1
Rapid lexical processing revealed by the time-course of ERP responses Emma Folk ([email protected]) Villanova University Joe Toscano ([email protected]) Villanova University WRAP Lab http://wraplab.co/ Method References & Acknowledgments Introduction Discussion Results Experiment 1: Stimulus Norming Experiment 2: Lexical Status Experiment 3: Syntactic Class Experiment 4: Semantics (Animacy) Cz Pz Fz F3 F4 F7 F8 T8 C4 C3 T7 P7 P3 P4 P8 O1 O2 Time (ms) Voltage (μV) -8 +4 -200 800 Pz Cz Noun Verb Cz Pz Cz Pz Phonetic Effects Cross-splicing Procedure Major debate in language processing concerns whether information is processed sequentially (Trueswell et al., 1995) Sequential processing predicts late effects for higher-level information; parallel processing predicts simultaneous effects Questions: What is the time-course of lexical, semantic, and syntactic processing? Is information processed in parallel across different levels of organization? Recent work suggests lexical processing begins by 140-200 ms (Baart & Samuel, 2015; Toscano et al., in prep) Certain ERP components may reflect these processes (N400; P600), but there is debate over what these components index (Kutas & Federmeier, 2011; Tanner & Van Hell, 2014) Alternative approach is to use component- independent design to examine time-course (Thorpe et al., 1996) Word-initial voicing minimal pair stimuli presented over Etymotic ER-3A insert earphones at MCL Cross-spliced to control for acoustic differences Each stimulus presented 40 times in Exp. 2 and 20 times in Exp. 3-4, in random order 2AFC task in which stimuli were categorized based on lexical status (Experiment 2), syntactic class (noun vs. verb; Experiment 3), or lexical semantic information (animacy; Experiment 4) EEG responses recorded with a Brain Vision actiCHamp system with 32 active electrodes (FP1, Fz, F3, F7, FT9, FC5, FC1, C3, T7, A1, CP5, CP1, Pz, P3, P7, O1, Oz, O2, P4, P8, A2, CP6, CP2, Cz, C4, T8, FT10, FC6, FC2, F4, F8, FP2), at 500 Hz, with a high-pass filter at 0.01 Hz. Referenced online to A1 and re-referenced offline to average mastoid Pair Prop. Word (Word, NW) Freq. (Word) babe/pabe 1, 0 8 baint/paint 1, 0 38 badge/padge 1, 0 6 bouch/pouch 1, 0 2 desk/tesk 1, 0 65 dooth/tooth 1, 0 25 Sets of minimal pair stimuli presented to identify pairs that served as clear exemplars of the relevant category Pair Prop. Word (Word, NW) Freq. (Word) dice/tice 1, 0 15 doan/tone 1, 0 78 gang/kang 1, 0 22 gake/cake 1, 0 13 gas/kas 1, 0 100 gast/cast 1, 0 48 Pair Prop. Noun (Noun, Verb) Freq. (Noun, Verb) bull/pull 1, 0 19, 60 buy/pie 0.88, 0.12 14, 70 dame/tame 0.89, 0 8, 5 deem/team 0.94, 0 86, 1 grave/crave 0.94, 0 33, 2 grab/crab 1, 0 2, 16 Pair Prop. Animate (Animate/Non) Freq. (Animate/Non) Ben/pen 0.76, 0 21, 18 big/pig 1, 0 8, 360 Dan/tan 0.94, 0 27, 9 dim/Tim 0.82, 0 0, 19 granny/cranny 0.94, 0 6, 2 grab/crab 0.88, 0 2, 16 Word Non-word badge padge paint baint N=15 subjects; no N1 differences (i.e., cross-splicing was successful) Lexicality effect observed at several scalp locations, particularly at central-parietal channels (Cz, Pz, CP1, CP2) Effect onset occurs 62 ms after POD (coarticulatory info for final phoneme; 326 ms) N=9 subjects No N1 differences (as expected) Syntactic class (noun vs. verb) difference observed for Pz 92 ms after POD (288 ms) Potentially earlier effects but insufficient statistical power Cz Pz Animate Non-animate Cross-splicing technique successfully controlled for acoustic differences in order to isolate lexical status, syntactic class, and semantic effects Time-course of processing reveals extremely rapid lexical activation; similar to other recent work suggesting early effects (60 ms, Baart & Samuel, 2015; 144 ms, Toscano et al., in prep) Similar rapid onsets for syntactic class (92 ms) and animacy (46 ms) effects Time-course of each effect overlaps with that of phonetic processing (approx. first 200 ms after onset of acoustic difference), suggesting parallel activation of phonetic and lexical representations Lexicality effect may correspond to leading edge of N400 onset (Kutas & Federmeier, 2011), though component-independent design allows us to examine time-course independently of specific ERP components Early syntactic class effect fits with recent work arguing against traditional N400/P600 distinction (Tanner & Van Hell, 2014) Overall, results suggest spoken language comprehension relies on parallel activation across multiple levels of representation We would like to thank Steph Vicari, Nicole Johnson, Beach Brooks, Lexie Tabachnick, Chris Burley, Olivia Pereira, and Tifani Biro for assistance with data collection. This work was supported by a Villanova Graduate Summer Fellowship to EF. References 1. Baart, M., & Samuel, A.G. (2015). Early processing of auditory lexical predictions reveled by ERPs. Neuroscience Letters, 585, 98-102. 2. Kutas, M., & Federmeier, K.D. (2011). Thirty years and counting: Finding meaning in the N400 component of the event related brain potential (ERP). Annual Review of Psychology, 62, 621-647. 3. Tanner, D., & Van Hell, J.G. (2014). ERPs reveal individual differences in morphosyntactic processing. Neuropsychologia, 56, 289-301. 4. Thorpe, S., Fize, D., Marlot, C. (1996). Speed of processing in the human visual system. Nature, 381, 520-22. 5. Toscano, J.C., Anderson, N.D., Garnsey, S.M., Fabiani, M., & Gratton, G. (in prep). Non-invasive measurement of cortical responses to speech using fast diffuse optical imaging. 6. Trueswell, J.T., Tanenhaus, M.K., & Garnsey, S.M. (1994). Semantic influences on parsing: Use of thematic role information in syntactic ambiguity resolution. Journal of Memory and Language, 33, 285-318. N=10 subjects No N1 differences (as expected) Animacy effect at Cz 46 ms after POD (288 ms) Earlier effect at Pz (-142 ms before POD); may be due to coarticulatory information in vocoid from /n/-final stimuli -1 +2 -8 +4 -1 +2 -8 +4 Cz CP1 CP2 Pz Cz Pz CP1 CP2 Word Non-word -1 +2 -8 +4 Point of disambiguation Significant difference from zero (yellow: p<0.05) Onset of effect Noun Verb bull pull pie buy Larger N1 for short VOTs Cz Cz Cz Voiced Voiceless Experiment 2 Experiment 3 Experiment 4 badge padge baint paint Onset and coda of each stimulus cross-spliced to control for acoustic differences; e.g., Experiment 2:

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Page 1: Rapid lexical processing revealed by the time-course of ERP …wraplab.co/publications/Folk-Toscano-Psychonomics-2015.pdf · Rapid lexical processing revealed by the time-course of

Rapid lexical processing revealed by the time-course of ERP responsesEmma Folk ([email protected])

Villanova UniversityJoe Toscano ([email protected])

Villanova University

wraplab.co

WRAP Labhttp://wraplab.co/

Method References & Acknowledgments

Introduction DiscussionResultsExperiment 1: Stimulus Norming

Experiment 2: Lexical Status

Experiment 3: Syntactic Class Experiment 4: Semantics (Animacy)

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Time (ms)

Volta

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V)

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Phonetic Effects Cross-splicing Procedure

Major debate in language processing concerns whether information is processed sequentially (Trueswell et al., 1995)

Sequential processing predicts late effects for higher-level information; parallel processing predicts simultaneous effects

Questions:

What is the time-course of lexical, semantic, and syntactic processing?

Is information processed in parallel across different levels of organization?

Recent work suggests lexical processing begins by 140-200 ms (Baart & Samuel, 2015; Toscano et al., in prep)

Certain ERP components may reflect these processes (N400; P600), but there is debate over what these components index (Kutas & Federmeier, 2011; Tanner & Van Hell, 2014)

Alternative approach is to use component-independent design to examine time-course (Thorpe et al., 1996)

Word-initial voicing minimal pair stimuli presented over Etymotic ER-3A insert earphones at MCL

Cross-spliced to control for acoustic differences

Each stimulus presented 40 times in Exp. 2 and 20 times in Exp. 3-4, in random order

2AFC task in which stimuli were categorized based on lexical status (Experiment 2), syntactic class (noun vs. verb; Experiment 3), or lexical semantic information (animacy; Experiment 4)

EEG responses recorded with a Brain Vision actiCHamp system with 32 active electrodes (FP1, Fz, F3, F7, FT9, FC5, FC1, C3, T7, A1, CP5, CP1, Pz, P3, P7, O1, Oz, O2, P4, P8, A2, CP6, CP2, Cz, C4, T8, FT10, FC6, FC2, F4, F8, FP2), at 500 Hz, with a high-pass filter at 0.01 Hz. Referenced online to A1 and re-referenced offline to average mastoid

Pair Prop. Word (Word, NW)

Freq. (Word)

babe/pabe 1, 0 8

baint/paint 1, 0 38

badge/padge 1, 0 6

bouch/pouch 1, 0 2

desk/tesk 1, 0 65

dooth/tooth 1, 0 25

Sets of minimal pair stimuli presented to identify pairs that served as clear exemplars of the relevant category

Pair Prop. Word (Word, NW)

Freq. (Word)

dice/tice 1, 0 15

doan/tone 1, 0 78

gang/kang 1, 0 22

gake/cake 1, 0 13

gas/kas 1, 0 100

gast/cast 1, 0 48

Pair Prop. Noun (Noun, Verb)

Freq.(Noun, Verb)

bull/pull 1, 0 19, 60

buy/pie 0.88, 0.12 14, 70

dame/tame 0.89, 0 8, 5

deem/team 0.94, 0 86, 1

grave/crave 0.94, 0 33, 2

grab/crab 1, 0 2, 16

Pair Prop. Animate (Animate/Non)

Freq. (Animate/Non)

Ben/pen 0.76, 0 21, 18

big/pig 1, 0 8, 360

Dan/tan 0.94, 0 27, 9

dim/Tim 0.82, 0 0, 19

granny/cranny 0.94, 0 6, 2

grab/crab 0.88, 0 2, 16

Word Non-word

badge padge

paint baint

N=15 subjects; no N1 differences (i.e., cross-splicing was successful)

Lexicality effect observed at several scalp locations, particularly at central-parietal channels (Cz, Pz, CP1, CP2)

Effect onset occurs 62 ms after POD (coarticulatory info for final phoneme; 326 ms)

N=9 subjects

No N1 differences (as expected)

Syntactic class (noun vs. verb) difference observed for Pz 92 ms after POD (288 ms)

Potentially earlier effects but insufficient statistical power

Fz F3

F7

FC5 FC1

C3 T7

CP5 CP1

Pz P3

P7

O1 Oz O2

P4

P8

CP6 CP2

Cz C4 T8

FC6 FC2

F4

F8

-8

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800

Fz F3

F7

FC5 FC1

C3 T7

CP5 CP1

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O1 Oz O2

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FC6 FC2

F4

F8

-8

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-200

Time (ms)

800

AnimateNon-animate

Cross-splicing technique successfully controlled for acoustic differences in order to isolate lexical status, syntactic class, and semantic effects

Time-course of processing reveals extremely rapid lexical activation; similar to other recent work suggesting early effects (60 ms, Baart & Samuel, 2015; 144 ms, Toscano et al., in prep)

Similar rapid onsets for syntactic class (92 ms) and animacy (46 ms) effects

Time-course of each effect overlaps with that of phonetic processing (approx. first 200 ms after onset of acoustic difference), suggesting parallel activation of phonetic and lexical representations

Lexicality effect may correspond to leading edge of N400 onset (Kutas & Federmeier, 2011), though component-independent design allows us to examine time-course independently of specific ERP components

Early syntactic class effect fits with recent work arguing against traditional N400/P600 distinction (Tanner & Van Hell, 2014)

Overall, results suggest spoken language comprehension relies on parallel activation across multiple levels of representation

We would like to thank Steph Vicari, Nicole Johnson, Beach Brooks, Lexie Tabachnick, Chris Burley, Olivia Pereira, and Tifani Biro for assistance with data collection. This work was supported by a Villanova Graduate Summer Fellowship to EF.

References

1. Baart, M., & Samuel, A.G. (2015). Early processing of auditory lexical predictions reveled by ERPs. Neuroscience Letters, 585, 98-102.

2. Kutas, M., & Federmeier, K.D. (2011). Thirty years and counting: Finding meaning in the N400 component of the event related brain potential (ERP). Annual Review of Psychology, 62, 621-647.

3. Tanner, D., & Van Hell, J.G. (2014). ERPs reveal individual differences in morphosyntactic processing. Neuropsychologia, 56, 289-301.

4. Thorpe, S., Fize, D., Marlot, C. (1996). Speed of processing in the human visual system. Nature, 381, 520-22.

5. Toscano, J.C., Anderson, N.D., Garnsey, S.M., Fabiani, M., & Gratton, G. (in prep). Non-invasive measurement of cortical responses to speech using fast diffuse optical imaging.

6. Trueswell, J.T., Tanenhaus, M.K., & Garnsey, S.M. (1994). Semantic influences on parsing: Use of thematic role information in syntactic ambiguity resolution. Journal of Memory and Language, 33, 285-318.

N=10 subjects

No N1 differences (as expected)

Animacy effect at Cz 46 ms after POD (288 ms)

Earlier effect at Pz (-142 ms before POD); may be due to coarticulatory information in vocoid from /n/-final stimuli

-1

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WordNon-word

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Point of disambiguationSignificant difference from zero (yellow: p<0.05)

Onset of effect

Noun Verb

bull pull

pie buy

Larger N1 for short VOTs

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VoicedVoiceless

Experiment 2 Experiment 3 Experiment 4

badge padge baint paint

Onset and coda of each stimulus cross-spliced to control for acoustic differences; e.g., Experiment 2: