Pro-Poor Rural Territorial Development in Central America

Final Project Report

Latin American Center for Rural Development

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Con

tent

s Letter from the Director ..............................................

The Project at a Glance ...............................................

Section 1: The Project and its Context ..............

Section 2: Process and results ................................

Section 3: Commitments and Achievements..

Section 4: Media ..............................................................

Section 5: Publications ................................................

Section 6: In Conclusion .............................................

Appendix: Country dynamics .................................

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It is with great pleasure that we submit to our donor and partners this final report of the project, Pro-Poor Rural Territorial Development in Central America.

For Rimisp, this project has been an extremely positive experience. As an organisation, we are committed to processes of institutional change, productive transformation, and capacity building for social actors and groups in Latin American rural societies, with the goal to achieve socially inclusive and environmentally sustainable economic growth. To this end, we work to directly and indirectly influence dynamics of social change through the strategies and policies of national and sub-national governments, international agencies, private enterprises, civil society organisations and social movements. We are certain that the project, Pro-Poor Rural Territorial Development in Central America, has contributed strongly and positively to meeting these objectives.

We are delighted to have had the opportunity to work with our project partners: Fundacion PRISMA in El Salvador, Nitlapan and DIIS in Nicaragua, Universidad Rafael Landivar in Guatemala, and Red de Desarrollo Sostenible in Honduras. We have learned a great deal from them, and we readily acknowledge that much of this project’s success is due to their experience, know-how, talent, commitment and hard work.

In our opinion, this project has made significant contributions. First and foremost, to the rural communities with which we and our partners have worked in Cerron Grande, Penas Blancas, Ostua-Guija, and Olancho. Local actors have acquired new capacities, and as a result of the project, today they are more capable of planning their future and of taking collective action to build it day by day.

Second, the project participants have engaged in policy processes, originating at the territorial level and scaling up to national and regional decision-makers. Changes are already visible, and we are confident that more will follow.

A third major contribution is the rich body of knowledge generated in each of the four countries about the changes taking place in these rural territories, the causes of those changes, and their impact on local societies and on poor and socially marginalised groups. We have learned much about how to analyse the gender dimen-sion of these dynamics – a vital element that is often neglected. This knowledge has been documented, freely accessible to all, and has been widely disseminated in various forms, including through mainstream media in the participating countries.

We believe that this project has resulted in important outcomes, but we also recognise the aspects in which we fell short of expectations. We have taken a critical look at these shortcomings and have extracted lessons for other projects, and for the future. After all, rural development is always work in progress.

The New Zealand Aid Programme is one of Rimisp’s most important partners. We value and appreciate what NZAP has provided us: an incentive to go beyond the conventional and the well-known, and to focus on issues that are relevant across the whole region; a motivation to work in the field, but also to aim for important impacts at the public policy level; and, above all, an awareness that all of these efforts should aspire to improve the livelihoods of and to expand the opportunities for poor and socially marginalised groups in Latin America.

Claudia SerranoExecutive Director

Letter from the Director

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The Project at a Glance

Pro-Poor Rural Territorial Development in Central America (PP-RTD) is a capacity development, communications and policy influencing initiative in four Central American countries. The project is implemented as part of the Rural territorial Dynamics Programme (RTD), an evidenced-based policy advice and capacity building programme for rural economic growth, social inclusion and environmental sustainability. Funded by the New Zealand Aid Programme (NZAP), the project significantly strengthened the work of the pro-gramme in four Central American countries, particularly in areas of capacity development, policy dialogue, and communications. The RTD programme is implemented in eleven Latin American countries by Rimisp and over 50 partner organizations.

General ObjectiveTo contribute to the design and implementation of public policies and programmes that will stimulate and support economic growth, social inclusion and environmental sustainability in rural territories in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua.

Specific Objectives• To characterize and understand rural territorial development dynamics in the four countries.• To strengthen territorial development processes leading to economic growth, social inclusion and

environmental sustainability, including: building up multi-stakeholder platforms that are inclusive of the poor; developing territorial development strategic plans; developing investment project proposals based on those strategic plans and initiating contact with public and private donors; and strengthening the organisations of the poor to participate in all of the above.

• To develop communities of practice that will document, assess and promote innovative policies and practices for rural territorial development characterised by economic growth, social inclusion and environmental sustainability.

• To inform and influence rural development policies and programmes in the four countries through systematic communication and dialogue with mass media, key public opinion shapers and public policy makers.

Components• Developing capacities in rural territories

• Influencing communications and policy• Understanding rural territorial dynamics

• Building communities of practice

Partners• Rimisp – Latin American Centre for Rural Development (Project Coordinator)• Fundacion PRISMA (El Salvador)• Instituto de Investigaciones Economicas y Sociales, Universidad Rafael Landivar (Guatemala)• Red de Desarrollo Sostenible (Honduras)• Instituto Nitlapan and DIIS (Nicaragua)

Duration: 28 months (January 2009 - April 2011)

Funding: $1,748,120 (NZAP, US$779,890; IDRC,US$ 948,230)

GuatemalaHonduras

El Salvador

Nicaragua

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Section 1

The Project and its Context

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The Project and its Context

he project, “Pro-poor rural territorial develop-ment in Central America” (PP-RTD), is a capacity development, communications and policy

influencing initiative in four Central American countries. Its main objective is to contribute to the design and implementation of public policies and programmes that will stimulate and support economic growth, social inclusion and environmental sustainability in rural territories in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua. It is coordinated by Rimisp – Latin American Centre for Rural Development, and imple-mented with the active participation of four Central American partner organisations: Fundacion PRISMA (El Salvador), Universidad Rafael Landivar (Guatemala), Instituto Nitlapan (Nicaragua), and Red de Desarrollo Sostenible (Honduras).

The PP-RTD was originally planned for a 24-month duration, and was later extended to 28 months. The PP-RTD total budget is of US $1.73M, of which 45% ($779,891) is financed through a grant from the New Zealand Aid Programme (NZAID when the contract was signed), with the remaining portion coming

from a grant to Rimisp – Latin American Centre for Rural Development, from Canada’s International Development Research Centre (IDRC).

The PP-RTD project was designed and implemented by Rimisp as a major component of its Rural Territorial Dynamics (RTD) Programme. This programme of five-year duration (2007-2012) is implemented by Rimisp in 11 countries of Latin America with more than 50 direct institutional partners and over 120 collaborators.

The New Zealand grant allowed Rimisp to substan-tially strengthen the work in Central America, and specifically in El Salvador (not initially contemplated by the RTD programme), Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua. This additional New Zealand support has enabled the programme to invest in a total of five territories (each one including several municipalities) in the four countries, in order to assemble a significant number of experiences with the aim to understand and to provide a solid basis for determining how to contribute to the design and implementation of public policies and programmes that can stimulate and support economic growth, social inclusion and environmental sustainability in rural territories of Latin America.

The emphasis of the project in Central America responded to the observation that additional efforts were required by the RTD programme in order to develop the capacity of local partners and stakeholders to pursue the objective of influencing policymaking from evidence-based research results on rural territorial development, and that this requirement was particularly present in the Central American countries.

In each of the four countries, Rimisp engaged with a lead institutional partner:

El Salvador: PRISMA Foundation PRISMA Foundation (Programa Salvadoreno de Investigacion en Desarrollo y Medioambiente – Salvadoran Programme for Research in Development and the Environment) was founded in 1993 with the long-term objective to contribute to reducing poverty

At the operational level, in the project we define territory using a small set of criteria, generally taking into account:

• Geographic scale – a territory falls between large political or eco-nomic regions and the very small and local communities. A territory will normally include at least part of two or more municipalities.

• Policy scale – a territory is large enough to be relevant to policy-makers; it has “political, social and economic critical mass” and thus the possibility of sustaining development.

• Identity – the local population must recognize the territory. In other words, the limits of the territory should be apparent to them.

• Links with urban nuclei – a territory must include one or more significant urban nuclei, as urban-rural relations are an essential element of our conceptual framework.

• Diversity of social actors – a territory must include different social actors.

• Political-administrative units – Policy processes are constrained by the hierarchy of political and administrative authorities, and the spatial units in which each one operates. The limits of a territory need to be reconciled with the relevant political-administrative divisions.

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and environmental degradation at the local, regional, and national levels. To achieve this objective, PRISMA promotes and develops territorial and natural resource management approaches that have the potential to strengthen livelihoods of the rural poor, while also restoring and conserving the environment. PRISMA is a centre of excellence in research, principally in El Salvador, but also at the Central American level, through varied linkages with public and civil society organisa-tions. In addition, the organisation has promoted greater transparency and civil society participation in the formulation of development policies and projects supported by international cooperation agencies and the government of El Salvador.

Guatemala: University Rafael Landivar, Economic and Social Research InstituteIDIES (Instituto de Investigaciones Economicas y Sociales – Economic and Social Research Institute) is a policy research institute at the University Rafael Landivar (URL), specialising in research and policy advice services in economic and social development issues. IDIES has the following programmes: Rural Development, Social Policy, Migration, and Consumer Issues. The purpose of IDIES is to carry out analyses of socioeconomic issues in Guatemala, aiming to (a) support the human development of Guatemalans, particularly of the most vulnerable and excluded groups, through the reduction of poverty and the elimination of extreme inequality; (b) present alterna-tives to inform the public sector, private sector, and civil society in Guatemala in the analysis of national economic problems that are considered priorities; and (c) enrich the academic life of URL through the education and training of its students in the research field.

Honduras: Sustainable Development Network (RDS-HN) The Sustainable Development Network (Red de Desarrollo Sostenible, RDS-HN) is an NGO that is part of a worldwide network of organisations initiated by the United Nations Development Programme in 1994. Its main purpose is to link multiple actors involved in sustainable human development through access to electronic information. The online portal is a space for coordination between social groups, created in order to facilitate coordination, management and information exchange for sustainable development in countries, such as Honduras, that live in difficult situations of poverty. The RDS-HN promotes sustain-able development in Honduras through information exchange between the State and social groups to maintain balanced decision-making.

Nicaragua: Nitlapan Institute Nitlapan is an institute specialising in new local rural and urban development models and methodologies. Nitlapan promotes concrete local development initiatives by providing a set of financial and non-financial services to micro, small and medium rural and urban businesses, especially those of women and young people. It does this through ongoing analysis, systematisation, and validation of local experiences that yielded successful results and that could be replicated in other territories or converted into inputs for the design of development policies in alliance with state institutions, civil society organisations, the private sector, and international development coop-eration agencies. Nitlapan is part of the Central American University (UCA), Managua, Nicaragua campus.

In Nicaragua, the Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS), a long-time Rimisp and Nitlapan partner, is also associated with the project as a Nitlapan collaborator. DIIS is an independent research institution engaged in studies on international affairs. It follows up develop-ments in such affairs in order to assess the situation of Denmark as regards development policy. DIIS also contributes to the education of researchers, supports the development of research capacity in developing countries, and establishes contacts between Danish and international research institutions.

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Central American development trends

evelopment trends in the Central American countries of El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua are generally worse than the averages

for Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). The four countries have a high incidence of poverty, with Honduras holding the highest percentage of house-holds below the poverty line at 68%, which is more than twice the LAC average of 33%. An even higher percentage of the population is considered poor in the rural areas of each of the four countries, with 78% of the rural population below the poverty line in Honduras and 71% in Nicaragua. Honduras with 49% and Guatemala with 42% have a percentage of rural population much higher than the 20% LAC average. Inequality in income distribution, as measured by the Gini coefficient, is extremely high, as is the case for LAC as a whole. The latest Gini indexes range from 0.41 to 0.57 in rural Central America.

All these national averages hide a critical element in the territorial approach: sub-national disparities. To put it in simple terms, poor countries often have many poor regions and few very wealthy regions. When countries have high levels of inequality, as is the case generally in Latin America and in these four Central American countries in particular, national averages of key socioeconomic indicators (e.g. per capita GNI; poverty incidence at the country level; Human Development Index; etc.) are unlikely to reflect the real situation of a large proportion of the popula-tion and of the majority of the regions. For example, in 2006, while the average national poverty incidence in Guatemala was 59%, Mixco in the Metropolitan area of Guatemala City had less that than 12% and San Miguel Atacan in the north-western region had more than 90%. Similarly, in 2005 the average per capita GDP of $5,600 in Nicaragua included Mana-gua at the top of the scale with $11,400, and Ciudad Antigua with $3,200 at the bottom. In Honduras in 2001, Choluteca was the most unequal municipality in the country, with an income Gini coefficient of 0.59; at the other extreme, Ceguaca had a good index of 0.34, while the national average was 0.43.

These large differences between regions and territories within each country are for the most part a result of the differential capacities of local societies to take advantage of opportunities or to manage or mitigate

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shocks and unfavourable conditions. As a consequence, a single national policy or a single economic, social or political phenomenon will usually have very different effects and impacts on different regions in territories.

Because of these large sub-national differences, Rimisp and its partners propose that national strategies and policies should be accompanied by place-based strategies and programmes that pursue regionally differentiated economic, social and environmental objectives.

The RTD programme focuses on territories that while still very poor, already show some degree of economic growth. The challenge is how to leverage such economic growth so that it leads to the reduction (and not the increase or reproduction) of poverty, inequal-ity and environmental degradation. Understanding the relationship between economic growth, poverty reduction, reduction of inequalities, and environmental sustainability at the sub-national levels is a prerequisite for addressing how economic growth can benefit the rural poor and socially marginalised populations. This approach runs in parallel with engaging in dialogue to influence or inform policies and programmes at the sub-national, national and international levels, and for capacity building strategies conducive to participatory development processes at the territorial level. A major achievement of the RTD programme has been to map out development dynamics at the municipal level, as estimated by economic, poverty and income distribution indicators for each country, comparing the latest available census and household survey data of the 1990s and 2000s. More than 10,000 municipalities

totalling a population of some 400 million inhabitants (73% of the Latin American population) were covered in the 11 countries of the programme. Compared with the aggregated results of the 11 Latin American countries, those of Central America - with some minor exceptions - present results that are generally worse. The following results are shown in Table 1:

• In the four Central American countries, 12% of the municipalities where 12% of the population lives have a dynamic of positive growth with poverty reduction and improved distribution of income. This result is very similar to that observed in LAC as a whole.

• In these Central American countries, 45% of the municipalities are showing economic growth, but either stagnant or negative poverty reduction and/or a worsened distribution of income (sum of types 2, 3 and 4 in the table). They account for 32% of the population of the sub-region; this is significantly worse than the LAC figures.

• Comprising 12% of the population, 21% of the Central American municipalities present no economic growth, but lower poverty and/or improved income distribution (possibly explained by focused social programmes, out-migration of the poor, and remittances). Here again, these figures are worse than those for the LAC region as a whole.

• If this can be a consolation prize, the Central Ameri-can data are better than those of LAC in terms of municipalities that are stagnant or getting worse in all three fronts: growth, poverty and inequality.

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1 Source: Generated using Rimisp’s RTD Working papers numbers 49 – Bolivia (Hinojosa, L.; Chumacero, J. P. y Chumacero, M. 2009) , 32 – Brazil (Favareto, A. y Abramovay, R. 2009) , 9 – Chile (Modrego, F.; Ramirez, E. y Tartakowsky, A. 2008), 33 – Colombia (Fernan-dez, M.; Hernandez, C.; Ibanez, A. M. y Jaramillo, C. 2009), 13 – Ecuador (Larrea, C.; Landin, R.; Larrea, A.; Wrborich, W. y Fraga, R. 2008), 52 – El Salvador (Damianovic, N.; Valenzuela, R. y Vera, S. 2009) , 51 – Guatemala (Romero, W. y Zapil, P. 2009), 50 – Honduras (Flores, M.; Lovo, H.; Reyes, W. y Campos, M. 2009), 31 – Mexico (Yunez, A.; Arellano, J. y Mendez, J. 2009), 12 – Nicaragua (Gomez, L.; Martinez, B.; Modrego, F. y Ravnborg, H. 2008) and 11 – Peru (Escobal, J. y Ponce, C. 2008).

2 Provinces in Peru and “Parroquias” (Parishes) in Ecuador; elsewhere, municipalities or equivalent.

Type

Total

12345678

YesYesYesYesNoNoNoNo

YesYesNoNoYesYesNoNo

YesNoYesNoYesNoYesNo

12%27%

2%16%

4%4%

13%22%

100%

12%20%

1%7%

10%4%

13%32%

100%

11%14%

2%16%

6%4%2%

26%100%

9%15%

1%8%8%2%

21%35%

100%

In the period between the last two population censuses, were there statistically signi�cant

favourable changes in:

Average per capita income

or consumption

Central America

%

LatinAmerica

%

LatinAmerica

%

CentralAmerica

%

Distribution of average per

capita income or consumption

Poverty incidence

Municipalities2 Population

While they are few, successful cases do exist. What happens in these successful municipalities? What do they have or what do they do differently from the others?

Table 1: Changes between the 1990s and 2000s in per capita income or consumption, poverty incidence and distribution of income or consumption at the municipal scale; comparison between Central America and the 11 countries of Latin America1

The data for the individual Central American countries are included in the Appendix. Maps were produced for each country at the municipal scale in order to visualise the spatial distribution of the results, with the objective to identify and select territories in which to implement the PP-RTD. For the PP-RTD project, one territory in El Salvador, one in Guatemala, one in Honduras, and two in Nicaragua were selected by our respective lead partners in these countries.

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Section 2

Process and ResultsThis section presents the salient contextual features in each of the countries of the project, together with the main processes in the implementation of the PP-RTD project and the key results.

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El Salvador

his country presented a favourable context for the RTD programme and for Rimisp and our lead partner PRISMA to engage in addressing

the requirements for strengthening the capacity and positioning of territorial organisations for pro-poor policy influence. The timing was favourable for the project given that its start date coincided with that of a new national government, which took office in January 2009. PRISMA and Rimisp had good contacts in the new government, and the authorities were sympathetic to the work being done in Chalatenango.

With a population of 5.7 million inhabitants sharing an area of only 20,742 km², El Salvador is the smallest and most densely populated country in Central America. The country witnessed increases in the average household income along with an important reduction in poverty levels from 1992 onwards. However, huge spatial differences exist in national levels of wellbeing, with important discrepancies between regions, depart-ments and municipalities. For example, during the latest inter-census period, 64% of the municipalities in the country have not improved their conditions of inequality, in spite of their positive economic growth and poverty reduction. In another category, close

to 20% of the population lives in municipalities that have improved their poverty and equality indicators, while showing stagnant or negative economic growth; this possibly reflects the high level of international emigration and the resulting remittances.

The territory selected in El Salvador is a region composed of eight municipalities located in the Department of Chalatenango in the north of the country. The terri-tory is on the northern shore of the Cerron Grande, an artificial lake and wetland created in the 1970s when a dam was built as part of a large hydroelectric project. Back then, the dam caused the displacement of some 13,000 inhabitants and flooded good agri-cultural lands. In 2005, the Cerron Grande Wetland was declared a Site of International Importance by the Ramsar Convention for the significance of its ecosystem in providing environmental services such as flood control, water purification, fishing, agriculture, tourism, and biodiversity. The selection of this territory in El Salvador was conditioned by these features and by the presence of another megaproject in the region for a future highway cutting through it to connect the country with Honduras (to the east) and Guatemala (to the west), which will have large impacts on the territorial dynamics and will create new challenges and opportunities for the local population. Despite the fact that El Salvador’s civil war was particularly intense in this part of the country, this territory is characterised by high levels of social capital expressed in numerous and very active community organisations. Our partner PRISMA had been working for a number of years in this territory, and this gave us access to their accumulated knowledge and local networks.

The northern shore of Cerron Grande is illustrative of the trajectory of a territory with a good level of natural capital that provides important ecosystem services (water, biodiversity and energy). The territory also holds significant potential in the organisational capacity of its population and local social coalitions; however, while their effect on territorial development demanded the attention of the national government, the latter had yet to recognise them as interlocutors. In their review of the socio-environmental and productive

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dynamics of this territory, PRISMA and collaborators highlight the historical subordination of the territory to the metropolitan area of the capital, San Salvador, and to the rest of the country. Even the territory’s role as a provider of water and electricity to the rest of the country had not been a sufficient incentive for public investments in the diversification of livelihood options for the local population. The territory is site of simultaneous processes of land restoration – some with economic and social outcomes from local initiatives, for example, honey produc-tion that generates employment for women – and environmental degradation (water contamination, lost of vegetative cover, among others). The majority of the municipalities in the territory are among the large number of those with a profile of economic growth and poverty reduction with no improvement in income distribution. Coinciding with the Peace Accord at the end of the civil war (1979-1991), the development structures in the territory were based on local community organisa-tions pursuing an endogenous development agenda around three issues: strengthening and diversification of smallholder agricultural production with food security concerns; construction of a local organisational culture for grassroots community involvement in multi-stakeholder platforms; and protection of key natural resources associated with local livelihood strategies, together with pursuing a recognition by governments and the general public of their national importance. One of the results of this process was a development plan produced in 1999 at the scale of the department of Chalatenango and known as PADEMA. The plan itself emphasised the protection of the environment and the valorisation of existing livelihoods. The participatory and inclusive process for its development was perhaps its main achievement, with the local communities owning and appropriating it. However, what happens to this process when an “outside” project affecting the territory is being developed at the national level?

Such is the case of the new megaproject in the northern region of El Salvador, with funding from the Millennium Challenge Corporation and currently implemented by the Millennium Fund (FOMILENIO), where a central

Fluctuating lands, fluctuating livelihoods

In Cerron Grande, the use of fluctuating lands (or lands that are available during the dry season – March/April – due to the lower water level of the reservoir) is among the most emblematic cases of dispute over access to natural resources in the territory. Despite repeated attempts by local artisanal fishing associations and inter-municipal organisations of small farmers, the Lempa River Executive Hydroelectric Commission (CEL, the owner and operator of the reservoir) has failed to give priority access to riparian communities and to advocates of wetland protection, which could diversify livelihood options in a sustainable manner. The fluctuating lands continue to favour livestock producers over small riparian farmers and fishermen, and some recent illegal settlements on the shore of the reservoir have come to add to the conflict with CEL. However, with support from the PP-RTD project, stronger social coalitions have emerged, environmental discourses are evolving, and there are growing indications that the views and interests of riparian com-munities will be progressively considered in public investment programmes in the territory. This is reflected, for example, by having CEL agree to and participate in the roundtable discussion together with CACH and CIHCG, something that was inconceivable before.

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government initiative – with international donor support – may fail to make investments in harmony with local priorities. As mentioned earlier, the project features the construction of a highway passing through the territory, and while one project component concerns “poverty reduction from economic growth,” it is not oriented at the livelihood strategies of the local rural communities and makes no provision for involving them in areas that are of their main concern, for example, agricultural diversification and food security. Rather, it is geared at benefitting larger enterprises and at attracting outside investors.

The PP-DTR project strategy has been to visualise the role of different stakeholders in their engage-ment with the development agenda, and the invest-ments that are required to increase the capacity of excluded and marginalised groups to participate. In the case of Cerron Grande in El Salvador, the project undertook to revive the Chalatenango Environmental Coalition (Coalicion Ambiental de Chalatenango - CACH) that had been dormant after an active period between the mid 1990s and mid

2000s. The timing was favourable for the project in the context of a new central government with an inclination “to do things differently and to do new things;” and former leaders of CACH were stimulated to remobilise the coalition.

CACH is composed of some 40 institutions, including NGOs, governmental institutions, church organisa-tions and citizen associations of Chalatenango. It is a consensus-building, participatory multi-stakeholder platform that originally operated around an envi-ronmental agenda. With the support of PP-RTD, the coalition and its agenda have gradually evolved towards a more integral sustainable development strategy, balancing environmental, economic and social objectives. In addition, the project strengthened and supported the Inter-Institutional Committee of the Cerron Grande Wetland (Comite Inter-Institucional del Humedal de Cerron Grande - CIHCG) that emerged as a body for conflict resolution and as a forum for formulating new development options for the territory.

Gender in Cerron GrandeThe main livelihoods in this territory are fishing, agriculture, and livestock farming. Men and women are differentially tied to these means of subsistence according to practices and activities they undertake, entitlements or income, and access to capital (physical, social, natural, institutional and/or financial). An analysis of labour force data and complementary sources (such as timetables and daily production and reproduction schedules), showed that the inclusion of secondary and reproductive activities of both men and women facilitates the visualiation of these roles and can foster inclusive actions within local coalitions. This helps to increase awareness about the multiple activities undertaken by men, women, children and the elderly – factors that frequently are neither taken into account by economic studies nor supported by the policies influenced by these analyses.

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With the assistance of the PP-RTD project, the work of CACH and CIHCG has already produced a new Territorial Development Plan, this time focusing on environmental management and human development in Chalatenango.

The project in El Salvador has continued its approach to bring the interest of the local community to higher policy levels. The focus here is on the incorporation of Rural Community Tourism (RCT) in the policy agenda for tourism in El Salvador. PRISMA jointly with the National RCT Roundtable are using a variety of instruments to this end: National RCT meeting in Chalatenango; briefs on the National Tourism Policy; brochures on the National RCT Roundtable; and a Map of RCT Initiatives inventoried in the territory. The overall activities aim to situate Rural Community Tourism as a sustainable tourism option in a variety of sectors, be they political or public in general. The members of the RCT Roundtable have a broad view of what can be done in their territories and are stimu-lated to act, even more so when they realise that they are being recognised and that there is a group – the Roundtable – supporting them. The advocacy activi-ties are achieving their goal of making RCT visible, but being a new subject area the process is slow to some degree. One of the most successful activities has been the participation of Roundtable members in selected fairs, which have:• Informed about RCT experiences and their potential• Placed the subject area directly in sight of diverse

State institutions, such as: Ministry of Tourism (MITUR), Ministry for External Affairs, and the National Commission on Micro and Small Enterprise (CONAMYPE). The participation of MITUR in the Roundtable and an earlier experience with the First RCT Meeting have even permitted that a fair planned to be exclusively for the participation of municipalities has made an exception for the Roundtable to have a stand show-casing its products and touristic services.

• Expanded the perspectives of exponents about processes that can improve their work. For example, women from a coffee cooperative learned from the experience of a woman entrepreneur making handcraft products from coffee that they could replicate. Men were attracted by the idea of agro-

industrial coffee-based sweets. Roundtable members have requested technical assistance and support from CONAMYPE, which is being addressed by the Commission. Members have also used the opportunity to meet with the Minister of Agriculture to express their wish for assistance in diversifying coffee products.

The nonexistence of funding to support the activities of the Roundtable is somehow limiting the group’s previ-ous impulse. The novelty of the subject in El Salvador can make it more difficult for government bodies to advocate for RCT when they have little operational capacity for accompanying the process. However, the Ministry for External Affairs and the PREMODER project (IFAD-Ministry of Agriculture) are strong supporters.

A significant spin-off of the PP-RTD project in El Salvador and a direct consequence of the support from NZAP is the participation of this country in a major Rimisp undertaking funded by IFAD and the RTD programme on “Knowledge for Change in Rural Poverty and Development.” Together with Mexico, Colombia and Ecuador, El Salvador is one of the coun-tries of this initiative, which started in mid 2010 and will last for three years. This project aims to contribute to improving strategies, policies and investments at the national and sub-national levels, with an emphasis on rural poverty. In each country, a Rural Dialogue Group was formed by influential persons of the political scene and of civil society (NGOs, academia, and the private sector). In El Salvador, the Working Group operates under the leadership of the Ministry for Agriculture and Livestock, the Technical Secretariat of the Presidency, and PRISMA.

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Guatemala

uatemala has had annual growth rates of 3.3% between 2000 and 2009. However, large parts of the population in many of the

country’s regions have not benefited from this positive development.

Departments of Guatemala such as Huehuetenango, Quiche, Izabal and Escuintla witnessed deterioration in socioeconomic indicators in the majority of their municipalities, with the worst cases in Quiche and Huehuetenango. Conversely, four territories were identified with clear progress. Of these, a region showing socially inclusive economic growth is the southeast of the country, was selected as the target territory by the project.

The selected territory is located in the Ostua-Guija watershed and includes the municipalities of Monjas (Jalapa department), Asuncion Mita, El Progreso and Santa Catarina Mita (Jutiapa department). In recent years, it has witnessed a diversification of agriculture,

with a focus on fruits (mainly melons) and vegetables (particularly tomatoes). This has led to a rise in the demand for labour. The agricultural sector has also witnessed investments in irrigation technologies, pest control and improved seeds. A key difference between this region and others that have started to supply the external market and/or diversified their crop produc-tion is the importance of a sector of small farmers that also produce for the domestic market. The stability and continuity of the territory’s municipal institutions and policies has also permitted the development of formal and informal alliances, agreements and social networks that foster conditions for development.

With the support of PP-RTD, a multi-stakeholder platform was developed in Ostua-Guija. This platform is the Roundtable for Dialogue composed of local municipal authorities, public institutions – including the National Planning Secretariat of the Presidency, SEGEPLAN – church and community organisations, and livestock and agricultural producer associations.

G

Gender system in Ostua-Guija, Guatemala

In the Ostua-Guija watershed, agriculture, commerce and migration are important engines of regional development. Large-scale farmers and merchants are predominantly male and have greater access to capital. Although women, young men, and men with limited capital are deeply involved in economic activities, they are not recognised in local discourses or in conventional development studies. In general, they do not have equal access to loans, agricultural land, and political and economic networks. This has repercussions for the contributions of men and women to the engines of development, and vice versa.

Where women enter the labour market en masse, they do not necessarily win ground in the political domain. And, even in places where they receive more schooling than boys, girls do not necessarily access the same type of jobs or wage levels as their male counterparts.

Pacific Ocean

Carib

bean

 Sea

N

S

EW

HONDURAS

BELIZEMEXICO

EL SALVADOR

Cambio en consumo,pobreza y Ginni

(1) W-W-W(2) W-W-L(3) W-L-W(4) W-L-L(5) L-W-W

(6) L-W-L(7) L-L-W(8) L-L-L

LEYENDA

17

The multi-stakeholder platform in Ostua-Guija prepared a territorial development plan along four strategic objectives: the environment; productive development; education with values; and gender equity. This is the result of a process of consensus building. The plan includes an elaborated and pragmatic set of actions, with results-based indicators. Leadership and other responsibilities are assigned to specific groups and institutions. Beyond the results being pursued for the Ostua-Guija region, the territorial plan stipulated in its introduction a desire to serve as a model to others: “We want to be a model territory that serves as a guide to others, by demonstrating that socioeco-nomic development is possible. We will mark the difference with our attitudes and we are proponents of positive development initiatives in the region. From our Roundtable for Dialogue and Territorial Development, men and women stakeholders in the Ostua-Guija Watershed are talking together and proposing actions for the development of our territory, by mutually supporting each other in the efforts of local governments, civil society, and economic actors.”(our translation)

Our partner IDIES in Guatemala made a substantive contribution to the capacity building component of PP-RTD. IDIES developed a method for identifying and categorising different types of stakeholders and the attention to be given to each by the project. Their method was used to identify territorial stakeholders who are (1) natural strong allies in efforts to seek more inclusive and sustainable territorial development; (2) those who are not natural allies but that must be incorporated because they control important decision-making processes; and (3) those who only need to be kept informed but whose active participation is not essential. Actions corresponding to these categories of stakeholders were taken by the team in order to optimise the use of project resources.

Involving local authorities in the formulation of development strategies and action plans – at the level of the mayors of the municipalities – was considered a critical goal. In addition, stimulating one specific municipality to play a leadership role proved to be very important. The lead municipality – Santa Catarina Mita – served as a central point for mobilising the territorial actors and for channelling demands. It also served to more effectively and successfully engage with national government agencies, such as SEGEPLAN.

18

Honduras

CN

S

EW

NICARAGUA

EL SALVADOR

GUATEMALA

Cambio en ingreso,pobreza y distribuciÛn

de ingreso

W-W-WW-W-LW-L-W

W-L-LL-L-WL-L-L

LEYENDA

Pacific Ocean

Caribbean Sea

overing just over 112,000 km² and with an estimated population of almost eight million, Honduras is one of the three poorest countries

in the Western Hemisphere. In 1998, the country was severely struck by Hurricane Mitch, which caused such massive and widespread loss that the then President Flores claimed that fifty years of progress in the country had been reversed. The hurricane destroyed about 70% of crops and an estimated 70–80% of transporta-tion infrastructure, including nearly all bridges and secondary roads. Across the country, 33,000 houses were destroyed, an additional 50,000 damaged, some 5,000 people killed and 12,000 injured – for a total loss estimated at US$3 billion.

More recently, and a cause of significant problems to the implementation of our PP-RTD project, the country faced a serious political crisis resulting in a coup d’etat on 28 June 2009. Constitutional rights (personal liberties, freedom of expression, freedom of movement, freedom of association and assembly) were suspended. Our project practically could not operate until early 2010, when the turmoil and civil unrest started to diminish after an elected president took office.

In Honduras, only four of the country’s 298 municipali-ties recorded a simultaneous decrease in poverty, a reduction of inequality in income distribution, and economic growth between 1988 and 2001. Three of them are in the Olancho department, which features an economy based on forestry for timber production (mainly pine), livestock farming and agriculture (corn, beans and coffee, among others). Located in the western part of Olancho, the team members of our partner, RDS-HN, focused on a territory composed of the municipalities of Campamento, Salama and Concordia.

Despite a wealth of natural resources, the environmental deterioration of this territory is evident. Deforestation, soil degradation associated with slash and burn, and the expansion of the agricultural frontier are produc-ing untold damage. Forestry and farming in Olancho are not immune to social conflicts, which both in the past and at present have pitted different sectors of society against each other. Given past and present

19

conflicts associated with forestry and agriculture, a clear need exists for a coalition that brings together different development-related sectors and actors to coordinate objectives and actions in order to provide a veritable economic transformation that is also socially and environmentally sustainable.

A challenging situation in this territory is the role played by powerful economic actors. Those who control the local economy show no interest in being part of any kind of multi-stakeholder, participatory development process; they solve their problems through their direct connections and access to decision-makers in the capital city. The extractive timber industry in the Olancho territory of Honduras is a case in point, where campaigns by local environmental coalitions for the protection of the forest are not sufficient. In the past few years, a movement called MAO (Movimiento Ambiental de Olancho), led by a local priest, has received the attention of national environ-mentalist supporters. In the municipalities involved in the project, MAO has developed coalitions of social actors, particularly composed of women and youth. Their work has been geared at environmental issues directly affecting the livelihoods and the access to clean water of the population. Medium- and large-scale timber firms with access to the export market account for much of the business in Olancho. However, the region also faces a significant problem with illegal operations in the hands of local small and medium entrepreneurs selling lumber to mills and furniture industries, under the eyes of cor-rupted officials.

The project’s main achievement in this very challenging context has been to bring together timber entrepreneurs and social actors in Campamento. This is one of the very first occasions in which such a dialogue has taken place. Our Honduras partners facilitated a long and arduous process “to have them talk to each other.” This is at an early and fragile stage and can evolve in other directions, but our partners in Honduras are proud to have initiated a mediation process between antagonistic timber merchants and furniture manufacturers and environmentalists. The PP-RTD project also captured the attention and motivated the initial interest of the municipal authorities on the concept of rural territorial develop-ment. A good-sized delegation of local government authorities from Olancho attended the 2010 Annual RTD meeting in Colombia.

We must, however, acknowledge that the project in Honduras has not been able to bring the key players to make agreements to move forward the development agenda, and to deal with ways to resolve or at least to mitigate the current conflict between environmental, social and economic objectives. The project was un-able to break down the resistance to taking the next step to establish a multi-stakeholder platform in all or at least some of the municipalities in the terri-tory. Given the very entrenched positions of the key local actors, and a national political and institutional context that certainly does not generate incentives for them to engage in serious sustained dialogue, our conclusion is that it will take a long time in this territory to create the basic conditions for collective action along a territorial development agenda.

20

he Nicaraguan economy has witnessed an average growth of 4.5% between 1999 and 2005, and 4.9% between 2006 and 2008. This growth

has resulted from an increase in public investment in the post-Mitch reconstruction after this devastating hurricane of 1998. Increases in international prices for the principal export products of the country (coffee, meat, milk and sugar) have also stimulated economic growth. However, the economy of Nicaragua has continued to be the smallest of the Central American sub-region. Poor governance at all levels has constrained the country from taking advantage of a favourable external context and of the natural resources that the country has in greater abundance than, for example, El Salvador and Honduras. The 2009 GDP growth figure of -5.6% is also indicative of how vulnerable Nicaragua is to external shocks, considering that the effect of the global financial crisis was relatively mild in most LAC countries.

In the inter-census period between 1995 and 2005, only eight of the 153 municipalities of Nicaragua present positive changes in economic growth, poverty reduction and distribution of income. One hundred and ninety of them, 78% of the country’s municipalities, have a negative performance in economic growth.

Nicaragua

T

Gender in Penas BlancasWomen are isolated from the main processes of institutional change because they do not control resources or simply because they are women. This contrasts with the significant contribution they make to household income and to livelihood strategies that effectively reduce poverty.

Both full- or part-time employment of women over 30 years of age, and full-time employment of those in the 14- to 29-year old category, have a positive effect on the average con-sumption expenditures of households. On the other hand, none of the male employment categories has a statistically significant effect on household-level consumption. Full- or part-time employment of women over 30 years old also has a positive impact in reduc-ing household poverty rates. The same is not true in the 14-29 category, where the number of poor households increases due to the low salaries these young women receive for part-time employment, including in coffee farms managed by women.

Nonetheless, the territory has experimented a change in gender relations, since the majority of households recognise the importance for the couple – husband and wife – to make im-portant decisions jointly, and 43% responded that the woman was running the household as much as the man.

One of the foremost international experts on gender and rural development, Prof. Susan Paulson, of the University of Lund, Sweden, recently wrote to the authors of the gender work in Penas Blancas: “I am impressed with your work. Having read hundreds of studies on gender, I can say this is one of the most solid ones.”

21

The PP-RTD project worked in two territories in Nicaragua: Santo Tomas and Penas Blancas.

Santo Tomas in the department of Chontales is a dairy producing region. This is a region with high levels of poverty, but the territory of Santo Tomas shows a significant reduction in the percentage of the popula-tion with a consumption level below the poverty line: from 56% in 1998 to 38% in 2005. The region received significant support from the international development community and Santo Tomas became a services centre for the “milk route.” Santo Tomas is the second most urbanised municipality of the region, with 71% of its 16,000 inhabitants living in its urban core. The expan-sion of the dairy sector explains the bulk of economic growth of Santo Tomas, but this is a process that has been accompanied by high rates of deforestation and water pollution.

In their work in Santo Tomas, our partners Nitlapan and DIIS discovered two related processes. On the one hand, there has been in the region a significant process of elite capture of international development aid. The new elite is based on an alliance between the traditional landlords and the local political leaders emerging from the San-dinista Revolution. Thanks to this “unholy alliance,” the traditional elite managed not only to recover a significant percentage of the land confiscated during the Sandinista Revolution, but it also became more powerful thanks to public investments (roads, cold storage tanks, milk processing facilities, producer cooperatives) supported in part by international cooperation, which was originally targeted at small- and medium-sized dairy producers in efforts to reduce poverty by promoting sustain-able economic development. On the other hand, the observed improvement in poverty rates within the Santo Tomas territory was in part due to the expulsion of the

poor from the region, a process related to the land and wealth re-concentration trends described above.

A strong communication strategy with the title “A drop of milk that does not expand” has been carried out by our partners in Nicaragua with the support of the PP-RTD project. In Nicaragua, the results of our part-ners’ work have been discussed with the FOMEVIDAS programme (Programme to strengthen rural develop-ment and to reduce poverty in Boaca and Chontales), which is implemented by the National Institute for Rural Development (IDR), a government agency, with financial support from Finland, the principal donor involved in the dairy production region. As a result, the Embassy of Finland in Nicaragua has requested our partners to contribute to the external programme evaluation and to the design of the next phase of FOMEVIDAS.

Penas Blancas is the second territory in Nicaragua. Penas Blancas is the name of a massif in the municipalities of El Cua, Tuma-La Dalia and Rancho Grande. The dynamics of this coffee producing region are strongly influenced by access to, and management of natural resource. Changes in the international coffee sector are prompt-ing new attitudes among local stake-holders towards diversification and an interest in new, environmentally friendly coffee markets. Demand for fresh water in nearby small cities and rural communities has put pressure on municipal authorities to act against deforestation and other sources of depletion or contamination of water sources. Authorities have tightened environmental regula-tions, but enforcement is always a significant challenge.

The Penas Blancas Massif was declared a Protected Area by a Presidential Decree in 1991. However, it took over a decade, and a private initiative, to begin drafting a management plan and to implement an environmental governance system for the area. The Massif provides diverse and valuable ecosystem services from its forest. Local leaders and local govern-ments, as well as national-level authorities, consider the Massif’s ecosystem services to be a key element in the territory, in particular given the competition for the use and control of land, forests and water.

Eighty percent of the water supply to the munici-palities of Tuma-La Dalia, Rancho Grande and Cua comes from the nature reserve of the Penas Blancas Massif, while coffee processing (for fermentation and washing) is contaminating a significant quan-tity of this water, which is subsequently used for

22

human consumption. The population increase in the urban settlements and the growing water demand for domestic use, is making the urban population a growing new social actor in the long-standing disputes over access to fresh water. Changes in the governance of natural resources have been made possible by the formation of social coalitions, such as producer cooperatives and local governments supported by international cooperation and in-ternational coffee certifiers and brokers. Other changes include local NGOs and international cooperation fostering the diversification of income sources; the filling of council positions with local leaders that promote legislation to control negative environmental impacts; a land use management plan implemented by the Management Committee of the Penas Blancas Nature Reserve, made up of local and foreign parties; the consolidation of the Association of Municipalities of the Northern Penas Blancas Massif (AMUPEBLAN); and urban water users and community leaders demanding the introduction of rules to control the use of forests and water, among others.

The global crisis in coffee prices at the beginning of the millennium prompted a shift towards the development of an environmentally friendly, certified coffee market in which small-scale producers have a comparative advantage. Being located in a “nature reserve” was an additional asset for small-scale producers to access this niche market with their organic coffee production, and, conversely, it was an inconvenience for large-scale “conventional” coffee producers.

In the Penas Blancas territory of Nicaragua, our partner Nitlapan facilitated the strengthen-ing of territorial identity in the municipalities comprising the AMUPEBLAN association. The project’s capacity building efforts were geared at constructing an environmental agenda that would build a relation of trust with local authorities in order to facilitate changes in the legal framework and municipal environmental policies. Policy dialogue by the multi-stakeholder platform developed with the support of the PP-RTD project led

to the promotion of new economic activities among subsistence farmers, who are important custodians of the territory’s natural environment.At the rural household level, investments were made in physical infrastructure and training in Rural Community Tourism (RCT). However, given their weak connections to the main tourist markets, these initiatives competed with each other for the very few tourists visiting the region. In parallel, the mayors expressed a desire to promote public investments in the tourism sector. These efforts have also received the technical and financial support of the Local Development Fund of Nicaragua, again thanks to the work of the PP-RTD project and the active work of our partner, Nitlapan.

The PP-RTD capacity building component is key to the results of the policy development objective. It has enabled the building of trust with the municipal authorities and the various sectors in the territory, and it also allowed the project to elevate the relative importance of technical units in the municipalities (such as Environmental Services and Management). Further, it prompted the emergence of a tech-nical territorial team, and brought dynamism to AMUPEBLAN, the association of municipal governments.

The project also aimed to promote changes at the household level. There is a small but growing investment in rural community tourism (RCT) already made by international agencies. This should open the door for par-ticipation in a new project called “CAMbio” (a pun based on the fusion of “change” – cambio in Spanish – and “biodiversity”) of the Local Development Fund of Nicaragua and the Central American Bank for Economic Integra-tion. Another interest is for the incorporation of Penas Blacas initiatives in the “Ruta del Cafe” (Coffee Route) of the National Tourism Institute (INTUR). At the territorial scale, we are confident that these initiatives will count on the construction of a common sectoral RCT mechanism with a required level of coordination between public investments by the municipalities and funding from the central government.

23

Section 3

Commitments and Achievements

24

Commitments and Achievements

uring the Second Annual RTD Programme Meeting held in Colombia in March 2010, a meeting was held with the NZAP representa-

tive to review the progress of the project. As a result of these discussions, a plan was developed to make special efforts to advance on issues that were lagging behind or not on track to be completed successfully. These issues corresponded to commitments that we had made in the project framework and that were of particular interest for NZAP:

• Community of practice• Environmental studies and indicators• Media and communications• Gender systems• Ethnic inequality • Multi-stakeholder platforms• Strategic territorial development plans• Investment profiles and proposals

Community of practiceThe web 2.0 system that we developed to support the emergence of a regional community of practice on rural territorial development, was not effective. Our expectations were that good facilitation, aided by an internet-based platform, would stimulate our partners in the four countries, stakeholders in the corresponding territories, and others in the region to engage in an active learning process and

build a knowledge base with specific solutions to practical problems in rural territorial development. This has not been met. In practice, we found, first of all, that there was a very limited custom among local actors of engaging in formal learning processes, which involve basic documentation and analysis of local practice, and subsequently sharing it with others who are not their day-to-day partners and co-workers. Also, we learned that most of the intended users did not have a culture of using the Internet for work-related discussions and collab-orative work. Finally, some of them had limited access to the Internet, although this should not be seen as the most limiting factor. The end result has been that the bulk of the process with the online platform was stimulated by an information “push” from the RTD programme coordination side, with only occasional signs of information “pull” from territorial partners who could prompt others to become proactively involved.

However, despite the failure to establish a formal Internet-based community of practice, we can report without doubt that an informal, but effective, learning system has been developed as a result of the PP-RTD project. This system relies on less technologically sophisticated tools, like email, Skype, and face-to-face meetings. It involves a few dozen persons (perhaps up to 100 or so) from a large number of organisations in the four coun-tries, including researchers, community organisers and leaders, members of grassroots organisations, and local government staff and authorities. This system is clearly layered, with our PP-RTD partners playing a leading role as “gatekeepers” and as the vehicles for much of the exchange. These partners (particularly in El Salvador, Nicaragua, Guatemala and to a lesser extent in Honduras) in turn have strong links with many other organisations that are part of the wider informal system. Some of these relationships existed before the PP-RTD proj-ect started, but many others, surely the majority, have developed as a result of working together in the context of the PP-RTD project and the overall RTD programme. It is also clear that this informal learning and collaboration system has developed over time and continues to grow and gain strength.

D

25

Through this system, the partners and their counterparts and collaborators in each country and territory have documented and systematised their experiences, developed joint project propos-als, and provided technical support and advice to each other. More recently, this informal network has coordinated its members’ work and participation in the regional and national policy processes incen-tivised by the Central American Strategy for Rural Territorial Development (ECADERT), a region-wide strategy recently approved by the governments of all Central American countries.

Environmental studies and indicators During its final phase (2010 and early 2011), the project was able to catch up on its commitments with respect to the production and integration of environmental studies. An environmental framework with indicators tailored to the needs of territorial dynamics studies was commissioned by the RTD programme to Kronik and Bradford (2010); an environmental expert was contracted to facilitate this dimension of the programme; and five specific studies were completed with support from the project, three of them in Central America: two in Cerron Grande, El Salvador (Gomez and Cartagena, 2011; Diaz et al., 2011) and one in Penas Blancas, Nicaragua (Gomez et al., 2011).

Media and communicationsMass media coverage was stimulated by the pro-duction of press releases disseminated to reporters and journalists, and direct contact with them in the different countries. The programme website was also constantly updated with news on events, publications or interviews on and about the project; a blog was also implemented for a Rural Press Network. The project was very well covered by Central American media; we

have inventoried radio interviews and some 50 news articles published during the course of the project. Their titles are listed in Section 4, together with the name and country of the news agencies where they have appeared.

Gender systemsIn 2010, the RTD programme engaged with one of the most renowned experts in gender studies, Dr. Susan Paulson from Lund University. With her support, the programme developed guidelines and methodologies tailored to the study of gender systems in territorial dynamics. Three territorial gender studies were then carried out by the PP-RTD project in Central Amer-ica: Ostua-Guija in Guatemala (Florian et al., 2011); Cerron Grande in El Salvador (Florian et al., 2011b); and Penas Blancas within a broader Nicaragua analysis (Rodriguez and Gomez, 2011).

Ethnic inequality in GuatemalaThis study was not completed, due to workload and staff limitations of our Guatemalan partner, IDIES. The project team in Guatemala had to postpone this complex undertaking several times, due to its requirements in data and research methods. The PP-RTD coordina-tion team later agreed and opted to give priority to other project components in the Ostua-Guija territory. Rimisp remains committed to carrying out this study with other resources.

Multi-stakeholder platformsIn three of the four Central American countries, we have met the objective of supporting the development of territorial multi-stakeholder platforms. In two of the three countries (Nicaragua and Guatemala), these platforms were created by virtue of the project, and in one case (El Salvador) our partners significantly strengthened

26

an already existing platform. In order to do so, different approaches were used according to the specific realities faced by each territorial team. In El Salvador, the PRISMA team has focused on a pre-existing forum in Chalatenango (CACH) that was strengthened with the support of the project. In Guatemala, the approach has been to legitimize a space for discussion and consensus building at the watershed level, functioning in connection to the system of regional development councils. In Nicaragua, the platform emerged by mobilising the mayors, civil society organisations, cooperatives and coffee producers around water issues and the environment. The local associa-tion of municipalities has been instrumental to the multi-stakeholder platform in Penas Blancas. In Honduras, the project team has made progress at the level of the three individual municipalities in the Olancho territory; the project advanced at the municipal scale in the areas of dialogue between social actors in conflict with each other, and some capacity building in territorial development, particularly with the individual mayors. However, the step of taking the project to a territorial scale has not been achieved, as explained in a previous section of this report.

Strategic territorial development plansThe objective of supporting the multi-stakeholder platforms so they could generate strategic ter-ritorial development plans in a participatory way was achieved in three of the four countries, again with Honduras as the exception. The specific plans are: • Inter-municipal Action Plan for Municipal

Services in Penas Blancas, Nicaragua, and an Inter-municipal Environmental Ordinance

• Environment and Human Development Departmental Plan in Chalatenango, El Salvador

• Action Plan for the Territorial Development of the Ostua-Guija Watershed, Guatemala

The local actors who developed these plans feel a sense of ownership towards them. In all cases, the plans are being very actively used to guide interactions with other stakeholders outside the territory, from government agencies, to

international aid and cooperation organisations (bilateral as well as NGOs), to private sector firms. Perhaps more importantly, local actors have gained the experience and the knowledge that it is pos-sible to work together to diagnose a problem or opportunity; identify solutions and courses of action; and to frame this in a strategic manner, looking beyond the particular interests of each participant and also beyond the immediate local community.

Investment profiles and proposalsThe expectation was that the PP-RTD project would support local actors, within their multi-stakeholder platforms, to go one step beyond a strategic plan in order to develop actual proposals for public or private investment. While no formal business plans have been produced of the kind that, for example, could be taken to a bank to request a loan, the project has not been short of generating proposals.

In Guatemala, the multi-stakeholder roundtable developed a very concrete Implementation Plan for each of the four pillars in its territorial strategy (environment, productive development, education with values, and gender equity). The municipal governments use this plan in their interaction with external agencies and different departments from the national government.

In El Salvador, project proposals have been for-mulated and submitted to different agencies in support of Rural Community Tourism and for the development of Artisanal Fisheries in Cerron Grande (two of the pillars of the Environment and Human Development Departmental Plan).

In Nicaragua, a proposal has been drafted for a Rural Community Tourism network in Penas Blancas, taking advantage of the coffee growing hacienda infrastructure and the beauty of the National Nature Reserve in the territory. The participants in the multi-stakeholder platform are currently costing the proposal, and they are already talking to various potential sources of funding.

27

Section 4

Media

28

Agencia Latinoam

ericana

y Caribena de

Comunicacion – digit

al

newspaper (Regional)

Churches provide b

etter

community organizatio

n

in rural settlements

April 13, 2011

Media

s part of the communication strategy, the project has en-gaged with reporters and journalists of radio and written electronic and traditional mass media in Central America,

in order to stimulate their coverage of events, the publication of opinions and more generally the dissemination of results to be made available to the general public and decision-makers. The

response from the media has been very satisfactory. We have inventoried a significant number of radio interviews and press articles published in different media during the course of the project. We have translated the titles into English and where available, an hyperlink is provided to access the original news article or interview.

A

Contrapunto - digital newspaper (El Salvador) Organization of rural stakeholders is crucial for development

March 28, 2011

Elsalvador.com - digital

newspaper (El Salvador)

Rural development

technicians seek to

boost sector

March 24, 2011

Ysuca - Radio (El Salvador) Interview with Claudia Serrano,

Executive Director of

Rimisp. Listen to the

recording HERE

March 22, 2011

El Salvador - Radio (El Salvador) Interview with Claudia Serrano, Executive Director of Rimisp (no link available)

March 21, 2011

Periodico Local – digital newspaper (El Salvador) Growth of rural municipalities revised

March 22, 2011

Campo Lider - digital newspaper (Uruguay) Meeting on territorial dynamics held in El Salvador

Related news:

HRN - Radio Honduras

Plataforma 2015 y más - digital newspaper (Regional)

March 21, 2011

La Prensa Grafica –

newspaper (El Salvador)

Water impacts the

reservoir is holding

back

December 12, 2010

29

Contrapunto – digital newspaper (El Salvador) Mining is at an advantage compared to society and the State

March 23, 2010

29

Periodico digital El

Faro

– digital newspaper

(El Salvador)

Rural poverty and

development

January 24, 2010

Diario La Pren

sa -

newspaper

(Nicaragua)

Alejandro Schejtm

an:

“Nicaragua will not

meet the Millenniu

m

Development Goals”

April 05, 2010

Contrapunto – digital newspaper (El Salvador) Central America continues to fall behind in research and development

March 29, 2010

Diario La Prensa

-

newspaper

(Nicaragua)

Land and education

are

a rural necessity

March 22, 2010

December 07, 2009

Diario La Prensa - newspaper

(Nicaragua)

Nicaragua hit by the crisis an

d bad

governance

Related News:

El Ecuatoriano Noticias –

digital newspaper (Ec

uador)

EKA la revista empresarial –

digital newspaper

El Nuevo Diario - newspaper

(Nicaragua)

RemittancesGateway.org – digital

newspaper (regional)

Diario Prensa Libre - newspaper (Guatemala) Economics and Development: Crisis and rural poverty in Latin America

January 07, 2010

30

November 18, 2009

Prensa Libre -

newspaper (Guatemala)

Crisis could exacerbate poverty

in Guatemala (no link available)

Related News:

Argenpress – digital

newspaper (Argentina)

Contrapunto – digital

newspaper (El Salvador)

CERIGUA, Centro de Re-

portes Informativos so-

bre Guatemala – digital newspaper

(Guatemala)

Prensa Libre newspaper

(Guatemala)

Agricultural technology

helps lower poverty

October 22, 2009

Adital – digital newspaper (Regional) Article notes that the country’s development continues to be discriminatory

October 22, 2009

April 24, 2009

La Tribuna - newspaper

(Honduras)

10% drop in remittances s

ent to

Latin America

Related News:

La Prensa - newspaper

(Nicaragua)

El Heraldo - newspaper

(Honduras)

La Prensa Grafica -

newspaper (El Salvador)

March 05, 2009

Diario de Centroamerica

- newspaper (Guatemala)

I Latin American meeting of rural territo-

ries Related News:

Diario La Prensa - newspaper

Diario Panama America –newspaper

(Panama)

Telediario – digital newspaper

Emisoras Unidas - Radio

DeGuate.com - newspaper

(Guatemala)

Terra Noticias – digital newspaper

El Sendero del Peje digital newspaper

El Periodico de México – digital newspaper

Aguas Digital – digital newspaper

(Mexico)

La Primerisima - Radio

(Nicaragua)

Noticias ADN - digital newspaper

Soitu – digital newspaper

Que.es – digital newspaper

Cotizalia – digital newspaper

(Spain)

Telesur – digital newspaper

(Venezuela)

Diario El Popular – digital newspaper

(Canada)

KBTN – digital newspaper (USA)

31

Section 5

Publications

32

Publications

total of 23 formal publications were produced in Central America during the course of the PP-RTD project (January 2009 – April 2011). These are 26% of all the publications of the RTD programme. The list of published working papers is provided below. Their titles in English follow the original in Spanish; these latter are hyperlinked for easy access to each corresponding PDF file.

Gomez, L.; Martinez, B.; Modrego, F. y Ravnborg, H. 2008. Mapeo de cambios en Municipios de Nicaragua: Consumo de los hogares, pobreza y equidad 1995 – 2005. (Mapping the changes in Nicaraguan Municipalities: household consumption, poverty and equity from 1995 to 2005). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 12Ammour, T. 2009.Catastro de politicas y programas con enfoque territorial en Honduras. (Survey of policies and programmes with a territorial focus in Honduras). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 25Ammour, T. 2009b. Catastro de politicas y programas con enfoque territorial en Nicaragua. (Survey of policies and programmes with a territorial focus in Nicaragua). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper no. 27Mora, J. 2009. Marco de analisis sobre la relevancia de los programas de maestria para el desarrollo territorial en America Central y los Andes. (Analysis framework regarding the importance of master’s programmes for territorial development in Central America and the Andes). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 36Trivelli, C.; Yancari, Y. y de los Rios, C. 2009. Crisis y pobreza rural en America Latina. (Crisis and Rural Poverty in Latin America). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 37Delgado, M. y Salgado, M. 2009. Crisis y pobreza rural en America Latina: el caso de El Salvador. (Crisis and Rural Poverty in Latin America: the case of El Salvador). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 44Apellido, N. y Apellido, N. 2010. Crisis y pobreza rural en America Latina: el caso de Guatemala. (Crisis and Rural Poverty in Latin America: the case of Guatemala). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 45Villa, M. y Lovo, H. 2009. Crisis y pobreza rural en America Latina: el caso de Honduras.(Crisis and Rural Poverty in Latin America: the case of Honduras). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 46

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Baumeister, E. y Rocha, J. F. 2009. Crisis y pobreza rural en America Latina: el caso de Nicaragua. (Crisis and Rural Poverty in Latin America: the case of Nicaragua). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 47Flores, M.; Lovo, H.; Reyes, W. y Campos, M. 2009. Cambios en la pobreza y concentracion del ingreso en los municipios de Honduras: desde 1988 a 2001. (Changes in poverty and income concentration in Honduran municipalities: from 1988 to 2001). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 50Romero, W. y Zapil, P. 2009. Dinamicas territoriales del consumo, la pobreza y la desigualdad en Guatemala: 1998 a 2006. (Territorial dynamics of consumption, poverty and inequality in Guatemala: 1998 to 2006). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 51Damianovic, N.; Valenzuela, R. y Vera, S. 2009. Dinamicas de la desigualdad en El Salvador: hogares y pobreza en cifras en el periodo 1992/2007. (Dynamics of inequality in El Salvador: household and poverty figures for the 1992-2007 period). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 52Ballon, E.; Rodriguez, J. y Zeballos, M. 2009. Fortalecimiento de Capacidades para el DTR: Innovaciones Instituvcionales en Gobernanza territorial. (Strengthening Capacities for RTD: institutional innovations in territorial governance) Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 53Ramirez, M. 2010. Revision Comparativa de los Proyectos de Investigacion del programa DTR. (Comparative review of RTD program research projects). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 57Kronik, J. y Bradford, D. 2010. Notas para el analisis de la dimension ambiental en las dinamicas territoriales. (Notes for the analysis of the environmental dimension in territorial dynamics). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 58

Diaz, O.; Escobar, E.; Gomez, I. y Moran, W. 2011. La dinamica agroambiental de la zona norte del Humedal Cerron Grande. (Agro-environmental dynamics of the northern zone of the Cerron Grande Wetlands). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 66

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Gomez, I. y Cartagena, R. 2011. Dinamicas socio ambientales y productivas en la zona Norte de El Salvador: La ribera norte del Humedal Cerron Grande. (Socio-environmental and production dynamics in the northern zone of El Salvador: the northern edge of the Cerron Grande Wetlands). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper. No 67Gomez, L., Ravnborg, H. M. 2011. Inversion lechera – una gota que no se expande. (Milk investments - a drop that does not swell). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 73Florian, M., Emanuelsson, C. , Pelaez, A. V. y Paulson, S. 2011. Genero en las dinamicas territoriales en la cuenca Ostua-Guija, suroriente de Guatemala. (Gender in territorial dynamics in the Ostua-Guija basin, south-eastern Guatemala). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 75Florian, M. Paulson, S.; Gomez, I. y Emanuelsson, C. 2011. Genero y dinamicas territoriales rurales en la ribera norte del humedal Cerron Grande (El Salvador). (Gender and rural territorial dynamics in the northern edge of the Cerron Grande Wetlands (El Salvador)). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 77Gomez, L., Munk Ravnborg, H., Castillo, E. 2011. Gobernanza en el uso y acceso a los recursos naturales en la dinamica territorial del Macizo de Penas Blancas – Nicaragua. (Governance in the use and access to natural resources in the territorial dynamics of the Penas Blancas Massif - Nicaragua). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 82Paulson, S. y Equipo Lund. 2011. Pautas conceptuales y metodologicas. Genero y dinamicas territoriales. (Conceptual and methodological guidelines: gender and territorial dynamics). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 84Rodriguez, T., Gomez, L. 2011. Genero y dinamicas territoriales en Nicaragua. (Gender and territorial dynamics in Nicaragua). Programa Dinamicas Territoriales Rurales. Rimisp, Santiago, Chile. Working Paper No. 88

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Section 6

In conclusion

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In conclusion

his section is divided in two parts: a report on the products generated by the project in relation to each specific original project objective, and a discussion and reflection on the main lessons we are learned that are attributable to our experience with the project.

Assessment and products by objectiveFrom the standpoint of the PP-RTD project’s specific objectives, we can succinctly report the following: Objective 1: Characterise and understand rural territorial development dynamics in the four countries [El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua].

In all four countries, research reports have been written, commented on, finalised and published in the form of Working Papers by the RTD programme. Maps on rural territorial dynamics have been produced for all four countries. Territorial case studies have been written for all the Central American territories (Olancho, Ostua Guija, Penas Blancas, Santo Tomas, and Cerron Grande). In addition, three gender RTD studies were produced by the teams in Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua. Environmental studies were completed, one by the team in Nicaragua (Penas Blancas) and two in El Salvador. Much of this work will be published in books that are now in the process of being edited for wide distribution in Latin America.

Objective 2: Strengthen territorial development processes leading to economic growth, social inclusion and environmental sustainability, including building up multi-stakeholder platforms that are inclusive of the poor; developing territorial development strate-gic plans; developing investment project proposals based on those strategic plans and initiating contact with public and private donors; and strengthening the organisations of the poor to participate in all of the above. Four territorial processes were the focus of our work. These processes and results have been assessed by Ortiz (2010). Actual results and prospects for future concrete, on-the-ground changes are strong in three cases (El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua), with less clarity about the depth and sustained level of change in the case of Honduras. Detailed reports are available on each of the territories.

Objective 3: Develop communities of practice that will document, assess and promote innovative policies and practices for rural territorial development characterised by economic growth, social inclusion and environmental sustainability. This objective was not achieved. In the March 2010 Bogota meeting, the scope of the specific Community of Practice activity was revisited. However, an informal but quite effective network that involves learning, communications, policy dialogue, and applied research and policy analysis has emerged from the project, owing to the collaboration between partners in the four countries (with a more limited engagement from Honduras).

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Objective 4: Inform and influence rural development policies and programmes in the four countries through systematic communication and dialogue with mass media, key public opinion shapers and public policy makers.

All partners in the project engaged in policy processes at territorial, national and regional levels. This work is not finalised and will be continued during the final phase of the RTD programme (until mid-2012). The RTD programme has made resources available through its Policy Influencing Fund to advance policy objectives in Nicaragua and El Salvador, and a very large investment in policy dialogue and policy influencing has been made in El Salvador, funded with additional resources provided to the programme by IFAD (International Fund for Agricultural Development). Good progress and results were achieved by the communications strategies of the programme and its partners, as evi-denced by the media coverage.

Lessons learnedSubstantial results have been achieved by the PP-RTD project in setting up coalitions (multi-stakeholder platforms or roundtables), which in three of the four countries have advanced significantly in consensus building for inclusive and sustainable rural develop-ment at the territorial scale. We have learned that municipalities play a key role in bringing together social actors and in developing working agreements that become territorial development plans. We also learned about the need to insure the involvement of local authorities – at the level of the mayors of the municipalities – especially in the less developed ter-ritories; the need to take account of political parties’ polarisation or conflicts for power; and the leadership role that particular municipalities can play – a situation that often exists in territories with boundaries that are not defined exclusively along municipal lines. These aspects have also increased the capacity of the ter-ritories to engage more effectively and successfully

with the national public institutions in defence of their interests.

Mapping the different categories of actors that play a role in a given territory is an important process in the project strategy to visualise their engagement, or lack thereof, in the development agenda, and the investments that are required to increase the capacity of excluded and marginalised groups to participate. In order to obtain the best results, there is a need to go further in the inclusion of marginalised sectors, as well as in the integration of large businesses and other politically and economically powerful actors.

With the poorest and most socially excluded sectors of society, the obstacle lies in the fact that such sectors often have very low levels of organisation and representation; they lack power and are “invisible” to other agents involved in the development process. Achieving their effective representation and participa-tion requires a systematic effort of organisation, social mobilisation and collective action, without which their presence in multi-stakeholder platforms is little more than decorative. Women and youth are typically ex-cluded from development processes in Latin America. Even when recognised as stakeholders, little is done to truly understand, consider, and anticipate the dif-ferent roles and impacts of development investments along gender lines. The response is too often limited to inserting separate women and/or youth projects into larger development schemes.

In the case of more powerful actors, their involvement is very important because they have a strong influence on what actually happens (or does not happen) in the territory. However, we have found that these actors are usually not willing to participate in bottom-up, multi-stakeholder development planning and imple-mentation processes. For them, it is entirely possible, and surely easier, to have direct access to high-level decision-makers in order to make their voices heard and influence policy decisions in which they are

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interested. These actors will not engage in territorial development processes unless there are well-enforced laws and regulations that push them in that direction (as in El Salvador); unless conflicts are of such nature that they cannot escape engaging in negotiations of some kind (as in Honduras); or unless economic factors indicate that it is in their interest to coordinate or collaborate with others (as in Nicaragua and Guatemala).

The PP-RTD project has made an important contribution to learning how to do good gender analysis and how to use it and apply it in a comprehensive framework for territorial development. Significant progress has been made in understanding gender as a socio-cultural system that regulates, structures, and provides meaning and power to the roles and relationships between men and women in a given territory. It has an influence on the construction of social actors and coalitions, in the work and composition of institutions, and in the development, distribution and use of tangible and intangible assets in the terri-tory. Therefore, gender includes all actors and institutions in a given territory. The influence of gender is not limited to phenomena with negative connotations, such as “inequality” or “patriarchy;” on the contrary, gender systems organise a diversity of types of knowledge, priorities, activities and specific assets. It is an essential institution for achieving successful territorial dynamics.

Lessons in policy dialogue and policy influenc-ing are to the effect that the RTD programme components have increasingly merged into integrated change strategies. A contribution to this end is the programme’s Policy Influencing Fund, created in 2010 to support partner initia-tives linking with public/private partnerships. In Central America, this fund has supported policy dialogue activities in El Salvador and Nicaragua. We and our partners are noting that territorial processes are positively influ-enced by the level of stakeholder participation,

the level of commitment and ownership of a joint vision or strategy, legitimate spaces for dialogue, funding, and the quality of direct and sustained support. In turn, factors that hinder territorial processes are overlapping and unclear organisational mandates, and low organisational and mobilisation capacity beyond local visions. Key elements are the capacities of partners to provide technical inputs, evaluation or support to elaborate a territorial plan, agenda or strategy, and to develop key alliances with local/regional governments, NGOs, social groups and universities. Partners have also made critical investments in building relationships, social mobilisation, planning, and generating support for cross-territorial working groups.

Our programme partners have reported on their increased capacity to formulate territo-rial strategies and projects, and local govern-ments in the programme have reported on newly acquired capacities. There is a need to focus on developing the capacity of local ac-tors to create opportunities for dialogue and agreement, to develop proposals, and to gain access to resources, all factors that can enable collective action. Once a working agenda has been established, the task of securing access to funding is being taken up more vigorously. It is here that we observe the greatest obstacles to agreements between the territorial per-spective and governments, whose policies, budgets, and territorial visions are designed and managed with a clear orientation towards economic sectors. It is thus fundamental to learn how to manage the frictions between territorial and sectoral logics, and to develop the capacities of collective, public-private or government actors to link up, intermediate or negotiate between these two logics. These capacities are needed for two reasons: first, they are one way to obtain funds to achieve the objectives prioritised by a territory’s organised community; second, they serve to regulate and condition investments originating from outside a given territory.

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Appendix

Country dynamics

40

Type

Source: Romero, W. y Zapil, P. 2009

Total

12345678

YesYesYesYesNoNoNoNo

YesYesNoNoYesYesNoNo

YesNoYesNoYesNoYesNo

8659

35

229

5987

330

26.117.9

0.91.56.72.7

17.926.4100

2,181,1202,434,747

62,8381,133,872

469,870144,936

2,147,7842,662,029

11,237,196

19.421.7

0.610.1

4.21.3

19.123.7100

In the period between the last two population censuses, were there statistically signi�cant

favourable changes in:

Average per capita income

or consumptionNumber % %Total

Distribution of average per

capita income or consumption

Poverty incidence

Municipalities Population

Type

Source: Damianovic, N.; Valenzuela, R. y Vera, S. 2009

Total

12345678

YesYesYesYesNoNoNoNo

YesYesNoNoYesYesNoNo

YesNoYesNoYesNoYesNo

28169

0111833

15

265

10.663.8

04.26.8

12.50.41.9

100

406,7612,574,654

0863,082

1,055,182741,478

33,55739,722

5,714,605

7.145.1

015.118.5

130.60.7

100

In the period between the last two population censuses, were there statistically signi�cant

favourable changes in:

Average per capita income

or consumptionNumber % %Total

Distribution of average per

capita income or consumption

Poverty incidence

Municipalities Population

Country dynamics

El Salvador: Changes between the 1990s and 2000s in per capita income or consumption, poverty incidence, and distribution of income or consumption at the municipal scale

Guatemala: Changes between the 1990s and 2000s in per capita income or consumption, poverty incidence and distribution of income or consumption at the municipal scale

41

Type

Source: Flores, M.; Lovo, H.; Reyes, W. y Campos, M. 2009.

Total

12345678

YesYesYesYesNoNoNoNo

YesYesNoNoYesYesNoNo

YesNoYesNoYesNoYesNo

450

7137

005

95298

1.316.8

2.446

00

1.731.9100

188,347924,418262,102

1,717,46000

196,3312,754,1266,042,784

3.115.3

4.328.4

00

3.345.6100

In the period between the last two population censuses, were there statistically signi�cant

favourable changes in:

Average per capita income

or consumptionNumber % %Total

Distribution of average per

capita income or consumption

Poverty incidence

Municipalities Population

Type

Source: Gómez, L.; Martínez, B.; Modrego, F. y Ravnborg, H. 2008

Total

12345678

YesYesYesYesNoNoNoNo

YesYesNoNoYesYesNoNo

YesNoYesNoYesNoYesNo

895

1240

6748

153

5.25.93.37.82.6

043.831.4100

214,836175,096134,428367,990178,178

02,911,8801,160,6905,143,098

4.23.42.67.23.5

056.622.6100

In the period between the last two population censuses, were there statistically signi�cant

favourable changes in:

Average per capita income

or consumptionNumber % %Total

Distribution of average per

capita income or consumption

Poverty incidence

Municipalities Population

Honduras: Changes between the 1990s and 2000s in per capita income or consumption, poverty incidence and distribution of income or consumption at the municipal scale

Nicaragua: Changes between the 1990s and 2000s in per capita income or consumption, poverty incidence and distribution of income or consumption at the municipal scale

42

cred

itsDesign & Layout: OKIO - Karina Gonzalez

Photographs:The photographs included in this report have been provided by Rimisp,except for the following:Cover: © Prisma/Silvia Gutierrez, Flickr/David Dennis, World Bank/Charlotte Kesl Page 5: © ColmexPage 5, 13: © PrismaPage 7: © Flickr/Rob & AlePage 8, 19, 22: © World Bank/Edwin HuffmanPage 9, 11, 17, 23, 25, 29, 33, 34, 35, 37, 38: © World Bank/Curt CarnemarkPage 11: © World Bank/Alfredo SrurPage 14, 26: © Flickr/David DennisPage 15: © Rimisp/Patrick HollensteinPage 17: © IDIESPage 18, 25, 30, 33: © World Bank/Julio PantojaPage 20: © World BankPage 24, 26, 34, 39: © World Bank/Charlotte Kesl Page 26, 36: © World Bank/Guiseppe FranchiniPage 29: © World Bank/Thomas SennettPage 31: © Flickr/Amir KuckovicPage 31: © Flickr/BikiniPage 33: © World Bank/Jamie Martin

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contactLatin American Center for Rural Development

Rural Territorial Dynamics ProgramRimisp - Latin American Center for Rural DevelopmentHuelen 10, piso 6Providencia, CP 7500617Santiago, ChileTel: (56 2) 236 4557 • Fax: (56 2) 236 4558 Email: dtr@rimisp.org • web: www.rimisp.org/dtr

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www.rimisp.org/dtr