guidance of the prophetMuhammad, consider Palestine the gateway to the TwoHoly Places, the heartofArab nationalism, the heritage ofIslamic history, and the country ofeternal memories.JI

Therefore, each Muslim should be committed to the Pal­estinian cause; otherwise,

a Muslim from any race who does not help the Palestin­ians to keep PalestineanArab Islamic country should knowthat something wrong entered his relationship to the Is­lamic unity, and that this relationship thus needs treatmentand refonn.32

The Gennan ideal for establishing apowerful nationreap­peared inhis positionon the Palestinian issue. Whenhe askedthe Arabs not to buy Jewish products, he suggested the sub­stitution ofGerman ones.33

Hence, Arabism relying on Islam wouldbe able to gener­ate power and revive its heroic past. Arab nationalism, assupported by aI-Khatib, was set within a larger framework,that ofIslam, presenting itselfas the core ofa far more ambi­tiousproject-Islamicunion. Arab nationalismfor aI-Khatib­in tenns ofinterest and role-was not different from Islamicunity. Withouta secularconceptofArab nationalism, he couldonly see it as a step to the fulfilment and achievement ofIs­lamic consolidation. Its role was to backup Islamic interestsworld-wide, and thus any attempt to separate or isolateArabism from Islam would result inoverall failure, although

Power,Arabism and Islam 141

Arab identity might be maintained and distinguished by thepeculiarityofthe Arabic language.

The weakness that characterized the Muslimworld in gen­eral, and the Arab world in particular, demandedsucha leaguein order to reproduce this lost power. The majorcause ofthisweakness and hwniliationoftheMuslims, who "live individu­ally like orphans deprived from the pleasure ofgathering in afamily underthe two wings offatherhood and motherhood,''34was theirneglectofIslamic teachings. Onlybypractisingtheseteachings and following the guidance ofIslam, would weak­ness be replaced by an Islamic powerwhich was ''very strongand evokes in followers motivation for a quick revival [ofIs­lam] that can originate inmiracles in any circumstances.''3S

AL-KHATIB'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS

EGYPTIAN NATIONALISM

While Arab nationalismwas highlypraisedandrecommendedby aI-Khatib, Egyptian nationalismwas blameworthyand rep­rehensible,36 since separatist nationalisms were regarded as athreat to the unity ofthe Arabs and the Muslims and a furtherweakness. Egyptiannationalism was, as he considered it, apolitical innovation created by the West and contradicting Is­lam. Islamdetennined that

the Islamic countries are one country for all Muslims, andthe Muslim has to be a soldier for this greater countrywherever he goes. This is the correctmeaning ofpatriot­ism thathas always beenperceived throughout Islamichis­tory, and any other meaning is a propaganda from thedevil.3?

Thus, Egyptian nationalism, whichcalled for the non-interfer­ence ofEgypt in external affairs (i.e., outside its geographicalboundaries), and which considered Egypt an entity with norelation to the Arab world, did not correspond with the Arab

142 Past Imperfect

and Islamic co-oper3tion andunion that ai-Khatib envisioned .Furthennore, the Egyptian nationalists' slogan, "Egyptfor

the Egyptians," was potentially harmful to a Syrian resident inEgypt such as al-Khatib. There was apress campaign directedagainst the Syrian community residing in Egypt. As a result,Egyptiannationalismdidnotonlyannoy al-Khatib theoretically,as a devout Muslim who believed that "believers are nothingbut brothers," but also practically, as a Syrian living in Egyptyet unwelcome by some Egyptians.38 Despite his oppositionto Egyptian nationalism, his love for Egypt, regardless ofanyreligious characterornational role, was exceptional. He choseto live in it and "I intend to die in its land-ifGod wills; I am apartner for every Egyptian in the patriotic union and it is theclosestunion to me because I am directly related to it, it ben­efits from my efforts, and I benefit from it by my achieve­ments."39 Nonetheless, he did believe that Egypt had a par­ticularposition and an indispensable importance in the Araband the Muslim world.40 Egypt's location is central among all .Arab and Muslimcountries:

Egypt alone-being a mid-point between the Arabs ofWestern Asia and those ofNorth Africa, being the largestofArab countries in itspopulation, being the transmitterofIslamic and modem cultures, being the centre ofpublishingand the broadcasting in all Arab lands-should hold thebannerofunity in its hands, and thus its profit is greater thanthat ofany other Arab country.41

In addition, Egypt, "the lovely country ofthe Egyptian, isthe Nile Valley, but it is a small territory for a very ambitiousnation.''42 Such ambition necessitated a leadership role ifit wasto overcome the inadequacyofagricultural land, to support itsgrowing population, by expansion-an expansion welcomedinthe hearts, houses and markets ofneighbouring nations.43

AI-Khatib refused a separatistEgyptian nationalism whichset itself outside the Arab and Muslim world. Thus, Egypt

Power,Arabism and Islam 143

AI-Khatib refuSed a separatist Egyptian nationalismwhichset itselfoutside the Arab and Muslim world. Thus, Egyptseemed to have been more important for ai-Khatib than forthe Egyptian nationalists themselves. Ifthey-the Egyptiannationalists-were hoping to serve Egypt's interest by ex­cluding it from its natural associates, ai-Khatib was lookingforward to a role by which Egypt would lead the Arab andthe Muslim countries.

TIlE WEST: A THREAT TO ISLAM AND ISLAMIC UNITY

AI-Khatib was stirred up by the process ofWestemizationthatEgyptwas following and adopting. The influence ofWest­em ideas was apparent to him in the spread ofalcohol anddrugs and in the moral corruption that he felt characterizedEgyptian youth. Moreover, AI-Khatib believed that all sepa­ratist nationalisms were inspired by the conspiring West todivide theMuslims:

He (the Westerner) comes to the Turk and tells him: 'Doyou see this prayer that your mother performs at home? Itis an Arab prayer. TheTurkish nationality is oppressed bythe Arab one. The reading ofthe Qur'anby the Turks is inArabic, their performance ofprayer is also in Arabic, andtheir esteem to the great menofthe Arabs, from the Com­panions to the Followers, is nothing but Arab colonizationofyour nationality' ... then he comes to the educatedEgyp­tian and says: 'What do you have to do with the Arabs,their history, and their glory? Look at the remnants ofthePharaohs, look at the history ofthe old Egyptians!44

Who exactly represents this West was not indicated by al­Khatib. However, in his discussion ofthe Palestinian cause,he often referred to the Jews as the main cause ofthe corrup­tion, not only in the Muslim countries, but also in the whole

144 Past Imperfect

organizing. "The Jewish finger established the Masonic order,drew the Bolshevikprogram, and wrote the law ofthe Com­mittee ofUnion and Progress.''45 By supporting these move­ments, the Jews intended to "throw the seeds ofdivision anddiswrity ineachCOlIDtry.''46 Even the rejection ofthe veil in theMuslim world was a result ofthe Jewish call for emancipa­tion. Itwas a tool to carry out the Zionist plan which aimed"to lead our women, and us, to believe in following a pathother than that ofdecency."47

Emancipation and social problems caused by the Jewspointed, according to aI-Khatib, to a plot to destroy nation-

. alities~ and religious, moraL and economic elements so that''the Israelis will remain the onlypowerful people onearth.''48For example, the presence ofthe Jews in Palestine was re­garded by him as a threatnot only to the Palestinians, but alsoto the entire Orient because the Jews took Palestine as a so­cial base "to conquer all the Arab Orient-Syria, Iraq, andEgypt-and to shackle its inhabitants to their ecop.omic net­work, and entice them with different colours and shapes ofmoral and social drugs."49

SOME SUGGESTED REFORMS

Unity could not be achieved unless some reforms would beincluded to empower it. AI-Khatib admitted the unfavourableconditions of the Arab world and looked for ways of im­provement. Thus, political and educational reforms were re­quired to achieve Arab and Muslim leadership. Reforms alsoreached the doctrinal level. Since he was incOlporated in theSalafiyya movement led by his friend Rashid Rida, he sup­ported the idea that Islam is a religion of"doctrine, worship,and rule,"so not only restricted to ritual performance because"its virtues without its doctrines are incomplete, its religiousobservances denuded ofits virtues curse the performer, andits doctrines denuded ofits rules remain sickuntil these rulesare established and then, its doctrines survive."51 He also con-

Power, Arabism and Islam 145

its doctrines denuded ofits rules remain sick until these rulesare established and then, its doctrines swvive."51 He also con­sidered religious innovations (bida') as obstacles in the wayofrevival and creativity. Therefore, Islam mustbe freed ofthe"heretical innovations that were introduced to it...and theserefonns will spread a spiritofactivity among the Muslims."52

At the educational level, ai-Khatib argued Islamic educa­tion shouldnot be restricted to religious education consistingofjudgements and morals, but it should be comprehensivebringing up the Muslim youth "loving Islam, eager in its pur­suit, fighting for its sake, and standingwith humble, holinessand splendour for the memory ofits great men and heroes."53

The educational program should include, beside mathemat­ics, engineering, and other scientific fields, "the material re­lated to nationalism and its birth, and the relation between itsfuture and the circles ofits past, with history being the mostimportantelementofthis material.''54

Knowledge ofhistory wouldbe essential for national edu­cation and for the awakeningofthe Arab nation because "his­tory is the beliefthat the presentofthe Arabic-speaking coun­tries is the son oftheirnearpast ofthe last fourteen centuries,and that their future has to be builtupon this presentand uponthe near past."55 Moreover, history was a major element innational education for all nations that "enjoy the blessing ofpower and the blossoming oflife."56 All other nations knewhow to learn and benefit from their past except the Arabs"who use neither the pre-Islamic nor the post-Islamic historyto form their national identity that helps us in the struggle ofthe nations and the fight ofnationalities.''57 Despite the bril­liant history ofthe Arabs and the Muslims, it still needed "abuilderwho reconstructs it in order to appear splendid, bril­liant, magnificent, and illwninating; and then. ourglories willreceive their share ofbeauty in the eyes ofboth our sons andourenemies."58

AI-Khatib's economic reforms also aimed at strengthen­ing unity through such means as the removal oftaxationbarri-

146 PlISt Imperfect

and encourage industry in the Islamic Orient ingeneral''59 Atthe political level, he argued for an Arab/Islamic futelligence .Bureau to watch the events in the Orient and the reaction tothem in the Western press. The mother-bureau should be,according to ai-Khatib, in Cairo, where the youth "should betrained to observe the Eastern and the Western press andtheir attitude towards the Muslims, organize information, andpublish it in a way to present a good image ofIslam and theMuslims.''60

Though it is difficult to claimthat aI-Khatib had aspecificconsistent reform program, those suggestions reflected theneed offundamental reforms in the Muslim society on onehand and the awareness ofthe Muslims' weakpositionvis-a­vis the West on the other. His recommendations would rein­force the awareness and unity ofthe Muslims and would putthem forward in their encounter with the West.

All these issues raised and discussed by ai-Khatib in hisweekly newspaper al-Fath reflected the attitude ofan ArabMuslim intellectual towards the political and social situationprevailing in the Muslim world during the interwarperiod. Hewitnessed the last days ofthe Ottoman order, the Europeanexpansion in and occupation ofMuslim territories, and therise ofboth Arab nationalism and pan-Islamism. His mainconcern was to find a way to unite the Muslims, ofwhosedivision and vulnerability he was fully aware. To solve thedilemmabetweenArabismand Islam, he clarified their link toeach other and explained the dependency and indebtednessofthe first to the latter. fu any case, the urgencyofthe Muslimreunion had become essential, especially after the appear­ance ofthe Palestine question which heightened the need ofArab and Islamic solidarity. Moreover, the Western culturalimpact on Arab and Muslim behaviour urged the search forlost identity and the missing role necessary to meet the West­ern cultural challenge. However, nothing could be success­fully done unless serious reforms were conducted at the doc­trinal, political, and educational levels. The ideal for Muhib al-

Power, Arabism and Islam 147

fully done unless serious reforms were conducted at the doc­trinal, political, and educational levels. The ideal for Muhib al­Din aI-Khatib, as for many others, was to rely on the heroichistorical role ofthe Arabs, and to utilize the large Islamicterritory and population of Islam in order to generate andmobilize the greatestpossible support.

NOTES

·1 would like to thank Dr. Samir Seikaly, chairman ofthe History De­partment at the American University of Beirut, for his continuoussupport during the five years I spent under his supervision. Thisarticle would not have been written had not he suggested its topic. Iwould also like to thank the two anonymous referees whose valuablecomments on the manuscript were more than helpful.I A Muslim religious scholar.2 These were the members ofthe 'Senior Circle' ofthe Arab intellectu­als in Damascus while Muhib aI-Din aI-Khatib, Lutfi al-Haffar, Saleh

Qanbaz, 'Arefal-Shihabi, and 'Uthman Mardam Bek were

the members ofthe 'Junior Circle'. They all attended Maktab 'Anbar,the only high secondary school in Syria at that time. See David D.Commins, Islamic Reform: Politics and Social Change in Late Otto­man Syria (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990),92-98. Formoredetails on Maktab 'Anbar, see Zafer al-Qasimi, Maktab 'Anbar (Bei­rut: al-Matba'a al-Kathulikiyya, 1963). The introduction ofthis bookis repeated in .Ali al-Tantawi, Dimashq: Suwar minjamaliha wa 'ibarmin nidaliha, 2nd ed. (Damascus: Dar al-Fm, 1987).3 AI-Khatib played a major role in the establishment and direction of

the early Arab societies and committees. See Muhammad 'Abd al­

Rahman Burj, Muhib ai-Din a/-Khatib wa dawrahufi a/-haraka al­

'arabiyya, 1906-1920 (Cairo: aI-hay'a al-masriyya al- 'amma lil-kitab,

1990), and Suhayla al-Rimawi, '~afahatmin tarikh aI-jam'iyyat fi bilad

ai-Sham: min aI-jam'iyyat al- 'ilmiyya ila at-jam' iyyat al-siyasiyya,"

Dirasat Tarikhiyya 7 (January 1982): 134-156.4 Itwas published in Mecca from 1916to 1924. It is a major source onArab attitude during the WWI years, and can be considered, as WilliamCleveland mentioned, "the organ of the Arab revolt and the mostimportant forum for the justification of the revolt to Arab society."See W. L. Cleveland, "The Role oflslam as Political Ideology in theFirst World War,' in National and International Politics in the Mid-

148 Pastlmperfect

al-Rimawi, "Janeb min fa' aliyyat Muhib ai-Din aI-Khatib: al-janeb al­sahafi," Dirasat Torikhiyya 23-24 (1989): 23-48.6AJ; mentioned above, al-Fath appeared until 1948, but the volwnescovering the years between 1944 and 1948 (except 1947) are missingin Jafet Library at the American University ofBeirut, where this studywas conducted. Translations are by the author., J. Dunne-Heyworth, Religious ond Politicol Trends in ModernEgypt (Washington, 1950), 11. AI-Khatib was one ofthe founders ofthe Society in 1927.8 AI-Foth 14(1941): 492.9 Ai-Fath 13 (1940): 540.10 Ibid.II AI-Foth 14 (1941): 492.12 AI-Foth 13 (1940): 588.13 Ibid., 540.14AI-Foth9(1934): 806.15 AI-Foth 8(1933): 230.16 AI-Foth 7 (1932): 129.I' Nur ai-din Mahmud ibn Zanki, a Zankid sultan who fought thecrusaders during the twelfth century. .18 Abu al-Kasim Mahmud ibn Umar (1075-1144), a Persian-born Ara­bic scholar, philologist and theologian.19 AI-Foth 7 (1932): 129.20 AI.Fath 18 (1947): 179.21 AI-Foth 14 (1939): 380.22 AI.Falh 11 (1936): 728.23 Ibid.24 AI-Foth i4(1939): 380.25 AI-Fath 11 (1936): 728.26 AI-Folh 8 (1933): 445,2' AI-Foth 13 (1938): 187.28 AI-Folh 7(1932): 130.29 AI-Folh 6 (1933): 306.30 AI-Foth 11 (1936): 127.31 AI-Foth 8 (1935): 366.32 Ibid., 205.33 A/~Foth 11 (1938): 464.34 AI-Folh 6(1933): 193.35 AI-Foth 5 (1932): 370.36 He had a similar attitude towards Syrian nationalism. See, for in­stance, Nimrod Huritz, "Muhibb ad-Din al-Khatib's Semitic WaveTheory and Pan Arabism," Middle Eastern Studies 29 (7) (1993): 118-

Power, Arabism andIslam 149stance, Nimrod Huritz, "Muhibb ad-Din al-Khatib's Semitic WaveTheory and Pan Arabism," Middle Eastern Studies 29 (7) (1993): 118­134.37 AI-Fath 2 (1928): 787.38 For more elaboration on this point, see Israel Gershoni and James P.Jankowski, Egypt. Islam and the Arabs: The Search for EgyptianNationhood, 1900-1930 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986).39 AI-Fath 9 (1936): 806.

40 Gershoni elaborated on this point in Israel Gershoni, "Arabization ofIslam: The Egyptian Salafiyya and the Rise ofArabism in Pre-Revolu­tionary Egypt," Asian andAfrican Studies 13 (1) (1979): 51-53.41 AI-Fath 10(1937): 855.42 AI-Fath 8 (1935): 230.43 Al-Fath 10(1937): 856.44 Ibid., 786.45 AI-Fath 3 (1929): 257.46 Ibid.47 Ibid., 258.48 AI-Fath 11 (1938): 464.49 Ibid.so AI-Fath 3(1929): 337.51 AI-Fath 18 (1947): 251.52 Al-Fath 10 (1937): 81.53 AI-Fath 8 (1935): 748.S4 AI-Fath 12 (1939): 1088.ss Ibid.S6 Ibid., 272.57 Ibid.58 Al-Fath 9 (1936): 759.S9 Ibid., 135.60 AI-Fath 2 (1928): 738.