PRIMARY SOURCE LITERACY PACK - Gibbs Smith Education

PRIMARY SOURCE LITERACY PACK

American Foundations and Revolution

LEARNING TARGET: I can use primary sources to gain a deeper understanding of the multitude of perspectives that led America to revolution and independence.

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Two Accounts of Paul Revere’s Ride

W.3.2 - Write informative/explanatory texts to examine a topic and convey ideas and information clearly.


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Slavery in the United States | William Bull : Report on the Stono Rebellion (1739)



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American Revolution | George Washington : General Orders (July 2, 1776)



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US Constitution | Patrick Henry : Anti-Federalist Papers (June 5, 1788)



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The Olive Branch Petition and John Adams’ Letter



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Use the sources within the packet to support or enhance your American foundations and Revolutionary war curriculum. Each document includes additional questions for analysis and a suggested writing activity.

Recommended grades: 6 ‑ 12

Time: Flexible

Materials:

1 © 2021 Gibbs Smith Education | American Foundations and Revolution Lesson Plans

Henry Wadsworth Longfellow

Revere

Two Accounts of Paul Revere’s RidePaul Revere’s famous ride on the night of April 18, 1775, was to warn the Patriots of the coming of British soldiers to Lexington and Concord, where the Revolutionary War officially began. Below are two versions of Revere’s ride. The first is an account of the events described by Revere in a letter. The second is a poem written by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow.


Paul Revere—Letter to Jeremy Belknap (about 1798)

Dear Sir, Having a little leisure, I wish to fullfill my promise, of giving you some facts, and Anecdotes, prior to the Battle of Lexington, which I do not remember to have seen in any history of the American Revolution. . . . The Saturday Night preceding the 19th of April, about 12 o’Clock at Night, the Boats belonging to the Transports were all launched, and carried under the Sterns of the Men of War. (They had been previously hauld up and repaired). We likewise found that the Grenadiers and light Infantry were all taken off duty. . . . The Sunday before, by desire of Dr. Warren, I had been to Lexington, to Mess. Hancock and Adams, who were at the Rev. Mr. Clark’s. I returned at Night thro Charlestown; there I agreed with a Col. Conant, and some other Gentlemen, that if the British went out by Water, we would shew two Lanthorns in the North Church Steeple; and if by Land, one, as a Signal; for we were aprehensive it would be dificult to Cross the Charles River, or git over Boston neck. I left Dr. Warrens, called upon a friend, and desired him to make the Signals. I then went Home, took my Boots and Surtout, and went to the North part of the Town, Where I had kept a Boat; two friends rowed me across Charles River, a little to the eastward where the Somerset Man of War lay. It was then young flood, the Ship was winding, and the moon was Rising. They landed me on Charlestown side. When I got into Town, I met Col. Conant, and several others; they said they had seen our signals. I told them what was Acting, and went to git me a Horse; I got a Horse of Deacon Larkin. While the Horse was preparing, Richard Devens, Esq. who was one of the Committee of Safty, came to me, and told me, that he came down the Road from Lexington, after Sundown, that evening; that He met ten British Officers, all well mounted, and armed, going up the Road. I set off upon a very good Horse; it was then about 11 o’Clock, and very pleasant. After I had passed Charlestown Neck, and got nearly opposite where Mark was hung in chains, I saw two men on Horse back, under a Tree. When I got near them, I discovered they were British officers. One tryed to git a head of Me, and the other to take me. I turned my Horse very quick, and Galloped towards Charlestown neck, and then pushed for the Medford Road. The one who chased me, endeavoring to Cut me off, got into a Clay pond, near where the new Tavern is now built. I got clear of him, and went thro Medford, over the Bridge, and up to Menotomy. In Medford, I awaked the Captain of the Minute men; and after that, I alarmed almost every House, till I got to Lexington. I found Messrs. Hancock and Adams at the Rev. Mr. Clark’s; I told them my errand, and inquired for Mr. Daws; they said he had not been there; I related the story of the two officers, and supposed that He must have been stopped, as he ought to have been there before me. After I had been there about half


an Hour, Mr. Daws came; we refreshed our selves, and set off for Concord, to secure the Stores, &c. there. We were overtaken by a young Docter Prescot, whom we found to be a high Son of Liberty. I told them of the ten officers that Mr. Devens mett, and that it was probable we might be stoped before we got to Concord; for I supposed that after Night, they divided them selves, and that two of them had fixed themselves in such passages as were most likely to stop any intelegence going to Concord. I likewise mentioned, that we had better allarm all the Inhabitents till we got to Concord; the young Doctor much approved of it, and said, he would stop with either of us, for the people between that and Concord knew him, and would give the more credit to what we said. We had got nearly half way. Mr Daws and the Doctor stoped to allarm the people of a House: I was about one hundred Rod a head, when I saw two men, in nearly the same situation as those officer were, near Charlestown. I called for the Doctor and Daws to come up;—in an Instant I was surrounded by four;—they had placed themselves in a Straight Road, that inclined each way; they had taken down a pair of Barrs on the North side of the Road, and two of them were under a tree in the pasture. The Docter being foremost, he came up; and we tryed to git past them; but they being armed with pistols and swords, they forced us in to the pasture;—the Docter jumped his Horse over a low Stone wall, and got to Concord. I observed a Wood at a Small distance, and made for that. When I got there, out Started Six officers, on Horse back, and orderd me to dismount;—one of them, who appeared to have the command, examined me, where I came from, and what my Name Was? I told him. He asked me if I was an express? I answered in the afirmative. He demanded what time I left Boston? I told him; and aded, that their troops had catched aground in passing the River, and that There would be five hundred Americans there in a short time, for I had alarmed the Country all the way up. He imediately rode towards those who stoppd us, when all five of them came down upon a full gallop; one of them, whom I afterwards found to be Major Mitchel, of the 5th Regiment, Clapped his pistol to my head, called me by name, and told me he was going to ask me some questions, and if I did not give him true answers, he would blow my brains out. He then asked me similar questions to those above. He then orderd me to mount my Horse, after searching me for arms. He then orderd them to advance, and to lead me in front. When we got to the Road, they turned down towards Lexington. When we had got about one Mile, the Major Rode up to the officer that was leading me, and told him to give me to the Sergeant. As soon as he took me, the Major orderd him, if I attempted to run, or any body insulted them, to blow my brains out. We rode till we got near Lexington Meeting-house, when the Militia fired a Voley of Guns, which appeared to alarm them very much. The Major inquired of me how far it was to Cambridge, and if there were any other Road? After some consultation, the Major Rode up to the Sargent, and asked if his Horse was tired? He answered him, he was—(He was a Sargent of Grenadiers, and had a small Horse)—then, said He, take that man’s Horse. I dismounted, and the Sargent mounted my Horse, when they all rode towards Lexington Meeting-House. I went across the Burying-ground, and some pastures, and came to the Revd. Mr. Clark’s House, where I found Messrs. Hancok and Adams. I told them of my treatment, and they concluded to go from that House to wards Woburn. I went with them, and a Mr. Lowell, who was a Clerk to Mr. Hancock. When we got to the House where they intended to stop, Mr. Lowell and my self returned to Mr. Clark’s, to find what was going on. When we got there, an elderly man came in; he said he had just come from the Tavern, that a Man had come from Boston, who said there were no British troops coming. Mr. Lowell and my self went towards the Tavern, when we met a Man on a full gallop, who told us the Troops were coming up the Rocks. We afterwards met another, who said they were close by. Mr. Lowell asked me to go to the Tavern with him, to git a Trunk of papers belonging to Mr. Hancock. We went up Chamber; and while we were giting the Trunk, we saw the British very near, upon a full March. We hurried to wards Mr. Clark’s House. In our way, we passed through the Militia. There were about 50. When we had got about 100 Yards from the meeting-House the British Troops appeard on both Sides of the Meeting-House. In their Front was an Officer on Horse back. They made a Short Halt; when I saw, and heard, a Gun fired, which appeared to be a Pistol. Then I could distinguish two Guns, and then a Continual roar of Musquetry; When we made off with the Trunk.

Paul Revere—Letter to Jeremy Belknap (about 1798) continued


Henry Wadsworth Longfellow—“Paul Revere’s Ride” (1860)

Listen, my children, and you shall hear Of the midnight ride of Paul Revere, On the eighteenth of April, in Seventy-five; Hardly a man is now alive Who remembers that famous day and year. He said to his friend, “If the British march By land or sea from the town to-night, Hang a lantern aloft in the belfry arch Of the North Church tower as a signal light,— One, if by land, and two, if by sea; And I on the opposite shore will be, Ready to ride and spread the alarm Through every Middlesex village and farm, For the country folk to be up and to arm.” Then he said, “Good night!” and with muffled oar Silently rowed to the Charlestown shore, Just as the moon rose over the bay, Where swinging wide at her moorings lay The Somerset, British man-of-war; A phantom ship, with each mast and spar Across the moon like a prison bar, And a huge black hulk, that was magnified By its own reflection in the tide. Meanwhile, his friend, through alley and street, Wanders and watches with eager ears, Till in the silence around him he hears The muster of men at the barrack door, The sound of arms, and the tramp of feet, And the measured tread of the grenadiers, Marching down to their boats on the shore. Then he climbed the tower of the Old North Church, By the wooden stairs, with stealthy tread, To the belfry-chamber overhead, And startled the pigeons from their perch On the sombre rafters, that round him made Masses and moving shapes of shade, — By the trembling ladder, steep and tall, To the highest window in the wall, Where he paused to listen and look down A moment on the roofs of the town, And the moonlight flowing over all. Beneath, in the churchyard, lay the dead, In their night-encampment on the hill, Wrapped in silence so deep and still That he could hear, like a sentinel’s tread, The watchful night-wind, as it went

Creeping along from tent to tent, And seeming to whisper, “All is well!” A moment only he feels the spell Of the place and the hour, and the secret dread Of the lonely belfry and the dead; For suddenly all his thoughts are bent On a shadowy something far away, Where the river widens to meet the bay, — A line of black that bends and floats On the rising tide, like a bridge of boats. Meanwhile, impatient to mount and ride, Booted and spurred, with a heavy stride On the opposite shore walked Paul Revere. Now he patted his horse’s side, Now gazed at the landscape far and near, Then, impetuous, stamped the earth, And turned and tightened his saddle girth; But mostly he watched with eager search The belfry-tower of the Old North Church, As it rose above the graves on the hill, Lonely and spectral and sombre and still. And lo! as he looks, on the belfry’s height A glimmer, and then a gleam of light! He springs to the saddle, the bridle he turns, But lingers and gazes, till full on his sight A second lamp in the belfry burns! A hurry of hoofs in a village street, A shape in the moonlight, a bulk in the dark, And beneath, from the pebbles, in passing, a spark Struck out by a steed flying fearless and fleet: That was all! And yet, through the gloom and the light, The fate of a nation was riding that night; And the spark struck out by that steed, in his flight, Kindled the land into flame with its heat. He has left the village and mounted the steep, And beneath him, tranquil and broad and deep, Is the Mystic, meeting the ocean tides; And under the alders, that skirt its edge, Now soft on the sand, now loud on the ledge, Is heard the tramp of his steed as he rides. It was twelve by the village clock, When he crossed the bridge into Medford town. He heard the crowing of the cock, And the barking of the farmer’s dog, And felt the damp of the river fog, That rises after the sun goes down.

Second Account of Two Accounts of Paul Revere’s Ride


It was one by the village clock, When he galloped into Lexington. He saw the gilded weathercock Swim in the moonlight as he passed, And the meeting-house windows, blank and bare, Gaze at him with a spectral glare, As if they already stood aghast At the bloody work they would look upon. It was two by the village clock, When he came to the bridge in Concord town. He heard the bleating of the flock, And the twitter of birds among the trees, And felt the breath of the morning breeze Blowing over the meadows brown. And one was safe and asleep in his bed Who at the bridge would be first to fall, Who that day would be lying dead, Pierced by a British musket-ball. You know the rest. In the books you have read, How the British Regulars fired and fled, — How the farmers gave them ball for ball, From behind each fence and farm-yard wall, Chasing the red-coats down the lane, Then crossing the fields to emerge again Under the trees at the turn of the road, And only pausing to fire and load. So through the night rode Paul Revere; And so through the night went his cry of alarm To every Middlesex village and farm, — A cry of defiance and not of fear, A voice in the darkness, a knock at the door, And a word that shall echo forevermore! For, borne on the night-wind of the Past, Through all our history, to the last, In the hour of darkness and peril and need, The people will waken and listen to hear The hurrying hoof-beats of that steed, And the midnight message of Paul Revere.

CONCORD

SOUTH BRIDGE

NORTHBRIDGE

MERIAM’S CORNER

LEXINGTON

MENOTOMY(Arlington)

MEDFORD

CAMBRIDGE

BOSTON

BROOKLINE

ROXBURY

CHARLESTOWN

CHARLES

TOW

N

NECK

LONG WHARF

B O S T O NH A R B O R

CHARLESTOWN

COMMON

BREED’S HILL

BUNKER HILL

BOSTON NECK

LEGEND

Paul Revere’s route

1. What are the greatest differences between the story described in Longfellow’s poem and the story described in Revere’s letter?

2. Why do you think Longfellow changed some of the facts about Revere’s ride in his poem?

3. Why does Longfellow turn Revere into more of a hero in his version?

4. Why do you think Longfellow, who was a Unionist and an abolitionist, wrote this poem shortly before the Civil War began?

Questions


Slavery in the United StatesOn a separate sheet of paper, write 2–3 paragraphs about the primary source quotation. Use the questions below to get started, but add your own ideas about the quotation’s meaning and relevance as well. The Stono Rebellion took place in the South Carolina colony

I beg leave to lay before your Lordships an account of our Affairs, first in regard to the Desertion of our Negroes . . . On the 9th of September last at Night a great Number of Negroes Arose in Rebellion, broke open a Store where they got arms, killed twenty one White Persons, and were marching the next morning in a Daring manner out of the Province, killing all they met and burning several Houses as they passed along the Road. I was returning from Granville County with four Gentlemen and met these Rebels at eleven o’clock in the forenoon and fortunately deserned the approaching danger time enough to avoid it, and to give notice to the Militia who on the Occasion behaved with so much expedition and bravery, as by four o’clock the same day to come up with them and killed and took so many as put a stop to any further mischief at that time, forty four of them have been killed and Executed; some few yet remain concealed in the Woods expecting the same fate, seem desperate . . . It was the Opinion of His Majesty’s Council with several other Gentlemen that one of the most effectual means that could be used at present to prevent such desertion of our Negroes is to encourage some Indians by a suitable reward to pursue and if possible to bring back the Deserters, and while the Indians are thus employed they would be in the way ready to intercept others that might attempt to follow and I have sent for the Chiefs of the Chickasaws living at New Windsor and the Catawba Indians for that purpose . . . My Lords, Your Lordships Most Obedient and Most Humble Servant Wm Bull

1. What do you think is the main purpose of Bull’s letter to the Britain’s Board of Trade?

2. How does Bull view the actions of the slaves who participated in the revolt?

3. How does Bull describe the actions of the militia?

4. To desert means to abandon a duty in a treacherous manner. Why do you think Bull referred to the slaves as “deserters”?

5. What is Bull’s solution regarding the slaves who escaped capture?

6. How do you think Bull’s reaction differs from the reaction of a slave regarding news of the rebellion?

Questions

William BullReport on the Stono Rebellion (1739)



American RevolutionOn a separate sheet of paper, write 2–3 paragraphs about the primary source quotation. Use the questions below to get started, but add your own ideas about the quotation’s meaning and relevance as well. This letter was sent to military leaders with their overall instructions.

The time is now near at hand which must probably determine, whether Americans are to be, Freemen, or Slaves; whether they are to have any property they can call their own; whether their Houses, and Farms, are to be pillaged and destroyed, and they consigned to a State of Wretchedness from which no human efforts will probably deliver them. The fate of unborn Millions will now depend, under God, on the Courage and Conduct of this army—Our cruel and unrelenting Enemy leaves us no choice but a brave resistance, or the most abject submission; this is all we can expect—We have therefore to resolve to conquer or die: Our own Country’s Honor, all call upon us for a vigorous and manly exertion, and if we now shamefully fail, we shall become infamous to the whole world. Let us therefore rely upon the goodness of the Cause, and the aid of the supreme Being, in whose hands Victory is, to animate and encourage us to great and noble Actions—The Eyes of all our Countrymen are now upon us, and we shall have their blessings, and praises, if happily we are the instruments of saving them from the Tyranny meditated against them. Let us therefore animate and encourage each other, and shew the whole world, that a Freeman contending for Liberty on his own ground is superior to any slavish mercenary on earth. The General recommends to the officers great coolness in time of action, and to the soldiers a strict attention and obedience with a becoming firmness and spirit. Note: The British hired soldiers from Germany to fight in America for them. That is what is meant by slavish mercenary in the last sentence. Slavish is like a slave and a mercenary is a soldier paid to fight, unlike a soldier with loyalty to his country.

1. What does George Washington envision happening without the efforts of the Continental Army? Do you think he was right? Why or why not?

2. How does George Washington describe the responsibility of the army? Why do you think he says these things in his orders to the military?

3. According to Washington, what factors will help the army and other Patriots succeed?

Questions

George WashingtonGeneral Orders (July 2, 1776)



US ConstitutionOn a separate sheet of paper, write 2–3 paragraphs about the primary source quotation. Use the questions below to get started, but add your own ideas about the quotation’s meaning and relevance as well. Patrick Henry is talking about the proposed new US Constitution, which he does not trust and does not want ratified.

Have they said, “We, the States”? Have they made a proposal of a compact between states? If they had, this would be a confederation: It is otherwise most clearly a consolidated [one unified] government. The question turns, Sir, on that poor little thing—the expression, “We, the people,” instead of “the States,” of America. I need not take much pains to show that the principles of this system are extremely pernicious [harmful], impolitic [unwise], and dangerous. Is this a monarchy, like England—a compact between prince and people . . . ? It is not a democracy, wherein the people retain all their rights securely . . . Here is a revolution as radical as that which separated us from Great Britain. It is radical in this transition [change]; our rights and privileges are endangered, and the sovereignty of the states will be relinquished [given up]: And cannot we plainly see that this is actually the case? The rights of conscience, trial by jury, liberty of the press, all your. . . human rights and privileges, are rendered insecure if not lost, by this change, so loudly talked of by some, and inconsiderately [thoughtlessly] by others. Is this tame relinquishment of rights worthy of freemen? . . .You [shouldn’t ask] how your trade may be increased, nor how you are to become a great and powerful people, but how your liberties can be secured; for liberty ought to be the direct end [purpose] of your Government.

1. Why is Patrick Henry bothered by the words “We, the people”? Why have many Americans found these same words to be inspiring?

2. Explain the reasons that Patrick Henry is so against the proposed Constitution.

3. What important problem that Henry talks about was later solved? How?

4. In what ways has time shown that Henry was right? In what ways has time proven him wrong?

Questions

Patrick HenryAnti-Federalist Papers (June 5, 1788)



The Olive Branch Petition and John Adams’ Letter

John Adams was a member of the Second Continental Congress and he did not like the Olive Branch Petition, which was written by a Pennsylvania delegate named John Dickinson and intended to appease King George. Adams thought it was too late to negotiate with Britain and that the representatives of the different colonies should move forward with a new country and a revolution. He also disliked the way the petition presented the colonists as groveling to the king of England. Adams expressed his disgust in a private letter to his friend James Warren. Unfortunately, the British intercepted the letter and sent it to England—at the same time as the Olive Branch Petition! Adams’ letter was published in the British newspapers, and King George and Parliament took it as evidence that the Olive Branch Petition was meaningless. While it is unlikely that the king would have accepted the petition and resolved his problems with the colonists without this incident, John Adams’ letter seems to have sealed the fate of the petition.

The Olive Branch Petition (July 5, 1775)

Most Gracious Sovereign: We, your Majesty’s faithful subjects in the Colonies of…. Attached to your Majesty’s person, family, and government, with all devotion that principle and affection can inspire; connected with Great Britain by the strongest ties that can unite societies, and deploring every event that tends in any degree to weaken them, we solemnly assure your Majesty, that we not only most ardently desire the former harmony between her and these Colonies may be restored, but that a concord may be established between them upon so firm a basis as to perpetuate its blessings, uninterrupted by any future dissensions to succeeding generations in both countries, and to transmit your Majesty’s name to posterity, adorned with that signal and lasting glory that has attended the memory of those illustrious personages, whose virtues and abilities have extricated states from dangerous convulsions, and by securing happiness to others have erected the most noble and durable monuments to their own fame. We therefore beseech your Majesty, that your royal authority and influence may be graciously interposed to procure us relief from our afflicting fears and jealousies, occasioned by the system before-mentioned, and to settle peace through every part of our Dominions, with all humility submitting to your Majesty’s wise consideration, whether it may not be expedient, for facilitating those important purposes, that your Majesty be pleased to direct some mode, by which the united applications of your faithful Colonists to the Throne, in pursuance of their common counsels may be improved into a happy and permanent reconciliation; and that, in the meantime, measures may be taken for preventing the further destruction of the lives of your Majesty’s subjects; and that such statutes as more immediately distress any of your Majesty’s Colonies may be repealed… .



The Olive Branch Petition and John Adams’ Letter continued

John Adams—Letter to James Warren (July 24, 1775)

Dear Sir, In Confidence, I am determined to write freely to you this Time. A certain great Fortune and piddling Genius whose Fame has been trumpeted so loudly, has given a silly Cast to our whole Doings. We are between Hawk and Buzzard. We ought to have had in our Hands a Month ago, the whole Legislative, Executive and Judicial of the whole Continent, and have compleatly modelled a Constitution, to have raised a Naval Power and opened all our Ports wide, to have arrested every Friend to Government on the Continent and held them as Hostages for the poor Victims in Bostona—And then opened the Door as wide as possible for Peace and Reconcilliation: After this they might have petitioned and negotiated and addressed, etc. if they would. Is all this extravagant? Is it wild? Is it not the soundest Policy? One Piece of News—Seven Thousand Weight of Powder arrived here last Night. We shall send along some as soon as we can—but you must be patient and frugal. We are lost in the extensiveness of our Field of Business. We have a Continental Treasury to establish, a Paymaster to choose, and a Committee of Correspondence, or Safety, or Accounts, or something, I know not what that has confounded us all Day. Shall I hail you Speaker of the House, or Counsellor or what—What Kind of an Election had you? What Sort of Magistrates do you intend to make? Will your new Legislative and Executive feel bold, or irresolute? Will your Judicial hang and whip, and fine and imprison, without Scruples? I want to see our distressed Country once more—yet I dread the Sight of Devastation. You observe in your Letter the Oddity of a great Man. He is a [strange] Creature. But you must love his Dogs if you love him, and forgive a Thousand Whims for the Sake of the Soldier and the Scholar. John Adams Reprinted from the Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Weekly News-Letter (August 17, 1775)

1. What is the main idea of the Olive Branch Petition? What are its key supporting points?

2. What is the main idea of John Adams’ letter? What are some of his key supporting points? What does he mean when he says, “Is all this extravagant? Is this wild?” Who is the “piddling Genius,” and why? Who are the “poor Victims in Boston”?

3. How do you think John Adams might have written his letter differently if he had known the British leaders and public would be reading it? In what ways might it have been the same, if any?

4. Why do you think the British believed John Adams’ letter rather than the Olive Branch Petition? Do you think they were right? Why?

5. What evidence from the letter tells your class that the Americans aren’t just waiting around for the king to answer the Olive Branch Petition?

6. Why is our public and private communication different? Give at least one example from current events or from your own experience.

Questions


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PRIMARY SOURCE LITERACY PACK - Gibbs Smith Education