Recitation of Chinese Poetry

Recitation of Chinese PoetryAuthor(s): Conal BoyceSource: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 100, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 1980), pp. 503-509Published by: American Oriental SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/602094 .

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BOYCE: Recitation of Chinese Poetry 503

Recitation of Chinese Poetry

Fenollosa and Pound's "ideogrammic method" of reading Chinese poetry was erroneous but nonetheless successful in stimulating a new development-imagism-in American poetry. Fallacies of the "method" were pointed out by sinologists early on, but an equally serious misconception which persists to the present among a very large number of foreign admirers of Chinese poetry-including many sinologists and Western educated Chinese-is that the characters are to be read in what I call "montage rhythm," a recitation style which traditionally educated Chinese would use mainly for doggerel and the like.

In the first part of the article, I explain the psychological appeal of "montage rhythm" and present arguments for and against its continued use in teaching Chinese poetry. In the second part, I describe a) some of the features of the complex recitation style used by Chinese poets and by Chinese teachers in their colleges; b) the relation between the metrical stress sytem and linguistic stress system in Chinese poetry recitation.

Among Chinese adults there are two basic varieties of recitation which are applied to the shy, tsyr, and cheu poetry of the past (or present.) In the first kind, which I shall call "A- recitation," the syllables are assigned widely varying durational values. (However, these values fall into partially predictable patterns, some aspects of which are introduced below.) In the other kind, which I shall call "B-recitation," the syllables have equal-or at least psychologically equal- durations. (And though each line is, thus, isometric, the pauses between lines-and hence the stanza overall-may or may not be isometric; cf. Figure 1 vs. Figure 2 below.) The term laangsonqa is used by many Chinese to designate A- recitation, but some use it to refer rather freely to either A- recitation or B-recitation; conversely, the term niannb often refers to B-recitation, but it is used by some speakers to refer loosely to either B-recitation or A-recitation. In any event, none of the varieties and subvarieties of recitation under discussion here is ever referred to by the term ynC, which means chanting. 1 (However, usage in the opposite direction is not so clear-cut some speakers stretch the ,meaning of laangsonq to include chanting. For a full discussion of such problems, see pp. 67-81 in Boyce, Rhythm and Meter of Tsyr in Performance, hereafter cited as Rhythm.)

A-recitation is appropriate only to serious poetry, and it would seem-in view of its complexities and its potential for

nuance-rather a waste of effort, I think, if applied to the lesser kinds of verse. B-recitation is appropriate to doggerel, to proverbs in the form of a couplet (cf. Fig. 1 below), and to the kind of light verse and set pieces which one finds in novels and vernacular short stories; and it is (with only slight modifications) the basis for shuulaibao (beggar's jingles with clapper accompaniment), kuayshu (a kind of story- telling related to shuulaibao) and the like; but one feels that it is certainly not appropriate to serious poetry.

Such a model, featuring complementary distribution, is strongly suggested by current practice,2 but there is a residue of situations which cannot be explained by it-the problem being that some Chinese use B-recitation ex- clusively.3 Turning to the question of how Chinese poetry is

1 For a discussion of chanting, see Chao, 1956, pp. 54- 56. That article focuses on the pitch dimension while here I am concerned with the rhythmic dimension. As it turns out, not only does my terminology differ from his (generally), but the very objects of discussion are different: None of Chao's seven topics corresponds to either A-recitation or B- recitiation; however, the style which he calls singsong shares some features with B-recitation, and the style which he calls recitative shares some features with A-recitation. And, as implied already, my term chanting refers to exactly the same style as his term chanting.

2 An exception: ganniann may be used for a serious moment in an opera, whereas the other forms encompassed by my term B-recitation (including shuulaibao and kuayshu, which bear some resemblence to ganniann in their sound structure) tend to be used only for light-hearted, playful, or ironic situations. This was pointed out to me by R. C. Pian.

3 The reasons for this other flaw in the patten are probably to be sought in sociological factors. In the West, high culture has penetrated, in some form and degree, down to every level of society, thus producing an endlessly varied and unpredictable array of people, even to the extent that the very terms "high culture" and "high class" sound contrived or pointless to many of us. But the high culture of the Chinese-now as always-is carried by and practically limited to an elite which is far smaller than we generally realize. Accustomed to a society in which there are more than two main cultural strata, we assume a similar structure for Chinese society and often make the error of placing a certain person in the Chinese "[cultural] middle class" (perhaps subconsciously), when in fact his society does not have a cultural middle class to speak of, no matter how many economic strata may be discernible in it. (This model



504 Journal of the American Oriental Society 100. 4 (1980)

presented in language and literature courses outside of China, we find considerably more confusion over terms for and applications of the two types: A-recitation is either unknown, or when encountered it may be mistaken as the purely "personal" recitation style of the individual using it. In other words, Americans (and Europeans, too, so far as I have been able to infer) use B-recitation alone, and they write their books and articles4 on the premise (often a seemingly unconscious one) that Chinese poetry is and has always been recited that way. Simply because it may, quite conveniently and "reasonably," be scanned as isometric verse, they assume that it must be isometric. Part of the explanation for this strange state of affairs is that B- recitation seems to be intrinsically fascinating to Americans (myself included), even to the extent that we might willfully ignore the existence of or implications of A-recitation when it is use by some of our own Chinese acquaintances or teachers. Furthermore, if one has contact-as often happens-only with overseas Chinese of relatively un- cultured background (cf. note 1), then he or she will have no exposure to A-recitation at all. A-recitation, because of its rhythmic variegation, interferes with the very quality which I believe has endeared Chinese poetry to the American in the first place; by contrast, B-recitation-because of its "montage rhythm," to be explained next-enhances that quality to the utmost.

Montage rhythm. The most striking aspect of B- recitation is that it dramatizes the characters' potential to interact in a kind of "montage," a term which I am using here not in the sense which applies to still photography but in the cinematic sense:

"an impressionistic sequence of images linked by dissolves or superimpositions and introduced into a film or television program to develop a single theme,

suggest a state of mind, or bridge a time lapse" (Webster's Third New International Dictionary, 1961, definition 2b of "montage").

Specifically, I have in mind the simplest kind of cinematic montage, the kind which consists of a sequence of freeze- shots of equal duration and which, typically, is preceded and followed by ordinary action shots in "real time." A familiar, even cliched example from nature films would be:

1. freeze-shot of a caterpillar starting its chrysalis 2. freeze-shot of the completed chrysalis 3. freeze-shot of the butterfly emerging 4. freeze-shot of the butterfly in flight.

Information conveyed: a time lapse has been bridged, and during it a metamorphosis has been completed. Effect: that which is unique to the technique of simple montage. In this example, as in many others, there would be little point in varying the duration of the freeze-shots; the most convenient and natural approach would be to allot each of the four phases the same duration-say one second or two seconds. An example which is simpler (because it is binary and repetitive) occurs in Kubrick's A Clockwork Orange when the chorus line of Jesus figurines is made to dance by way of alternately left-tilted and upright freeze-shots, each of which has the duration of and is synchronized with a measure in part of the Scherzo from Beethoven's Ninth. (For a complete but terse survey of the different kinds of montage technique, see Jay Leyda, tr., Film Form by Sergei Eisenstein, pp. 72-83.)

It has long been a well known fact that the average semantic and syntactic densities of any five or seven consecutive syllables taken from a Chinese poem will very likely be much higher than for an English or French sample of comparable length.5 So strong is this contrast betweem Chinese poetry and European poetry that the former may even leave one with the impression that each syllable is equally important to the semantic and syntactic structures, as though each were an independent nominal or verbal unit, as in the theoretically possible but rarely used SVSVSVO structure for seven-character lines. (Linguistic analysis will not, of course, bear out such an impression; for a detailed account of just how high the "density" is in Chinese poetry, see Rhythm pp. 262-264 and 279-280.) When B-recitation is applied, then, to such a "high density" sequence of syllables as is found in Chinese poetry, one cannot help being reminded unconsciously, at least, of Western cinematic montage, wherein equal durational values are (in the primal type) assigned to images of roughly equal semantic or iconic weight. Conversely, Huss and Silverstein have remarked (in The Film Experience, p. 27) that as one

of a society which has two main cultural strata is based on my experience of Chinese in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and overseas, but it would seem to apply even more to the mainland, where culture after 1966 has become the private toy of an even smaller elite than in imperial China.) And so the question of how many people use A-recitation (which one would no doubt classify as an item of"high culture") is not nearly so important as the question of who the few Chinese are that use it. Finding that knowledge of A- recitation is limited to a rather small group, we should not jump to the conclusion that B-recitation is therefore an acceptable substitute for "ordinary" people or situations.

4 Exceptions to this are (1) Brooks' review (1975) of Frankel (in which Brooks recognizes the existence of A- recitation, but does not mention the prevalence of B- recitation) and (2) my dissertation, Rhythm ... (1975). 5 See, for example, James J. Y. Liu, pp. 39-47.




approaches the heart of cinematic structure one finds something there very akin to poetry. (Incidentally, on pp. 43-44n they also mention the Chinese language itself, but the construction of their analogy is weakened by ideogrammic notions.)

The fascination Chinese poetry has held for Americans over the years-from Fenollosa and Pound down to Gary Snyder6- has been based partly on 1) the potential characters have for being broken down completely into purely ideogrammic components and partly on 2) the potential characters have for being read as a kind of montage, as defined above.7 The use of 1) as a basis for one's appreciation of Chinese poetry was eventually recognized as an error, but an error which was of no particular consequence since the "ideogrammic method" had, through Pound, stimulated the development of imagist poetry, while sinologsts for their part had known better all along than to believe in it. By contrast, the fallacy of using 2) as another of one's bases for the appreciation of Chinese poetry has been acknowledged by neither side, even though those of us in academic circles have been just as deeply involved in it as nonsinologists. Unfortunately, Chinese poetry as montage is a potential which can be fully realized only through B- recitation. But as a style of delivery, B-recitation holds no appeal for traditionally educated Chinese, while as an hypothetical model, say of Tarng dynasty recitation practices, it would draw only a neutral reaction from an historical liguist. It would be one thing for the American to say to the Chinese:

I do not know how Tarng poetry was originally recited, but then neither do the linguists and neither do you; so the A-recitation which you prefer has no more claim to historical authenticity than does my B- recitation; and if it is thus reduced to a question of taste, then I am attracted more to the sound and feel of B- recitation.

But instead, many teachers of Chinese poetry simply introduce B-recitation to their students without commenting upon (or perhaps even realizing) the existence of A- recitation.

In case there is still some doubt as to exactly what B- recitation is, I shall describe a few more of its features here

before going on to the more complex style. Its general psychological effect is shown in Figure 1.

Figure I A proverb in the form of an unrhymed couplet. (after Rhythm, p. 2-3)

Kl1r't.elI rlo T~rjtIu4lrrKi I

Figure 2 The. fermatas represent indeterminate silences. (From Rhythm, p. 2)

Sometimes the physical features of B-recitation have exactly the degree of symmetry shown in Figure 1, while at other times the physical reality behind that psychological reality would be something more on the order of the asymmetrical rhythm shown in figure 2. The fermatas represent indeterminate silences. Sometimes the silences are very short, and the isometric feeling of Figure 1 persists; sometimes they are rather long, in which case even the casual listener will begin to notice the asymmetry.

As they write on subjects such as "Chinese metrics," or "Chinese prosody," or "auditory effects in Chinese," virtually all Western sinologists seem to have B-recitation in mind-though it may only be implied, as in James J. Y. Liu, p. 43 and passim, for example. Bishop and Baxter make the usual premise quite clear when they state (in their article entitled "Chinese Poetry" in the Preminger, ed. Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics) that the basic rhythmic unit of Chinese poetry is the monsyllable and that Chinese meter is therefore determined by the number of syllables per line. Unfortunately, the very words metre and prosody themselves are not judiciously used in most writings on Chinese poetry. Metrics concerns the analysis of stress andi or durational contrasts in documented (not merely postulated) styles of poetry recitation and the study of their relation to the stress and durational contrasts found in the vernacular language which parallels that of the poetry in question. The phenomena just referred to are as much in evidence in Chinese poetry (during A-recitation) as in non- Chinese poetry, and indeed the subject of "Chinese metrics" can be a worthwhile study. Nevertheless, what has been written (by such authors as Schlepp and Johnson) deals with pyngtzeh patterning or syllable-count-per-line, the former being a nonmetrical concern,8 the latter a mere pre-metrical foundation.

6 He spoke, for example, of the "staccato" pulse of Chinese poetry in a 1977 lecture at the University of Minnesota.

7 Point 1) is spelled out in Fenollosa, passim. Point 2) is strongly implied by examples such as the five character line on page 7 which is translated by five monosyllabic English words, which in turn would suggest montage rhythm to English speakers.

8 Not only is it -at least nowadays-a nonmetrical concern, but it is probably nonprosodic as well: as




A-recitation: the agogic foot. While B-recitation is characterized by bisyllabic feet which diverge very little from a symmetrical shape nr], A-recitation is characterized (toward the beginning of a line) by an asymmetrical figure

[s], which appears to contain an agogic accent (cf. Brooks, p. 247) and which I therefore refer to as the "agogic foot."9 The question of just what this figure may be intended to accent will be taken up separately, in note 12 below. A more objective but unwieldy name for this kind of bisyllabic foot would be "short-long strong-weak." (In my examples, as in actual music, a bar line indicates that-in the absence of diacritics-the note [= syllable] to its immediate right is the most heavily stressed one in the measure; the measure may

be closed by a second bar line or left open-ended, as in nr] and Is] above.) Actually, the configuration [sI is not so exotic as it might seem at first. It occurs in the recitation of English poetry, too, but only as a low frequency hence nameless "allophone" of the trochee; and it is used deliberately in Western music, whence the term "agogic."

Figure 3 shows the method used in Rhythm to transcribe complex examples of A-recitation: in the "primary" transcription of each recitation I would concentrate arbi- trarily on duration only, simply for psychological con- venience; in its "secondary" (i.e., later and final) transcription, I would redistribute some of the bar lines in such a way that both duration and stress contrasts were fully represented. 10

2:3 r(t'3

b~~&~~ ~~L ~ffVL tl+~$~ JLfLf14 ticL!IA L{[ i Il7Ij~ feW) c~~t~ - J'4)g

Figure 3 Beginning of a tsyr by Shin Chihjyi (1 140-1207) in the verse form Heh-shinlang as recited by Professor Yeh

Jiayng in 1973. "Primary" transcription below, "secondary" transcription above. (From Rhythm, p. 205)

demonstrated in Rhythm pp. 267-279, pyngtzeh patterning now belongs only to the realm of what might be called " mental prosody." As a binary contrast, it is not reflected in any physical feature of recitation any more, not even in a conservative dialect such as Southern Min. True, in the case of yn (chanting), at least as represented in Chao 1961 (Changchow dialect), ruhseng syllables are assigned mark- edly short durations, but this still does not constitute a binary pyngtzeh contrast. On the contrary, it seems that such handling of durational values (i.e., along the lines of a ruh / non-run dichotomy) could only lead one away or hold one off from a sense of pyng vs. non-pyng.

9 Western music theory distinguishes between dynamic accent (dependent upon loudness), tonic accent (dependent upon relative height of pitch), and agogic accent (dependent upon relative duration). A note may stand out only because it is relatively long, even though it lacks both dynamic and tonic accent. Cf. C. Ammer, Harper's Dictionary of Music, s.v. 'accent.'

10 Music notation and prosody. Since I have chosen music notation to record both the durational and stress patterns of Chinese poetry recitation, I should mention the place it holds today among prosodists generally. Prosodists have long been divided into a stress camp and a durational camp. Those of the former group tend to reject music notation out of hand; those of the latter are often intrigued by it, while remaining, it would seem, equally ignorant of its full potential. What most nonmusicians seem unaware of is: a) that music notation conveys- as a matter of course- both duration and stress information, b) that it can be used either prescriptively or descriptively, and c) that it is extremely flexible and subtle (cf. Rhythm, Chapter V, and Mussulman.) While in the field of linguistic prosody there may be justification sometimes for the pursuit of "econom- ical" or "elegant" solutions in which duration becomes a function of stress or vice versa, in literary prosody I feel it makes sense only to use notation systems which keep track of both stress and durational contrasts at all points in a recitation. Music notation (as developed during the twen- tieth century) is such a system-ready-made-so it is the logical one to adopt. This approach is true to the spirit (if not quite to the letter) of La Driere's well known article on prosody: he points out that the literary prosodist is more interested in finding detail than in making high-level abstractions.




The metrical typology shown in Figure 4 is abstracted from transcriptions of tape recorded recitations of tsyr. However,

one finds that Figure 4 encompasses not only A-recitation of tsyr but also the kinds of feet which occur in A-recitation of shy.

ABBREV. NAME NOTATION FEATURES

B balanced foot [>L bisyllabic, strong-weak; syllables of very nearly equal duration (psychological and physical)

A agogic foot bisyllabic, strong-weak, short-long (not trochaic; however, see above concerning rare'allophones'of the English trochee)

R reversed foot bisyllabic, weak-strong, short-long (iambic)

H half foot monosyllabic, strong, short, followed by a rest (compare "monad" below)

M monad monosyllabic, strong, long, leading into the next foot (compare "half foot" above)

S subdivided foot m trisyllabic, strong-weak-moderate, short- short-long

Figure 4 Full typology of feet which occur in recitations of tsyr by Professors Yeh Jiayng (Peking dialect, 1973) and

Yang Yunpyng (Min dialect, 1974). (After Rhythm, p. 261 and p. 406)

A sample of the latter is given in Figure 5, after a twenty- one line example in Rhythm." 1 Note that since the rhythms of A-recitation of shy are relatively simple and predictable,

it is practical when dealing with shy to substitute abbreviated notation (righthand column of Figure 5) for rhythmic notation.

R Ad /D KK+ |zL| I1p r 7 A A

T7xT REYrHMIC S 6TATiON A/5EVIAI;D fY,'i7A-TION

Figure 5 Two lines of shy poetry form a threnody by Su Shyh (1036-1101) as recited by Jenq Ruei for an

educational television program in Taiwan, 1974. (After Rhythm, pp. 406-407)

1 The kind of documentation given in Figure 5 (after Rhythm, pp. 406-407) could be multiplied indefinitely to show that Figure 4 encompasses A-recitation of shy too.

Incidentally, since Figure 4 includes the "balanced foot" and "half foot," it also encompasses B-recitation of tsyr and B-recitation of shy.




And even when dealing with tsyr and cheu, the abbreviated notation has its uses, but because the rhythms therein are on a higher order of complexity and subtlety one usually feels less comfortable representing them in such broad terms.

"Prose rhythm" and "metrical pattern," viz., linguistic stress vs. metrical stress. Mei and Kao suggest (p. 51-52) that "phrase structure" is what induces a "rhythm" of 4:3 in heptasyllabic lines. But any theory which proposes that the metric features within a given recitation tradition are to be explained simply as a function of grammar should strike one as doubtful. Brooks, too, proposes metrical features as a function of grammar (p. 246), and while he may be commended for working at the level of the foot (or "metron") rather than the line (compare "4:3" above), his approach is no more convincing than Mei and Kao's. He seeks linguistic stress patterns in recitations of Classical Chinese prose, and he concludes that SV and other common syntactic configurations tend to have strong-weak l linguistic] stress, whence the prevelance, he says, of strong-weak contrasts in [metrical] stress patterns. However, as Liou Linsheng and others have pointed out, both Classical Chipese poetry and Classical Chinese prose are highly lyrical, and the border between them is not easily delineated. From this perspective, one suspects that the strong-weak contrasts which Brooks heard in recitations of Classical Chinese prose texts were put there by his informants as metrical (i.e., lyrical) stress patterns, not as linguistic (i.e., vernacular) stress patterns.12 And in any event, as a matter of principle in general metrics one should not expect linguistic stress to contain the seeds of metical stress. (For example, Chatman, on p. 323, describes English feet as "purely 'notional'.") Nor does Classical Chinese seem to me the logical source of information about linguistic stress so long as we have access to the living vernacular. Both the statement by Mei and Kao and the theory proposed by Brooks are disappointing in that they miss two essential points which would tie Chinese metrics into general metrics:

a) that the composite metrical stress pattern in Chinese poetry-as in European poetry-is self-defining, i.e., is not the function of some other stratum of linguistic features but is merely "notional";

b) that Chinese, like English, has a prevalent linguistic stress pattern which is the reverse of its prevalent metrical stress pattern, but which occasionally overrides the latter (as when Yeh Jiayng, contrary to a well established metrical expectation, assigns i-fan ['one time,' 'at one turn'] a weak- strong contrast instead of a strong-weak contrast; cf. Rhythm 357-364 for full notation of this and other similar examples in context.)

Fowler has pointed out that iambic measure seems so well suited to English not because it is in tune with the prevalent linguistic stress pattern of English but precisely because it tends to be out of phase with it (p. 364). Sometimes the metrical stress pattern (of iambic feet) is overridden by the linguistic stress pattern, and then we have "reversed feet." (p. 358 f.) In an earlier but less precise formulation of this idea, Wellek and Warren speak of "counterpoint" between metrical pattern and prose rhythm. (cf. Wellek and Warren, p. 169, which is the point of departure for Fowler's article.) And Chinese poetry, too, has the potential for exactly this kind of "counterpoint," because the prevalent metrical stress pattern Is] (strong- weak) in A-recitation is the reverse of the prevalent linguistic (i.e., vernacular) stress patterns [t] (weak-strong; cf. Y. R. Chao, 1968, pp. 35-37). Not only is there potential for it, but in the two sets of recordings which I transcribed, the actual distribution of (Chinese) reversed feet vis-a-vis other kinds of bisyllabic foot was 96:426 for Yeh Jiayng and 61:405 for Yang Yunpyng (cf. Rhythm, p. 320)-which is easily identified as the mirror image of the pattern which holds for English verse in iambic meter. There is strong evidence available'3 that metrical patterns are self-defining in Chinese, i.e., that they are not a function of something else, such as "grammatical rhythms." Furthermore, even when an occasional reversed foot does break the pattern, there are still two possible explanations to be considered, only one of which is linguistic: i) the reversed foot may have been "linguistically motivated," i.e., the intention may have been to introduce [t] because it is the prevalent linguistic stress pattern; ii) the reversed foot may have been purely ",rhythmically motivatied," i.e., the intention may have been to introduce change only for the sake of abstract change.

CONAL BOYCE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA

12 Brooks ties first-syllable stress accent in with grammatical features (p. 246) and introduces second-syllable agogic accent (pp. 247-248) as "notional" (to borrow Chatman's term once again): as I understand Brooks' scheme, nothing in particular is the object of the hypothe- sized agogic accent, other than a position in the abstract pattern. By contrast, I treat features of both positions in a bisyllabic foot as "notional," but I speculate that second- syllable agogic accent may in some way have been connected, long ago, with certain grammatical features as filtered through a sandhi system such as the one which is found in present day Southern Min dialect (cf. Rhythm, pp. 284-299, "Min sandhi and the I-san Principle" [viz., i-san- wuu-buluennld).

1' In Rhythm, pp. 320-339 on "Lingusitic stress" and 340-352 on " 'Prose rhythm' and 'metrical pattern'."




CHARACTER LIST

Cs] S

c + C~~~~~~til Wf

f l'it At

M 44) zt

h Jh

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bishop, John L. and Glenn W. Baxter. "Chinese Poetry," in A. Preminger, ed. Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics (1969) 117-124.

Boyce, Conal. Rhythm and Meter of Tsyr in Performance (diss., Harvard, 1975) xiv, 410 pp.

Brooks, E. Bruce. "Journey Toward the West: An Asian Prosodic Embassy in the Year 1972," HJAS 35 (1975) 221-274 [A review article, of which pp. 222-262 are devoted to Hans H. Frankel's contribution on "Classical Chinese" in W. K. Wimsatt, ed. Versification: Major Language I)pes, 19721

Chao, Y. R. "Tone, Intonation, Singsong, Chanting, Recitative, Tonal Composition and Atonal Composition in Chinese," in Moris Halle, et al, comp. For Roman Jakobson; Essays on the Occassion of His Sixtieth Birthday, 11 Oct., 1956. The Hague: Mouton and Co., 1956, pp. 52-59. "Charngjou ynshy dih yuehdiaw shyrchi lih,"e in

BIHP, Academia Sinica (Taipei), way-bian, No. 4 (Studies Presented to [Doong Tzuohbinj on His Sixty- Fifth Birthday), 1961, Part II, pp. 467-471.

-. A Grammar of Spoken Chinese. Berkeley (1968) xxxi, 847 pp.

Chatman, Seymour. "The Components of English Meter," in D. C. Freeman, ed. Linguistics and Literary Style

(1970) 309-335. Chern Shyhshiang [Chen Shih-hsiangj. "Shyrjian her

liuhduh tzay Jonggwo shy jong jy shyhyih tzuohyonq,"f in BIHP, Academia Sinica XXIX (1958) 793-808. [Abstracted under the title "Time and Scansion as Signification in Chinese Poetry," in Transactions of the International Conference of Orientalists in Japan, No. 3 (1958) 85-88.1

Eisenstein: see under Leyda, tr.

Fenollosa, Ernest. The Chinese Written Character as a Medium for Poetry [ 1919, 19201 1936, edited by Ezra Pound. 45 pp.

Fowler, Roger. "'Prose Rhythm' and Meter," in D. C. Freeman, ed., Linguistics and Literary Style (1970) 347-365 [reprinted from R. Fowler, ed. Essays on Style and Language [ 19661 82-99.1

Frankel: see under Brooks. Huss, Roy and Norman Silverstein. The Film Experience

(1968) 172 pp. Jakobson, Roman. "Closing Statement: Linguistics and

Poetics," in T. A. Sebeok, ed. Style in Language, 1960, p. 358.

Johnson, Dale R. "The Prosody of Yuan Drama," Tloung Pao 56 (1970) 96-146.

La Driere, James Craig. "Prosody" in A. Preminger, ed., Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics (1965, 1969) 669- 677.

Leyda, Jay, tr. Film Form by Sergei Eisenstein (1949) 279

PP. Liou Linsheng. Jonggwo Pyanwen Shyy. Hong Kong:

Commercial Press, 1962. [Reprint of Jonggwo Wenhuah Shyy Tsorngshu No. 1, 1937.1

Liu, James J. Y. The Art of Chinese Poetry (I1962) xii, 164

PP. Mei Tsu-lin and Kao Yu-kung. "Tu Fu's 'Autumn

Meditations': And Exercise in Lingustic Criticism," HJAS 28 (1968) 44-80.

Mussulman, Joseph A. "A Descriptive System of Musical Prosody," The Centennial Review 9:3 (Summer, 1965) 332- 347.

Pian, Rulan C. "The Function of Rhythm in the Peking Opera," in Jose Maceda, ed. The Musics of Asia. Manila, 1971 [papers read at a 1966 symposium], 114- 131.

Sachs, Curt. Rhythm and Tempo. W. W. Norton, 1953. Schlepp, Wayne. "Metrics in Yuan San-ch ii" [saancheul,

Wen-lin (1968) 85-109. [In a slightly revised form, most of this material makes a second appearance in Schlepp, San-chtu: Its Technique and Imagery (1970) 150 pp.]

Suen Chyan. Wenshyue Tzuohpiin dih Laangsonq.h Beei- jing: Jonggwo Chingnian Chubaan Sheh (1956) 108 pp. [ For the general reader. Prescriptive, hence of limited value. J

Wellek, R. and A. Warren. Theory of Literature. Third edition, 1956.

Wimsatt: see under Brooks. Yip Wai-lim, ed., tr. Modern Chinese Poetry. University of

Iowa Press, 1970. [There are remarks on the "cinematic" aspect of Classical Chinese poetry on pp. xiv and xxiii, to which one may compare my discussion of "montage rhythm" above.]



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Recitation of Chinese Poetry