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ADAM SMITH’S CONCEPT OF
PRODUCTIVE AND UNPRODUCTIVE LABOUR:
AN INTERPRETATION
ROY GRIEVE1
ABSTRACT
This note explores Smith’s employment of the concept of ‘productive labour’, a
concept which commentators have frequently found problematic. We suggest that
Smith’s difficulty in formulating a satisfactory definition of ‘productive labour’ stems
from the fact that he seems to have had in mind - and to have tried to combine - two
different (but only independently valid), concepts of productive labour: one
(anticipating Marx) in respect of labour whose employment yields surplus value to
the capitalist, the other (presaging Sraffa) focusing on labour employed in certain
necessary or ‘basic’ industries within the economy.
Productive and unproductive labour: the Smithian classification
An essential feature which distinguishes classical from neoclassical economics is that
classical economists envisaged production as a ‘circular’ process – ‘the production of
commodities by means of commodities’ (Sraffa, 1960) – i.e. as a process in which the
commodity inputs to production are themselves products of the production system. The
classical conception contrasts sharply with the neoclassical representation of production as a
‘one-way’ process of transformation of given resources, through the application of ‘factors of
production’, into final goods; the classics explicitly recognised that, to maintain a going level
of output, part of current output must be such as can replace, in the next round of production,
the inputs being used up in the current round. For instance, some proportion of this year’s
1 Roy is grateful to Eric Rahim for constructive comment and helpful discussion.
2
harvest must be reserved from consumption and put back into the production process as seed
corn to make possible the next year’s harvest.
When inputs are viewed in this way as products of the system – the same commodities being
both used-up and re-produced in the course of productive operations - the idea of an ‘overplus’
or ‘surplus’ readily emerges when the quantity of commodity outputs is compared with the
necessary input quantities of the same commodities. Such a conception is of course absent
from the neoclassical model in which production is treated as a one-way process of
transforming certain inputs into quite different outputs. In practical terms a surplus – the
availability of output in excess of what is necessary to reproduce that output - is important as it
provides the means of support of those members of the community who do not contribute
directly to the production of their own subsistence, and provides also the means whereby,
through savings and capital accumulation, the productive capacity of the economy can be
extended.
In the literature reference had been made, long before publication of the Wealth of Nations, to
the concept of the surplus, but Adam Smith, whose thinking was certainly consistent with the
surplus concept, did not himself introduce the term at all. Smith’s discussion (1776, Bk.II,
Ch.III, pp.264-265) runs instead in terms of his famous (or perhaps ‘infamous’) distinction
between ‘productive’ and ‘unproductive’ labour.
There is one sort of labour which adds to the value of the subject upon which it is
bestowed: there is another which has no such effect. The former, as it produces a value,
may be called productive; the latter, unproductive labour. Thus the labour of a
manufacturer adds, generally, to the value of the materials he works upon, that of his own
maintenance, and of his master’s profit. The labour of a menial servant, on the contrary,
adds to the value of nothing. Though the manufacturer has his wages advanced to him by
his master, he, in reality, costs him no expense, the value of those wages being generally
restored, together with a profit, in the improved value of the subject upon which is labour
is bestowed. A man grows rich by employing a multitude of manufacturers; he grows
poor by maintaining a multitude of menial servants.
3
The theme is clear – that there is particular advantage (profit on investment) to be had in
employing productive rather than unproductive labour. Smith goes on to offer further
explanation of what it is that makes productive labour special. Comparing the results of the
application of productive and unproductive labour, he observes (ibid., p.265) that the labour of
the manufacturer (i.e. productive labour)
. . . fixes and realises itself in some particular object or vendible commodity, which lasts
for some time at least after that labour is past. It is, as it were, a certain quantity of labour
stocked and stored up to be employed, if necessary, upon some other occasion. That
subject, or what is the same thing, the price of that subject, can afterwards, if necessary,
put into motion a quantity of labour equal to that which had originally produced it. The
labour of the menial servant, on the contrary, does not fix or realise itself in any particular
subject or vendible commodity. The services of the menial generally perish in the very
instant of their performance, and seldom leave any trace or value behind them, for which
an equal quantity of service could afterwards be procured.
For emphasis, Smith forcefully reiterates the argument (ibid., p.265), in what, to some readers,
certainly seemed gratuitously provocative terms:
The labour of some of the most respectable orders in the society is, like that of menial
servants, unproductive of any value, and does not fix or realise itself in any permanent
subject, or vendible commodity, which endures after that labour is past, and for which an
equal quantity of labour could afterwards be procured. The sovereign, for example, with
all the officers both of justice and of war who serve under him, the whole army and navy,
are unproductive labourers. . . . Their service, how honourable, how useful, or how
necessary soever, produces nothing for which an equal quantity of service can afterwards
be procured. The protection, security, and defence of the commonwealth, the effect of
their labour this year, will not purchase its protection, security, and defence for the year
to come. In the same class must be ranked, both some of the gravest and most important,
and some of the most frivolous professions: churchmen, lawyers, physicians, men of
letters of all kinds; players, buffoons, musicians, opera-singers, opera-dancers, etc. The
labour of the meanest of these has a certain value, regulated by the very same principles
which regulate that of every other sort of labour; and that of the noblest and most useful
4
produces nothing which could afterwards purchase or procure an equal quantity of
labour. Like the declamation of the actor, the harangue of the orator, or the tune of the
musician, the work of all of them perishes in the very instant of its production.
Not surprisingly, the supposedly pejorative implication of the term ‘unproductive’ provoked
complaint. J S Mill (1866, p.28) noted for instance that certain writers, “among whom are Mr.
M’Culloch and M. Say [look] upon the word unproductive as a term of disparagement, [and]
remonstrate against imposing it upon any labour which is regarded as useful – which produces
a benefit or pleasure worth the cost. The labour of officers of government, of the army and
navy, of physicians, lawyers, teachers, musicians, dancers, actors, domestic servants, &c . . .
ought not to be ‘stigmatized’ as unproductive, an expression which they appear to regard as
synonymous with wasteful or worthless. ‘Why’, they ask, ‘should not all labour which
produces utility be accounted productive?’”2 Subsequent neoclassical commentators were, as
might be expected, equally disapproving of Smith’s terminology, and as blind to his real
meaning. Thus Sir Alexander Gray (1931, pp.138 -139) dismisses the distinction between
productive and unproductive labour as ‘an evil legacy of the Physiocrats’, remarking that ‘the
whole controversy . . . strikes us now as rather futile – a fertile field for suggesting insoluble
conundrums which are sometimes not unamusing . . .’ and concludes by warning his readers
that ‘there may be all manner of occupations which are unproductive in the Smithian sense, but
yet indirectly are of the highest productivity’.3
2 Marx’s comment on this is worth noting: ‘The great mass of so-called ‘higher-grade’ workers – such as state
officials, military people, artists, doctors, priests, judges, lawyers, etc. – some of whom are not only not
productive but in essence destructive, but who know how to appropriate to themselves a very great part of the
‘material’ wealth partly through the sale of their ‘immaterial’ commodities and partly by forcing the latter on
other people – found it not at all pleasant to be relegated economically to the same class as clowns and menial
servants and appear merely as people partaking in the consumption, parasites on the actual producers (or rather
agents of production). This was a peculiar profanation precisely of these functions which had hitherto been
surrounded by a halo and had enjoyed superstitious veneration.’ (Marx, 1862-1863, Ch.4) 3 Later authorities, for example, Schumpeter (1954) and Hollander (1973) are no less hostile to the Smithian
distinction. Schumpeter (pp.628-630) dismisses the whole issue as a ‘dusty museum piece’; Hollander (p.147)
refers to Smith’s ‘unfortunate choice of terminology’ and seems to believe that Smith was mistakenly neglecting
the importance of the service sector. Neither commentator appears to appreciate that Smith is thinking about the
source from which surplus output is derived, and warning that the consequence of employing labour
‘unproductively’ is that less surplus output is available for investment and economic progress. On the other hand,
Dobb (1973) repeats Marx’s criticism, that Smith’s distinction related to the nature of labour’s product, rather than
to a ‘social relation of production’: but the fact is that Smith’s concern with the nature of the product may be
legitimate, even if not compatible with Marx’s criterion of productive labour.
5
Those who took exception to Smith’s description of respected members of the community as
‘unproductive’ were, of course, missing his point. The usefulness or otherwise (in terms of
consumer satisfaction) of particular sorts of labour was not the issue with which he was
concerned: as the objectors should have noticed, Smith explicitly makes the point that his
classification of an activity as ‘unproductive’ does not imply that it is of no use or value to the
community, allowing in fact that so-called ‘unproductive’ activities may well be ‘honourable’,
‘useful’ or ‘necessary’.
The role of productive labour
If utility is not the unique characteristic and hallmark of the things produced by productive
labour, what is? To answer that question we need to consider what Smith says about the role of
productive labour within the economy, and what that role implies with regard to the nature of
the goods produced by productive labour.
Smith brings out clearly what he sees, beyond its profit generating capability, as the ‘strategic’
(if we may so describe it) role – which is in fact a dual role - of productive labour within the
economy. In the first place, he points to the dependence of the unproductive sector for its
means of subsistence on the productive members of the community (Smith, 1776, Bk.II, Ch.III,
p.266):
Both productive and unproductive labourers, and those who do not labour at all, are all
equally maintained by the annual produce of the land and labour of the country. This
produce, how great soever, can never be infinite, but must have certain limits.
Accordingly, therefore, as a smaller or greater proportion of it is in any one year
employed in maintaining unproductive hands, the more in the one case and the less in the
other will remain for the productive, and the next year’s produce will be greater or
smaller accordingly; the whole annual produce . . . being the effect of productive labour.
‘Productive hands’, that is to say, produce over their own usage, a surplus, of which a part at
least provides the support of unproductive labourers and all who contribute no labour. In other
6
words, all who fall into the latter categories draw upon the surplus created by the productive
sector without, through their own activities, making any contribution to its reproduction.
Secondly, just as the maintenance of the unproductive sector depends on the labour of
productive workers who produce more than they consume, so also does the emergence of a
surplus of resources available for investment: for saving and investment to be possible the
annual revenue of society must be greater than is required merely to support the community at
a basic standard of living. Although Smith doesn’t explicitly say of an investible surplus that it
must originate from the contribution of productive labour, he does emphasise that for the
businessman to earn a profit on his investment and for the community achieve a net increase in
output through that investment, it is to the employment of productive labour that the investor
must direct his resources. It is only by the employment of productive labour that a net gain, in
terms of money and in terms of real resources, can be made (ibid., p.266-271).
Whatever part of his stock a man employs as a capital, he always expects it to be replaced
to him with a profit. He employs it, therefore, in maintaining productive hands only;
Saving, and investment directed to the employment of productive labour, are the means
by which the annual produce of the economy can be increased:
Parsimony [i.e. saving] by increasing the fund which is destined for the maintenance of
productive hands, tends to increase the number of those hands whose labour tends to add
to the value of the subject upon which it is bestowed. It tends therefore to increase the
exchangeable value of the land and labour of the country. It puts into motion an
additional quantity of industry, which gives an additional value to the annual produce.
On the other hand, Smith argues, the employment of unproductive workers consumes resources
which could have been put to better use. Referring to the constraint which, he believed, had all
too often been imposed on the growth of the country’s wealth by profligate expenditure, Smith,
deploring such wastage of resources, stresses the potential contribution which the employment
instead of productive labour could have made. He notes (ibid., p.276-277) that there has
occurred
7
much private and public profusion, many expensive and unnecessary wars, and great
perversion of the annual produce for maintaining productive to maintain unproductive
hands. . . . So great a share of the annual produce of the land and labour of the country,
has, since the revolution, been employed upon different occasions, in maintaining an
extraordinary number of unproductive hands. But had not these wars given this particular
direction to so large a capital, the greater part of it would naturally have been employed
in maintaining productive hands, whose labour would have replaced, with a profit, the
whole value of their consumption. The value of the annual produce of the land and labour
of the country, would have been considerably increased by it every year, and every year’s
increase would have augmented still more that of the following year. More houses would
have been built, more lands would have been improved, and those which have been
improved would have been better cultivated, more manufactures would have been
established, and those which had been established before would have been better
extended; and to what height the real wealth and revenue of the country might, by this
time, have been raised, is not perhaps very easy for us even to imagine.
We find therefore that Smith credits productive labour with making a doubly significant
‘strategic’ contribution to the operation of the economy. Part of the surplus of output such
labour produces over its own requirements supplies the maintenance of all other members of
the community, unproductive workers and non-workers together; another part of the surplus
may, through saving and investment, be put to the accumulation of resources, thereby
developing the wealth and productive capacity of the country. By contrast, as Smith
emphasises to his readers, the employment of unproductive labour has no such positive
implications: no valuable surplus over costs is produced - at the end of the day when such
labour is finished, nothing of substance is left to show for it.
Smith is saying that productive labour produces what may be described as ‘necessary’ goods –
necessaries as distinct from luxuries - i.e. wage goods, materials and equipment such as are
needed to ‘put labour in motion’ – indeed (even if he did not use the term) a surplus of such
necessaries, over what the productive workers themselves require for support in their own
employment. This surplus of necessary goods is evidently of critical social and economic
8
importance - it supplies the means of support for all ‘unproductive’ members of the
community, and provides also the resources which allow accumulation of capital and
expansion of the productive capacity of the economy.
Thus, from what Smith says in these general terms, we can form a clear enough picture of the
benefits he understands the employment of productive labour to bring – generating surplus
value to the employer and creating goods essential to maintain and extend the productive and
supportive capabilities of the economy. However, his attempts to specify more precisely just
what are the properties which give productive labour its especially valuable character, have
caused commentators some difficulties. What are the features which - according to Smith -
differentiate productive from unproductive labour?
Productive labour: distinguishing criteria
To take stock: recalling that Smith introduced his discussion of productive and unproductive
labour by attributing a value-creating property to the former, the complete set of characteristics
said to distinguish productive labour is:
(i) productive labour adds to the value of the material upon which it works, the
value of its product not only repaying the cost of materials but, in addition,
covering the wage bill and as well, yielding sufficient extra value to give a profit
to the capitalist employer;
(ii) productive labour ‘fixes and realizes itself’ (is ‘embodied’ we might say) in
the form of the commodities it produces, commodities which possess a certain
degree of durability;
(iii) productive labour being thus ‘stored up’ in the commodities it produces, these
commodities, or the value received for them, can ‘put into motion’ a quantity of
labour equal to that which has gone into their production.
9
Unproductive labour, by contrast, possesses none of these properties: it is not capable of
adding value, it is not ‘embodied’ in any commodity, does not endure in any form, and it
cannot subsequently procure the services of other workers.
As mentioned above, it is a fact that commentators, even apart from those who failed to see
beyond the utility criterion, have had problems with the distinctions Smith drew, or attempted
to draw, between productive and unproductive labour. To find anomalies and to pick holes in
his explanation is not particularly difficult.
For instance, he says of productive labour [criterion (i)] that it ‘adds to the value of the subject
on which it is bestowed’; while that may be so, that criterion appears to sit awkwardly with the
condition [criterion (iii)] that productive labour, as well as producing profit, produces also
commodities such as can ‘put labour into motion’. By the profit criterion activities, as, for
example, putting on a theatre performance, or the manufacture of items of luxury consumption
- both of which may undoubtedly yield a profit to the capitalist entrepreneur - would count as
‘productive’, but, with respect to supplying the means of supporting labour in employment
such activities are, with equal certainty, unable to perform the required role. However, there is
in fact no indication that Smith had recognised and resolved the apparent inconsistency of his
criteria: we are offered no clear and unique answer to the question of how labour which yields
a profit to the capitalist employer, but via employment in production of luxuries, trivial or
otherwise, should be classified.
The designation as ‘productive’ of any labour which generates surplus value to the capitalist
employer does, however, accord with Marx’s definition of productive labour. In seeking to
uncover the source of surplus value, Marx, using the labour theory of value, arrived at the
proposition that surplus value is created when the capitalist, having purchased, at its value, the
worker’s value-creating ‘labour-power’, employs that labour power in production for the
market. For Marx it is the employment of labour by capital, its employment per se, that is
important, as that is how he understands surplus value to emerge (and fall automatically into
the hands of the capitalist as profit). As, from the Marxian perspective all labour of which the
employment yields a profit to the capitalist is defined as ‘productive’, from that angle,
10
therefore, the nature of the product doesn’t matter: even labour which is profitably employed in
producing ‘useless fripparies’ counts as productive;4 what does matter is that the labour in
question has generated surplus value – thereby not only renewing and maintaining, but adding
to, society’s stock of money ‘capital’ – capital which is available for employment of labour in
any line of activity.
But Smith, in specifying conditions of the productiveness of labour was evidently not
indifferent as to the nature of the product, referring as he does both to the property of durability
and to the product being able to support labour in employment. While Marx’s sole condition of
labour’s counting as ‘productive’ is that its employment generates surplus value to the
capitalist, Smith, by contrast, seems to be concerned also – legitimately so, we believe - with
the particular nature of the commodities which labour is employed to produce. Consider an
example which Marx gives (1862-1863, Ch.4):
an entrepreneur of theatres, concerts, brothels, etc., buys the temporary disposal over the
labour-power of the actors, musicians, prostitutes, etc. – he buys this so-called
‘unproductive labour’. . . The sale of [its services] to the public provides him with wages
and profit. And these services which he has thus bought enable him to buy them again;
that is to say, they themselves renew the fund from which they are paid for.
Thus, according to Marx, these ‘actors, musicians and prostitutes’ must be placed in the
category of ‘productive labour’. That would be consistent with Smith’s criterion (i); but one
might expect Smith - with criteria (ii) and (iii) in mind – to be uneasy with that classification -
on the ground that had these same workers been employed in, say, the production of wage
goods, or machinery for use in industry, the sale of such products could not only have likewise
renewed with a profit the capital invested – but, in addition, the particular commodities
produced would be available to support extra workers in employment or supply them with
improved productive equipment. Smith’s position on the classification of such workers seems
ambiguous.
4 ‘The use-value of the commodity in which the labour of a productive worker is embodied may be of the most
futile kind. The material characteristics are in no way linked with its nature which on the contrary is only the
expression of a definite social relation of production. It is a definition of labour which is derived not from its
content or its result, but from its particular social form.’ (Marx, 1862-1863, Ch.4)
11
Criterion (ii): Smith requires as a characteristic of productive labour that its produce must be of
a material or durable nature: ‘productive labour fixes and realises itself in some particular
object or vendible commodity, which lasts for some time at least after that labour is past’. By
contrast, labour which produces services which ‘perish in the very instant of their performance’
apparently fails – however useful these services may be – to qualify as productive. The
(common-sense) intuition underlying this ‘durability’ criterion would seem to be that if
productive labour is to contribute to the support of unproductive members of society and to the
accumulation of capital, by the very nature of the case, its product (direct or indirect) must be
such that it continues to exist for some time beyond the moment of production.
Interpreted quite literally as a proposal that labour be recognised as productive only if its direct
product possesses physical durability, this criterion has troubled commentators. For instance J
S Mill (1866, pp.28 and 30) found the requirement difficult to accept: while agreeing that
labour which produces ‘utilities fixed and embodied in outward objects’ is necessarily
‘productive’, he asks ‘why refuse the title (of productive) to the surgeon who sets a limb, the
judge or legislator who confers security, and give it to the lapidary who cuts and polishes a
diamond?’ Later in the discussion Mill proposes a compromise: ‘I shall not refuse the
appellation productive, to labour which yields no material product as its direct result, provided
that an increase of material products is its immediate consequence’. In agreeing that that seems
a reasonable way of treating the matter, we may however note that, in finding this solution,
Mill was in fact resolving a non-existent problem. If we look beyond the particular passage in
which Smith enunciates this criterion, it seems clear that commentators who have expressed
concern about this materiality criterion have taken Smith’s words in too literal a sense, and
have consequently misunderstood what Smith actually meant.
In discussing ‘the different employment of capitals’ (1776, Bk.II, Ch.V, p.287) Smith observes
that ‘a capital may be employed in four different ways; while the first two of these - in
‘procuring’ and ‘preparing the rude produce’ for use and consumption – are perfectly
straightforward, the third and fourth may come as a surprise to the reader who has taken
Smith’s ‘materiality’ criterion of productivity quite literally. The third and fourth employments
12
of capital are: ‘in transporting either the rude or manufactured produce from the places where
they abound to those where they are wanted, [and] in dividing particular portions of either into
such small parcels as suit the occasional demands of those who want them’. Given his dictum
that ‘whatever part of his stock a man employs as capital . . . [h]e employs it . . . in maintaining
productive hands only’, it is evident that Smith is fully prepared to regard as ‘productive’ the
labour employed in providing services which constitute an essential part of the production
process. Indeed, the productive status of such labour is explicitly stated (ibid., p.289):
The persons whose capitals are employed in any of these four ways [that is, in acquiring
raw produce, processing it, in transporting raw materials or finished products, and in
‘breaking and dividing’ the product ‘into such small parcels as suit the occasional
demands of those who want them] are themselves productive labourers. Their labour,
when properly directed, fixes and realizes itself in the subject or vendible commodity
upon which it is bestowed, and generally adds to its price the value at least of their own
maintenance and consumption. The profits of the farmer, of the manufacturer, of the
merchant, and retailer, are all drawn from the price of the goods which the first two
produce, and the two last buy and sell 5.
Thus Smith’s understanding of the distinction between productive and unproductive labour
becomes clearer: labour which, even if its own direct and immediate contribution is of an
intangible character, contributes to the production of material, and thus (in some degree)
durable commodities, is treated as ‘productive’; it is only labour whose efforts do not, directly
or indirectly, result in the production of any such tangible and lasting commodities, and which
leaves nothing of physical substance behind to contribute to further production, that is
classified as ‘unproductive’. In other words, while ‘menial servants’, ‘the officers both of
justice and war’, etc, etc, are confirmed as ‘unproductive’, the carter delivering materials to the
factory, the retailer providing a convenient supply of consumption goods to his customers are
at the same time are nevertheless placed in the category of productive labour.
5 Further indication that Smith did not dismiss all service activities as ‘unproductive’ is not difficult to find. For
instance (Bk.II, Ch.III) he observes that ‘In the opulent countries of Europe, great capitals are at present employed
in trade and manufactures.’ (If capital is invested in trade, the labour thereby employed must be considered
‘productive’.)
13
Marx, it may be noted, was critical of Smith’s ‘durability criterion’ – of productive labour
being ‘realised’ in the form of a tangible commodity - and suspected him of being confused by
a Physiocratic residue in his thinking. Marx argues that it is mistaken to suppose that the
production of durables is necessarily the mark of productive labour, or that production of
services is indicative of unproductive labour, the point of his criticism being that Smith should
not have been giving attention to the character of the output produced by labour – for the
reason that, in terms of his (Marx’s) definition of productive labour, the same commodities
might, according to circumstances, be produced sometimes by productive labour, on other
occasions by unproductive labour.6 In other words, the validity of Marx’s objection to Smith’s
durability criterion depends on acceptance of Marx’s proposition that, in distinguishing
productive from unproductive labour, all that matters is whether or not employment of the
labour in question yields surplus value to the capitalist employer.
There still remains a difficulty with this criterion. As with the value-added criterion of
productivity previously discussed, in this instance also, with labour (including service labour)
regarded as productive if ‘fixed or realized in’ some physical commodity, it would appear that
no account is taken of the particular type of goods produced. As regards its classification by
Smith’s definition as productive, whether or not labour is engaged in the manufacture of goods
such as can support the non-working population or other workers in employment, or is
employed in the production of durable items as useless as, for example, Petty’s ‘pyramids on
Salisbury Plain’, does not seem to matter. It rather looks as if Smith did not quite manage to
express what he really wanted, or needed, to say about his durability criterion.
It would seem to be the case, therefore, that neither the value-added criterion, nor the
durability/materiality criterion – as actually specified by Smith - fits altogether comfortably
6 The cook in the hotel produces a commodity for the person who as a capitalist has bought her labour – the hotel
proprietor; the consumer of the mutton chops has to pay for her labour, and this labour replaces for the hotel
proprietor (apart from profit) the fund out of which he continues to pay the cook. On the other hand, if I buy the
labour of a cook for her to cook meat, etc., for me, not to make use of it as labour in general but to enjoy it, to use
it as that particular kind of concrete labour, then her labour is unproductive, in spite of the fact that this labour
fixes itself in a material product and could just as well (in its result) be a vendible commodity, as it is in fact for
the hotel proprietor. The great difference (the conceptual difference) however remains: the cook does not replace
for me (the private person) the fund from which I pay her, because I buy her labour not as a value-creating
element but purely for the sake of its use-value. (Marx, 1862/1863, Ch. 4)
14
with, as described above, Smith’s focus on the role of productive labour as the producer of
goods necessary for the support of non-productive members of the community or essential for
building up the economy’s stock of productive resources. Labour may add value in production
and labour may produce durable commodities such as (to cite another Smithian example)
statues and pictures for the adornment of the ‘houses or country villas’ of the propertied classes
– but despite the fact that these products can do nothing to support people who do not, or
cannot, work, nor can in any way be employed as tools or equipment to ‘aid and abridge’
labour, by the criteria Smith proposes (value added and durability) that labour nevertheless
appears to fall into the ‘productive’ category.
We turn now to Smith’s third criterion [(iii) above] for the identification of productive labour –
to the effect that labour is productive if its product not only ‘lasts for some time after that
labour is past’ but ‘can put into motion a quantity of labour equal to that which had originally
produced it’. This criterion seems to point to a further requirement of productive labour which
is not necessarily implied by the previous two criteria, and furthermore, seems to accord, better
than they, with Smith’s description of the dual role of productive labour. While criteria (i) and
(ii) - require of productive labour the property of making possible the accumulation of wealth,
both financial and real, this latter criterion suggests that the employment of productive labour
should do something more: specifically, if labour meets this criterion, its employment not only
adds to the wealth of the individual or the community, but puts in place the resources for
further growth of output. This third criterion cannot be neutral with respect to the type of goods
produced by labour which is deemed productive. If productive labour is indeed such that its
product can ‘put into motion a quantity of labour’, that product must then consist not of
commodities of just any sort, but of the sorts of goods that are capable of supporting labour in
production by providing both the necessary equipment and materials to work upon, and also,
the means of subsistence to maintain the workforce over the production period.
Consider (even if we seem to be labouring the point) the differing implications of two
alternative investments. Suppose a saver puts resources into, on the one hand, the support of
labour in the manufacture of luxury goods (such as fine porcelain, sedan chairs or wedding
hats) and, on the other, invests in the production of more mundane consumption goods (e.g.
15
working clothes, porridge oats) or, producers’ goods (say, improved spinning machines). In
either case, by Smith’s first two criteria, (presuming of course that operations go according to
plan) the labour employed counts as productive – its employment rewards the investor with a
profit (surplus value) and it also results in output which ‘fixes or realises itself in some
particular object or vendible commodity’. But as regards the growth potential of the economy,
the outcomes are by no means the same. While the luxury items can do nothing to enhance the
productive capacity of the economy, the wage goods are available to support the employment
of additional labour, and installation of new capital equipment will increase productivity in the
industry for which it is destined. The output of each industry increases the stock of wealth, but
it is only the product of the labour employed in the producer goods sector (wage goods and
machines) that adds to the productive base – to the productive capability - of the economy.
Recall what Smith says about increasing national output (ibid., p.275):
The annual produce of the land and labour of any nation can be increased in its value by
no other means, but by increasing either the number of its productive labourers, or the
productive powers of those labourers who had before been employed. The number of its
productive labourers, it is evident, can never be much increased, but in consequence of an
increase in capital, or of the funds destined for maintaining them. The productive powers
of the same number of labourers cannot be increased, but in consequence either of some
addition and improvement to these machines and instruments which facilitate and abridge
labour; or of a more proper division and distribution of employment. In either case an
additional capital is almost always required. It is by means of an additional capital only,
that the undertaker of any work can either provide his workmen with better machinery, or
make a more proper distribution of employment among them. When the work to be done
consists of a number of parts, to keep every man constantly employed in one way,
requires a much greater capital than where every man is occasionally employed in every
different part of the work. When we compare, therefore, the state of a nation at two
different periods, and find, that the annual produce of its land and labour is evidently
greater at the latter than at the former, that its lands are better cultivated, its manufactures
more numerous and flourishing, and its trade more extensive, we may be assured that its
capital must have been increased during the interval between these two periods . . .
16
Thus, in Smithian terms, to achieve growth it is necessary to increase the number of productive
workers or to increase their productivity. To do so requires additional capital either in the form
of wage goods or of machines and instruments. Such additions to capital require the production
of particular producers’ or ‘necessary’ goods. Certain products have a key role, but not
everything which would pass by criteria (i) and (ii) as products of productive labour will
perform that role. Criterion (iii) identifies as productive labour only that labour which produces
an investible surplus of wage goods and equipment. On the other hand, labour which passes the
test of criterion (iii) and is engaged in the production of goods such as may constitute an
investible surplus must automatically meet the requirements of criteria (i) and (ii) – wage
goods and other producers’ goods pass the durability test and their production can certainly be
profitable to the employer.
It is evident therefore that the three criteria suggested by Smith for the differentiation of
productive from unproductive labour are not wholly consistent with each other, with the
consequence that the reader is faced with a variety of puzzles – particularly as regards the
status of labour whose employment in production yields a profit to the capitalist, but whose
output either ‘perishes in the instant of its production’ (the aria of the opera singer) or, if more
lasting (a Fabergé Easter egg) fails to qualify as a good necessary either for the support of the
non-working population or as a piece of equipment which ‘aids and abridges’ labour in
production.
Smith – in two minds about productive labour?
Why did Smith not succeed in enunciating a more satisfactory statement of the distinguishing
characteristics of ‘productive labour’? Our interpretation of the situation is simply this: Smith -
in seeking to identify a category of labour which, unlike the labour of ‘menial servants’, etc.,
created something, in the form of goods or purchasing power, which could not only replace that
labour’s maintenance but add to the productive or supportive capacity of the economy – was in
effect, without realising that to be so, trying to describe two different conceptions in terms of
which this strategically important category of labour might be envisaged as ‘productive’. As a
result Smith’s proposed criteria which, while actually appropriate to the definition of
17
alternative notions of productive labour, appeared confused and inconsistent when presented as
means of identifying a single category of productive labour.
Let us now separate out what we understand to be the two distinct conceptions of productive
labour which would appear to underlie Smith’s discussion, although not, we believe, perceived
by him as being in fact separate principles by which labour could be categorised as productive
or unproductive. Both these bases of classification may be considered, in themselves,
reasonable and acceptable – but as alternatives, rather than run together as if equivalent to each
other. As it happens, each has, in later years, appealed to subsequent theorists as appropriate
for their particular purposes.
On the one hand - as denoted by criterion (i) - Smith recognises that to earn a profit, funds have
to put labour into action in producing commodities for the market, the sales proceeds from
which will more than recover the capitalist’s outlays. If one wants to make a profit, or to
maintain one’s capital, that is the way to act – employment of ‘menial servants’ and other
labour for the direct consumption of the services they provide, will simply use up funds in their
maintenance with nothing coming in at the end of the day to replace the initial outlay. From
this perspective any employment of labour in production of goods or services for sale
(provided of course that production is consistent with market demand) will yield a value
surplus. That surplus value provides funds for further investment and also (via taxes and rent)
the funds for the maintenance of the non-producing sector. Thus, of the two notions of
productive labour which Smith seems to have had in mind, one is that productive labour is
simply any labour which returns a profit (surplus value) on the capital invested in ‘putting it
into motion’. That interpretation evidently accords with Marx’s later definition of productive
labour.
On the other hand Smith combines that appreciation of the profit yielding capability of certain
employments of labour – i.e. criterion (i) - with recognition that a particular category of labour
– which is also described as productive – performs the dual role of sustaining and extending
the supportive and productive capabilities of the economy. Smith’s criteria (ii) and (iii) relate
specifically to that role. That labour is classified as productive for the reason that it produces,
18
over its own requirements, a surplus of those wage goods and other producers’ goods required
for the performance of that dual role – i.e. a surplus of necessary commodities such as serve
both to maintain and support labour in employment and to supply the subsistence of all whose
activities do not directly provide for their own support. These also are the physical resources
required for economic growth. As Smith says, growth can be achieved only by increasing the
number of productive labourers or by increasing the productivity of these workers, neither of
which can be brought about by increasing the production of luxury consumption goods,
whether trivial or valuable. This second conception of productive labour again envisages
labour as ‘productive’, but in this case productive of a surplus of real commodities, of those
necessary goods which provide subsistence and support for labour in employment. What Smith
does not seem to have appreciated is that while all labour which produces the commodities in
question will be productive also of surplus value, it is not the case that all labour whose
employment yields surplus value is labour engaged in producing commodities which accord
with his criteria (ii) and (iii). Although the concept of labour as productive because it produces
surplus value and the concept of labour as productive on account of its producing a surplus of
those ‘necessary’ commodities which can ‘put labour into motion’ relate to overlapping
categories of labour, these categories do not exactly coincide.
With the benefit of hindsight, the present-day commentator can ‘stick his neck out’ and suggest
the options as regards defining ‘productive labour’ which could have been available to Smith -
had he succeeded in sorting out in a more consistent manner his insights and ideas on the
nature of productive labour. In suggesting these possible definitions of productive labour, we
must make it clear that we are not arguing that Smith had grasped these concepts – only that
the basis of each of these categorisations of labour is there to be found in Smith’s discussion,
even if Smith did not himself see what the full implications were.
On the one hand, Smith – confining himself to his criterion (i) - could simply have defined
productive labour, as Marx would later do, as that labour whose employment by capital not
only renews the capital invested but creates an additional (surplus) value. On that basis, all
labour the employment of which generates surplus value is reckoned as productive –
essentially because by creating surplus value it is replacing and extending the stock of free or
19
liquid capital in the hands of the capitalists - a stock of purchasing power which has the
potential for use in whatever application the capitalist owners chose to employ it, developing or
extending productive capacity in any sector of the economy. From this point of view, as Marx
says, there is no need to get bogged down in worrying about the nature of the product, its
materiality, its durability or the uses to which it may be put – none of that matters. Let us call
this the ‘surplus value’ criterion of productive labour’.
Alternatively, focusing on the nature of the product of labour, Smith could have identified as
productive that labour which produces a surplus of what we described as ‘necessary’
commodities - necessary for the maintenance and support both of these workers themselves
and for the maintenance and support of all other members of the community, as well as for
capital accumulation and expansion of the economy. While this definition of productive labour
comprehends only some of the labour identified as productive under Smith’s criterion (i),
labour which accords with his criteria (ii) and (iii) fits squarely under this definition of
productive labour.
We believe that here we have another – feasible – basis for an unambiguous definition of
productive labour – as that labour which produces, and reproduces, period by period, the
resources on which the continued operation, and the possible growth of the system, depend. If
the economy is to continue in operation, period after period through time, what is produced in
each period must be such as to meet the requirements of continued production, i.e., must be
able to put labour into operation in the next period, otherwise the system breaks down for want
of necessary inputs. For the economy to grow over time, it is a matter of putting into motion a
greater quantity of labour, or of supporting that same labour with more effective ‘machines
which aid and abridge labour’. It is perfectly sensible to describe the labour which supplies
these necessary goods (wage goods and equipment) as ‘productive labour’. Let us, at least for
the moment, refer to this as the ‘necessary goods’ criterion of productive labour.
This ‘necessary goods’ criterion points to an interesting theoretical link. What we suggest is
that, even without specifically identifying this ‘necessary goods’ criterion as independently
defining ‘productive labour’, Smith, in groping in this direction for a characterisation of
20
productive labour, was heading towards recognition of a distinction introduced years later by
Sraffa – the distinction, that is to say, between the ‘basic’ and ‘non-basic’ sectors of an
economy. It looks very much as if the ‘necessary goods’ criterion of productive labour
suggested by Smith’s analysis can be read as applying the description ‘productive labour’ to
the labour employed in what Sraffa would describe as the basic sector of the economy. In
Sraffa’s model, the basic sector of industry supplies to itself and to the rest of the economy
‘basic’ goods – essential commodities without which no industry within the economy can
operate. The surplus of basic goods supports all non-basic or non-producing sectors of the
economy, and supplies the investment goods essential for capital accumulation and growth.
The interpretation of Smith that we are suggesting, therefore, is that the goods produced by
labour identified by the ‘necessary goods’ criterion as productive, are in fact analogous to
Sraffa’s ‘basic’ goods, and correspondingly, the labour which in Smith’s analysis produces
these necessary goods is equivalent to the labour employed the basic sector of the Sraffa
system. In the Appendix we provide a simple illustration of the Sraffa concept of the basic
sector, and what in terms of the ‘necessary goods’ criterion would constitute productive labour.
Let us now alter our terminology, and, emphasising the Sraffa connection, rename the
‘necessary goods’ criterion the ‘basic goods’ criterion.
Given that Smith was thinking along the lines of identifying productive labour by reference to
the nature of the product, it is interesting that, although not regarding all labour which produces
items of a lasting character as productive, he does allow that durable consumer goods do form
an addition to the material wealth of the community, even if they increase neither the
productive nor supportive capabilities of the economy. It is noteworthy that while Smith had no
time for spending on ‘baubles and trifles’ he took a much more sympathetic view of
consumption spending on things of more lasting value. Thus (1776, Bk.II, Ch.III, p.278):
As frugality increases, and prodigality diminishes the public capital, so the conduct of
those whose expense just equals their revenue, without either accumulating or
encroaching, neither increases nor diminishes it. Some modes of expense, however, seem
to contribute more to the growth of public opulence than others.
21
The revenue of an individual may be spent, either in things that are consumed
immediately, and in which one day’s expense can neither alleviate nor support that of
another; or it may be spent on things more durable . . . As the one mode of expense is
more favourable than the other to the opulence of an individual, so it is likewise to that of
a nation. The houses, the furniture, the clothing of the rich, in a little time become useful
to the inferior and middling ranks of people. They are able to purchase them when their
superiors grow weary of them, and the general accommodation of the whole people is
thus gradually improved. . . . What was formerly a seat of the family of Seymour, is now
an inn upon the Bath road. The marriage bed of James the First of Great Britain, which
his queen brought with her from Denmark, as a present fit for a sovereign to make to a
sovereign, was, a few years ago, the ornament of an alehouse in Dunfermline. . . .
What this suggests is that, going beyond the issue of the appropriate criterion of ‘productive
labour’, and viewing the matter from the broader perspective of ‘the wealth of nations’, Smith
may have had in mind a hierarchy of activities: at the one extreme (of ‘unproductiveness’), we
may place the labour of ‘menial servants’ and of those who produce superfluous luxuries
which, after the banquet, are ‘thrown on the dunghill’; workers, such as a subsistence farmer
who simply supports his family from harvest to harvest with no possibility of saving and
accumulation, are in a neutral position; the producers of durable consumer goods (such as the
royal bed in the Dunfermline alehouse) are not ‘productive’ (in terms of the ‘necessary goods’
criterion), but they do make a positive contribution in building up the stock of material wealth;
workers producing investment goods for the luxury sector are in a similar position; and finally,
the labour which satisfies Smith’s criterion (iii), does - at least by the ‘basic goods criterion’ –
uniquely count as ‘productive’.
Conclusion
Thus, we believe, implicit within Smith’s not fully resolved discussion of what differentiates
‘productive’ from unproductive labour, strands of thought may be identified which point to the
directions in which subsequent investigators were take question of productive and
unproductive contributions: the essence of both the Marxian differentiation between productive
and unproductive labour (with respect to generation of surplus value) and of Sraffa’s
22
distinction between the basic and non-basic sectors of industry (which relates to ability to
produce a surplus of basic goods) are to be found, albeit muddled up together, in Smith’s
search for the defining characteristics of productive labour. It may be noted that, of these
concepts of productive labour discernible within Smith’s discussion, one (that which presages
the Sraffa distinction) relates to real (physical) relationships within the industrial structure of
the economy, and the production of a surplus of commodities, rather than, as does productive
labour in the Marxian system, to the generation of a value surplus.
We believe that a case may be made in defence both criteria - of the surplus value criterion of
productive labour, and of the basic goods criterion as logical and illuminating ways of
differentiating between different categories of labour. We incline to the position, however, that
of these two criteria, the ‘basic goods’ criterion of productive labour is perhaps more in accord
with Smith’s focus on saving, capital accumulation and growth. Smith certainly left his readers
in no doubt that he saw the character of the product as relevant in determining whether labour
should be classified as productive or unproductive. While the surplus value criterion directs
attention to the source from which the capitalists’ profits derive - which indeed provide
potential for capital accumulation - the basic goods criterion puts the emphasis directly on the
specific nature of the goods which must be available if that potential is to be realised; there is
no getting away from the fact that as ‘the annual produce of the land and labour of any nation
can be increased in its value by no other means, but by increasing either the number of its
productive labourers, or the productive power of those labourers who had already been
employed’ the possibility of ‘increasing the number of productive labourers’ or their
‘productive power’ depends on – is constrained by - the availability of what we are describing
as basic goods. We do think that Smith – with his criteria (ii) and (iii) - was trying to grasp and
emphasise the importance of the production of commodities of the sort that Sraffa, much later,
and with much clearer insight into the structural relationships of a surplus-producing economic
system, would classify as ‘basic’ goods.
Finally, we may wonder at the blindness of neoclassical critics who supposed Smith, in
attempting to distinguish between productive and unproductive labour, to be talking nonsense;
the fact is quite the opposite: although he wasn’t able completely to disentangle the ideas
23
involved, Smith’s intuition was sound. With respect to differentiating between the two
categories of labour, one strand of thought identified the source of surplus value which
constitutes the profits of capital; another line of thinking (with regard to the production of
necessary or basic goods), took him close to uncovering a distinction essential to understanding
the material basis of the social order and the growth potential of the economy.7
APPENDIX
An illustration
Let us see if we can bring the ‘basic goods’ criterion – which we believe to be one of the
alternative criteria of productive labour lurking in Smith’s treatment of the issue – into sharper
focus. To that end we set up a simple, stylised (Sraffa-type) representation of a surplus-
producing economic system, in terms of which we may interpret the ‘basic goods’
classification of productive labour. This system is depicted in Table 1, below.
Suppose this economy consists of four interdependent industrial groups, producing goods and
services that are essential to the functioning of the system: these industries we describe as
IRON (representing manufacturing industry), COAL (representing energy and fuel) and CORN
(standing for agriculture, including food production), and TRANS (transport services); there is
also an industry (LUX) devoted to the production of luxury (non-essential) goods. Suppose
further that the input-output relationships amongst these industries are as shown below. Each
industry uses, per period of time, certain physical quantities of inputs [materials (measured, as
5 Since compiling these notes, the author has come across a very interesting paper by Cockshott and Zachariah,
who present a reformulation of the Smith-Marx productive-unproductive labour distinction, intended for
application in a modern context. They too take productive labour as corresponding to the ‘basic’ sector of their
model. Their basic sector includes (following Smith, though contrary to Sraffa’s suggestion)) the production of
wage goods for the workforce, but – in Marxian rather than Smithian fashion – excludes (as not being original
sources of surplus value) services such as trading and banking from the basic sector; on the other hand, certain
non-profit yielding activities (health, education, social services), as providing components of the real wage, are
included. The military-industrial complex is classified (a la Smith) as ‘unproductive’. Issues – beyond the scope
of this note – about the application and implications of the productive-unproductive differentiation in the present-
day context are raised.
24
appropriate, in tons or ton-miles) and labour (man-hours)]; in each period of production each
industry’s material inputs are reproduced, together with the maintenance of the workforce, and,
as well, further quantities of output become available. (In the table, the rows show an
industry’s required inputs to produce a certain output, while the columns show the lines of
production to which each resource is applied.
__________________________________________________________________
Table 1
IRON COAL CORN TRANS LUX LABOUR
IRON uses 2340 + 2800 + 2000 + 1200 + 0 + 668 to produce 16400 IRON
COAL uses 1000 + 2000 + 0 + 700 + 0 + 474 to produce 14800 COAL
CORN uses 750 + 660 + 4000 + 800 + 0 + 858 to produce 25200 CORN
TRANS uses 800 + 4000 + 0 + 600 + 0 + 800 to produce 9000 TRANS
LUX uses 2910 + 1040 + 2000 + 1400 + 0 + 1000 to produce 18000 LUX
_____________________________________________________________________
Total usage 7800 10500 8000 4700 0 3800
(inputs
excluding
wage-goods)
__________________________________________________________________________
Surplus output
8600 4300 17200 4300 18000
__________________________________________________________________________
Having presented a general picture of a surplus-producing economy, we are now in a position
to introduce a crucial distinction between what, following Sraffa (1960), we shall describe as
the “basic” and the “non-basic” sectors of such a production system.
25
We identify the IRON, COAL, CORN and TRANS industries together as comprising the
“basic” sector of this economy – “basic” in the sense that these industries provide the essential
inputs, including inputs of wage-goods for the support of the workers, to every industry
operating within the economy. Thus all industries of the economy are dependent for necessary
inputs on these industries; on the other hand, the LUX industry, while drawing inputs from,
and thus being dependent on the the LUX (or “non-basic”) sector, that sector cannot operate
without the basic sector.
Let us illustrate this concept of a “basic” sector. Supposing that each unit of labour is paid, per
period, a real wage = (2 iron + 1 coal + 4 corn + 1 trans), then, including real wages, the total
material input requirements of the basic sector are (Table 2):
Table 2
IRON COAL CORN TRANS [LABOUR]
IRON uses 3676 + 3468 + 4672 + 1868 + [668] to produce 16400 IRON
COAL uses 1948 + 2474 + 1896 + 1174 + [474] to produce 14800 COAL
CORN uses 2466 + 1518 + 7432 + 1658 + [858] to produce 25200 CORN
TRANS uses 1600 + 1200 + 3200 + 1400 + [800] to produce 9000 TRANS
_______________________________________________________________________
Total usage 10490 12260 17200 6100 [2800]
(all inputs
including
wage goods)
_______________________________________________________________________
It will be observed that the basic sector reproduces, in each period of production, not
only its own input requirements (including the wage goods for the maintenance of the
workforce) but in fact produces more output than is required to replace all materials
used up in production, i.e. it produces a surplus. The basic sector, i.e., is not only self-
sustaining but capable of supporting, from its surplus product, members of the
26
community who do not directly provide their own subsistence, and is capable also of
supplying resources for capital accumulation, war, or other purposes.
The surplus, in this case, produced by the basic sector =
[(16400 less 10490) = 5910 IRON, together with
(14800 less 12260) = 2540 COAL, together with
(25200 less 17200) = 8000 CORN, together with
( 9000 less 6100) = 2900 TRANS].
In the circumstances assumed (with given real wages and pattern of production),
the surplus is utilised as shown below.
IRON surplus: 2000 as wage goods for labour in LUX sector;
1000 as basic consumption for the non-labouring population;
2910 as material inputs to LUX sector.
COAL surplus: 1000 as wage goods for labour in LUX sector;
500 as basic consumption for the non-labouring population;
1040 as material inputs to LUX sector.
CORN surplus: 4000 as wage goods for labour in LUX sector;
2000 as basic consumption for the non-labouring population;
2000 as material inputs to LUX sector.
TRANS surplus: 1000 as wage goods for labour in LUX sector;
500 as basic consumption for the non-labouring population;
1400 as inputs to LUX sector.
The surplus produced by the basic sector supplies workers’ subsistence and material
inputs to the LUX sector, together with basic and luxury goods consumed by the non-
working members of the community. This surplus output could, of course have been
alternatively employed in expanding the basic sector or applied to other investment use.
The key role of the basic sector is thus evident in that it is seen (a) to be self-sufficient in
maintaining itself in operation, from one period to the next, and (b) to provide the essentials on
which all the rest of the system, the whole community, depends. That is to say, the surplus
27
available over what is needed to maintain the basic sector in operation, period by period, is
allocated in part to supporting the production of luxury goods acquired by the non-labouring
population, and goes in part directly as means of subsistence of the non-labouring population.
As the basic sector is of central importance to the operation of the whole economy, we can say
that, in an exactly equivalent manner, the labour employed in the basic sector has a critical role
to play in producing the essentials on which all labour within the economy, working and non-
working, is dependent for survival.
This takes us back to Adam Smith. Although, as we have seen, Smith’s efforts to specify
exactly what differentiated productive from unproductive labour were not entirely satisfactory,
it does seem that one interpretation of ‘productive labour’ of which, we believe, Smith had
some intuition, corresponds to the labour which in the Sraffa system is engaged in the
production of basic goods. It must, however, be emphasised that we are not claiming that
Smith had in mind a clearly worked-out conception of what Sraffa was to call the basic sector.
Given the inconsistencies and ambiguities that mar Smith’s attempt to provide a precise
characterisation of productive labour, Smith, we can be sure, did not have anything so well-
defined in mind. But what we think we can say is that Smith had sensed something akin to
Sraffa’s concept of a basic sector.
With reference to the above model – if we employ the ‘basic goods’ criterion of productive
labour - the 2800 labour employed in the iron, coal, corn and transport sectors may be
classified as ‘productive’. Note that the transport workers, although producing a service rather
than a durable commodity, are clearly an integral part of the basic sector, and must accordingly
be regarded as productive, in that they play an essential part in supplying the means by which
labour throughout the economy is ‘put into motion’. The remaining workers, the 1000 in the
luxury sector, must be classified as ‘unproductive’ as the output they produce, no matter how
great the satisfaction it gives its purchasers, is not necessary to support the workforce in
employment, or capable of being used to expand the productive capacity of the economy. The
500 other members of the community, who enjoy the products of the luxury sector, but who do
not labour for a living, certainly also fall into the unproductive category.
28
References
Cockshott, P and Zachariah, D, “Hunting Productive Labour.”
<www.dcs.gla.ac.uk/~wpc/reports/unprod3b.pdf>
Dobb, M (1973), Theories of value and distribution since Adam Smith. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Hollander, S (1973), The economics of Adam Smith. London: Heinemann.
Marx, K (1862-63), Theories of Surplus Value
Mill, J S (1866), Principles of Political Economy (8th
, People’s Ed.). London: Longman,
Green, Reader and Dyer.
Schumpeter, J A (1954), History of Economic Analysis. London: Allen & Unwin.
Smith, A (1776), An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations.
London: Ward Locke, Bowden and Co.
Sraffa, P (1960), Production of Commodities by Means of Commodities. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
29
SSttrraatthhccllyyddee DDiissccuussssiioonn PPaappeerrss
22000088 SSeerriieess 08-01 Nikos Pappas
Can Migrants save Greece from Ageing? A Computable General Equilibrium Approach Using G-AMOS.
08-02 Colin Jennings and Iain McLean
Political Economics and Normative Analysis.
08-03 Colin Jennings and Hein Roelfsema
Civil Conflict, Federalism and Strategic Delegation of Leadership.
08-04 Roy Grieve
Keynes, Sraffa and the Emergence of the General Theory: Some Thoughts.
30