Prewar migration from Tsuken Island to the Philippines as part … · 2017-11-29 · Prewar Migration from Tsuken Island to the Philippines as Part of the Okinawan Diaspora 1 Noriyuki

Title Prewar migration from Tsuken Island to the Philippines as partof the Okinawan diaspora

Author(s) Suzuki, Noriyuki; Fresnoza, M. Asuncion

Citation 人間科学＝ Human Science(14): 251-270

Issue Date 2004-09

URL http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12000/33055

Rights

Prewar Migration from Tsuken Island to the Philippines as Part of the Okinawan Diaspora 1

Noriyuki Suzuki and Asuncion M. Fresnoza

Introduction

Overseas migration from Okinawa started in 1899 when Okinawa

was already a prefecture of Japan, and one of the popular destina·

tiona of Okinawan migrants was the Philippines, at that time a colony

of the United States. The inflow of Okinawans to the Philippines was

slow at the beginning, as most migrants preferred to go to Hawaii to

work in sugar plantations. Okinawans started to proceed to the

Philippines in great number 2 due to successive booms in the retail

(1910 to the 30's), hemp (1918, 1919, 1924·1928), and mining (1930's)

industries of the Philippines. Among these emigrants were people

from small islands of the prefecture of Okinawa, like Tsuken Island 3

in the town of Katsuren. No study about overseas migration from

Tsuken has been carried out yet, particularly concerning migration to

the Philippines.

The present study covers the free and indentured labor pe-riod of

the Japanese overseas migration (1899·1945) 4• It focuses on analyzing

1 This paper is based on the master course thesis of Asuncion M. Fresnoza under the academic supervision of Dr. Noriyuki Suzuki, Sociology professor at the Faculty of Law and Letters, University of the Ryukyus.

2 In 1918, their number was 244, in 1927, it became 1,415, and in 1937, it reached 2,584 f.Kokusai Koryuu Kanren Gyoumu Gaiyou, 1997).

3 This is a flat island located southeast of the Yokatsu Peninsula, which is part of Katsuren town in Nakagami district, Okinawa. It is approximately 50 feet above sea level.

4 As distinguished in Ishikawa Tomonori's 1997 work, Nilum /min no Chirigakuteki Kenkyuu - Okinawa, Hiroshima, Yamaguchi. As highlight by Yu·Jose (2002), many Japanese descendent Filipinos also immigrates to Okinawa.

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a prewar migration phenomenon from Tsuken, a small island of the

Ryukyu archipelago, as part of the present Okinawan diaspora. In doing

so, the study takes an unusual path to look at and analyze the pre·

war Okinawan overseas migration, particularly to the Philippines. It

stands at the border between migration and diaspora studies, and there

fore bears importance to understanding the Okinawan prewar migra

tion phenomenon that after long years came to possess the features of

a diasporic movement.

Primary sources of data such as original documents and accounts

were obtained in Tsuken. The researcher conducted field study in this

island by interviewing people who migrated overseas. Secondary sources

of data (subsequent documents and accounts such as published materi

als) were obtained through documentary research in several institu

tions (e.g. libraries, archives, government offices, etc.). Triangulation,

the combination of three or more methods of research (Giddens, 1993),

was utilized so that each method complemented the data obtained

from the others. The three research methods for this study were docu·

mentary research, life history, and field study (interviews). The data

gathered can be divided into micro and macro. The micro data consti

tute the historical background of the present study, while the macro

data make up the frontal region of the study written in the form of

life histories/ stories 5• Both micro and macro data are considered cru-

cial to answer the three problems of the study: (I) what factors influ-

5 Life story is an individual oral or written account about his life, and when it is placed within its historical, biological, cultural and/ or social contexts, it become a life history. For additional information, see Tani's (1996) Raifu Hisutori wo Manabu Hito no Tame ni, and for an example of a life history, see W. I. Thomas and F. Znaniecki's (1996 edition) The Polish Peasant in Europe and America.

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Prewar Migration from Tsuken Island to the Philippines as Part of the Okinawan Diaspora:

enced the migration to the Philippines of the people of Tsuken? (2)

why did other inhabitants of Tsuken migrate to other places like the

South Sea Islands and South America instead of going to the Philip

pines? and (3) what were the effects of the overseas migrations of the

people of Tsuken, particularly to the Philippines, on the prewar soci·

ety of Tsuken Island?

Before proceeding to the discussion of the causes and effects of

the overseas migration from Tsuken, particularly to the Philippines,

theories employed to analyze both the micro and macro data will be

explained, as well as the phenomenon called "Okinawan diaspora''.

Theoretical Framework

The tools of analysis in this paper are notions from the world sys·

tem, structuration, economic capital, and social capital (elaborated by

the network and social capital theories).

To explain migration and its relation to the global situation and

to provide a background for the present study, the world system the

ory is employed 6 • This theory explains that the world (Europe in par·

ticular) changed from the sixteenth century onwards because of the

development of a world system based on the expansion of capitalism

(Giddens, 1993, 1996; Robertson, 1987). The world system, that is to

6 The push-pull model is not employed in the present study because it has

many limitations. It is unable to theorize the notion of "push factor" and to

explain why in poor countries where similar factors are present emigration

do not take place. It also limits itself to a mere recitation of facts and can·

not be accepted as evidence of what triggered the movement of people

(Portes and Rumbaut, 1996; Portes and Borocz, 1996). Petersen (1996)

points out that for the sake of logical clarity it is important in an analysis

to distinguish the emigrants' motives and aspirations from the social causes

of emigration.

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say, the capitalist world-economy, is made up of a core, a semi

periphery, a periphery, and an external arena. Massive industrializa

tion and modern economic enterprises characterize core areas or, in

short, the industrial or affluent countries. Peripheral areas comprise

countries that are dependent on the core through trade. On the other

hand, semi-peripheral areas are "those states which combine within

their boundaries a significant mix of core-like and peripheral economic

activities" (Wallerstein, 1997). "External arena" refers to the states

that do not have relations or trading connections with the core.

Through the world system perspective, migration is explained as one

of the effects of the global inequality brought about by the expansion

of capitalism in both semi-periphery and periphery that was made

possible by colonialism. Following the world system view, Sassen

(1988) points out that migration is a labor supply system. Migrants

serve as a commodity in the labor market, and they proceed to places

where there is a shortage of labor.

At the micro level, data reveal how social structures 7 as well as

the economic and social capitals exert influence on an individual's de

cision whether to migrate or not. Anthony Giddens' structuration the

ory is used to view the prewar social structure of Tsuken Island. The

key element of this theory is the recognition that social structures not

only constrain but also enable. Man's autonomy and freedom of choice

are limited because of opportunity structures determined by social

7 This is a general term for any collective social circumstance that is unalterable and given for the individual, and sets limits on feasible activities for individuals ("Life Histories," 1992). The word "structure" sometimes refers to attributes such as race, gender, and class that are treated as external force imposed on individuals independently of their wills (ibid.).

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forces. Tucker Jr. (1998) explains that for Giddens, structures organ

ize and facilitate social action and are not external to human action

but are "integrally involved in the everyday practices which bind time

and space together in ever new combinations" (p.85). Using

structuration perspective, the study determines the prewar social

structures of Tsuken Island and finds out how these structures both

constrain and enable individuals to migrate.

In order to elaborate the influence of social structure on individ

ual decisions to migrate, the notion of capital by Pierre Bourdieu, spe

cifically of economic and social capitals, are incorporated in the study.

Social capital is further explained using the network theory of

Douglas Massey and the theory of social capital of Nan Lin.

According to Lin (2001), economic capital is "immediately and di

rectly convertible into money and may be institutionalized in the form

of property rights" (p.l). Before the outbreak of World War II, aside

from money itself economic capital in Tsuken Island was usually in

the form of land and other material properties. Social capital, on the

other hand, is according to Bourdieu (1986) the "aggregate of the ac

tual or potential resources linked to possession of a durable network

of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance

or recognition" (p. 248). Massey adds that social capital plays a crucial

role in international migration. Each new migrant contributes to a set

of people with social ties to the destination area and thereby reduces

the costs of migration for their friends and relatives in the place of

origin. Through migrant networks, migration becomes self-sustaining

(Massey, 1988; Immigration and Social Contract, 1996; Portes and Borocz,

1996; Choldin, 1999). In utilizing social capital, three factors can be

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considered: structural position H (social structure), network location 9 ,

and purpose of action (Lin, 2001). The present study will concentrate

on the last two factors, as they are the most useful in data analysis.

It involves purpose that, according to Lin (2001), can be either •'inst

rumental" or "expressive". The former is directed toward gaining val·

ued resources, and the latter toward maintaining one's own resources.

The result of utilizing social capital is to gain wealth, power, and

(good) reputation as well as material goods.

Overseas Migration from Tsuken The people of Tsuken started to migrate overseas in 1917 through

the Kaigai Kougyou Kabushiki Gaisha and their first destination was

Brazil. The first group of recruits was made up of families. Each

member of a family paid 120 yen for their voyage (Higa, 1990), and

worked for six months on the company's designated coffee plantation.

When their contract was finished, many started to cultivate and sell

vegetables, flowers and other kinds of agricultural products, while oth

ers opened restaurants and shops.

Tagawa Jirou pioneered the emigration of the people of Tsuken to

the Philippines in 1919. In the 1930's many people of Tsuken mi-

8 Lin (200 1) describes the social structure in the form of a pyramid based on class, authority and status. She argues that an individual occupying a higher position, because of its accessibility to more positions, also has a greater command of social capital" (p. 56). So, one's position in the social pyramid determines one's chance to acquiring resources.

9 It concerns the tie strength and bridging that links individuals/ groups to one another. Lin (2001) argues that when a tie is strong there is a big pos· sibility of sharing and exchange of resources. Bridging is important in a so· cial network because it links two separate individuals/ groups, thereby providing access to resources.

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Prewar Migration from Tsuken ls1and to the Philippines as Part of the Okinawan Diaspora 1

grated to the country, particularly to Davao. Migration to this prov

ince was pioneered by the three families of Koura Jirou, Taka Heijiro,

and Akamine Kamematsu under the management of the Kaigai

Kougyou Kabushiki Gaisha (Higa, 1990). Among these three pioneers,

only Akamine Kamematsu came to Davao as free immigrant (no labor

contract at hand). Contract migrants paid around 300 yen for a three

year contract (ibid.) before departure.

Emigration of Tsuken people to South Sea Islands, particularly to

Palau and Truk, started also in 1919. lha Gyoukichi of Katsuren in

vited his relative Iha Shingyousha to migrate there, making the latter

the pioneer of Tsuken emigration to Nan'you (ibid.). The first group of

Tsuken migrants to Nan you was recruited and managed by an imin

gaisha. These migrants later helped their families, friends and rela

tives to come to Nanyou. In 1935, Tsuken people started fishing

through joint investment in a fishing vessel called daikou maru. At

first, only Tsuken men migrated to Nan you to do bonito fishing, but

when bonito flakes became popular the migrants' wives followed. So,

men did the fishing while women dried and process the bonito flakes.

Overseas migration from Tsuken was the outcome of several fac

tors interacting simultaneously with one another at different levels.

Concerning the Tsuken people's migration to the Philippines, the life

histories of Tsuken migrants positioned against the general back

ground of the Okinawan prewar overseas migration reveal several fac

tors. These come out at macro, meso and micro levels through the aid

of the world system and structuration theories as well as the concepts

of social and economic capitals.

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A. The Pressure from the "World System" What connected the United States and Japan to the Philippines

was colonialism~ capitalism~ and international migration. Colonialism

brought the Philippines inside the United States' sphere of influence

and introduced it to the global free trade market, which converted it

into a semi-peripheral country with capitalist economy. Free trade and

capitalism opened the door of the Philippine economy to foreign prod

ucts and capitals and at the same time allowed its own products to

enter the world market.

When the American colonial government embarked in infrastruc

ture development projects (e.g. construction of asphalt roads, railroads,

bridges, ports, and even military barracks)~ labor demand increased re

sulting to the importation of Japanese laborers principally from

Okinawa Prefecture. One of the famous projects of the American colo

nial government was the Benguet Road10 construction in Baguio, a city

located in the northern highlands (Kanashiro, 2002). The labor de

mand for the completion of this project paved the way for the

Okinawan emigration to the Philippines in 1904, five years after

mainland Japanese started to proceed to this country. The Okinawan

migration to the Philippines started slowly, but when the Japanese

migration to Hawaii was stopped as a result of the Gentlemen's

Agreement in 190811, many proceeded to the Philippines. Unlike other

countries such as the United States~ Australia, France, Holland and

10 This is popularly called as the Kennon Road named after Major George Kennon who administered its construction and encouraged the American government to hire Japanese laborers.

11 The agreement allowed only the immigration of Japanese who had relatives in the United States.

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Canada, the Philippines did not attempt to restrict the flow of

Japanese migrants until 1940. After the completion of the Benguet

road in 1905, many Okinawan laborers stayed and proceeded to

Davao to work in hemp plantations. The number of Okinawans in

creased with the abaca12 booms of 1917-1918 and 1922-1928. The peak

of Okinawan emigration to the Philippines was from 1933 to 1937.

After 1937 the Okinawan emigration to the Philippines slowed down

until it was abruptly stopped by the outbreak of World War II.

To understand the emigration of the inhabitants of Tsuken to the

Philippines, it is crucial to realize the domestic conditions of Japan

and the Philippines as sending and receiving countries. Okinawa was

one of its vital cogs since it was the home of the majority of its immi

grants in the Philippines. This southernmost prefecture of Japan was

actually an independent kingdom until 1609, date of its invasion by

the Japanese clan of Satsuma. When it became a prefecture it turned

into a peripheral society fully dependent on the core society G.e.

Tokyo) where policies, regulations, rules, funds and investments origi

nated. When Japanese immigration into the Philippines took place,

mainland Japan and Okinawa had overpopulation and unemployment

problems. Japanese migration to the Philippines took place like in

Hawaii in response to a request by the American civil government for

construction laborers. The overseas emigration of Okinawans would

have been impossible without the authorization and support of their

prefectural government that was under the authority of the central

government in Tokyo. In short, Japanese migration at the beginning

12 A kind of hemp used to produce heavy rope and cable for the American in· dustry (Kanashiro, 2002).

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took place as response to overseas labor demands with the strong sup

port of the Japanese government itself. This inflow of people continued

as Japanese migrants whose labor contracts already expired shifted

their attention to creating small and large-scale enterprises with at

the same time Japanese companies investing and establishing

branches in the Philippines. The Japanese government consolidated

all emigration companies and promulgated laws specifically for mi

grants. On the other hand, the Philippines continued to show recepti

vity to Japanese migrants despite the growing suspicions and doubts

that this immigration was part of a Japanese plan to occupy the

country. This can be attributed to the fact that the Japanese mi

grants' economic activities contributed to strengthening the Philippine

economy as they also created employment opportunities for Filipinos.

Following Sassen's view, the Philippines and Japan could be described

as interdependent as the latter supplied labor and brought invest

ments to the former, while the former offered a niche to the latter's

economic enterprises and a solution to its overpopulation and unem·

ployment problems.

B. Social Structure: Facilitating Migration The life histories/ stories of Tsuken migrants exhibit several fac

tors embedded in the prewar social structure of Tsuken Island that

explain why the inhabitants of Tsuken migrated to the Philippines.

These factors, using Giddens' structuration theory, can be summarized

into the following: gender, family system, class, and social rules.

As in Giddens' structuration theory, gender as structure is appar·

ently not external to an individual's action, and examining it means

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discovering the truth lying behind an action. The general history of

the Okinawan overseas migration and the case of the Tsuken mi

grants to the Philippines reveal the very nature of the labor market

at that period, which required able-bodied young men to do heavy, dif

ficult jobs such as fishing, hemp cultivation and construction works.

Women migrants assisted their husbands in hemp cultivation and started lighter jobs such as small-scale enterprises. There were no

women migrants who worked in any construction projects in the Philip·

pines. In Okinawa, men were in demand and were recruited by imin

gaisha to satisfy labor markets in countries like the Philippines. Based

on this, it is evident that the labor market was the one dictating

what gender was suited for its needs and not individuals themselves.

In short, the labor market's demand for male workers reinforced the

importance of gender in migration, particularly of ''being a man".

Reinforcement occurred when men became aware of the importance of

their own gender in the labor market, and this awareness was facili·

tated by the activities of emigration companies, migrant recruiters,

local government units, and the central government itself.

Roles, duties, responsibilities and expectations felt by an individ·

ual due to his family position and gender exerted pressure on his de·

cision whether to migrate or not. For instance, there were more

second and third sons who migrated than eldest sons as they had less

responsibilities and duties to their parents and ancestors than their

eldest brother. Unlike the eldest son, they received small portion of

their parents' properties, making it hard for them to sustain a family.

How did class stratification exert influence on the decision to mi·

grate of the first group of Tsuken's overseas migrants? During the

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period of large-scale overseas migration from Okinawa, Tsuken people

were experiencing poverty. The life histories/ stories of Tsuken over

seas migrants show that class determined the way of life. The easiest

way to climb the social ladder was to migrate abroad. This implied

having a permanent job with a salary good enough to fulfill their

dreams, and this paved the way to overseas migration. Furthermore,

since Tsuken people belonged to the same social class, their main

frame of reference regarding the middle and upper classes were peo·

ple in mainland Okinawa. Their awareness of class differences (binbo

na hito vs okanemochi) in Okinawan society coexisted with daily experi

ences of belonging to the lower strata of society (e.g. low income, dif

ficulty with sending children to school, scarcity of food to eat, etc.>.

Overseas migration offered them the opportunity to improve their

lives, in other words, to climb the social ladder. Through remittances,

emigrants' families came to exhibit a well-off life. They were able to

build new houses, send their children to school, and sustain their

basic needs like food and clothing. Other people observed these

changes and they came to think that overseas migration could help

them obtain a good life, which meant being at the middle or upper

level of the social ladder. This propelled more people from the island

to the Philippines and of course to other countries.

Giddens contends that social rules (e.g. norms and codes) tell indi

viduals what to do in particular situations. For him, structures are

situated within social practices, which implies that understanding

structures would come from understanding social practices. Being an

island village of Okinawa, Tsuken's social rules are influenced by and

connected to those of mainland Okinawa. They are passed from

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generation to generation, and institutionalized in the form of social

practices such as choode kasabai 13 or the mixing up of brothers, the

honke-bunke household system'', the inheritance and succession sys·

tem 16, and others. But how did social rules and practices exert influ

ence on the decision of the inhabitants of Tsuken to migrate overseas

like to the Philippines? The answer lies on the fact that in a small so·

ciety like Tsuken, the pressure to conform to society's rules is strong.

People of all ages are expected to obey rules, and to disobey means

sanction. The inhabitants of Tsuken are expected to carry out their

duties and responsibilities inside their families, to remember their an·

cestors through bon and seimei, to respect the elders, to celebrate im·

portant dates like New Year, and for women to follow men. This can

explain overseas migration as part of conformity to unwritten rules

based on age and gender with its agent, the family.

Based on the life histories/ stories of Tsuken migrants, having

economic capital does not impede migration because at the center lies

the importance of money. The question is whether the economic capital

is good enough to support basic necessities and fulfill ambitions.

People can convert material wealth to money in order to gain other

things. They can also obtain money from their own economic capital

13 It forbid the eldest and the next sons to live together under one roof, and even during burial, their graves or ashes must be separated. This prewar social rule shows the importance of the first son for Tsuken people like other Okinawans and Japanese.

14 This is a system of separate household between the first son and succeeding sons once they get married. Hanke or the head family is the household of the first son, and bunke or branch family is the household of the second, third or fourth son in a family.

16 The eldest son inherits almost all of the family properties after the death of his father who is the family head. Succeeding sons inherit only few proper· ties, while daughters inherit nothing at all.

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like land, but it must always be remembere~ that purchasing power of

currency being tied to the world capitalist economy differs in every so

ciety. This difference can be seen in the amount of salary offered for

a particular job, and of course, in the rate of labor demands. With

this, Bourdieu's notion of economic capital is therefore in some way tied to the world system. Insufficient economic capital in Tsuken, es·

pecially money to sustain daily needs and attain other things, influ

enced Tsuken people's decision to migrate.

Overseas migration from Tsuken would not have been able to con

tinue without the assistance of people in the immigration society tied

by kinship and friendship to a prospective migrant in the emigration

society. Through utilization of social network, migration, in the words

of Massey (1988), became "self-sustaining" as network reduced migra·

tion costs. This is particularly evident in the case of non-pioneer mi·

grants who mostly relied on the assistance of their relatives and

friends, rather than on imin gaisha. The case of Tsuken's Nan you and

Latin American migrants illustrates this, as they were called ~obiyose)

by their relatives and friends who were pioneer migrants. The Philip

pine case is different, as some non-pioneer migrants were able to mi·

grate through the help of both imin gaisha and social networks. What

is striking is that those without relatives and friends in the Philip·

pines mostly went to imin gaisha for assistance. This implies that imin

gaisha became a sort of alternative to social networks. Without imin gaisha and social network at the same time, outflow of people from

Tsuken to the Philip-pines would not have been able to continue.

According to Lin (2001), the result of utilizing social capital is at

tainment of wealth, power, and (good) reputation as well as material

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goods. In the case of Tsuken migrants the result was success in mi

gration that led to the possession of material goods. These goods gave

them power and good reputation for they implied wealth, in other

words, upward mobility in the social ladder. Concerning the effect of

the outflow of people from Tsuken, basis of class stratification was

gradually altered and came to depend on one's economic power i.e.

having economic capital, which changed completely the way of life of

Tsuken people. This new basis of class stratification exerted pressure

on those who did not have the material resource that was remittance

from their relatives abroad, and inspired them to migrate overseas by

utilizing their social network. As a result more inhabitants of Tsuken

migrated overseas, and as what Massey predicts, migration became

self-sustaining. This situation is also true for the rest of the Okinawa

prefecture. All this happened because of the social effect of one having

economic capital more than others and because of vast social networks

in the sending and receiving societies. This, therefore, is consistent

with Bourdieu's view on how inequality is reproduced in society

through capital accumulation and utilization.

C. From Migration to Diaspora Although Tsuken migrants and their descendants compose only a

small percentage of the total uchinanchu residing within and outside of

Okinawa, their membership in Okinawan asso·ciation(s), active par

ticipation to many activities related to Okinawan history and culture,

and the maintenance of their link to Okinawa by virtue of kinship

and friendship demonstrate how a single fiber contributes its strength

to the whole rope called Okinawan diaspora.

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Tsuken migrants in the Philippines and in other countries became members of Okinawan associations where they strengthened their unity and camaraderie. Aside from sending remittances to their fami·

lies in Tsuken, they also contributed money for the improvement of

their island community. When World War II erupted, Okinawan mi· grants, who remained in their immigration countries such as those in

Hawaii, mainland United States, and Latin America, sent material

and moral supports to their fellow Okinawans at home. This action

proves that at this point Okinawan migration in general had reached

the stage of diaspora. A few years after the war until the present

time, descendants of Okinawan migrants who remained in their immi·

gration countries continued Okinawan associations and their link with

their fathers' homeland. In Brazil, number of Okinawan migrants in·

creased after the war. Tsuken migrants invited their remaining fami·

lies in Tsuken to go to Brazil and permanently settle there. The link

among Okinawan associations throughout the world culminated to the

celebration of uchinanchu festival in Okinawa prefecture and the estab

lishment of uchinanchu business association. Tsuken migrants and

their descendants <nisei, sansei, and yonsei) are part of these develop·

ments. Return migration to Okinawa Prefecture also took place

against the backdrop of these developments, mainly from Latin

America. All these developments strengthen Okinawan diaspora com

munities throughout the globe.

Conclusion

Based on the data analyzed, international migration does not take

place all of a sudden or by accident. Instead, it takes place

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simultaneously as part of, reaction to, and product of the world sys

tem to which sending and receiving countries are tied. In analyzing

why a particular movement of people took place in a particular time,

both the world system and the social structure of the sending country

must be subjected to in-depth studies. In short, both the macro and

micro levels of the subject must be taken into account. The case of

the prewar migration of the people of Tsuken to the Philippines illus

trates how the study of a small-scale migration can give additional in

sights into the causes and effects of the Okinawan overseas migration,

particularly to the Philippines. A life history approach to such small

scale migration deepens our understanding of the larger migration

phenomenon of which it is a part. Overall, the present study was able

to attain its objectives of explaining, interpreting, and analyzing the

prewar migration from Tsuken to the Philippines, which led to the

finding of the factors that caused such phenomenon and its effects on

the society of Tsuken. The present study ends with a statement that

all things and events in the world are interconnected like past, pre

sent, and future; and that understanding can come after careful ex

amination of a small part of the whole.

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